Mexican-American War and the Media

The Royal mail steam-ship Caledonia arrived at this port shortly before 10 o’clock last night from Boston. The Caledonia left that city on the 16 inst., but brings Halifax accounts of the 19^th, one day later than our usual dates. The Cambria had arrived out at Halifax.

Our accounts from New York by this arrival extended to the close of the 15^th inst. In the interim since the despatch of our last advices nothing had transpired of any great importance with regard to the war. Letters of the 12^th from Washington published in the New York Journal of Commerce, state that Mr. Senator Bagby as Minister to the French Court. Mr. King was expected tot succeed Mr. Bagby in the senate. They also state that “the Mexican citizen who had been in correspondence with Mr. Buchanan in relation to the northern province of Mexico,” Mr. Buchanan declining to enter into any negotiation, would leave Washington on the 14^th . “M. Zeva,” says the corespondent of the Journal, “did not propose that the Northern Provinces should be annexed to the United States, but hat they should declare their independence, and that the United States should guarantee their independence. The provinces for which he assumed to speak were Tamaulipas, New Leon, Cohahuila, Chihuahua, and Durango. He says that the people of these states are not fit to come into this Union.” The proceedings of Congress on the 14 were uninteresting.

From the south accounts had been received announcing the quiet investment of Saltillo by General Worth, and the return of General Taylor to Monterey; and it is stated by the American journals that it was the intention of the General to concentrate at Tampico the whole of the forces not employed in garrisoning the several ports on the line of communication, with at view to future land operations against Vera Cruz. General Wool, with the army of the centre from Monclova, was expected to effect a junction with the army of the left at Monterey.

From the mouth of the Rio Grande we have accounts stating that large forces were being shipped for Tampico including a company Sappers and Miners arrived at the Brazos from New York, and the 4^th Regiment of Indiana volunteers. Some bold measures were fully anticipated.

From the Gulf squadron and other scenes of operations there are no later accounts. Many rumours were current in the southern American ports with regard to privateers; and in New Orleans the apprehensions entertained in consequence had acted favourably for British freights.

From the interior of Mexico we have yet no definite accounts.

In the domestic affairs of the Union there is nothing new. A discussion of the slavery question in Congress was expected.

The Payment of the Pennsylvania interest due in February next was beyond question.

Commercial affairs had been active. Cotton, since the last dates from Europe, b the Caledonia, to the 19^th ult., had steadily advanced both in prices and in demand; while for bread-stuffs the prices had declined, but the demand was still great, and very considerable shipments had been made, and were making, to Europe.

Money was in demand, but not scarce. There was timidity among the banks, mainly because of he operations of the law which exacts coin in payment of all dues to the United States, and it locks it up while in the treasury. The exchange on England ranged from 6 to 6 ¼; though there had been transactions at 5 ¾. The expectation still was, that a considerable amount in coin must necessarily, in such a state of the exchanges, find its way hither from England.

From Canada we have no accounts of importance. From Havannah dates to the 2d inst. had been received. The English mail-steamer from England due at Havannah on the 29^thult. Had not arrived up to 123 o’clock on the 2d. Fears for there safety were beginning to be felt. The new crop of molasses was beginning to come in.
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LT 1847 January 8, page 5f THE AFFAIRS OF MEXICO.

(From our own correspondent)

MEXICO, Nov. 29.

Beaten in every encounter by their hostile neighbours, and wholly unable to support he expense of a protracted war, the Mexicans are still averse to peace. “Let us gain a battle,” they say, “and then we will negotiate.” They forget both the extreme improbability of their with being accomplished, and that its fulfilment would only lead to more vigorous reprisals by the Americans. The loss of Monterey is admitted to be a misfortune and disgrace, but h blame is laid, as usual, on the commander. Santa Anna has collected about 20,000 men at San Luis Potosi, where it seems to be his intention to await the approach of the invaders. His ingenuity will be taxed to maintain this body of men together for any length of time, the ordinary resources of the Government being cut off by the blockade, and their credit wholly exhausted. To meet the most pressing necessities it has bee fond necessary by General Salas to decree a forced loan of 2,00,000 dollars, the repayment of which, at the expiration of two years, is to be gauranteed by the clergy’ the heads of the church, according to the decree, accepting bills at that date, with interest at 5 per cent. Per annum. One third of the loan will be received by Government in their own recognized paper, bearing interest; and an immense discount is offered for the instantaneous payment of the remainder. This measure (which of course does not apply to foreigners) has excited the utmost indignation on the part of the Mexican capitalists, who seem determined on opposing it, and it may be questioned if the Government of Salas is strong enough to overcome their resistance, particularly as the clergy show no great alacrity to fulfil their portion of the arrangement . The difficulty in procuring the sinews of war affords the best ground for anticipating the return of peaces to which Santa Anna, privately, is perhaps not averse, though in a late communication to General Taylor he asserted that no peace could be made while an American soldier remained in arms on Mexican ground. Of his dark and tortuous policy it is difficult to form an opinion. Collusion with the Americans is suspected, and the fact of his having been allowed to enter the harbour of Vera Cruz unchallenged by the blockading squadron is cited in support of he charge. He may have entered into some stipulations with the Government of the United States, but it does not by any means follow that he will now fulfil them. On the whole, the Americans would have acted more wisely in opposing his return. The Government of Bravo, with Garay as Minister, were anxious to treat for peace, and might have lasted long enough to accomplish it, if Santa Anna had been kept at a distance. Should the public voice or his own interest dictate a continuance of the war, Santa Anna is most formidable foe that the Americans could have found; in fact, the only one possessed of an ascendancy sufficient to organize and unite such means of resistance as Mexico contains. However, this may be the crisis of his fate. To fight a battle on the plains of San Luis, and lose it, would be utter ruin. On the other hand, to negotiate with out a struggle would confirm the suspicions already attached to his name. On the 15^th inst. General Taylor’s advanced guard was within six leagues of Saltillo, the capital of the state of Coahuila, and the only town between Monterey and San Luis. General Wool was in Monclova with 3,000 men, and about 3,000 more had crossed the river at the Presidio de Rio Grande, to unite with him. Whether this division is destined to reinforce General Taylor or to co-operate with General Kearney in the invasion of Chihuahua is unknown. It seems probable that if the Congress to assemble here on the 6^th of next month show no disposition to negotiate for peace with the United States, General Taylor will advance on San Luis, or Zacatecas, and ultimately, perhaps, to this city. To accomplish an undertaking of such magnitude (as respects the distance to be traversed), he will probably consider it necessary to assemble 20,000 men at Saltillo, a work of sometime; for by the latest accounts he had only 5,000 men at Monterey, and an equal number at Camargo. He will be supported, it is said, by a considerable force for Tampico, now in the hands of he Americans. The great object of the Cabinet of Washington in this war seems to be the acquisition of Upper California, to obtain which it is thought by well-informed persons, they might be induced to relinquish to territory between the Nueces and the Bravo, to which they now lay claim as a portion of Texas. How such an arrangement might be regarded in Europe I can form no opinion, but, if offered, the Mexicans would do well to accept it. Upper California is far too distant to be governed from Mexico, and will under any circumstances soon be populated from the United States, while the interposition of a barrier between Texas and Mexico, such as the district between the two rivers, is of vital importance to the latter.

The conversion of the deferred Mexican bonds I London is again a subject of discussion here. Last month it was supposed to be settled irrevocably by the order of the Minister, Senor Haro, to pay a dividend in London, and the natural conclusion was, that Santa Anna had sanctioned the operation. Without any great injustice to that personage, the same opinion may be still entertained, notwithstanding the extraordinary letter (of which I send you a translation) addressed by him to a confidential friend here, and published by his desire. He there disavows and disapproves the whole affair, and throws great blame on the ex-minister. It does not, however, necessarily follow that the arrangement can be unsettled, or that Santa Anna has any real objection to it.

Ministers of Finance succeed each other here with astonishing rapidity. The portfolio is now held by Don Lazaro Villamil, a devoted follower of Santa Anna.

Commercial affairs are stagnant. The consumption of all but articles of the first necessity has diminished, and the city wears a dull and gloommy aspet. No communication is allowed with the places occupied by the Americans, and, if Vera Cruz should fall into their hands, the last outlet for specie on the Atlantic will be closed. The result will be an extraordinary accumulation of the precious metals in the interior, and an injurious disturbance of the balance of exchange.

The town of San Juan Bautista, capital of he state of Tobasco, has been cannonaded by Commodore Perry. This severity seems to have been caused by the treachery of the Mexicans in firing on a flag of truce, and their absurd pertinacity in directing musketry against vessels armed with 42-pounders. The loss of life on this occasion is stated to be small, but the town is said to be greatly injured.
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LT 1847 January 8, page 6d MEXICAN LETTERS OF MARQUE

On Wednesday an office for granting letters of marque and reprisal, according to the decrees of the Mexican Government, was first opened in the vicinity of the Tower, being the first time that an occurrence of the kind has happened during the last 40 years in England.

The following are extracts from the official ordinances of the Mexican Government relating to this subject :-

“TO WHOM AND WITH WHAT CONDITIONS LETTERS OF MARQUE HAVE TO BE GIVEN.

“Art. 1. To obtain letters of marque against the United States during the present war, a patent from the Supreme Government will be required, which will be granted in the form and under the conditions prescribed in this regulation.

“Art. 2. The patent referred to in the foregoing article will only be granted to vessels of which the captain, officer, and other individuals appointed thereto, are Mexican citizens according to the laws of the Republic.

“Art. 3. Every individual who may wish to arm one or more privateers, shall deposit for each one a capital of net less than $4,000 should the vessel not exceed 100 tons, or $8,000 if of larger burden; or shall give security for like amount, to the satisfaction of the person who may furnish the patent.

“TO WHOM TO APPLY FOR OBTAINING SAID PATENTS.

“Art. 4. The requisition shall be addressed to the Supreme Government in the territory of the Republic, through the respective governors; and in foreign countries through the consuls, or authorized agents for this purpose.

“Art. 5. In the requisition shall be minutely expressed everything that may be necessary to give a circumstantial account of the vessel destined to cruise, its tonnage, force, equipment, and crew, on the understanding that it shall not be less than 60 tons.

“Art. 6. With letters of marque will also be given to the parties interested letters of commission for those in charge of the prizes, if they should solicity them, to the number which the functionary delivering the said patent may consider necessary, having in view the appointment of the vessel.

“ON THE PROTECTION WHICH HAS TO BE GIVEN TO THE OWNERS.

“Art. 9. The naval commanders, harbour masters, and other local authorities shall afford to the owners and captains of the privateers all the protection which they may need, and which may be in their power, in everything conducive to the quick armament of the vessels, permitting them to receive all he persons they may require, excepting those who may be in actual service on board the national vessels of war, coercing those who may resist to obey their orders, and prosecuting deserters, who shall be condemned to six years’ service in the army or navy, if they should be apprehended after the privateer shall bave made sail.

“Art. 10. Likewise they shall be furnished with arms of every description, powder, and shot, when they may be asked for and the service may not want them, giving out to them these last articles at the cost or costs, with a credit at the most of six months; if they should bot be able to make immediate payment, to take sufficient security for it. That which they may not consume during the period they shall return, the value thereof being credited to them.

“Art. 11. In case of shipwreck, or the vessel being taken, they shall be freed from all responsibility, both themselves and their securities, the loss or seizure being fully proved.

“ON THE RIGHTS OF THOSE EMPLOYED IN CRUISING, AND THE PRIVILIGES GRANTED TO THEM.

“Art. 12. All those who may be employed on board of privateering vessels shall be subject, in their internal police and regulations, to the ordinances of the navy, and shall enjoy the rights of the navy in all that may not relate the prizes.

“Art. 15. The individuals out of their crews who may be disabled from wounds received in action, and without the necessary supplies for their subsistence, shall have the same privileges as invalids of the navy, each one according to his class, and in conformity with the reports made by captains and commanders of the privateers, also consulting theron the respective commanders of the naval department.

“Art. 16. The widows of those who may die from like causes, and who should also be left without resources, shall enjoy pensions, which the Supreme Government may be pleased to grant them.

“ON THE ADJUDICATION AND DISTRIBUTION OF PRIZES.

“Art. 17. The owners and other individuals who may be employed privateering shall have entirely adjudicated to them, and without any reserve whatsoever, the prizes which they make, under the following regulation :-

“Art. 18. Moreover, should the vessels taken be of war, a gratuity of $60 shall be given for every cannon that may exceed 12 inclusively, $40 if they should exceed four, also inclusively; and $20 for every prisoner of he enemy’s forces; the amount of this gratuity exclusively belongs to the captain, subalterns, marines, and sailors of the privateering vessels, amongst whom it will be divided according to the wages which they may receive.

“WHAT VESSELS AND EFFECTS ARE TO BE CONSIDERED OF LAWFUL SEIZURE.

“Art. 24. Of lawful seizure are-

“1. Vessels of the enemy with all that they may carry on board belonging to them, whether or war, privateers, or merchant vessels.

“2. The cargo and effects of neutrals and Mexicans which may be found on board these said vessels, after sufficient time has elapsed for the declaration of war, proclaimed by the Government of the United States to the Mexican nation, being known.

“3. Vessels constructed by the enemy, or which may have belonged to the enemy, if the property be not sufficiently accredited or neutral.

“4. Those which may be navigated without patents or register that may prove their neutrality, their entire cargo, or part thereof, being, if they should be found in the same predicament, for want of the indispensable papers, the act alone of throwing papers into the sea, shall be sufficient motive for declaring them lawful seizure.

“5. Those which may be found without legal patent of sovereignty, state, or republic, having the authority for granting it.

“6. Those which may have it from one or more Powers.

“7. Those who may fight under other colours than the sovereign or state to whom their patent belongs. If these vessels, and those comprised in the foregoing paragraphs, should be armed for war, their captains and officers shall be reputed as pirates.

“8. Those which, after the national flag is hoisted, should refuse to lie to, and should provoke combat.

“9. Those which may navigate with the patent of the enemy in the terms expressed in the second paragraph.

“10. Those belonging to Mexicans and neutrals which may be armed for privateering under the Mexican flag, without having obtained permission from the Supreme Government, and accredited with the patent, their captains shall be treated as pirates.

“11. Those of pirates and mtineers returning to their owners should they appear within one year nd a day, and those also who can prove not to have taken part, directly or indirectly, in piracy, separating a third part of their total value for the benefit of those making the seizure.

“12. Vessels abandoned by the enemy, or which may be adrift form tempest, or any other acident, before being brought to safety, if it should not be known to whom they belong, for want of documents, or if they should not have their proper crew, and if the owners of them should not appear within a year and a day; adjudicating, under any circumstances, the third part to those taking them, the two remaining parts shall belong to the public treasury.

“13. Merchandize known in war to the contraband, on board of whatsoever vessel it may be found, if it be going to the country of he enemy, or point occupied by it. By contraband effects of war are understood to be the following :-Cannons, mortars, howitzers, swivel guns, blunderbusses, muskets, guns, carbines, rifles, pistols, pikes, swords, sabres, lances, harping-irons, battle-axes, grenades, shells, powder, matches, balls, and whatever other articles which may apply to arms; shields, helmets, breastplates, coats of mail, infantry and cavalry belts, uniforms of apparel for soldiers, horses with their trappings, and, lastly, every description of arms, or instruments of iron, steel, bronze, and copper, or other manufactured materials prepared and made for the purpose of waging war by sea or land.

“14. Provisions which maybe carried to the enemy’s camp, blockaded or besieged by the forces of the nation.

“15. The effects and merchandise which may be found on board neutral vessels, whenever the power to which they belong should not recognize the principle of exemption.

“ON THE CONDUCT TO BE OBSERVED BY PRIVATEERS AND VESSELS OF WAR.

“Art. 28. If a vessel should refuse to lie to after the Mexican flag has been hoisted, it shall be compelled to do so by force.

“Art. 29. If a vessel flying enters the waters of another Power, it should no longer be pursued; the seizure made on these waters shall be unlawful.

“Article 30. Should the enemy not respect this principle, claims will be made of he Power whose jurisdiction has been violated; and if a reparation should not be obtained it will be acted against, according to the orders which the Government may find it convenient to dictate.

“Art. 49. It is prohibited, under the penalty of from two to 10 years’ hard labour, to drove on shore, sink, or burn the vessel captured, unless without absolute necessity; and if, in consequence thereof, one or more of those on board should perish, then, and for such offence, shall the punishment of death be inflicted upon him who gave the order for the act, and, in default of such order, upon the actual perpetrators.

“Art. 50. It shall only be allowed to sink or burn the vessel when it shall be impossible in any other way to prevent its falling into the hands of the enemy, releasing before all things every one there may be on board, and taking all the papers; any omission with respect to the first shall be punished as directed in the second part of the Article 49; and with respect to the second, with from two to 10 years’ hard labour.

“Art. 51. The same penalty of death shall the captain incur who leaves the crew of he vessel to perish, if it should go to pieces in consequence of the action, and when he, being able to save the lives, does not do so.

“Art. 52. The same penalty shall be incurred if they are abandoned on the desert coasts or islands.

“Art. 53 Prisoners of war shall be treated with all humanity and moderation, paying to every one the consideration due to his rank, until they are delivered over to the military of political authority of the first part of the Republic where they shall arrive, taking the necessary certificate.

“ON THE PORTS WHERE THE PRIZES ARE TO BE TKEN.

“Art. 59. The prizes shall be conducted to the commercial ports of the Republic; but, if there should be any danger of falling into the enemy’s hands, they may then take them to those of the coasting trade.

“Art. 60. When the prizes are made at places very distant form the coast of he Republic, and near ports of neutral Powers, they may be taken to the nearest where they may be permitted, having a consul or Mexican agent, and there be sold, should it undoubtedly belong to the enemy, in the judgment of the said consul. Excepting these cases, this measure shall only be taken when, without real danger, it cannot arrive at the ports of the Republic.”
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LT 1847 January 13, page 5c LETTER OF MARQUE.

TO THE EDITOR OF THE TIMES.

Sir,-I am a faithful, though sometimes a laggard reader of your influential paper, and it is only now, in getting through arroars, that I have perceived the intelligence in your Friday’s paper, headed, “Mexican Letters of Marque,” with an announcement that “on Wednesday and office for granting Letters of Marque and Reprisals, according to the decree of he Mexican Government, was first opened in the vicinity of the Tower, being the first time that an occurrence of the kind has happened during the last 40 years in England.”

You add extracts from the official ordinances of he Mexican Government, relating to the subject.

So announced in you columns, I trust the attention of the Government, and of the public, will be awakened to the inquiry, “are these things so?”

In this city, the centre of the civilization of the whole world, in the middle of the 19^th century, “can these things be so?” and that a foreign consul sent here, and entertained here for purposes only of commerce and of peace, has dared publicly to open an office, where, on English ground, and in the bosom of this empire, for the base and filthy hope of gain, for the unmitigated lust of lucre, shall be publicly bartered for, the remaining virtue, honour, honesty, and good feeling of our merchants and ship-owners!

On the one hand, shall we be content to enforce at our police-courts our Foreign Enlistment Bill, and on the other hand, if he letter of the law, of that or any other statute , does not reach such a case as the traffic in letters of marque, shall an order of council be withheld to put down, and in a moment, this much more intolerable offence?

I am no friend to the Flores expedition to Ecuador, nor advocate for the North Americans in their unjust aggressions upon Mexico. I wish the Mexicans every success, and that they may become the instruments of Providence to teach to the North Americans humility. But I am an enthusiast in the desire to preserve my countrymen, and their principles, from pollution, and the temptation towards it.

“For 40 years (you say) has not an occurrence of he kind happened in England!”

For 32 years England has enjoyed, in Europe, the blessings of peace.

In this season of peace, when men’s passions may be considered cool, and temptation at a distance, I have thought that reason might be appealed to against the sin and the evils of privateering.

So thinking, for nearly 25 years, as opportunities have been given to me, I have, sometimes in print, and sometimes by word of mouth, and by correspondence, invited men’s minds to the consideration of the fitness of an international law for the extinction of privateering.

Why should war upon the sea be conducted on principles less humane than war upon the land?

Is such a thing heard of, in the most justifiable war, as the raising of a troop for independent action, and the licensed pillage of private property in an enemy’s land?-a regiment of freebooters and robbers! Yet, why should private property be respected in general cases on land, and free license be given for its plunder upon the sea? Is the merchant less worthy of protection than the husbandman or the artisan?

Why should the delusive hope of “a profitable little war on private account” be allowed to corrupt our merchants, and form a school of piracy and disgrace?

Benjamin Franklin was the first, within my reading, who felt and wrote rightmindedly on this subject; and that, at a time when his countrymen were the people most likely to be tempted to avail themselves of a “buccaneering spirit” against our merchant vessels.

Prussia, as yet, has the honour to be the only European power that has consecrated the principle of repudiating privateering on the face of a public treaty.

How small is the demarcation between privateering and piracy! In the present case, a few inches of parchment-not from our own Sovereign, but from a foreign and factious republic-by the hands of a consul “accredited for trade and protection,” but now abusing his office to corrupt and to seduce. I have said how small is the demarcation between privateering and piracy. I say, also, that the effect upon those employed in either way is identical-equally demoralizing and brutalizing’ nor has it ever been that, as a whole, the profit of privateering has reimbursed one-fifth of the expenses of these ungodly and ungracious enterprizes, whatever single instances may have been put forward of individual gain.

Even without the inter diction, by international law, of formal treaties to that end, one might reasonably have hoped that the progress of civilization, and the improved morality of nations, would have been sufficient to have put down the most odious enormity of barbarous times.

You constant subscriber of 40 years,

665.
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LT 1847 January 15, page 6b

TO THE EDITOR OF THE TIMES.

Sir,-As I believe my house is alluded to in your papers of this day as “an office for the sale of letters of marque and reprisal against the vessels of the United States,” I will endeavour to convince you that you have written upon wrong information.

On Monday, the 4^th inst., I procured one of he first copies of the decree of he Mexican Government, and sent an advertisement to The Times, as follows:-“The decrees of the Mexican Government granting letters of marque against the United States may be seen at the factory of Frederic Barnes, gun-maker, Union-row, Tower-hill,” which your paper refused to insert.

The decrees have been read by many, for whose information I made the notice public, viz., owners and captains of ships. I have no power to grant letters of marque, and I am not aware they can be procured from anyone resident in this country.

I am, Sir, you obedient servant,

FREDERIC BARNES.

3, Union-row, Tower-hill, Jan-13.
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LT 1847 January 18, page 4d

To those persons who are capable of appreciating the self-complacent modesty by which a grave Republic excuses a great aggression, and the specious names by which she describes it, the instructions issued by the Navy and War Departments of the United States to the officers of both services engaged in the Mexican expedition will suggest matter for reflection, not unmixed with diversion. To those who seek for an explanation of national conduct and character in national institutions, we do not think that they will supply any additional reasons for admiring the Government of the United States.

It is curious to notice the foregone conclusion of the American Government long before the war was begun. So far back as June, 1845, it had its eye on the opening chapter of accidents. The difficulty was how to force the initiative on Mexico. But this once begun, the course of consequences was clearly chalked out. Tit is highly amusing to read the instructions sent from Washington, and to compare their avowed and ostensible desire of peace with their earnest preparation for and anticipation of war. In June, 1845, the Secretary for he Navy Department thus addresses the Commodore in the Pacific:-“It is the earnest desire of the President

“to pursue the policy of peace……Should Mexico, however, be resolutely bent on hostilities(!), you will be mindful to protect the persons and interests of citizens of the United States near your station…. The Mexican ports on the Pacific are said to be open and defenceless. If you ascertain with certainty that Mexico has declared war against the United States, you will at once possess yourself of the port of San Francisco, and blockade or occupy such other ports as your force may permit.’ It is true that the Commodore is here ordered to ascertain that Mexico has declared war against his country; but when was the commander of a hostile fleet at a loss to interpret a constructive declaration of war? He was to protect the persons and interest of American citizens. Of course; this was natural. But the presence of an American fleet might expose them to danger of to insult. They might be attacked, mobbed, or merely frightened. In any case they might claim the protection of their own ships; and who doubts but that a sharp officer would quickly light this up into a strong casus belli ? There never will be wanting a good opportunity to a dexterous officer, who is ordered to prepare against the determined hostilities of a foe whom he wishes to attack, particularly when he is lying off “open and defenceless ports.”

But though San Francisco was to be taken and California annexed, these things were to be done as cheaply as possible. The model Republic is in her novicate of aggression. She has a strong appetite for conquest, but her sinews are not yet fully braced, and her powers of action do not equal her powers of conception. Men and money are the vulgar instruments of warfare; but men and money are not to be obtained for noting. As little shot and powder as possible-as much soft sawder as you please; this is the plan of American warfare, and a very economical one it is, particularly where you have to deal with an enemy of no very decided energies. “Even,” so proceed the instructions, “should you be compelled to occupy San Francisco and other Mexican ports, you will be careful to preserve, if possible, the most friendly relations with the inhabitants.” Again, You can readily conduct yourself in such a manner as will render you occupation of San Francisco, and other ports, a benefit to the inhabitants (!).” But the next passage contains a still cooler plan of annexation;-“In taking possession of the harbours, you will, if possible, endeavour to establish the supremacy of he American flag without any strife with the people of California.” Now, this is certainly the most economical mode of acquiring territory we ever heard of. Only the question naturally occurs, if all this can be done so cheaply-if harbours can be blockaded-if provinces can be subjugated, without striking a blow-why go through the form of equipping fleets and armaments? Why not send a drab deputation from Pennsylvania, or some bold adventurers form Michigan, or some members of the Universal Peace Association, bearing the “stars and stripes” in their hands, and soliciting all Mexico and California to fraternize? If all the Western Hemisphere is only panting for an opportunity to become part and parcel of he model Republic, what need of the New York volunteers and the 1,000 horsemen? If California has already adopted a sympathetic attachment to the States, why should the latter go to war with Mexico? “If California”-thus it is written in the despatch of June 8, 1846-“separates herself from our enemies, the central Mexican Government, and establishes a Government of its own, under the auspices of he American flag, you will take such measures as will best promote the attachment of the people of California to the United States, will advance their prosperity, and will make their vast region a desirable residence for emigrants from our soil.” Attachment! Convey, the wise it call.” It is curious to observe the facility which American Statesman have in detecting the latent affections of their neighbours. Texas, we presume, was similarly “attached;” and opened a “residence equally desirable for emigrants from their soil.” We should have imagined that after all these directions the following hint would be wholly superfluous, at least to so intelligent an officer as the American Commodore:- “You will bear in mind that this country desires to find in California a friend, not a foe; to e connected with it by near ties(!); to hold possession of it -at least during the war (!): and to hold that possession, if possible, with the consent of its inhabitants.” This may, to some, appear the very consummation of triumphant impudence. It bears a sort of rude approximation to the style of Henry V.-just as much as the Blueskin would to that of Achilles:-“It is not possible (illegible word) me you should love the enemy of France; but in loving me you will love the friend of France; for I love France so well that I will not part with a village of it. I will have it al mine.” But-tough they agree in their with to have it al theirs-the two invaders differ as to the means of achieving their conquest. Henry V. had not the oily demureness of President Polk; but then it is true he did not wage war with Californians. The President has had the advantage of a more profound education. He can utter cutting jokes with the gravest face. What a sarcastic commentary upon an expedition sent 3,000 miles off by land, and some multiples of that distance by sea, to tell the commanding officer that he hopes to get possession of the invaded country with the consent of its inhabitants! It is “keen, devilish keen.” They can relish a dry joke in the States.

But this is not the climax of impudence. W should have liked much to see the expression of Mr. Mason’s face while he dictated these words-after all the preparations of brigadiers, commodores, cannons and frigates:-

“The existing war with Mexico has been commenced by her. Every disposition was felt and manifested by the Unite States Government to procure redress for the injuries of which we complained, and to settle all complaints on her part in the spirit of peace and of justice which has ever characterized our intercourse with foreign nations.”

Why are such comic powers wasted on red-tapery?”

The state papers of he New World” flog” those of the Old to tatters. There is no parallel between their plans and ours-their conquests and our conquests. We proceed on an old, trite, and costly path. They have a new, brazen Brummagem, cheap way of doing business. They get into collision with a weak State, blockade its ports, blarney its people, and, without the glory of contention or expense of corruption, quietly “attach” a new province, “impressed with their justice, grateful for their clemency, and prepared to love their institutions and honour their flag!”
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LT 1847 January 25, page 5b. AMERICA

LIVERPOOL, SATURDAY.

Accounts from Boston to the 5^th inst. inclusive have been received by the arrival of he packet-ship Anglo-Saxon, after a short run of 18 days.

The accounts thus received add little to our previous information. From Washington we learn that on the 2d inst. the House of Representatives, by a vote of 115 to 48, resolved “that it is inexpedient to levy any duty on tea and coffee.” The decision of the house was given without the slightest debate.

The Sub-Treasury Bill had come into operation.

General Scott left New Orleans for Tampico on the 13^th ult. Accounts from Tampico rumour that a large body of Mexican cavalry had been observed in the vicinity. The British ship-of-war Alarm, Lieutenant Mayo, had rrived in the port: the captain had been left indisposed at Vera Cruz. From the Rio Grande the accounts merely note the continuance of he movements consequent upon the changed plan of operations. The 3d and 4^th Illinois Regiments, the Tennessee Regiment of Cavalry, and other troops, were either about the start of had started from Matamoras en route for Tampico via Moquete. The three regiments together amounted to 1,800 men. Great sickness existed at Matamoras. Several Americans had been murdered on the route to Camargo and Monterey. From the latter place we learn, that on the 12^th of December General Taylor would start for Tampico, via Victoria, with one division of the army and a portion of a brigade. It was reported that General Urrea, with a troop of 6,000 Mexican cavalry, was at Victoria. It was reported, also, that Santa Anna had assembled a force of 28,000 men at San Luis. The Chief, it is said, had imprisoned Ampudia and other officers on a charge of cowardice. General Wool remained at Parras, and General Worth at Saltillo.

Mexico had been again the scene of intestine disturbances. The state of Tobasco, resenting the neglect with which the central Government treated the applications of the department for assistance at the time of Commodore Perry’s recent attack upon Tobasco, had issued a pronunciamento declaring independence.

Yucatan, also, was involved in disturbance. Campeachy had pronounced against the reunion of the department with the central Government.

Canadian journals to the 30^th of December add nothing to our last accounts.

Havannah advices to the 20^th of December had been received. They merely state, that a Yucatecos steamer had managed to enter the harbour, in the face of the United States vessel of war cruizing on that ground, by hoisting the British flag.
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LT 1847 January 30, page 5c MEXICAN GENERALS

MEXICAN GENERALS.-Not the least important items in the recent news from Mexico are those which relate to the distribution and organization of the Mexican army. That army numbers 41,000 men, of whom 25,000 are with Santa Anna, in the city of San Luis de Potosi, 8,000 in the fertile vale of San Francisco, and a like number at Tula, a town distant from San Luis 80 miles, and from Tampico 120. Of the 8,000 men at Tula, 2,500 have ben formed into a corps of observation, and the command thereof given to General Jose Manuel Urrea. Very few military adventurers have experienced greater vicissitudes of fortune than this Urrea. He is a native of the department of Sonora y Sinaloa-and during the war of independence fought in the ranks of the patriots, at the age of 20. It is said he defeated, at that early age, a body of Spanish troops under circumstances highly creditable to himself. When Santa Anna invaded Texas I 1836, he gave to Urrea the command of a brigade; and throughout the campaign Urrea conducted himself to the perfect satisfaction of his chief, but scarcely to that of the friends of humanity-for it was he who presided at the execution of the prisoners taken at Goliad. Execution did we call it? It was a murder; and as foul a one as ever man perpetrated, or God avenged. Yet we will do Urrea the justice to say, that in conversation he often regrets the share he had in the massacre of the Texans, though he endeavours to exculpate himself in this manner; “What under the circumstances could I do? My orders to shoot the prisoners were explicitly and peremptory; and you know that it is a soldier’s duty to obey the orders of his superior, not to question their propriety.” This Urrea spent the 18 months that suceeded the battle of San Jacinta, in comparative obscurity. Soon after that battle hi received from the President (Bustamente) the Governorship of Sonora y Sinaloa. But the Government of a remote district of Mexico-a district almost beyond the confines of civilization-and the population of which is not one-half of that of the city of New York, could not satisfy the ambitious and active-minded Urrea. SO, in 1838 he “pronounced” for federalism, and commenced a war with the central government, which lasted four years. During that period Urrea must have fought 20 or 30 battles and skirmishes, of some of which the western coast of Mexico was the scene; of others the eastern. In some he was signally successful; in others he had the greatest difficulty in escaping with his life. Urrea is barely 50 years of age, though the hard life he has led has given him a somewhat older appearance. His manners are very polished, resembling those of a French general of the old regime. His administrative talents are good. It cannot be denied that he is an accomplished general; but at the same time it must be admitted that he is sometimes wanting in decision, when decision is most wanted. It is worthy of not, that the corps which Urrea now commands is composed of the very best infantry regiments in the Mexican service-these are the Cortagnardia, of Tampico, the Puebla regiment, and the corps of veterans. May we not infer from this circumstance that Santa Anna has assigned to Urrea an enterprise of “great pith and moment!”- New York Herald.
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LT 1847 February 6 page 8e. MEXICAN PRIVATEERS

MEXICAN PRIVATEERS.-It is understood that three Mexican privateers have been fitted out and despatched. They sailed under Spanish names. The object is said to be to stop outward-bound American shipping which may have specie on board. The report, or the fact, is already creating a difficulty in insurances.-Sun.
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LT 1847 February 9, page 6e. THE AFFAIRS OF MEXICO.

(FROM OUR OWN CORRESPONDENT.)

Mexico, Dec. 30.

The proceedings of Mexican legislators are proverbially tardy; yet it was thought that the novel and alarming situation of the country, invaded by a powerful enemy, and suffering the severe effects of a blockade since May last, would induce the Congress, which was installed here on the 6^th inst., to give its earnest and immediate attention to the American proposals to negotiate for peace, particularly as the reverses sustained by the Mexican arms have too clearly demonstrated their incapacity to bring the war to a successful termination. The result has not justified that expectation. True to the vain and frivolous character which has distinguished the Mexican people since the hour of their emancipation from the sway of Spain, the present Congress has devoted all its energies to the miserable intrigues of party, regardless of the danger which menaces their existence as a nation, or referring to it only as a political clap-trap for electioneering purposes. The subject which has latterly excluded all others here has been the election of a President ad interim , until the new constitution (which, like the numerous codes that have preceded it, is intended to secure the permanent happiness of Mexico) shall have been framed by the wisdom of Congress. Santa Anna would have liked matters to continue as they were. General Salas was sufficiently under his influence to prevent any measure positively disagreeable to the Commander-in-chief from receiving the sanction of a Government of which he was the head. But the Liberal party had other views. They saw the necessity of yielding the provisional presidency to Santa Anna (whose position at the head of he army forbids his assuming the control of the Executive), but by electing a vice-president also, according to the constitution of 1824, which they cite as their text, they secured the effective exercise of power, at least for a time, to the latter. The elections have terminated in conformity with this scheme, General Santa Anna being named President, and Don Valentin Gomez Farias Vice-President of the Republic-a result most unpalatable to the former, who finds himself in possession, indeed, of the highest title, but really subject to the orders of an ancient foe, now by the force of circumstances converted into a doubtful ally. Since Santa Anna’s return he has shown on more than one occasion a disposition to resume his old despotic habits, and there can be no doubt that he would now gladly seize any opportunity to overturn Gomez Farias, to Congress, and the federal system, which he found it expedient to embrace as a means of returning from exile. If guided by his own inspirations Don Valentin is not unlikely to afford some pretext for another revolution. Years have not tamed his enthusiastic devotion to democratic principles, in their widest sense; and, without any imputation on his private integrity, he shows a passionate eagerness to confiscate the property of the church not surpassed in intensity by the avarice of Santa Anna himself. The rev. fathers are sorely beset. Santa Anna, when dictator, permitted them to retain possession of their property, but prevented any tendency to repletion by frequent and severe exactions, not always, it may be presumed, applied to the public service. Goez Farias, from an excess of patriotism, wold strip them altogether. In their extremity they are not unlikely to coalesce with their old tyrant, through aware that from him protection must be purchased at a heavy rate.

The Vice-President has addressed a brief speech to Congress, in which he urged the necessity of continuing the war with the United States until they evacuate the Mexican territory. Senor Gomez Farias is probably not without a personal motive in this. While the war lasts, Santa Anna will be excluded from Civil power, and the oftener the Mexicans are beaten, the easier will it be hereafter to get rid of the army, which all true Federalists hold in abhorrence. In the present Government of Mexico the sword is superseded by the gown. Ortiz, a priest from Guadalaxara, has been named Minister of Justice; Senor Ramirez, for Foreign Affairs; and Senor Zubieta, for the Department of Finance. The two latter are lawyers of the same liberal school in politics as Gomez Farias, whose original profession was medicine. The War Department has been given to General Canalizo, a mere soldier, devoteed to Santa Anna. He has just returned from Europe, having shared his leader’s exile and recall.

Beyond strengthening their positions, the American army has made little progress during this month, one of the finest in the year for active operations. General Worth remains in Saltillo, and the small town of Parras, about 30 leagues west of that city, is occupied by General Wool. General Taylor is said to be moving part of his forces towards Tampico, which the Americans are fortifying strongly. At sea they have met with nothing but disasters, and a very low estimate of the American navy is growing up in the minds of the Mexicans, who remember the dashing style in which the French took the castle of San Juan de Ulloa, and were not prepared to see the Americans pass fully eight months in looking at it. Even the blockade of the coast is not effectively maintained, various vessels having succeeded in entering the port of Alvarado. At Tabasco Colonel Traconis has made a pronunciamiemento, declaring that paltry state independent. It was surmised that his object was to open communications with the Americans, but nothing is yet known here to confirm that suspicion, though it is difficult to account for the proceeding on any other grounds. The annual fair of San Juan de los Lagos has taken place as usual. Salesare stated to have bad, except of goods introduced under peculiar circumstances by the west coast. The fair trader(in another sense) in Mexico has enormous difficulties to contend with, from the heavy import and internal duties to which he is subject, and from the exceptional cases which are continually occurring to his prejudice. After the goods are sold, the exportation of specie, in which the return in made, is burdened with a duty of no less than 10 per cent., exclusive of he expense of conveyance to the coast, freight, insurance, &c. To these local legislature of Zacatecas has just added a tax of two per cent. On the extraction of specie from that state. This is one of he fruits of the Federal system, under which each state assumes the right of levying contributions, and the example will doubt be followed by others. It is not surprising that the sufferers from this remorseless taxation ardently desire the success of the United States in their present enterprise, and would gladly see the barrier of he stars and stripes permanently planted in this capital.

From the mines, those seemingly exhaustless deposits of treasure, the returns this year have been large. Guanazuato and Zacatecas are flourishing, and the produce of he Real del Monte has increased. The El Oro Company have also ver flattering prospects. A considerable quantity of iron (the use of which was unknown to the aborigines) is now produced in the neighbourhood of Zimapan, and, favoured by the blockade, meets with a ready sale.

The conversion of the Mexican bonds in London is still a subject of acrimonious controversy in the journals here, and will probably be discussed in Congress. In the meantime, Santa Anna applies the tobacco revenue (on which the bondholders have alien) without scruple to military purposes, and will, no doubt, continue to do so until the conclusion of the war.
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LT 1847 February 12, page 6c AMERICA.

Accounts from New York to the 23d ult. inclusive have been received at Liverpool, by the arrival of the packet-ship Queen of the West, Captain Woodhouse. The Queen of the West left New York on the 23d ult., passed Holyhead at an early hour on Wednesday evening, and entered the Mersey yesterday morning, having accomplished the entire run in the space of little more than 18 days.

The accounts received by this arrival from the scene of war confirm our anticipations that the movement against Saltillo had been merely a feint, if even so much. The force observed in the vicinity of that post would now appear to have been simply a foraging or reconnoitiring party. General Taylor had consequently continued his advance from Monterey for Victoria, where, it was understood, a Mexican force of 5,000 cavalry, under General Urrea, was stationed. The New Orleans journals now reduce their estimates of Santa Anna’s force at San Luis to 10,000 men, and, more than this, now state that they are poorly provisioned, badly clothed, and scantily supplied with arms and ammunition. The official journal contains the following official account of General Taylor’s movements during the apprehended crisis:-

“Despatches have been received from General Taylor, dated the 22d of December, near Monterey, representing that he had left that place on the 15^th, for Victoria, having previously put in motion the troops destined for that point. At Montemorelos a junction was effected on the 17^th with the 2d Infantry and 2d Tennessee Regiment of Foot from Camargo; and it was intended, with the whole force (3,500men) to march, on the 19^th, for Victoria. But on the evening of his arrival at Montemorelos, a despatch arrived from General Worth, commanding at Saltillo, with the intelligence that Santa Anna designed to take advantage of the division of force towards Victoria, and, by a rapid movement, to strike a heavy blow at Saltillo; and, if successful, then at General Wool’s force at Parras. Under these circumstances, and with no means of judging how far this information might be well-founded, the General returned to Monterey with the regular force, in order to be in a position to reinforce Satillo, if necessary. The volunteers under General Wuitman, reinforced by a field battery, were ordered to continue their march, and effect a junction with General Patterson at Victoria, while General Taylor returned to Monterey with General Twigg’s division, now increased by the 2d Infantry.

“IN the meantime General Butler and General Wool, being advised by GeneralWorth of a probable attack upon his position, moved rapidly to join him with all the available force at Parras and Monterey, while orders were despatched by General Butler to hasten up troops from the rear. The latter General proceeded in person to Saltillo, and assumed command agreeably to instructions which had been given by General Taylor before his departure to meet a case like this.

“General Taylor had proceeded beyond Monterey on his way to Saltillo, when he was met on the 20^th, by a despatch from the post, announcing the early arrival of General Wool’s column, and also that the expected concentration and movement of the Mexican troops upon that position had not taken place-indeed, that their advanced posts had rather been withdrawn. Deeming the force there and soon to be at Saltillo quite sufficient to repel any demonstration at this season from San Luis Potosi, General Taylor did not think it worth while to throw forward General Twigg’s division to that place, and after resting it a day, designed putting it again in march for Victoria, to which point he was to proceed himself.

“General Patterson was supposed to be then well on his march from Matamoras to Victoria, when his division, except the Alabama rangers (in garrison at Tampico), will be brought together. With a force holding in observation the passes from Tula, the garrison at Tampico may be reduced with advantage to the service.”

From the squadron in the Gulf at Anton Lizardo we have accounts up to the close of December. That portion of the crew of the unfortunate brig-of-war Somers which, on the occasion of her wreck, reached the shore had been released on parole by the Mexicans. A reconnaissance of the fortifications of San Juan de Ulloa had been made.

From Laguna we learn, that 900lb. of powder were captured, 50 soldiers disarmed, and 15 cannon destroyed at the capture of that town by Commander Perry. The following is the official account:-

“United States ship Mississippi, Anton

Lizardo, Dec. 27, 1846.

“Sir,-In conformity with your instructions of the 16^th inst., I left this anchorage with the Mississippi on the 17^th (having in tow the Vixen, Commander J. R. Sands; Bonita, Lieutenant-Commandant Bennham; and Petrel, Lieutenant-Commandant Shaw), and proceeded direct to Laguna de las Termines.

“Arriving off that port on the 20^th, I placed myself on board the Vixen, and, with the Bonita, Petrel, and four barges, all in tow of the Vixen, I crossed the bar, and anchored after nightfall opposite the town without resistance from the enemy.

“In the morning I sent Commander J. R. Sands and Lieutenant James L. Parker to the Military Commandant and other authorities of the town, demanding its unconditional surrender, which demand, after some little demur, was submitted to.

“During the day I caused the arms of the few soldiers left the garrison to be delivered up’ the powder found in the magazines to be embarked in a lighter ready to go on board the Mississippi’ the two forts taken possession of, the American colours hoisted upon them, and the guns and carriages destroyed.

“After completing all these and other necessary arrangements, and leaving Commander Sands, with the Vixen and Petrel, in command of the place, I sailed on the morning of the 23d, in this ship, with the Bonita in tow, for the Tobasco.

“Arriving off that river, I directed Lieutenant-Commandant Benham, in the Bonita, to anchor inside the bar, and to assume command of the small blockading force stationed there.

“Having sent Commodore Adams ashore to collect information, the period of his absence was occupied in adding about 10,000 gallons to our stock of water.

“Leaving the bar of Tobasco on the evening of the 25^th, I shaped my course to the westward, and traced the coast along, sufficiently near to discover the smallest boat, looking into the mouths of the principal rivers, and particularly those of Santa Anna, Goaasacoalcos, and Alvarado.

“Off the latter named, I this morning captured and towed to this anchorage the Spanish schooner Isabel, a few hours from Alvarado, bound to Havannah, and the Mexican schooner Amerlia, from the same place, bound also to Havannah.

“The printed papers herewith sent will inform you that another of the political changes so frequent in Yucatan has recently taken place.

“With great respect, dear sir,

“Your obedient servant,

“M.C. PERRY.

“Commodore D. Conner, Commander naval forces,
Gulf of Mexico.”

The fortifications of Alvarado and Tobasco had been refortified.

From the Pacific we have no later advices.

Mexican accounts of a more minute character are published in the American journals, and communicate the speech of Mariano Salas on opening the Constituent Congress, the details regarding the capture of Los Angelos in California, &c. A long report, we learn, had been made by a select committee of the Congress, in which the monthly expenditures of the army under Santa Anna were estimated at $308,789, and those of the garrison at Vera Cruz at $80,00 peer month. The whole extraordinary expenses of the war for six months are estimated at $3,600,000. The deficit in the ordinary revenues for the six months was estimated at $884,496, which the committee proposed to supply by requiring payment in advance for a year of the direct contributions imposed by previous laws in 1841, 1842, and 1843. The first article of the bill submitted by them declared that the expenses of the war with the United States should be paid in preference to any other demands upon the Treasury. This report and bill were submitted on the 23d of December.

From Yucatan we have further indistinct accounts. They add nothing to our hopes that the department will extricate itself from the intestine struggles which now disturb and injure its commerce. Campeachy would appear to be fully alive to the damage inflicted upon the prospects of the department by the blockade instituted by the United States. The manifesto issued by the revolutionary chief, Barret, had reduced the tax on each Yucatecos to 1 ½ reals monthly. It is said, that a Commission was to be sent to the city of Washington to procure a recognition of the independence of the country; and Commodore Connor had been requested not to attack their towns in the meantime. The manifesto is couched in language to the effect that the union with Mexico exposes Yucatan to “all the evils of war with a powerful nation, which heretofore has manifested the greatest consideration to the country, and which possesses the means of reducing it to the greatest misery by the simple prohibition of exporting its own productions, the sole resource of subsistence for the inhabitants;” and it calls upon all the inhabitants of Yucatan “to join this movement, professing that it is adopted in the spirit of self-preservation, and not with any unkind or hostile feelings towards the Mexican people, for whose happiness, prosperity, and growing strength, they put up the most fervent aspirations.”

The proceedings of Congress since our accounts of the 15^th ult. had been of an interesting but miscellaneous cast; the principal point of note being the refusal of the House of Representatives-ayes 50, nays 60-to receive a bill to appropriate the sum of $2,000,000 for the use of the Executive in regard to Mexico. A similar bill, but for an increased amount of $3,000,000, was introduced into the Senate on the 19^th ult. by Mr. Sevier, of the Committee on Foreign Relations; but no “action” had been had on the bill up to our last accounts. Mr. Sevier premised the introduction of the bill, with the remark that “a speedy close of the war would result from the appropriation.” On the same day a bitter dispute occurred between Colonel Benton and Mr. Calhoun upon a point of form; and, as a indication of the acrimonious feeling which prevails between the Cabinet and the hon. Senator, it is observed that the official journal had absolutely “dared” Mr. Calhoun to introduce the motion which, according to rumour, he contemplated-that the operations of he army and navy should be hence-forth simply confined to the retention and defence of the present acquisitions of he republic. From a document published in the New York journals we learn that this policy is also advocated by General Taylor; and from the same source we learn, also, that Saltillo, according to that commander’s views, is the extreme point to which, on that line, the American troops should advance. The General complains of the want of means of transport-views Vera Cruz as the point whence to reach the capital-and declares a levy of 15,000 volunteers necessary. The date of the letter is not given. The proceedings of Congress had also included a variety of measures for the increase of the pay and grant of lands to the volunteers in the Mexican war, and several resolutions had been adopted calculated to draw from the Executive information relative to the finances, the war, &c. In the House, also, on the Oregon Bill, the slavery question had been again touched upon, more especially in regard to the questioned power of he Central Government of he Union the prohibit slavery in newly acquired territories. In the House, on the 21^st ult., on the Treasury Note Bill, amendments were offered to repeal the tariff of 1846, to impose an additional duty on articles not taxed, and to levy a duty on tea and coffee. The amendments were, however, either lost or declared to be out of order. In the Senate, on the 22d, a resolution was offered by Mr. Cilley, setting forth-

“That speedy and honourable peace with Mexico is exceedingly desirable; that the constitution does not provide for holding foreign territory, nor for incorporating foreign nations with the Union; and that the President be requested to withdraw our troops to some point in the United States on or near the boundary line.”

On the same day, in debate on the Ten Regiments Bill from the Lower House, the Senate rejected-ayes 14, nays 48-a resolution offered by Mr. Houston to change the troops named in the bill from regulars to volunteers, and to make the officers elective.

Washington letters renew rumours previously current with regard to the retirement of Mr. Walker from the Treasury. The Washington Un ion remarks, with regard to a rumour to the effect-

“That General Taylor has been recalled from the army of Mexico, and that the Castle of San Juan de Ulloa is not to be attacked, and also that Commander Perry will not return to the Gulf of Mexico, that ‘Government is in possession of the ultimate conditions on which Mexico will consent to make a peace with the United States, and that it has determined to accede to them, if Congress will enable the Executive to meet the views of Mexico.’ We know not upon what authority these things have been reported, but certain it is we do not believe there is any adequate authority or foundation for either of these statements.”

Mr. Mason, the Secretary of the Navy, had been elected senator for Virginia.

A bill had been introduced into Congress to restrict the importation of foreign paupers and criminals into the United States.

Commercial reports are important. The Hibernia accounts had not arrived at New York up to our latest accounts; but the Quebec (late London) advices had been received, and had advanced the rates for cotton and given firmness to the market for breadstuffs. Exchange was quoted at 106 to 106 ½ per cent. Premium. Money had become more abundant. A large quantity of specie was expected by the steamer from Liverpool. Exports continue to be large’ imports were moderate. Shipping continued in great demand, and to London and different parts of Ireland there had been an increased request. The American Government had taken up a large number of vessels as transport ships for the Gulf of Mexico. The weather was rather more severe. The thermometer at New York, on the 23d, at noon, stood at 21 deg. The St. Lawrence, we learn, was frozen over at Ogdensburg, and teams could cross the stream. Philadelphia letters stated that the river was much obstructed by ice. New Orleans dates are to the 13^th ult. W subjoin a detailed report.

The Pennsylvanian debt interest would be paid on the 1^st inst., in due course. The sum necessary, however, was to be obtained on loan. The Georgian interest would be paid in advance, according to the New York Courier.

From the Indian territory we hear of a conflict between a band of Omahas and Sioux. 60 of he former were slain.

The Queen of the West spoke the steam-ship Cambria, hence to Boston, on the 7^th inst.

The Hibernia may be expected in the Mersey, on her return, about the evening of Sunday next. Lest her non-arrival outward should create anxiety, in view of the large amount of specie taken out, we may mention that the Hibernia, at the date of our New York accounts, was then only 17 ½ days out. The voyage of he same vessel at the corresponding period of 1846 occupied 18 ½ days; and that of he Cambria, at the same period of 1845, occupied 19 ½ days.

Canadian accounts extend to the 16^th ultimo. The contents are, generally, unimportant to our readers. Our journals contain the annual report of the Toronto Board of Trade for the year ended on the 30^th of December last. It is extremely lengthy. An address was being prepared by the citizens of Montreal to greet the arrival of Lord Eldon in the province assigned to his care. The electric telegraph was about to be extended from Quebec to Halifax.
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LT 1847. February 18, page 5a

HER MAJESTY’S Ambassadors abroad no sooner receive a slight than they display their spirit in the same distinguished manner. But General Taylor, who commands the American forces in Mexico, has certainly given the most signal example of this prevailing indiscretion by writing a full account of all the difficulties and weaknesses of that army under his orders to a friend, who of course follows the universal practice, and prints the letter the next morning. To contemporary journalists, and to future historians, these authentic materials spare an infinite deal of speculation and research. We ourselves are under an obligation to every man who commits one of these acts of folly and impropriety. But whilst these eminent persons contend with ourselves for the honour of instructing the public and diverting our readers, it were to be wished that they sometimes remembered that their peculiar duties are not identical with those which we endeavour to discharge.

General Taylor’s letter, which has called forth these remarks, and which we publish elsewhere, is beyond all comparison the most imprudent and absurd display of this kind of vanity which we have ever met with. It amounts to little short of treachery towards the Government which that officer serves; it demonstrates the extravagance of their policy, the inadequacy of their resources, the imposibility of bringing the Mexicans to sue for peace by any demonstration the American army can make in the field, and the hopeless aspect of the contest in which the Government of the United States has engaged itself. Mr. Polk’s bitterest enemy could have said nothing so fatal to his character as a statesman, or to the policy of his Administration, as these unparalleled disclosures of the General-in Chief who is engaged in carrying that policy into effect. And the conduct of General Taylor is the more reprehensible, inasmuch as he appears to have been led to make this strange communication immediately after the receipt of a despatch from the Cabinet of Washington, blaming the terms he had granted to the enemy at the capitulation of Monterey.

Nothing can be more preposterous than the pretensions of he American Government, when we are made acquainted with the real amount of the forces they had placed at General Taylor’s disposal. A detachment of 6,250 men, of whom only 2,700 were regulars, and the rest volunteers, was all that could be brought to act against Monterey in October last. Their train of artillery was small and ineffective; their only mode of transport consisted of 1,700 pack mules, collected with the greatest difficulty in the enemy’s country. General Taylor, relying on the personal intrepidity of his little army, declares that he could have taken Monterey by storm; but he says that the evacuation of such a position “nearly as strong as Quebec”(?)-with a great superiority of numbers and of artillery on the part of the enemy, “is among the unaccountable occurrences “of the times.” It is evident that for he second time since the commencement of this war the American forces narrowly escaped a destructive repulse, or at least a most perilous and desperate operation. All this time, from the first declaration of war until the 2d of November, the army had received no supplies or waggons. Its movements had been completely crippled. The mounted regiments from Tennessee and Kentucky were nearly five months on their way to the headquarters of he army, and as they were only raised for a limited period of service, they were hardly arrived in the field when they might claim to be sent back to their homes. The volunteers had, as might be expected, been greatly thinned by sickness and casualties; and the General sums up this lamentable narrative of he campaign by a declaration that he will advance no further than Saltillo-that the distance of 360 miles from Saltillo to San Luis Potosi cannot be crossed by the army for want of roads and water-and that if operations are undertaken against the city of Mexico, they must be based on the line of Vera Cruz. There is not one of these difficulties which we had not anticipated from the commencement of the war, and we are by no means surprised that they should have paralyzed the American army. These reverses and failures, in which the enemy has had little or no part, are the natural consequences of proclaiming a war policy without having the foresight or the power to adopt all the measures of preparation which a state of war demands. The burdens already imposed by the war on the people of the United States, although they are onerous enough to have excited universal dissatisfaction are wholly inadequate to enable a nation uprovided with any effective naval or military establishment to carry on vast aggressive operations. Mr. Polk’s war is ridiculous and contemptible. It is originated in injustice, it was justified by hypocrisy, it has been carried on with impotence. The only chance of a speedy termination or a successful issue is the treachery of he most influential leader of the Mexican people; but although various significant attempts have been made by the Cabinet of Washington to obtain from Congress the means of buying a peace, we trust Santa Anna will not incur the infamy of such a transaction.

These matters are of small importance in themselves, and can have no decisive influence on the history of our time; but they throw a clear and instructive light on the working of those democratic institutions which are the pride, or the peculiarity, of the United States of America. We see a war begun principally for party purposes by a President who evades the express provisions of he constitution for the declaration of war by Congress, and orders the troops of the United States to march into a neighbouring territory. We find the General who commands this army publicly complaining of the want of reinforcements and supplies, disclosing and denouncing the schemes of he Government, and discussing the policy of the war. We learn that the Congress, although pledged to carry on the war, refuses the most natural financial expedients proposed by the Executive Government, and that in this respect it fairly represents the determination of the people to submit to no fresh taxes. We know that the army and the fleet are in reality so ineffective that they can attempt no decisive operations even against a country which employs no active means of defence. Every one must foresee that the war will end in some compromise more humiliating to the United States than to Mexico, and fatal to the reputation of the Government which engaged in this shameful enterprise. Yet, notwithstanding all these facts, which are better known in America than in Europe, Mr. Polk continues to misdirect the policy of his country, and some years more must elapse before the United States will be relived from the active influence of a policy whose evil consequences will outlive this generation.
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LT 1847-2-18-5d
Gen. Taylor letter to Gen. Gaines on Mexican affairs

*The letter is as follows, some unimportant portions being omitted. It is dated Monterey, Nov. 9, 1846 :-

"After considerable apparent delay on the part of the quarter-master's department in getting steam-boats into the Rio Grande adapted to its navigation, I succeeded, towards the latter part of August, in throwing forward to Camargo (a town situated on the San Juan river, three miles from its junction with Rio Grande, on the west side, nearly 500 miles from Brazos Island by water, and 200 by land, and 140 from this place) a considerable depot of provisions, ordnance, ammunition, and forage; and then, having brought together an important portion of my command, I determined on moving on this place. Accordingly, after collecting 1,700 pack mules, with their attendants and conductors, in the enemy's country (the principal means of transportation for our provisions, baggage, &c.), I left, on the 5th of September, to join my advance, which had preceded me a few days to Serralvo, a small village 75 miles on the route, which I did on the 9th; and, after waiting there a few days for some of the corps to get up, moved on, and reached here on the 19th, with 6,250 men, 2,700 regulars, the balance volunteers. For what took place afterwards I must refer you to my several reports, particularly to my detailed one of the 9th ult. I do not believe the authorities at Washington are at all satisfied with my conduct in regard to the terms of the capitulation entered into with the Mexican commander, which you no doubt have seen, as they have been made public through the official organ and copied into various other newspaper. I have this moment received an answer to my despatch, announcing the surrender of Monterey and the circumstances attending the same, from the Secretary of War, stating that 'It was regretted by the President that it was not deemed advisable to insist on the terms I had proposed in my first communication to the Mexican commander, in regard to giving up the city, adding that 'the circumstances which dictated, no doubt justified the change.'

"Although the terms of 'capitulation' may be considered too liberal on our part by the President and his advisers, as well as by many others at a distance, particularly by those who do not understand the position that we occupied (otherwise they might come to a different conclusion in regard to the matter), yet, on due reflection, I see nothing to induce me to regret the course I pursued. The proposition on the part of General Ampudia, which had much to do in determining my course in the matter, was based on the ground that our Government had proposed to him to settle the existing difficulties by negotiation, (which I knew was the case without knowing the result), which was then under consideration by the proper authorities, and which he (General Ampudia) had no doubt would result favourably, as the whole of his people were in favour of peace. If so, I considered the further effusion of blood not only unnecessary, but improper. Their force was also considerably larger than ours, and from the size and position of the place we could not completely invest it; so that the greater portion of their troops, if not the whole, had they been disposed to do so, could any night have abandoned the city, at once entered the mountain passes, and effected their retreat, do what we could. Had we been put to the alternative of taking the place by storm (which there is no doubt we should have succeeded in doing), we should, in all probability, have lost 50 or 100 men in killed, besides the wounded, which I wished to avoid, as there appeared to be a prospect of peace, even if a distant one. I also wished to avoid the destruction of women and children, which must have been very great had the storming process been resorted to. Besides, they had a very large and strong fortification a short distance from the city, which, if carried with the bayonet, must have been taken at great sacrifice of life, and, with our limited train of heavy or battering artillery, it would have required 20 or 25 days to take it by regular approaches.

"That they should have surrendered a place nearly as strong as Quebec, will fortified under the direction of skilful engineers, their works garnished with 42 pieces of artillery, abundantly supplied with ammunition, garrisoned by 7,000 regular and 2,000 irregular troops, in addition to some thousand citizens capable of (and no doubt actually) bearing arms, and aiding in its defence, to an opposing force of half their number, scantily supplied with provisions, and with a light train of artillery, is among the unaccountable occurrences of the times.

"I am decidedly opposed to carrying the war beyond Saltillo in this direction, which place has been entirely abandoned by the Mexican forces, all of whom have been concentrated at San Luis Potosi, and I shall lose no time in taking possession of the former, as soon as the cessation of hostilities referred to expires, which I have notified to the Mexican authorities will be the case on the 11th inst., by direction of the President of the United States.

"If we are (in the language of Mr. Polk and General Scott) under the necessity of 'conquering a peace,' and that by taking the capital of the country, we must go to Vera Cruz, take that place, and then march on to the city of Mexico. To do so in any other direction I consider out of the question. But admitting that we conquer a peace by doing so - say at the end of the next 12 months - will the amount of blood and treasure which must be expended in doing so be compensated by the same? I think not, especially if the country we subdue is to be given up; and I imagine there are but few individuals in our country who think of annexing Mexico to the United States.

"I do not intend to carry on my operations (as previously stated) beyond Saltillo - deeming it next to impracticable to do so. It then becomes a question as to what is best to be done. It seems to me the most judicious course to be pursued on our part would be, to take possession at once of the line we would accept by negotiation, extending from the Gulf of Mexico to the Pacific, and occupy the same, or keep what we already have possession of; and that, with Tampico (which I hope to take in the course of the next month, or as soon as I can get the means of transportation), will give us all on this side of the Sierra Madre, and, as soon as I occupy Saltillo, will include six or seven states or provinces, thus holding Tampico, Victoria, Monterey, Saltillo, Monclova, Chihuahua (which I presume General Wool has possession of by this time), Santa Fe`, and the Californias, and say to Mexico, 'Drive us from the country;' - throwing on her the responsibility and expense of carrying on an offensive war; at the same time closely blockading all her ports on the Pacific and the Gulf. A course of this kind, if persevered in for a short time, would soon bring her to her proper senses, and compel her to sue for peace, provided there is a Government in the country sufficiently stable for us to treat with, which, I fear, will hardly be the case for many years to come. Without large reinforcements of volunteers from the United States - say 10,000 or 15,000 (those previously sent out having already been greatly reduced by sickness and other casualties) - I do not believe it would be advisable to march beyond Saltillo, which is more than 200 miles beyond our depots on the Rio Grande - a very long line on which to keep up supplies (over a land route, in a country like this) for a large force, and certain to be attended with an expense which will be frightful to contemplate when closely looked into.

"From Saltillo to San Luis Potosi, the next place of importance on the road to Mexico, is 30 miles - 140 badly watered, where no supplies of any kind could be procured for men or horses. I have informed the War Department that 20,000 efficient men would be necessary to ensure success if we move on that place (a city containing a population of 60,000, where the enemy could bring together and sustain, besides the citizens, an army of 50,000), a force which I apprehend will hardly be collected by us with the train necessary to feed it, as well as to transport various other supplies, particularly ordnance and munitions of war.

"In regard to the armistice, which would have expired by limitation in a few days, we lost nothing by it, as we could not move even now had the enemy continued to occupy Saltillo; for, strange to say, the first waggon which has reached me since the declaration of war, was on the 2d inst., the same day on which I received only 125, so that I have been since May last completely crippled, and am still so, for want of transportation. I could bring here only 80,000 rations (15 days' supply), with a moderate supply of ordnance, ammunition, &c., to do which all the corps had to leave behind a portion of their camp equipage necessary for their comfort, and, in some instances, among the volunteers, their personal baggage. I moved in such a way, and with such limited means, that had I not succeeded, I should no doubt have been severely reprimanded, if nothing worse. I did so to sustain the administration.

* * * * * * * * * * * *

"Of the two regiments of mounted men form Tennesse and Kentucky, who left their respective states to join me in June, the latter has just reached Camargo; the former had not got to Matamoras at the latest dates from thence. Admitting that they will be as long in returning as in getting there, to say nothing of the time necessary to recruit their horses, and were to be discharged in time to reach their homes, they could serve in Mexico but a very short time. The foregoing remarks are not made with the view of finding fault with any one, but to point out the difficulties with which I have had to contend.

" Monterey, the capital of New Leon, is situated on the San Juan river, where it comes out of the mountains, - the city (which contains a population of about 12,000) being in part surrounded by them, at the head of a large and beautiful valley. The houses are of stone, in the Moorish style, with flat roofs, which, with their strongly enclosed yards and gardens of high stone walls, all looped for musketry, make them each a fortress within itself. It is the most important place in Northern Mexico (or on the east side of the Sierra Madre), commanding the only pass or road for carriages form this side, between it and the Gulf of Mexico, to the table lands of the Sierra, by or through which the city of Mexico can be reached."
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LT 1847-2-22-6d
Blockade of Mexico

THE BLOCKADE OF MEXICO.-The following is the report of the British bark Columbine, Rose master, from Laguna, sailed on the 28th of December, 1846:-" The American fleet took possession of Laguna on the 21st of December without any resistance; the steamer Vixen and two war schooners came inside the harbour, leaving the Mississippi steam-frigate outside, with some sloops of war; Commodore Perry then declared the port under blockade, and gave my vessel, and also the Camoena notice and permission to leave, and endorsed my register, warning me not to attempt to enter any Mexican port, as the whole coast was under blockade from Rio del Norte to Cape Catouche. The port of Laguna is now strictly blockade by steamers and sailing-vessels. Left no other vessels at Laguna but the Camoena, and she was to sail the day after me.

"(Copy of Endorsation on the register of the vessel.)

"Laguna de Ternains, Dec. 20, 1846.

" I certify that I have boarded the British bark Columbine, and have warned her leave this port within 15 days.

" The whole coast of Mexico coast of Mexico and Yucatan, extending from the RD del Norte to Cape Catouche, has been declared by the Commander-in-Chief of the United States Naval Forces in the Gulf of Mexico under strict blockade, and all vessels are accordingly warned not to attempt entering any port of the said coast.

"M.C. PERRY, Commander, United States Navy, and commanding & Detachment of United States vessels.

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LT 1847-2-25-4e Mexican War

The accounts periodically received in this country of the Mexican war are so strange and perplexing as utterly to confuse the judgements of those who have only studied such matters in the prosaic history of the older world. We are informed in reiterated despatches that Mexican numbers have offered no mentionable obstacle to American valour, and we certainly hear of authenticated exploits which are astounding enough to warrant the most sweeping inferences of Saxon ascendancy. A 16-gun sloop impounds a province ; a regiment of volunteers annexes a quarter of a continent ; and towns are taken by fifty men and garrisoned by five-and-twenty, in the midst of a numerous and exasperated population. The armies of the west and of the centre, of conquest and of occupation, are all represented by detachments which would hardly if concentrated make up one effective division. Congress has decreed a gold medal to the enterprising general who has covered his country's arms with such imperishable glory and the first magistrate of the republic appeals triumphantly to the war of his own creation, as the noblest action of the State, and the grand distinction of his reign.

Side by side with this striking intelligence we find it announced that the most energetic efforts of the victors are directed, hitherto unsuccessfully, to procure a peace. Their general writes a letter home, which, with the pleasing promiscuousness of American confidence, is of course published in a newspaper, stating the utter hopelessness of the position which the victorious troops have won, and the entire worthlessness of the conquests for which he is about to be rewarded. The parties best satisfied are the defeated and invaded people. As their country happily affords plenty of sea-room for the political storm, they can retire from one post to another, and extemporize a metropolis at a few hours' notice. Omne solum forti patria. Towns are politely evacuated for the use of the stranger, who is only embarrassed by the ease with which he might march in any direction, if he were not so tired of his journey. The ingenuity of generals and commodores is taxed to the utmost to discover some means, in addition to repeated defeats, which may induce this perverse enemy to give up his decided "preference for war." One scheme suggests the continuation of a line of forts from Tampico to Mazatlan, which should cut off the northern moiety of the Mexican territory, so that a tract of some fifteen or twenty degrees in depth may be held in pawn till its proprietors choose to "attend to negotiation." Commodore PERRY advises the capture of all the ports both on the Gulf and on the Pacific, and the relinquishment of all the interior provinces, except such as they may "think "fit to keep," so that a thriving border of free and enlightened Americans may be planted all round Mexico, like a belt of young firs round a turnip-field, though for purposes less beneficial than those of shelter or ornament. This project of hermetically sealing up an entire people till they "ask to be let "out" has attracted great admiration, and the highest "qualities of true statesmanship." Mr. BENTON has a third plan, which has a t least the magnificence of obscurity, and we have to lament that we cannot give our readers its details, as they are, unfortunately, not yet disclosed. Mr. BENTON declines to release his country from the horrors of war except for a consideration. He sets his secret at no less a price than the Lieutenant-Generalship of the States - a price which the States, with a cautious economy of confidence have declined to pay. We can only conjecture at the character of this mysterious scheme from the enticing hints which its author threw out on the 25th of last month as he dangled a closed roll of paper containing the important plans before the eyes of the tantalized Senate. He alleged - of course as its peculiar and distinctive features - that it " was not "framed in total ignorance of Mexican resources," but promised "an issue and a result." Another striking novelty in its conception was "a diplomatic mission "nationally constituted both in a political and a geographical sense, to attend the head-quarters, and while the Minister stood ready to negotiate at every step, the army was to take an organization and an attitude to give emphasis to negotiation." It must be admitted that this provision strikes at the very root of the evil ; for the proposed ambulance of plenipotentiaries being wheeled rapidly up to the critical part of the field, might perhaps surprise the defeated parties into that "honourable peace" which they would be sure to decline the next morning. When we add, that the scheme provided the "subsistence of the invaders by duties regularly paid, and contributions regularly collected," and concluded by promising "a death worthy of the soldier - the battle-storm his embrace - the field of honour his bed - and the lofty summits of the Cordilleras his monument and his grave," we are sure our readers must be astonished that their Transatlantic brethren did not at once take Mr. BENTON at his own appraisement, and make him a CROMWELL on the spot.

The point most perplexing to ordinary European minds is the object for which this much-desired peace is sought. If the provinces and ports, the people and property, the taxes and customs of a nation can be seized and distributed ad libitum already, it is hard to conceive what further advantages are to be gained by the most amicable negotiations. What does President POLK want to buy with 2,000,000 of dollars, when he can get so much for nothing? PHILIP of Macedon's receipt for taking a fort was sensible enough, but who ever drove an ass laden with silver into an unprotected town? The Mexicans have clearly the vantage-ground of their foes. Defeat and invasion may easily be put up with when they leave the conquerors beggars and the vanquished choosers. SANTA ANNA is flattered with compliments and beset with solicitations, and has the daily refusal of half-a-dozen overtures of the eternal amity of his enemies. He can hardly do better than strengthen himself by additional defeats and fresh repulses, and leave his adversaries to complete their humiliation and embarrassments by a protracted career of glory.
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LT 1847-3-11-6b Mexico, appropriation of Church property and protests

The following is the Decree for the appropriation of Mexican church property to national purposes.

The Vice-President of the United Mexican States, exercising the Supremo Executive Power, to the inhabitants of the Republic. Be it known that the General Congress has decreed as follows: --

1. Government is authorized to raise $15,000,000, in order to continue the war with the United States of the north, by the mortgage or sale at public auction of mortmain property.

2. From the preceding authorization are excepted the property of hospitals, charitable institutions, colleges, and establishments for the public instruction of both sexes, whose members are not bound by any monastic vow, and that dedicated to the maintenance of prisoners; the benefices and foundations transferred by inheritance, and to which the last appointments have been made in virtue of that right; the sacred vessels and ornaments and other objects necessary to the public worship; and sufficient of the property of convents nuns endow each existing member with $6,000.

3. The Government cannot exact the payment of capitals of mortmain property placed on real estate in towns, and overdue, except by 30th parts, payable monthly, making a reduction on the principal in favor of the debtor of one fourth part, and of all interest after the first payment, provided the subsequent ones are made with regularity.

4. In taking possession of mortmain capitals placed on rural estates, the Government will limit itself to the collection of the interest, without exacting the redemption of the principal, which the debtors may however pay if they think proper, with a reduction on one-half, if irredeemable; of a third, if for a period not yet expired; and of a fourth, if already due. If the debtor should not take the benefit of this decree within the period fixed by Government, and the credit should be sold, the purchaser shall not exact payment for six years from the publication of this law, in cases where a longer period has not been already stipulated.

5. In sales tenants will have a preference, as purchasers on equal terms, even though not paying the whole sum in money, provided their offer amounts to five-sixths of the estimated value, and a third pat of this is paid. The remaining capital may remain as a mortgage on the property in favour of the owner.

6. The purchasers of estates, rented for an indefinite period, shall not possess the right of ejecting the present tenants without two years' notice to rural tenants, and six months to those in towns. The purchasers must fulfil the conditions of leases for a limited period.

7. If the Government should negotiate a loan by virtue of this law, it will be indispensable to obtain at least 67 per cent. in money, placed in the republic free of all charge.

8. In no contract which may arise from this law, shall the Government accept, in lieu of the money stipulated in the preceding articles, paper, or credits of any description, except the bonds issued by virtue of the decree of the 19th of November last. Nor can the proceeds be applied to any other purpose than the maintenance of the troops appointed to defend the national territory.

9. Any contract which may infringe the previous article, or be calculated in any way to evade the law, is null; and the authority which approves or executes it shall be held responsible. The fraud being legally proved the purchaser will lose the price.

10. Any officer who, for any purpose or pretext, shall take possession of the funds created by the present law, without an express order from the Minister of Finance, shall be suspended from his employment, and punished as a defrauder of the public revenue.

11. The authorization conferred by the first article will cease at the termination of the war.

12. The Government will invest $1,000,000 in the purchase of arms, one half for the use of the states bordering on the nations with which the Republic may be at war, the other half for the remaining states.

13. The Government will inform Congress monthly of the sums derived from this deer e, and of their inversion.

(Signed) VALENTIN GOMEZ FARIAS.
Palace of the Federal Government, Mexico, Jan. 11, 1847

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LT 1847-3-26-5f Attack on San Juan de Ulua

(From the New York Herald)

We have the pleasure of presenting to our readers this morning some important information connected with the contemplated attack on the city of Vera Cruz and the Castle of San Juan d'Ulloa by the United States army and navy. This information has been in our possession for several days past; but, inasmuch as its publication before to-day would have had a tendency to embarrass the Government, or perhaps frustrate to a certain extent their plan of operations, we withheld it from the public until a certain contingency should have occurred that would enable us to divulge it without prejudice to the public interests.

That contingency has occurred, and the sailing of the United States line-of-battle ship Ohio, and the sloop-of-war Decatur, from Norfolk, on the 1st inst., will make the intelligence clear to our readers.

It will be recollected by our readers that the plan of operations of the army and navy were first published in this journal. It may be necessary to recapitulate them here, so that the history of the matter will be complete. General Scott takes command of the army, and will rendezvous at the Island of Lobos. Thither the whole of the army, with the exception of that portion left under the command of General Taylor, for the purpose of garrisoning Saltillo, Monterey, Camargo, &c., which will be held by him, will be transported from Tampico by the several vessels, nearly 100 in number, which the Government has chartered here and in other cities for the purpose. That island affords an excellent harbour, and is only eight miles distant from the main shore, and from its abundance of water, &c., is admirably adapted for a rendezvous. From this island the troops will be conveyed to the shore, and it is for this duty that the great number of launches were ordered by the Government. From the point of landing, General Scott will march immediately to the city of Vera Cruz, and by a preconcerted arrangement between him and Commodore Perry, the city of Vera Cruz and the Castle of San Jan d'Ulloa will be simultaneously attacked by the army and navy.

Thus much we published on a former occasion.

The details of the great programme have been studiously concealed by General Scott and the Administration, as well as by all who were acquainted with them. Our army officers received orders from day to day, but their purport was never divulged. The line-of-battle ship Ohio underwent repairs recently, with the view, ostensibly, of proceeding to the Pacific and joining the blockading squadron on that side of Mexico, and sailed with sealed orders from Hampton-roads on the 1st inst. These orders are not to be opened until she gets into a certain latitude; but we will take the liberty of making our readers acquainted with their contents - probably, before Captain Striagham himself will know them.

This vessel has sailed ostensibly for the Pacific, but before she will have reached there she will have taken part in the grand demonstration about to be made on the enemy's strongholds. She sailed in company with the sloop-of-war Decatur, but she will not go in sight of Vera Cruz until the morning of the day when General Scott will attack that city. The appearance of a vessel of her size and armament would reasonably induce the Mexicans to suppose that an attack was contemplated immediately, and it is to prevent this suspicion that she will remain out of sight until the eventful time shall have arrived The Decatur will act as an agent to convey from the squadron there to her, and inform her of the proper time to take her place. Between General Scott and Commodore Perry, who will relieve Commodore Conner signals have been arranged that will enable Commodore Perry to know the precise day or hour that he will commence the attack on the city. Commodore Perry will immediately communicate, by means of the Decatur, or one of the small steamers, to the Ohio, the commander of which will govern himself accordingly. The moment that General Scott commences to attack the city the whole fleet will play on the castle, for the purpose of preventing the garrison from acting in concert with the Mexicans in Vera Cruz. In this manner it is supposed that both the city and the castle will be taken in a short time.

The time appointed for this demonstration is the 26th of this month, if General Scott be ready by that time; if not, as soon after as possible. At all events the Ohio and Decatur, which sailed on the 1st, and the Mississippi, which will sail in a day or two with Commodore Perry, are directed to be in that neighbourhood by that time. The object of secrecy has been to put Santa Anna off his guard, and prevent him from co-operating with the troops in Vera Cruz. He must remain where he is; for fear that General Taylor might advance towards San Luis.

The Castle of San Juan d'Ulloa will be for a time occupied by our troops after its capture, for the purpose of testing the effect of the climate on them. If it prove unhealthy, it will probably be razed to the water, so that the enemy will not be able to avail himself of it hereafter. This ought to be done, if the Mexicans refuse to treat for peace after its capture.

If the attack be made on the 20th, and express will, we understand, be immediately sent to Washington, or to the nearest point to that city, and the news will reach us about the 1st of April. In the meantime, however, it is not improbable that a grand battle will be fought between the troops under Santa Anna and those under General Taylor. Two great battles at the same time would be a serious blow to Mexico.

The above particulars may be relied upon for accuracy. It will be soon, therefore, that we may very soon expect to hear important news form the seat of war.
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LT 1847-4-5-5e US war with Mexico

By the Baltimore, Captain Johnson, arrived at Havre on the 3d inst., we have received American papers down to the 10th ult.

The close of the session of Congress had been succeeded by an entire dearth of political news, and the various members of that assembly were busy in retiring form the scene of their labours with all possible despatch.

With respect to the war in Mexico we publish the following extracts from the New York Journal of Commerce of March 10: -

"There were upwards of 80 sail of vessels at Point Isabel on the 13th, including the two ships containing the N.Y. Regiment. This regiment was to proceed immediately to Lobos Island, the general rendezvous, preparatory to a descent upon Vera Cruz.

"The Georgia Regiment, which originally consisted of 910 men, has been reduced by deaths and discharges to 626.

"A letter from Saltillo states that when the 80 mounted men of the !Kentucky and Arkansas Regiments were captured, they were 93 miles from that city, in the direction of San Luis Potosi.

"The Matamoras Flag of February 17 states that the defences of that city are such as to enable the garrison to defend it against any force which the Mexicans can bring against it.

"It is now certain that the battle of Bracito, near El Paso, on the Upper Rio Grande, was fought by Colonel Doniphan's regiment of Missouri Volunteers, aided by a detachment of 100 men from other regiments under Lieutenant - Colonel Mitchell, making the whole American force 600. These whipped 1,100 Mexicans, killing 28 or 30, putting the rest to flight, and capturing one cannon, without themselves losing a man. They, however, had seven wounded, but none dangerously.

By the schooner Delta, arrived at New Orleans on the 1st inst., we have news from Tampico to the 20th ult. General Scott arrived at Tampico on the 19th, where it was reported that Vera Cruz had been evacuated by order of Santa Anna, and the enemy's troops marched to the interior. Mr. Lumsden writes to the picayune from Tampico, 18th ult., that he has seen a letter from a Mexican officer to a friend, dated San Luis the 9th, which states that Santa Anna was to march on Saltillo preparatory to attacking Monterey. General Urrea, with 5,000 troops at Victoria, was to attack Matamoras, and that both expeditions must prove successful. The writer of this letter is Santa Anna's private secretary, and he says they shall give the Yankees hot work in the north, while General Scott is marching on Vera Cruz. It is pretty certain that Santa Anna is now at Saltillo, and it is even reported that he had engaged in a conflict with General Taylor, but the latter is not believed at Tampico. General Scott had issued orders to punish all crimes committed by Mexicans or Americans not provided for by the army clause, after trial before a military commission, according to the laws of the United States.

"General Taylor, with Briggs's and Thomas's batteries, and the 2d of February, and had taken a position at Saltillo on the 2d of February, and had taken a position at Aqua Nueva. All the troops were to go there on the 10th, except a few to remain in town. There is little doubt but that General Minon will give General Taylor considerable trouble. It is stated that General Taylor wants light troops very much. A letter from Brazos, dated 22d of February, says, that Taylor was busy making water tanks, and collecting a large train of waggons and pack mules. The enemy had apparently left that part of the country for parts unknown - supposed towards Vera Cruz. General Worth's division had all embarked except the dragoons and light batteries. General Worth would sail in a day or two in the Editb. The Atrevids, of New Orleans, from Campeachy, 19th February, brings news that the British Royal Mail steamer Tweed, was lost on the 12th of February, N.E. of Cardenas. 80 persons were drowned. An expedition was sent from Campeachy to her assistance."
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LT 1847-4-8-5b2 US war with Mexico

[The following appeared in part only of our impression of yesterday:-]

LIVERPOOL, Tuesday Evening.

By the packet-ship Waterloo, Captain Allen, we have advices from New York to the 15th inclusive.

The intelligence by this arrival is not of much importance.

The American generals are still occupied in making preparations for an attack on Vera Cruz, the rumoured evacuation of which is not confirmed.

The New Orleans Delta publishes a letter, dated Tampico, which says: -

"The rumour I sent you this evening, relative to a fight between Santa Anna and General Taylor, although Mexican news, is credited by almost every officer here. The advance of Santa Anna from San Luis to Saltillo had prepared every one for the receipt of the news of a battle, either at that place or at Monterey, and from that they more readily credited the report. The force of the Mexican commander must have been very large, judging from the notices of their departure from San Luis, and he had enough, in his own mind, to overcome the 4,000 or 5,000 - if that many - of General Taylor. Independent of this, the fact of the Mexicans reporting this news, which is against themselves, induces me to attach some credit to it, for, as I have said before, there is generally some fire from where this sort of smoke issues. The account, as I gathered it last evening, is a little more in detail than is set forth in my first letter.

"On the approach of Santa Anna to Saltillo, General and cut off his retreat, he extended his line too far, and so weakened his centre that the ready eye of Taylor immediately discovered the advantage, and wheeling his column to the right by a quick move, cut through their centre and made such work on the advanced half, that, before the rear could render them any essential service, they were cut up and dispersed. The number of killed on the part of the enemy is represented by the Mexicans to have been greater than at any other battle. Amongst the dangerously wounded, I hear the name of General Arista mentioned, but do not learn whether he is a prisoner. I could mention to you the names of several distinguished officers who place implicit confidence in this news, but it is unnecessary."

The New York Herald gives some further particulars of the loss of the Tweed; it says, -

"We give some additional particulars, from the Picayune, of the reported loss of the Tweed. We have seen another letter written by a Spanish house at Campeachy, and dated the 18th ultimo. It confirms the above, and gives further particulars. There were fifty-five passengers on the Tweed, and the officers and crew made seventy-five more. About sixty in all were drowned, but the account does not designate to which class they belonged, nor are any names mentioned. This account was derived from the supercargo of the vessel, who, with nine men, was saved in a boat belonging to the Tweed, and had arrived at Sisal. The Tweed had 1,170 flasks of quicksilver on board, and other merchandise. The Spanish brig Emilio had sailed to render assistance, and they were taking up other vessels at Campeachy on the 18th ult. For the same purpose."

Mr. Davis, one of the officers of the Tweed, had arrived at Sisal with the letter-bag. The New York Journal gives, also, the particulars which appeared in The Times on Monday. Mr. Davis, alluded to as one of the officers of the ship, is no doubt the Admiralty agent, Lieutenant Davis.
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LT April 13, 1847 US war with Mexico

[The following appeared in part only of our impression of yesterday : -]

LIVERPOOL, Sunday Evening.

By the packet-ship Fidelia, Captain Hackstaff, we have advices from New York to the 16th ult. inclusive.

We copy the following communication, dated Washington, March 14 from the New York Herald of the 16th ult. : -

"We have to-day a rumour of another battle between Santa Anna and General Taylor, at or near Saltillo, and that the information was communicated this morning to the War Department that the latter was defeated by a largely superior force of the enemy from a rapid concentration. The report being coupled with the statement of Taylor's defeat renders the whole story improbable; for that Old Rough-and-Ready can be defeated we hold to be impossible. We cannot contrive any arrangement by which it could be done. We cannot patch up an excuse for believing such a story. The mail has failed for several days, and when arrears come up we do expect some stirring intelligence of entirely a different character."
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LT April 16, 1847 6a Battle of Buena Vista

(From the New Orleans Picayune of March 23.)

Dr.Turner, United States Army, who arrived at Matamoras on the 9th unst. from Monterey, brought the glorious intelligence of another brilliant victory over the Mexican army. The scene of action was at Buena Vista - a hacienda about six miles west of Saltillo. The fighting commenced on the 22d of February, and ended on the 23d. Santa Anna's Adjutant-General and many other officers and men are prisoners.

The loss on our part was 700 killed and wounded. Santa Anna's force amounted to at least 15,000 men; that of General Taylor to about 5,000, almost entirely volunteers. His army is composed of Washington's, Bragg's, and Thomas's batteries, one squadron of the 1st Mississippi and 2d Kentucky regiments, and one company of Texan Volunteers. Dr. Turner brought a list of 63 officers killed and wounded.

I felt in such haste, that I was unable to obtain a copy, but recollect among the killed Captain Lincoln, Assistant Adjutant-General, United States Army; Colonel Yell, of the Arkansas Cavalry; Captain Moore, Adjutant Vaughan, and three others (not named) of the Kentucky Cavalry; Colonel M'Kee; Lieutenant-Colonel Clay; Captain Willis, 2d Kentucky Infantry; Colonel Hardin and Major Gorman, Illinois Brigade, muny of the Indiana Brigade; several of the Mississippi regiment, and two lieutenants of the Texan volunteers. --Among the wounded I remember General Lane, Colonel Jefferson Davis, 1st Mississippi Regiment, Captain Stein, 1st United States Dragoons, Captain Connor, Texan Volunteers, Lieutenant Barber, 2d Kentucky Infantry, Lieutenant Whiteside, of the Indiana Brigade.

The official depatches of General Taylor have been cut off. Colonel Morgan's regiment Ohio volunteers having been reinforced by a command from Monterey had reached that place in safety.

Colonel Curtis, of Ohio, with one company (Captain Hunter's) of the 2d United States Dragoons, his own regiment, one of Indiana volunteers, the Virginia regiment, and I think some Texan rangers, in all about 2,000 men, was about to leave Camargo to attack General Urrea, who is said to be about 30 miles south of that place, with an army of from 4,000 to 5,000 men, principally Rancheros. He is believed to have with him only 1,500 regular troops. A great many, if not all of these Rancheros, as soon as they hear of the discomfiture of Santa Anna's army, will disperse, and the gallant colonel will no doubt obtain the victory.

We annex Santa Anna's own account of the actions of Buena Vista, as translated for the Tampico Sentinel. We have the original Spanish account in our possession: -

Camp, near Buena Vista, Feb. 23.

Excellent Sir, - After two days of battle, in which the enemy, with a force of 8,000 to 9,000 men and 26 pieces of artillery, lost five of his positions, three pieces of artillery, and two flags, I have determined to go back to Agua Nueva to provide myself with provisions, not having a single biscuit or a grain of rice left. Thanks to the position occupied by the enemy, he has not been completely beaten, but he left on the field about 2,000 dead. Both armies have been cut to pieces, but the trophies of war will give you an idea on which side had been the advantage.

We have struggled with hunger and thirst during 40 hours, and if we can provide ourselves with provisions we will go again to charge the enemy. The soldiers under my command have done their duty and covered the honour of the Mexican nation with glory. The enemy has seen that neither his advantageous position, nor the broken nature of the ground, nor the rigour of the season (for it has been raining during the action) could prevent the terrible charge with the bayonet) which left him terrified.

SANTA ANNA

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LT April 17, 1847 8f The Battle of Saltillo

(From the New Orleans Delta of March 21.)

The schooner William C. Preston arrived yesterday from Brazos, from which place she sailed on the afternoon of the 10th inst. The news from General Taylor brought by this vessel is most cheering. The intense anxiety created among our citizens by the many alarming rumours which have circulated through the country relieved itself last evening in one universal expression of joy and proud confidence in the superiority of American valour. Although these reports are still vague and indefinite, enough can be gathered from them to give every assurances that General Taylor has whipped Santa Anna.

From Captain Brown, a passenger on the William C. Preston, we gather the following particulars of the reports most generally received at Brazos :-

General Taylor was attacked by Santa Anna at Agua Nueva, and after a sharp battle fell back in good order to the vicinity of Saltillo. Here he was again attacked by Santa Anna, and a sharp engagement ensued, in which General Taylor was victorious. Continuing his retreat in good order, General Taylor fell back to Monterey, where he arrived in safety. Safety intrenched here, and finding Santa Anna would not attack him, General Taylor sallied out against Santa Anna and gave him battle. A long and severe conflict ensued, which terminated in the total defeat of Santa Anna with a very heavy loss. The loss is reported to be between 4,000 and 5,000. This may be an exaggeration, but when it is considered that General Taylor had 20 pieces of flying artillery, splendidly officered and managed, we venture the opinion that the Mexican loss has been very heavy.

Captain Brown states that all the points on the Rio Grande are in hourly apprehension of being attacked by the Mexicans. At Camargo, especially, the number of Mexicans hanging about the outskirts of the town had created considerable anxiety and vigilance among our troops. There were about 1,200 troops at Camargo.

Captain Hicks, who commands the steam-boat Warren, in the Government employ on the Rio Grande, came passenger in the William C. Preston, and gives the following corroborative information. Captain Hicks brings intelligence from Camargo to the 5th inst., at which place information had been received from a Mexican who had just arrived from the interior, that a collision had taken place at Buena Vista, Saltillo, and Monterey, between the forces of Santa Anna (numbering some 23,000) and those of General Taylor, finding himself too hotly pressed on all sides by a force greatly outnumbering his, retired before the enemy in good order, and made good his retreat to Monterey, spiking six pieces of ordnance, and leaving at Saltillo some 30,000 rations, which have fallen into the enemy's hands.

The different engagements are said to have occupied the space of three days. The enemy followed closely upon General Taylor's retreat, until he arrived at Monterey, where the battle was renewed, our forces gaining a decided advantage over the enemy, forcing him to precipitately retire, when General Taylor, with a battery of flying artillery and a squadron of dragoons, pressed them warmly home, creating such immense havoc in their routed columns that the slain are represented to have been ridden over in piles "three deep." The enemy was pursued for 18 miles on the Saltillo road, having suffered in all the engagements to the amount of 5,000 killed, wounded, and missing. General Taylor's loss is said to be 1,100.

At the last advices, Santa Anna is said to have been endeavouring to rally his forces for another desperate onslaught, while Urrea had fallen in General Taylor's rear, near Passa Victoria, with 8,000 cavalry and an irregular force of rancheros, for the purpose of impeding reinforcements and cutting off all communications between Monterey and Camargo. General Taylor is confident that he can maintain his position until adequate assistance may arrive.

(From the New York Sun, March 31.)

By an arrival at New Orleans on the evening of the 13th inst., intelligence has been received form passengers of a highly interesting, though bloody nature. An express rider had arrived at Monterey from General Taylor, at Riconada, bringing the startling information that Santa Anna, with a force of 20,000 men, had made his appearance within sight of the American camp. General Taylor's forces were stationed about 20 miles from Saltillo, on the 20th of February, where there was a skirmish with the enemy, and General Taylor with his little army of 5,000 men fell back upon Saltillo.

On the following day a severe and deadly conflict took place in the streets of the city. This is represented to have been one of the most desperate and sanguinary fights upon record, and the houses, thoroughfares, and almost everything appertaining to the city are said to have been literally deluged with blood. Among the officers reported to have been mortally wounded is Colonel Morgan, of the Ohio volunteers. General Taylor is further reported to have taken place at the Riconada pass, and the Mexicans were repulsed and compelled to draw off with great loss. In the two battles the loss of the Americans is estimated at 2,000, and the Mexicans from 4,000 to 5,000.

About 5,000 Mexicans had succeeded in cutting their way through the pass, and were in possession of the whole of the country of the Rio Grande. The Mexican citizens of Matamoras were much disappointed at the temporary success of Santa Anna, as they believed that he had been too much crippled hitherto for further operations. All communication between Saltillo and Matamoras had been cut off.

Slips and extras from the New Orleans Picayune, the Delta, and the Mobile Herald confirm the above. Accounts from the island of Lobos announce the departure on the 29th ult. of the expedition against Vera Cruz, consisting of 50 or 60 vessels laden with troops and munitions of war, for the bombardment of the Castle, which would commence on the 10th inst. The main body of Mexicans under Santa Anna was stated at 25,000; of these 4,000 were disabled in battle, and 5,000 escaped northward through the Riconada pass, 8,000 more were near Victoria, 1,500 between Camargo and Monterey, 5,000 at Marin, proceeding towards Camargo, and 800 at Caidereta. Most of these are cavalry. General Taylor had 5,000 in the battle, of whom 2,000 were killed or disabled. We have 1,000 men at Camargo, 1,000 at Monterey, who had six months' provisions in the Black Fort, which effectually commands the town, 2,000 at Matamoras and Fort Brown, and 35 or 40 waggoners at the Brazos, opposite Point Isabel. A detachment of the enemy is said to have crossed the Rio Grande, just above Matamoras, to capture the supplies at Point Isabel, and some of the troops bound to Vera Cruz were reported to have disembarked, to act as circumstances might dictate. Many of our provision trains had fallen into the hands of the enemy between Matamoras and Monterey; several murders have been committed upon our people found alone; two of Colonel Hay's men were captured near Saltillo; and General Taylor's communications appear to have been entirely cut off by the swarms of the enemy surrounding him on all sides. Yet, had we 3,000 light dragoons, properly equipped for rapid marches and quick fire, that whole country could be cleared of the enemy in ten days. Santa Anna's cavalry alone enabled him to gain this temporary advantage. The reported dates of the great battle do not agree - some giving the 22d of February and others the 20th. Steamers were held in readiness at Matamoras to convey despatches between the posts on the river, or to New Orleans.
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LT April 20, 1847 6a Mexican war

This intelligence from Mexico which we have lately published is more remarkable than definite. Enough however, appears authenticated to show that a material change has taken place in the positions of the contending parties. Santa Anna, breaking up form his central quarters at San Luis Potosi, marched northwards about the middle of February, leaving Vera Cruz to its fate, and transferring the war to the line of the Grande. He seems then to have fallen upon Taylor somewhere to the west of Saltillo, on which town he forced him to retire. The next day he again led his troops against the American General, who repulsed the attack butt thought fit still to continue his retrograde movement upon Monterey, at which post, according to some accounts, he actually arrived, and , finding that Santa Anna declined attacking him any further, sallied forth in his turn, routed the Mexicans, and pursued them with great slaughter for a score of miles on their way back to Saltillo. Various statements are given not only of the particulars, but even of the localities of these engagements. It appears, however, to e pretty clear that two days' hard fighting has taken place, during which Taylor continued on a line of retreat eastward, to his head-quarters; that he made a stand at two or three different points, one of which was Saltillo; that he fought gallantly and with at least success enough to beat off the enemy; and that, as far as we know at present, he is the better man of the two. But our information is by no means clear either as to the previous operations o f Taylor, or as to his final position after the engagements. That he could have actually reached Monterey at the dates last given appears hardly credible, and yet it is upon this allegation that his last victorious onslaught upon his pursuers depends. Our accounts commence and terminate very abruptly. It will be remembered that by the whole tenour of our despatches three weeks back there seemed a very general impression that a collision would take place between Taylor and Santa Anna, though no reason was alleged for the expectation, and though the Mexican commander was then at San Luis, and had given no evidence of his intention to follow Taylor rather than Scott. It is possible that Taylor, knowing he was to be superseded, had shown symptoms of his resolution to deal a parting blow, and , like other commanders, had determined to anticipate the glory of a victory with the small force that was left him. He fought very well there is no doubt, but we suspect that Saltillo will not prove an Assaye. Either tempted by some feints of Taylor, or in execution of his own designs, Santa Anna fell upon him, and evidently in a pretty good position. From this, if Taylor was not dislodged, he at all events thought it prudent to retire; and the first attack of Santa Anna seems to have convinced him that the Mexican were not going to fall into his hands, and that he had better secure the chances of war by retreating leisurely on his own head-quarters. The Mexicans, though roughly handled by the old warrior, followed him up for a couple of days, during which the engagements in question took place, but where the armies parted is not very clear. The story of Taylor's sallying from Monterey, and driving Santa Anna back on the Saltillo road, is quite irreconcilable with the Mexican General's despatch of the 23d of February - the last day of the fighting - from Buena Vista. By their own confession, however, the Mexicans, at some point, did retire, and Taylor probably continued his route. Santa Anna, therefore, may be said to have failed in his scheme of cutting off this isolated American detachment, though it must be admitted that if Taylor drew on the attack in the hopes of making Scott's expedition superfluous, he has at least been equally disappointed. The latter General is reported to have actually started on the sortie from Lobos, but the "launches" which were to accomplish the magnanimous race from the island to Vera Cruz are now transformed into 50 or 60 sailing vessels. The point of landing is still unknown, but by Santa Anna's order for occupying the old Puente del Rey, it appears that the disembarkation was looked for to the north of the Antigua. It is difficult to comprehend the advantages of occupying the island at all instead of embarking form Tampico at once. However, our private advices coincide with the published intelligence in representing it as the general belief in well-informed circles at New York that both Vera Cruz and San Juan d'Ulloa had fallen to the Americans, and that without much resistance - a rumour which is confirmed by the evident resolution of Santa Anna to make all his play in the north.

The moral, however, of the whole story is this, - peace is farther off, and the Americans worse off, than ever. It is provable that Taylor retained the honours of every field, though his little army of some 5,000 or 6,000 men was at least trebled by that of Santa Anna. But the Mexicans have done enough to damage the American prestige and encourage their own people. They took the aggressive, they attacked the enemy in one position after another, and they forced him to a kind of retreat. They fought with unusual spirit, charging him up to the very muzzles of his guns, and took a quantity of baggage, besides even a few pieces of cannon and some colours. The relative magnitude of their losses is utterly unimportant. Their levies are as cheap as those of Tlascala, while every man and horse that goes down on the other side costs Taylor almost as much as it cost Cortes. Already we see the effects of Santa Anna's movement. He has left the Gulf squadron with the bulk of the American army to amuse themselves with a grand representation of the Mogador battue, while in the mean time he has destroyed some 2,000 of their best troops, and surrounded one of their best Generals. Even if Taylor be actually in Monterey it is admitted on all hands that his communications are entirely cut off, even with Matamoras and Camargo. The whole country is swarming with light horsemen and rancheros, to whom he can hardly oppose a single dragoon, while every post on the line of the Grande is expecting an attack from forces utterly disproportioned to their means of defence. To improve this condition of affairs, it is known that there is no cordial concert between Scott and Taylor, nor between the supreme authority and either of them, and perhaps a new General or Major-General may presently make his appearance, to find that the favourite line of the Grande has been lost and the captured provinces sacrificed for the sake of winning a city which, by the best American authorities, will be utterly useless when won.
[JLM]

LT April 24, 1847 5f Battle of Buena Vista

THE BATTLE OF BUENA VISTA.

Official Despatches

"Head-quarters Army of Occupation,
Camp on the field of battle, Buena Vista, Mexico, Feb.24.

"Sir, - I have the honour to report that, having become assured on the 20th inst., that the enemy had assembled a heavy force at Encarnacion, 30 miles in front of Agua Nueva, with the evident design of attacking my position, I broke up my camp at the latter place on the 21st, and took up a strong line in front of Buena Vista, seven miles south of Saltillo. A cavalry force left at Agua Nueva for the purpose of covering the removal of supplies was driven in during the night, and on the morning of the 22d the Mexican army appeared immediately in front of our position. At 11 o'clock, a.m., a flag was sent, bearing form General Santa Anna a summons of unconditional surrender, to which I immediately returned a negative reply. The summons and my reply are herewith inclosed.

"The action was commenced late in the afternoon between the light troops on the left flank, but were not seriously engaged until the morning of the 23d, when the enemy made an effort to force the left flank of our position. An obstinate and sanguinary conflict was maintained, with short interval, throughout the day, the result being that the enemy was completely repulsed form our lines. An attack of cavalry upon the rancho of Buena Vista, and a demonstration upon the city of Saltillo itself, were likewise handsomely repelled. Early in the night the enemy withdrew from his camp and fell back upon Agua Nueva, a distance of 12 miles.

"Our own force, engaged at all points in this action fell somewhat short of 5,4000 men, while that of the enemy, from the statement of General Santa Anna, may be estimated at 20,000. Our success against such great odds is a sufficient encomium on the good conduct of our troops. In a more detailed official report I shall have the satisfaction of ringing to the notice of the Government the conspicuous gallantry of particular officers and corps. I may be permitted here, however, to acknowledge my great obligations to Brigadier-General Wool, the second in command, to whom I feel particularly indebted for his valuable services on this occasion.

"Our loss has been very severe, and will not probably fall short of 700 men. The Mexican loss has been immense. I shall take the earliest opportunity of forwarding a correct list of the casualties of the day.

"I am, Sir, very respectfully, your obedient servant,

"Z. TAYLOR,
"Major-General U.S.A. commanding.

The Adjutant-General of the Army,
Washington, D.C."

"Translation.

"Summons of Santa Anna to General Taylor.

"You are surrounded by 20,000 men, and cannot, in any human probability, avoid suffering a rout, and being cut to pieces with your troops; but as you deserve consideration and particular esteem, I wish to save you from a catastrophe, and for that purpose give you notice, in order that you may surrender at discretion, under the assurance that you will be treated with the consideration belonging to the Mexican character; to which end you will be granted an hour's time to make up your mind, to commence for the moment when my flag of truce arrives in you camp.

"With this view, I assure you of my particular consideration.

"God and Liberty! Camp at Encantada, February 22.
"ANT. LOPEZ DE SANTA ANNA.

"To General Z. Taylor, commanding the forces of United States."

"Head-quarters Army of Occupation,
near Buena Vista, Feb.23.

"Sir, - In reply to your note of this date, summoning me to surrender my forces at discretion, I beg leave to say that I decline acceding to your request.

"With high respect, I am, Sir, your obedient servant,

"Z. Taylor
"Major-General U.S.A., Commanding.

"Senor General D. Antonio Lopez de Santa Anna, Commander-in-Chief, La Encantada."

"Head-quarters Army of Occupation, Saltillo, Feb.25.

"Sir, - I have respectfully to report that the main Mexican force is yet at Agua Nueva. Our troops hold the positions which they have so well defended, and are prepared to receive the enemy should he venture another attack.

"An arrangement has been made with General Santa Anna for an exchange of prisoners, by which we shall receive all, or nearly all, of those captured from us at different times, besides the few taken in the action of the 23d. Our wounded, as well as those of the Mexicans which have fallen into our hands, have been removed to this place and are rendered comfortable.

"Our loss in the recent actions, so far as ascertained, amounts to 264 killed, 450 wounded, and 26 missing. One company of the Kentucky Cavalry is not included in this statement, its casualties not being yet reported. I respectfully enclose a list of the commissioned officers killed and wounded, embracing many names of the highest merit.

"I am, Sir, very respectfully, your obedient servant,

"Z. Taylor,
"Major-General U.S.A., Commanding.

"The Adjutant-General of the army,
"Washington, D.C."

"Head-quarters, Army of Occupation, Agua Nueva, March 1.

"Sir, - I have the honour to report that the troops of my command occupied their original camp at this place on the 27th of February, the last of the Mexican army leaving the morning of that day in the direction of San Luis. It is ascertained that the enemy is in full retreat and in a very disorganized condition, the men deserting and dying of starvation in gear numbers. I despatch a command this day as far as Encarnacion to harrass his rear and secure whatever military supplies may be found there.

"From the statements of Mexican officers, particularly of the medical staff left to succour the wounded, there seems no doubt that their loss in the recent action is moderately estimated at 1,500, and may reach 2,000 men killed and wounded, besides 2,000 or 3,000 deserters. Many officers of rank were lost. I enclose a list of the names of our own killed and wounded, made as complete as practicable at this time. One regiment (Kentucky Cavalry) is not included, its return not being rendered.

"The enemy had fully reckoned upon our total rout, and had made arrangements to intercept our retreat and cut off the army; stationing for that purpose corps of Cavalry, not only immediately in our rearm but even below Monterey. I regret to report they succeeded, near the village of Marin, in destroying a train of supplies and killing a considerable number of the escort and teamsters. Colonel Morgan, 2d Ohio regiment, on his march from Cerralvo, was infested by the Mexican cavalry, with which he had several rencontres, but finally dispersed them with small loss on his own part. Captain Graham, assistant quatermaster Volunteer Service, was mortally wounded in one of the affairs. I have no doubt tat the defeat of the main army at Buena Vista will secure our line of communication from further interruption, but I still propose in a few days to change my head-quarters to Monterey, with a view to make such further arrangements as may be necessary in that quarter.

"The dispositions made to harrass our rear vindicate the policy and necessity of defending a position in front of Saltillo, where a defeat has thrown the enemy far back into the interior. No result so decisive could have been obtained by holding Monterey, and our communication would have been constantly in jeopardy.

"I am, Sir, very respectfully, your obedient servant,

"Z. Taylor, Major-General U.S.A. commanding.

"The Adjutant-General of the Army, Washington, D.C.
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LT Apriil 26, 1847 4e Mexican war

We published in our last impression some intelligence which has been rather anxiously looked for. The American mails arrived on Friday with authentic particulars of the late occurrences at the scene of war. Amongst them will be found the official despatches of General Taylor relative to the battle of Saltillo, the circumstances of which are narrated with some little variation from the previous reports, but with a result substantially the same. The "three battles" spoken of in the American papers are resolved into a pretty continuous engagement of nearly a day and a half, conducted with great obstinacy on both sides. Taylor was at Agua Nueva on the 21st of February, when he received information of Santa Anna's intended attack. Not thinking it prudent to receive the assault in this position, he retired upon Buena Vista, seven miles south of Saltillo, where he took up a strong line. He was here summoned to an unconditional surrender by Santa Anna, who had driven in the covering force left at Agua Nueva, and appeared on the 22d immediately in the American front with his whole army. The summons being of course declined, the attack commenced, and was continued with great vigour throughout the afternoon of the 22d and the whole day of the 23d. At its conclusion Santa Anna must have sent off his despatch of this date from Buena Vista, detailing the events of the day and announcing his intended retreat upon Agua Nueva, which he effected early that night. According to the American account, Taylor would seem to have sustained all the attacks of the Mexicans in his position at Buena Vista, whereas Santa Anna's despatch, as well as the reports previously in circulation, represented the Americans as falling back, though without disorder, from one post to another. Taylor certainly decamped from Agua Nueva at the first intelligence of Santa Anna's approach, and his cursory intimation that a "demonstration on Saltillo was handsomely repelled" shows that detachments, at least, of the two armies must have been engaged at some point beyond Buena Vista. Probably Santa Anna makes too much and Taylor too little of these movements. Our suspicions that the American General had not actually reached Monterey as reported, turn out to be correct. By the dates of his despatches, he appears to have been at Buena Vista on the 34th - the day after the battle, - at Saltillo on the 35th, and at Agua Nueva on the 1st of March. It is not improbable, we think, that he was in or near Saltillo on the 23d, when Santa Anna was at Buena Vista, and that he successively occupied this General quitted them. His onslaught upon the retiring enemy proves to be mere romance. Two days after the fighting, Santa Anna was still at Agua Nueva, the post from which the Americans had originally decamped, and Taylor's despatch merely expresses a "preparation to receive him should he venture another attack" - words which certainly imply no great superiority of condition. Indeed, beyond the fact that the Americans undoubtedly beat off, though from a strong position, a force nearly quadrupling their own, they seem to have no reason to think them otherwise than voluntary. The debatable ground was between Saltillo and Agua Nueva. From the latter place Santa Anna is said to be moving on his original line of operations towards San Luis, and from the former place Taylor himself announces his resolution of retiring to his head-quarters at Monterey. This disorganization which the American General attributes to the enemy's forces, and the composure which he ascribes to his own. Must of course be understood with considerable allowances.

The operations in the Gulf are more intelligible, as they have not yet proceeded beyond the preliminaries of taking up positions. The Lobos armada sailed on the 9th of March, and landed 12,000 men, without opposition, three miles above Vera Cruz. The following days were occupied in investing the city completely by land, while the squadron blockaded all the sea approaches to the castle and port. This unresisted investment of the place probably gave rise to the report mentioned in our last advices, that the town and castle had already fallen to the Americans. We have already quoted authourities in confirmation of our own surmises that the capture of Tampico towards concluding, or even advancing, the war, unless the effects of the Three Million Bill should begin to be simultaneously felt. It is at this point, however, that the real push is made. The movement in the north was purely Mexican, nor will the American force in that quarter have further orders probably than to maintain such a hold on California, and the line of the Grande, as will both suggest and facilitate the peaceable transfer of these coveted districts at the consummation of a peace. The American papers contain a long communication between the President and the Secretary of the Treasury, dated the 23d of last month, from which it clearly appears that the scheme broached some time ago of occupying all the Mexican sea-board, and blockading an entire empire into a capitulation, is to be seriously prosecuted, and that the investment of Vera Cruz is one step in the plan. The ports both in the Atlantic and the Pacific are to be seized, and the communication across the isthmus is to be secured. Mexican duties and prohibitions are to be everywhere abolished, and such a tariff devised as will best answer the ends of raising revenue and increasing commerce. By these means it is conceived that the United States treasury will be eased of some of the burden of the war; that the new duties collected by American officers will go far to support the troops engaged in the contest; that the goodwill of neutral nations will be secured by an arrangement so much more favourable to all their interests than the absurd restrictions of the old Mexican tariff; and that the Mexicans themselves will be at length circumvented into an honourable peace. We will not, at present, remark upon the long vista of blockades and sieges which this prospect discloses, or on the probable duration of a war which is to witness the capture of all the ports of an extensive country, and which, at the commencement of its second year, had only yet seen the occupation of one and the investment of another of them. Neither will we attempt to calculate how far the opinions of neutral nations upon the whole casus belli may be qualified by the bonus held out to them in the proposed arrangements for the campaign. We will only say, that even if all the three first expectations should be verified, but little advance will be made towards securing the fulfilment of the last. It is perfectly notorious to the Americans themselves that the Mexican nation can subsist in abundant comfort upon its own plateaux and leave the invaders to enjoy the seacoasts as long as they please. If they choose to indulge their obstinacy, there is nothing in this blockade to prevent them. They know perfectly well that the Americans can never fin men, money, or patience for the permanent occupation of any points they may seize, otherwise they would never display so much anxiety about the peaceable conveyance of the property. The appropriation of the Mexican customs may assist, but it can never reimburse, the American exchequer. There will still be a growing balance against the Treasury and a growing feeling against the war. Its novelty has already worn off; its injustice is daily more notorious; its expenses are hourly more serious, and its termination more invisible than ever. The States want part of California and the line of the Grande. They have already taken them; and if they knew the way to deep them, the business would be done. But their tenure is not worth a dollar without such consent of the Mexicans as will preclude the necessity and the cost of armed occupation. This consent they are now labouring to extort; but as they, even by their most promising scheme, have to conquer and occupy every port on either coast, while the Mexicans have nothing to do but to sit still and be sulky, it is not difficult to discover which party has the harder game.
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LT April 29, 1847 7d Fortress of San Juan d'Ulloa

THE FORTRESS OF SAN JUAN D'ULLOA. - The following is an extract of a letter in the last number of the New York Tribune, from and officer on board the United States ship Albany. "As from the deck, with my glass, I swept over the city of Vera Cruz, its environs, and the stronghold which covers it - said to be impregnable to the combined fleets of the earth - it was with a rather serious feeling that my eyes rested upon this grim, grizzly pile, barbed and bristling with its hundreds of cannon. The question at once arises, can it be taken? Shall we ever see our fleet moving up over the expanse before me to attack it? I doubt it very much. Certainly not, with any force we have, or have had here. Let people prate as much at home as they please about it. If ever it is done, it will be by a tremendous array of cannon, and a most awful loss of life. The castle of Vera Cruz is no more what it was when the French carried it, than you are now to what your were when a nursling in your mother's arms. Then there were no guns above the caliber of 24-pounds, and but few of them most miserably served. The magazines, unarched, were not bomb proof. The powder was of such and inferior character that not a shot penetrated the side of a French ship, but at the close of the engagement were stuck about the sides of the shopping like so many balls of mud; and in addition to all this the commanding officer, having been instructed not to fire the first gun, permitted the French squadron to come up and take its position as quietly as though mooring to pass the winter season. Now let us see what a change time and a severe lesson have effected in this same castle. There are at present mounted within its periphery nearly 300 cannon, and these all 32's, 42's, and 8 and 10 inch Paixhans, there being a very large number of the latter; and wherever it has been possible to train a gun upon the channel of approach, they are planted en barbette, so that a fleet moving up to the attack, must be exposed to a concentrated fire of 70 cannon, over a distance of two miles, before it can get into position to return a single shot. The castle of San Juan fronts the city at a distance of about 3-8ths of an mile, and is supported by a water-battery, at the north west angle of the town, of 50 32 and 42-pound guns - all of which, would poor their volleys on the squadron passing up, bows on, form the moment it arrived with range of the shot until its anchors were down, with springs upon the cables, within the reach for any promise of success and at what an immense sacrifice it would be accomplished, if at all. The garrison at this moment is composed of 2,000 men. In the event of an attack they would, with the most perfect safety, retire within the casemates (which are as impervious to shot as the sides of Mount Orizaba) until the ammunition of the assailing force was expended, when they would return to their guns and sweep the waters before them with the most terrific, destructive effect. The officer commanding the castle lately sent official word 'that if the commodore would bring his fleet up, he might fire until there was not a shot left in the locker, and he would promise him not to return a gun until he was done firing.'"
[JLM]

LT April 29, 1847 7e US squadron in the Gulf of Mexico

THE AMERICAN SQUADRON IN THE GULF OF MEXICO. -

We understand that the following is a corrected list of the United States naval forces now concentration in the Gulf of Mexico. They furnish a formidable armament on the seaside to cover the debarkation of our troops and to assist in taking the Castle : -

Guns

Line of ship Ohio, Captain Stringham	44
Frigate Potomac, Captain Aulick	74
Frigate Raritan, Captain Forest	44
Sloop of war John Adams, Commander McCluney	20
Sloop of war St. Mary's, Commander Saunders	20
Sloop of war Albany, Captain Breese	20
Sloop of war Germantown, Commander Buchanan	20
Sloop of war Saratoga, Commander Faragut	20
Sloop of war Decatur, Commander Pinckney	16
Brig of war Porpoise, Lieutenant Hunt	10
Schooner of war Bonito, Lieutenant Benham	1
Schooner of war Reefer, Lieutenant Sterrett	1
Schooner of war Petrel, Lieutenant Shaw	1
Steamer Mississippi, Commander Adams (Paixham)	10
Steamer Princeton, Commander Engle	9
Steamer Spitfire, Commander Tatnall	3
Steamer Vixen, Commander Sands	3
Steamer Maclean, Captain Howard	3
Steamer Union, Captain Rudd	4
Steamer Hunter, Lieutenant M'Laughlin	6
Steamer Scorpion, Commander Biglow, 64-pr.	1
Steamer Scourge, Lieutenant Hunter	1
Storeship Relief, Lieutenant Bullus	6
Storeship Supply, Lieutenant Colhoun	2
Storeship Fredonia, Lieutenant Chauncey	2
Bomb ketch Stromboli, Commander Van Brunt, 93-pr.	1
Bomb ketch Etna, Commander Walker, 93-pr.	1
Bomb ketchVesuvius, Commander Magruder, 93-pr.	2
Bomb ketch Hecla, Lieutenant Fairfax, 93-pr.	1
Bomb Electra, Lieutenant Hunt	1
Cutter Forward, Captain Nones	6
Total Number of guns	354

The whole number of guns, according to the ratings of the ships enumerated, is 254 - which is less, however, than the actual number. This enumeration does not include several small vessels captured from the enemy and taken into service by Commodore Connor. The brig Washington (one gun), Lieutenant Commander Barron, will sail as soon as a crew can be obtained for her. The steamer Alleghany (10 guns), Lieutenant W.W. Hunter, is completing her equipment at Memphis, and will soon be ready for sea. 14 of the vessels named have been purchased by the department since the commencement of the war. - New York Tribune.
[JLM]

LT MAy 1, 1847 8f THE SIEGE OF VERA CRUZ

"Admiralty, April 28"

"Sir, I am commanded by my Lords Commissioners of the Admiralty to send you herewith, for the information of the committee for the managing the affairs of Lloyd's copies of a letter and its enclosures from Commander Matson, of Her containing a correspondence which had taken place between himself and Commodore Conner, commanding the United States' naval forces off Vera Cruz, respecting the embarkation of British property from that place.

"I am, Sir, your most obedient humble servant,

"Mr. W. Debson, Lloyd's.

J.G. WARD"

Copy No. 2.

"Her Majesty's sloop Daring, Vera Cruz, March 10.

"Sir, -I have the honour to enclose copies of a correspondence that I have had with Commodore Conner, commanding the United States' blockading forces, respecting the embarkation of British property from Vera Cruz, and also extracts from private notes which passed between us on that occasion.

"I have ordered the Hermes to remain at anchor off the town for the purpose of embarking such British persons, with their valuable property, as might be desirous of seeking refuge on board.

"On the receipt of the Commodore's letter, I directed her to receive cochinal and she has now on board all that was bona fide British Property.

"The Consul for the Hanosoatic towns requested to be permitted to take refuge with his family on board one of Her Majesty's vessels, and which request I immediately seceded to, and also that of the Prussian Consul, to receive the subjects of his nation and their families.

"There are now on board the Daring and Hermes about 50 persons, principally women and children, who fled from Vera Cruz on the approach of the United States' besieging forces.

"H. Matson, Commander and Senior Officer.
"The Commodore commanding Her Majesty's ships at Jamaica."

Copy.)

Extract from the Commander Matson's note to Commodore Conner, dated February 27, 1847:

"We all know that according to the strict laws of war there is no such thing as neutral property in and enemy's country, but this severe law has in this more enlightened age of civilization undergone modifications and there surely can be no two nations whose interest it more is to modify that law than America and England, whose enterprising merchants are to be found in every quarter of the globe.

"This induces me to think that you will not hesitate to comply with my request; the more so as I know your own personal desire to act on the most liberal principles with respect to foreigners."

Extract from Commodore Conner's note to Commander Matson, dated March 1, 1847:

"Some matters that required my immediate attention prevested my replying to your official note of the 27th ult. Besides my desire to oblige you in any matter of this sort, the eloquent manner in which the question has been urged by you would alone secure its favourable consideration. In the course of tomorrow or next day i will return answer to you official note."

(Copy.)

"H.B. Majesty' Sloop Daring, Vera Cruz. Feb. 27.

"Sir, In the expectation of an attack on the town of Vera Cruz by the United States' forces, I have receive applications from a number of British subjects for permission to embark their property on board of Her Majesty's vessels under my orders; but, as part of that property consists of merchandise, I have not felt myself justified in complying with their request without having obtained your sanction.

"I believe that the only article of merchandise for which permission is requested to embark, and which in fact is the only one that under the present circumstances could be received on board one of Her Majesty's ships, is a quantity of cochineal, which, although small in bulk, is very valuable, and which during the late blockade by the French was allowed to exported in the same manner as specie.

"Many British subjects are now desirous of removing from Vera Cruz, but they are, of course, both to leave their most valuable property behind them, which in a besieged town, would necessarily be very insecure; indeed, if taken by bombardment or assault, it would in all probability be destroyed. The rabble of a besieged town, such as Vera Cruz, would seek any opportunity for plunder, and might in reigners. If taken by assault, or after a protracted slege, no private property would be safe. History too truly verifies this assertion.

"In now appealing to you in behalf of some of my countrymen at this place, I do not ask you to alter permanently any of the regulations or instructions that you have established respecting the blockade. I only ask you to allow them to remove their valuables from Vera Cruz, to same them from destruction by flames or otherwise.

"I do not, Sir, expect you to inform me whether their apprehensions of an immediate attack on this place are, or not well founded; but looking to the extensive preparations that are being made in the U.S. to prosecute the war, it is surely not unreasonable for them to suppose that Vera Cruz will ere long have to withstand the horrors of a siege.

"Henry Matson,
"Commander and Senior Officer.

"Commodore Conner, Commander-in -Chief United States' squadron."

(Copy.)

"Her Majesty's ship Raritan,
Anton Lizarde, March 4.

"Sir, I have received your letter of the 27th ult., in which you request, in anticipation of an assault upon Vera Cruz, permission for the British merchants in that city to withdraw, and place on board the vessels of war under you command their most valuable effects, with the view of preserving them from destruction.

"As my Government is desirous of mitigating to neutrals, as far as possible, in the present war, the evils necessarily incidental to a state of hostilities, and as the humane disposition on the part of my Government is entirely in accordance with my own feelings, i accede willingly to your proposition. You are, therefore, hereby authorized to receive on board the vessels of war under you command such portion of the valuable effects of the merchants and others of Vera Cruz to whom you may give refuge, as you may deem proper.

"I must, however, at the same time request that you will apply this permission to no one who is not a bona fide subject, and that you will in each case exact a reasonable degree of proof of the ownership of the property sought to be protected.

"D. CONNER,
"Commander of the United States' Squadron."

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LT May 5, 1847 6b Anglo Mexican Mint Company

At the annual meeting of the Anglo-Mexican Mint Company held today, it appeared by the report, that whatever mischief the war with the United States may have done to Mexico, the mining industry of the country has not suffered. The company holds two mints in the interior, those of Guanaxuato and Zacatecas, and the amount coined at these is the year ending December 31, 1845, was 8,788,278 dollars; and in 1846, 9,027,881 dollars. A half yearly dividend was declared of 15s. per share.

Further papers from Perth, Western Australia, have arrived, and these extend to the 7th of January. They, however, furnish little additional intelligence to that which we previously communicated, except the subjoined important announcement by the Governor respecting the recent geographical and mineral discoveries made by Lieutenant Helpman and his party during their cruise in the Champion. At the date of these advices the Unicorn, from England, had got safely into port. Working bullocks were fetching 7l. to 10l.; milk cows, 6l. to 8l.; horses, 10l. to 30l.; and wheat, oats and barley, 7a. per bushel.
[TNW]

LT May 6, 1847 5d Military Apppointments

(From the Washington Union)

MILITARY APPOINTMENTS

The President, as will be perceived in the announcement in this day's paper, has filled the vacancies occasioned by the declination of General Benton and General Cumming to accept the command of Major Generals in the army of the United States, by appointment of Brigadier-Generals Pillow and Quitman of the volunteers now serving in Mexico. They have both had the advantage of the experience of near a year's active service in Mexico, and we learn are esteemed in the army as among the most valuable officers in the service. General Pillow has performed valuable services in the field, and was among the conspicuous officers of the army in the recent bombardment and siege of the city of Vera Cruz and Castle of San Juan d'Ulloa. He was selected by General Scott as one of the three officers under his command to adjust with the enemy the terms of surrender. General Quitman acted most galantly at the battle of Monterey. There is a peculiar propriety in making promotions to these important commands from the volunteer service. The promotion of Colonel Cushing, who now commands a regiment of volunteers in Mexico, to be a brigadier-general of volunteers, is also well deserved. He is a man of distinguished talents, and has exhibited great patriotism in his late exertions to raise the Massachussetts regiment of volunteers. Thus the country will percieve that the administration is organizing the army to its full complement of officers. It is not enough to gain a victory- we must fully profit by it. No man will complain of the want of energy in the administration. The war will be prosecuted with the utmost vigour until the object has been accomplished, by securing as honorable peace.
[TNW]

LT May 6, 1847 5d CAPTURE OF VERA CRUZ AND ST. JEAN D'ULLOA.

We have received a copy of the New York Journal of Commerce of the 16th ult., which was furnished to our correspondent at Plymouth by a pilot, who obtained it from an American packet bound to Havre.

The following extracts from the Journal of Commerce leave no doubt as to the capture of Vera Cruz and the Castle of St. Jean d'Ulloa by the American force under General Scott, though in the absence of the intermediate papers between the 7th, the latest previous date, and the 16 ult., we are unable to furnish our readers with any details of the operations in question:

"AN AVALANCHE OF VICTORIES.

"On the 1st day of the present month we published the authentic intelligence of the battle of Buena Vista, In which General Taylor with 5,000 men defeated Santa Anna with 20,000. Since that date, we have announced the recapture of Los Angeles, which had risen against the new authorities in California, and the re-establishment of American rule throughout that territory. Also the defeat and dispersion of the insurgents in New Mexico. Also the unconditional surrender of Vera Cruz and the Castle of San Juan d'Ullos, with 4,000 troops, to the American forces under General Scott. And, lastly, the capture of Chihuahua, capital of the state of the same name, by a force under Colonel Doniphan. Such a succession of victories (two of them most important) is something new in our annals, and it is to be hoped may load the Mexican Government, if there be such a Government, to treat for peace. If, however, it should begot in the minds of our people a thirst for military glory, it will prove to be the greatest calamity which ever befell us. Peace is our element, and without it we cannot expect permanent or long continued prosperity. If Mexico should now be inclined to negotiate, we trust our Government will do itself the honor to offer liberal terms, such as will show to the world that as this war came upon us unexpectedly, and contrary to our most ardent wishes, so it has been prosecuted, not for territorial aggrandizement, nor to depress a weaker Power, but because there has not been a moment since it broke out when Mexico would listen to propositions for peace, although overtures for that object have been repeatedly tendered."
[TNW]

LT May 7, 1847 5f CAPTURE OF VERA CRUZ

Official Dispatches from General Scott

Head quarters of the Army,
Camp, Washington, before Vera Cruz,
March 23, 1847.

Sir, Yesterday seven of our 10-inch mortars being in batteries, and the labors for planting the remainder of our heavy metal being in progress, I addressed, at 2 o'clock p.m., a summons to the Governor of Vera Cruz, and within the two hours limited by the bearer of the flag received the Governor's answer. Copies of the two papers (marked respectively A and B) are herewith enclosed.

It will be perceived that the Governor, who, it turns out, is the commander of both places, chose, against the plain terms of the summons, to suppose me to have demanded the surrender of the castle and of the city, when, in fact, from the non-arrival of our heavy metal, principally mortars, I was in no condition to threaten the former.

On the return of the flag, with that reply, I at once ordered the seven mortars on the battery to open upon the city. In a short time the smaller vessels of Commodore Perry's squadron-two steamers and five schooners, -according to previous arrangement with him, approached the city within about a mile and an eighth, whence, being partly covered from the castle; an essential condition to their safety; they also opened a brisk fire upon the city. This has been continued uninterruptedly by the mortars, and only with a few intermissions by the vessels, up to 9 o'clock this morning, when the Commodore very properly called them off from a position too daringly assumed.

Our three remaining mortars are now in battery, and the whole ten in activity. Tomorrow, early, if the city should continue obstinate, batteries No. 4 and 5 will be ready to add their fire, No. 4 consisting of four 24 pounders and 2 8-inch Paixhans guns, and No.5, of three 32 pounders and three 8 inch Paixhans; the guns, officers, and sailors landed from the squadron; our friends of the navy being unremitting in their zealous cooperation in every mode and form.

So far, we know that our fire upon the city has been highly effective, particularly from the batteries of 10 inch mortars, planted at about 800 yard from the city. Including the preparations and defense of the batteries, from the beginning, now many days, and notwithstanding the heavy fire of the enemy, from the city and castle, we have only had four of five men wounded, and on officer and one man killed, in or near the trenches. That officer was Captain J.R. Vinton, of the United States 3rd Artillery, one of the most gifted, accomplished, and effective members of the army, and who was highly distinguished in brilliant operations of Monterey. He fell last evening in the trenches, where he was on duty as field and commanding officer, universally regretted. I have just attended his honored remains to a soldier's grave, in full view of the enemy and with reach of his guns.

Thirteen of the long needed mortars, leaving 27, besides heavy guns, behind, have arrived, and two of them are landed. A heavy northern then set in, that stopped that operation, and also landing of shells. Hence the fire of our mortar batteries has been slackened since 2 o'clock today, and cannot be reinvigorated today until we have a smooth sea. In the meantime I shall leave this report open, for journalizing events that may occur up to the departure of the steam ship of war Princeton, with Commander Conner, who, I learn, expects to leave the anchorage off Sacrificios, for the United States, the 25th inst.

March 21- The storm having subsided in the night, we commenced this forenoon, as soon as the sea became a little smooth, to land shot, shells, and mortars.

The naval battery No. 5 was opened with great activity, under Captain Aulick, the second in rank of the squadron, at about 10 a.m. His fire was continued to 2 o'clock p.m.; a little before he was relieved by Captain Mayo, who landed with a fresh supply of ammunition, Captain Aulick having exhausted the supply he brought with him. He lost four sailors, killed, and had one officer, Lieutenant Baldwin, slightly hurt.

The mortar batteries Nos. 1, 2, and 3, have fired but languidly during the day for want of shells, which are now going cut from the beach.

The two reports of Colonel Bankhead, Chief of Artillery, both of this date, copies of which I enclose, give the incidents of those three batteries.

March 25.- The Princeton being about to start for Philadelphia, I have but a moment to continue this report.

All the batteries, Nos. 1, 2, 3, 4, and 5, are in awful activity this morning. The effect is, no doubt, very great, and I think the city cannot hold out beyond today. Tomorrow morning many of the new mortars will be in a position to add their fire, when, or after the delay of some twelve shall organize parties from carrying the city by assault. So far the defense has been spirited and obstinate.

I enclose a copy of a memorial received last night, signed by the consuls of Great Britain, France, Spain, and Prussia, within Vera Cruz, asking me to grant a truce to enable the neutrals, together with Mexican women and children, to withdraw from the scene of havoc about them. I shall reply, the moment that an opportunity may be taken, to say- 1. That a truce can only be granted on the application of Governor Morales, with a view to surrender. 2. That in sending safeguards to the different consuls, beginning as far back as the 13th inst., I distinctly admonish them; particularly the French and Spanish consuls; and of course, through the two, the other consuls, of the dangers that have followed. 3. That although at that date I had already refused to allow any person whatsoever to pass the line of investment either way, yet the blockade had been left open to the consuls and other neutrals to pass out to their respective ships of war up to the 22nd inst.; and , 4th, I shall enclose to the memorialists a copy of any summons to the Governor, to show that I had fully considered the impending hardships and distresses of the place, including those of women and children, before one gun had been fired in that direction. The intercourse between the neutral ships of war and the city was stopped at the last mentioned date by Commodore Perry, with my concurrence, which I placed on the ground that the intercourse could not fail to give to the enemy moral aid and comfort.

It will be seen from the memorial, that our batteries have already had a terrible effect on the city and hence the inference that a surrender must soon be proposed. In haste,

I have the honor to remain, Sir, with respect,

Your most obedient servant, WINFIELD SCOTT.

Hon. W.L. Marcy, Secretary at War.
[TNW]

LT May 8, 1847 6c US war against Mexico

By the packet ship Yorkshire, Captain Bailey, we have advices from New York to the 17th ult. inclusive.

The intelligence from the seat of is interesting. General Taylor was still in pursuit of Urrea.

The Mexican papers are full of details of the fighting, robberies, and murders committed in the capital by the opposing armies and the banditti. In fact, that beautiful city was literally converted into a battle field. Streets were barricaded by the belligerents, whose deadly fire rakes the principal thoroughfares, and killed many of the offending inhabitants and even women. Dwellings were plundered and stores robbed. Well dressed citizens were waylaid in open day, robbed of their watches and jewelry, and in many instances murdered by the lawless soldiers and banditti scouring the streets. For several days anarchy reigned supreme throughout the devoted city. All law was at an end, and 160, 000 persons were exposed to the brutal passions of the infuriated mob of soldiers and robbers. The robbers on the principal mail routes had poured into the city of Mexico in thousands, many no doubt to share in the excesses of the revolution, but more probably to escape from the American forces, who were expected to proceed by the Jalapa road.

Santa Anna was at Cedral when he heard of then revolutionary attempting the city of Mexico. He wrote thence on the third of March, avowing his opposition to the attempt, and then pushed into Matahuala. He wrote thence, on the 6th ult., to the Secretary at War, announcing that he would march on the capital with a large division of his forces, and put down the revolution.

The entrance of Santa Anna into San Luis Potosi, on the 8th ult., was a triumphal one. All classes went out to meet him two or three miles on the road. At night he was serenaded and the town illuminated.

The following day he wrote a dispatch to the Secretary of War, announcing that two brigades of infantry, composed of 4,000 men, with their corresponding batteries, were on their march to San Luis, and they were to be followed by two others of all arms, to the aid of the supreme powers of the nation traitorously attacked. This letter would lead one to suppose conclusively that he intended to put down the attempt against Gomez Farias's administration. He denounces in unqualified terms the attempt at a revolution at such a time.

But the day after, March 10, he wrote two other letters to Mexico; one to General Barragan, the head of the revolutionary party, the other to Gomez Farias. In these his tome is altered. He denounces civil dissension's, but is considerate in seeking terms of courtesy towards Barragan and Farias. He conjures them to desist from further hostilities in the capital, and announces his purpose of proceeding thither immediately. He tells Barragan not to fear for himself or others compromised by the revolutionary attempt; that he has but one desire, to unite all Mexicans. There followed from these letters, which were published on the 13th or 14th, a suspension of hostilities, though each party accused the other of violating the truce. Santa Anna had not arrived on the 17th, but would encounter no difficulty in assuming power. All parties were waiting for him impatiently, and each claiming that he will side with them. Representations had been made to him in abundance, and large delegations of influential men had gone on towards San Luis to meet and propitiate him.

It was reported that Santa Anna had arrived at the capital on the 19th of March, and was in full possession of power.

The New Orleans Whig journals mention General Taylor as a candidate for the Presidency.

The President has appointed two new major-generals; Generals Quitman and Pillow, of Mississippi and Tennessee respectively.

Mr. Pakenham, the English Minister at Washington, is, according to the Baltimore journals, about to return to England.

During the bombardment of Vera Cruz, the United States' army used the following number of shot:

Army Battery
3,000 ten-inch shells 90 lb.. each
500 round shot 25 lb..
200 eight-inch howitzer shells 68 lb..

General Patterson's Navy Battery
1,000 Paizhan shot 68 lb..
800 round shot 32 lb..

Musquito Fleet, Captain Tatnall
1,200 shot and shell, averaging 62 lb..

Making in all 6,700 shot and shell, weighing 403,590 lb..

The destruction in the city is said to be most awful, one half of it is reported to be destroyed. Houses are blown to pieces and furniture scattered in every direction, the streets torn up, and the strongest buildings seriously damaged.
[TNW]

LT May 10, 1847 4c Capture of Vera Cruz

We have seldom had occasion to record an operation of war more revolting to every feeling of humanity and justice than the bombardment and capture of the city and castle of Vera Cruz by the American forces. In itself, indeed, the conquest of the strongest fortified position on the Mexican coast is the most important exploit of the campaign, and probably the most considerable enterprise ever attempted by the troops of the United States. But when we call to mind unprincipled aggression in which the war originated, and the purposes for which it has been carried on , the more signal these achievements are, the more sinister is the light they cast on the policy of the American Government. The luster of the arms of the United States is tarnished by the infamy of such a contest against an unoffending and impotent enemy; and the horrors of war, which can only be atoned for by a noble cause and a heroic bravery, have in this instance been aggravated by the detestable policy which sent forth the invading army, and by the miserable weakness of those against whom its prowess was directed. The American dispatches relate, with an air of unconscious simplicity, one of the most atrocious and barbarous acts committed in modern times by the forces of a civilized nation. The mode adopted by General Scott in conducting the siege was characteristic of the fierce and destructive spirit of a volunteer and unpracticed army. No attempt is made to disguise the fact, that the means taken by that officer to force the citadel of St. Juan d'Ulloa to surrender was the destruction of the city of Vera Cruz. Nearly 7,000 projectiles were thrown into this devoted town during the three days and a half that the bombardment lasted. One half of the buildings are said to be destroyed. In fact, the attack appears to have been exclusively directed on the city, in preference to the castle, for General Scott expressly states, that the heavy pieces of ordnance on which he relied for the reduction of the principal forts were not landed when the city was invested; and that he was surprised to find that the capitulation of the town and of the citadel was simultaneous. The thing itself is so extraordinary, and so contrary to all the usage's of modern war, unless under circumstances of peculiar necessity, that we could not have believed it on any lower authority than that of the officer in command. As for the Castle of St. Juan d'Ulloa, it is one of those places into which a hostile force would find it difficult to make its way, if there were not a garrison to open the gates of it, and a governor to sign a capitulation. It evidently surrendered to mere intimidation or corruption, or possibly to the desire of saving the city from total annihilation. The application of the foreign Consuls on the 24th of March for a truce to enable themselves and the subjects of the European Powers, together with Mexican women and children, to leave the city, was refused by General Scott. Probably when those gentlemen resolved to remain at their posts at the commencement of the siege, they did not anticipate that the city was to be the principal mark of the American batteries; or they might have consulted their own safety by retiring to those strong fortifications of the Castle, against which the enemy's artillery was not directed, or on which, at least, it made no impression.

The whole operation lasted 20 days from the disembarkation of the troops on the 9th of March to the evacuation of the city and castle by the Mexicans on the 29th. The negotiation for surrender began on the 26th. During the sixteen days of active hostilities there were five days of violent "northers," those hurricanes of the coast of Mexico which effectually interrupt all communication by sea, and must have placed the squadron in considerable peril. For two days and nights the wind was so violent, and the drifting sand so damaging, that it was almost impossible to clear the trenches or to man the batteries. Yet, in spite of all these untoward circumstances, we are informed that in the course of the whole series of operations, including the landing of 13,000 men and the storm of shot and shell from the works of the town and of St. Juan d'Ulloa, the combined forces of the United States lost but 17 men killed, or in all 65 killed and wounded.

On the side of the Mexicans the less of life and property is reported to have been frightful' and that unhappy country seems to be a prey to the accumulated horrors of anarchy and war, of cowardice and corruption, of foreign violence and domestic pillage. In the city of Mexico itself all order and law are at an end. The Government is extinct' the army defeated and dissolved. If a nation could suddenly expire, this would be the supreme hour of the Mexican people; as it is, the horrors in flicted on the aboriginal inhabitants of the country by their Spanish conquerors have been faithfully revenged upon the abject descendants of these conquerors by a race of men animated by equal passions and armed with equal superiority. The standard of the Spanish race in Mexico has been trampled on as brutally and fiercely as the ensigns of the ingenious and unfortunate people which preceded them in the occupation of that magnificent region. The compassion which these calamities naturally excite in our minds is, indeed, considerably mitigated by the irresistible contempt the world must entertain for a people which has shown itself to be so thoroughly incapable of the first duties of existence, of government, and of self-defense. On both side the spectacle we have before our eyes is the opprobrium of the age we live in, and an indelible disgrace to the people of the New World, who professed to have planted their institutions on a higher basis than the lust of bloodshed and aggrandizement which have so often devastated the elder continent. The sanguinary spoliation which incites the armies of the United Sates is as degrading to the mankind as the poltroonery of their victims, for we cannot call them antagonists; and whilst we should blush to applaud the military triumphs of the United States, we can hardly deign to pity the woeful discomfiture of an emasculated people.

It is, however, as certain as the lessons of history and the justice of Providence can make it, that these great acts of political wrong lead straight to their own chastisement, and that every hour of success in this fatal war will be expiated by years of trouble and embarrassment to the aggressors. The annexation of Texas, the rapacious seizure of the province of a neighboring state which had long been plotted at Washington, was consummated by Mr. Tyler in the last hours of his pitiable administration. The act was consummated, but its consequences only began. It has already cost the American people the revenue of years. Even now there is no reasonable prospect of terminating the war by a sound or stable peace, and the American armies may yet be decimated by disease on the coast or by the banditti of the interior. But grant they are successful. They coveted a province, and the entire mass of a territory and a population which they can neither govern nor abandon falls with all its responsibility upon their heads. Henceforward the influence of the late United States will be continually involved, or rather entangled, in the anarchy of her sister republic. A foreign dependency, incapable of self-government, yet detesting this northern rulers, will, under one form or another, be connected with the Union; for whatever Government it may be possible to re-establish in Mexico will only exist in servile fear of Anglo-American ascendancy. Nor will these consequences be confined to Mexico itself. The course of these events has materially affected the disposition of the American people. Their easy triumphs have inflated to the last degree their estimate of the military and naval power of their country. Military popularity will place one of the heroes of this war in the Presidential chair at the next election; and as the passions which are most fatal to the peace and welfare of mankind appear to extend their baneful influence over the mass of the democracy of the United States, we do not question but they will eventually impair the political institutions of the country whose political morality they have already extinguished.
[TNW]

LT May 10, 1847 6a STATE OF MEXICO

The revolution which was proclaimed here by the National Guard on the 27th of February had, in the first instance, very extensive objects. They demanded a new Congress and fresh elections of president and vice-president; Gomez Farias, who held the latter office, to be immediately removed, and the executive power to be confided provisionally to Senor Pena y Pena. Towards Santa Anna the dislike of a Moderado party, who attempted the revolution, is quite as great as to Gomez Farias, Dan their fears much greater, but they considered him to be engaged in a hopeless expedition against the Americans in Saltillo, from which he might possibly never return, and they therefore treated his claim to the Presidency with little ceremony, leaving him simply the title of Commander-in-Chief of the army. Santa Anna's ingenuity in converting his repulse at the Angostura into a victory soon convinced the Pronunciados, however, that he was not to be thus easily disposed of, and, as the Congress showed no disposition to dissolve itself at their bidding, while the regular troops under Rangel remained faithful to the Government, they found it prudent to lower their tone and, remodeling their plan, announced as its sole object the deposition Gomez Farias. Santa Anna, on his march to San Luis Potosi (to which place he found necessary to retreat after the battle of Angostura), received intelligence of these disturbances, and fully comprehending their tendency as affecting himself, wrote in the strongest terms to Gomez Farias, exhorting him to hold out until troops, which Santa Anna promised to dispatch immediately to his assistance, should arrive here. He protested further, that if the insurgents were not punished in the most exemplary manner, he would himself leave the country, considering it no longer habitable if the laws could be violated with impunity. There is something ludicrous in this language from a man whose whole life has been a series of insurrections, and the Pronunciados, estimation to at its proper worth, lost not time in communicating to him their modified plan, backed by those arguments to which he is known to be most open. The effect was immediately perceptible in a fresh series of communications from him, to the Government in cool, and to the Pronunciados in very friendly, terms. Complying with the intention of Congress, he announced his intention to assume the Presidency, by which the obnoxious individual (Gomez Farias) would be legally got rid of, and directed that hostilities should cease until his arrival. Many and anxious were the deliberations of Gomez Farias, and his party the ultra democrats, or, as they are now termed Puros, on the receipt of this unexpected intelligence; but they had no alternative but submission, as their military supporters acknowledged no orders except Santa Anna's. The young gentlemen of the National Guard, called by the mob "Polkas" (with reference to a well known dance, not to the President of the United States), on the other hand, were highly elated. Both parties maintained their position, and though the streets continued barricaded, dan business of every kind suspended, the firing ceased until Santa Anna arrived at Guadeloupe on the 22nd ult., and, having taken the oath as President before a committee deputed by Congress to wait on him, made his entry into this city and established himself at the Palace as the head of the Government. Thus the dissensions of Moderados and Puro (the Conservatives and Radicals of Mexico) have terminated for the present in the elevation of an individual towards whom both parties entertain feelings of dislike and distrust; dan it is one great proof of Santa Anna's superior energy that, in spite of those feelings, his presence seldom fails to produce submission. The clergy, whose money dan influence contributed largely to the recent change, have obtained from Santa Anna the repeal of the late law for the sale of church property. The church must, however, suffer. Santa Anna has obtained from Congress authority to raise 20,000,000 dollars, and from no other source than the ecclesiastical coffers can any efficient aid be obtained. Forced loans are prescribed as dangerous and inefficacious; taxes are slow in operation, and tend to exasperate the classes on whom the pressure of the war chiefly falls; Mexican credit in foreign countries is a jest. The clergy must, therefore, consent to sacrifice a portion of their property; and, this conceded, the question becomes merely an arithmetical one, Santa Anna endeavoring to extract as much, and the reverend body to give as little as possible. Changes of Ministry have become so common here, as to be scarcely worth recording. Latterly, Gomez Farias could find no one to accept those appointments, and was obliged to dispense with the assistance of a Cabinet. Santa Anna has, however, succeeded in forming a Ministry of rather a respectable character. The War Department is given to General Ignacio Gutierrez, that of Foreign Affairs to Senor Barans, Justice to Senor Suarez Iriarte (a remnant of the Puros party), and Finance to Don Juan Rondero. The last appointment is the only one which will excite any interest in England. In peaceable times I should consider it favorable to the bondholders. Senor Rondero has never before been in office, but few men here are more deeply versed in the abstruse mysteries of Mexican finance. Originally a military man, he retains few traces of that profession, and has long been closely connected with the monied interest, which he may be considered as representing in the present Cabinet. For a Mexican, he is unusually sensitive on the subject of credit, and on the whole I do not think Santa Anna could have made a better selection.

A note of woe is heard from Vera Cruz. That city, styled "the heroic," as well as the strong castle of San Juan de Ulloa, are said to have fallen into the hands of the Americans, after a few days' bombardment by General Scott arrived late in the season on the coast. The deadly scourge of the vomito appears generally in the present month; and he has now not a moment to lose in pushing his way to Jalapa, which he will perhaps not do without opposition. Peurto Nacional and Plan del Rio have to be passed, and both present natural obstacles to the march of an army. The former has some fortifications, which have been thought impregnable by the Mexicans, but fatal experience has shown that they are not likely to prove so to the Americans. Attacking or attacked, the Mexicans seem fated to be defeated. The battle of the Angostura was fought chiefly by American volunteers, who are described in a letter from Saltillo as a most undisciplined rabble; yet Santa Anna, at the head of his chosen troops, much more than double their number, was compelled to retreat before them. Already some indication of what is likely to occur have been shown at Santa Fe, near Vera Cruz, where General Romulo de la Vaya attempted immediately abandoned by his troops. This officer has acquired an inconvenient sort of reputation by his conduct at Resaca de Guerrero, where he allowed himself to be made a prisoner, instead of running away, like the rest, for which Congress voted him a gold medal, and the most extravagant expectations are entertained of his future exploits. Santa Anna has obtained permission from Congress to resume the command of the army, and now goes to undertake the most dangerous of his campaigns. Of the 25, 000 men assembled at San Luis Potosi previous to the battle of the Angostura, probably not more than half are now in the ranks, and a part of those must be left to garrison San Luis. With national guards, militia, and volunteers. Santa Anna may be able to oppose about 15,000 men to General Scott, in the neighborhood of Jalapa. Not withstanding the dislike Mexicans entertain towards all foreigners, and the tenacity with which every offer of peace from the Americans has been rejected, there is little show of warlike enthusiasm here. Every Mexican, indeed, asserts that the war must be continued; but few are inclined to take any personal share in the contest, and still fewer contribute to its expenses. A party, too, exists who desire the subjugation of the country, not from any love to a foreign yoke, but from disgust at their own internal dissension's, dan a conviction of the impossibility of their establishing a permanent government amongst themselves. This party, under the mask of patriotism, will continue to augment the obstacles to peace, in order that the Americans may be forced to convert their invasion into a conquest. In the northern provinces the war has already taken the latter form. The capital of the state of Chihuahua has been occupied by 800 Americans. They were met by at least 3,000 Mexicans, who abandoned the field on receiving one volley of artillery. This little band of adventurers is now threatening the populous capital of Durango. A strong American squadron has arrived at Acapulco, and there can be no doubt that all the Mexican ports on the Pacific will fall, like those on the Atlantic, into the hands of the United States.

Santa Anna has been authorized by Congress to name a Deputy President during his absence, in order to exclude Gomez Farias from a return to power.
[TNW]

LT May 12, 1847 5c AMERICA AND MEXICO

The Zurich sailing-packet, Captain Thompson, arrived off Havre on Sunday, the 9th inst., with news from New York up to the 21st ult- the day on which she left that port.

The first in order of importance of the intelligence by this arrival is the conditions of peace submitted to the Mexicans by M. Atocha on the part of the American Government, but which, as will be seen by our Mexican correspondence, were summarily rejected.

These conditions, which first appeared in the journal of Guadalaxara, as a letter from M. Atocha to Gomez Farias and to Rejon, were afterwards copied into the Diario del Gobierno , a Mexican official journal, and reproduced by the journals of New York.

They are as follow:

"A commission shall be named to state the conditions. That commission shall be composed of Messrs. Benton and Buchanan, of a member of American Congress(belonging to the Opposition), and of two Mexican Commissioners. The commission shall assemble in a place to be pointed out by the Mexican Government.

"The United States demand the 26th degree of latitude, from the Gulf of Mexico to the Pacific, as line of division.

"The United States will pay $15,000,000 for the territory so occupied, engaging themselves solemnly not to make any formal demand for the expenses of the war. These expenses are estimated at $13,000,000 and the United States consequently consider that they pay $28,000,000 for the territory in question.

"The United States guarantee that they will never give their consent for any territory of Mexico or Mexican state, to be annexed to the American Union; and they will equally guarantee the sovereignty of Mexico, more particularly that part of the country that is situated to the south of the 26th degree parallel.

"The United States will place 10,000 men, infantry and cavalry, on the frontier line, to prevent contraband and incursions from the Indians.

"The United States engage themselves to set aside all differences relative to their former demands, for ceded territory, foreign debt, etc.

"A alliance, offensive and defensive, shall be signed between the United States and Mexico, for the purpose of repelling all European intervention in the affairs of America.

"M. Atocha is authorized by the United States Government to agree to conditions of a treaty of peace."

The France Americaine, a French journal published in New York, under the date of the 21st ult., says, in reference to these conditions,-

"Such are, according to the journal of Guadalaxara, the terms laid down by M. Atocha, in a letter written to Gomez Farias and to Rejan. Two months ago the Mexican press would have refused such an insertion, or at least would have accompanied it by the most furious declamations; now the Diario del Gobierno reproduces it without commentary. Through these changes se see assuredly pacific symptoms. If the bases laid down in the communication made by M. Atocha are adopted by the Mexican Government, the line of division formed by the 26th degree of parallel will cut the Rio Grande almost at its mouth, leaving Point Isabella, Palo-Alto, Resalca de la Palma to the north, and Matameras to the south. Monterey, the pass of the Rinconada, and Saltillo, the field of battle of Buena Vista, would also be comprised within the Mexican limits, but the United States would acquire the superior part of Tamaulipas, and of Nuevo Leon, of Cohahuila, of Durango, and of Sinaloa, with the whole of Upper California, the Sonora and Lower California as far as Cape St. Domingo. Letters from Mexico received by several of our American confreres , announce an early consent to the renewal of negotiations; they affirm also that the victorious army of General Scott could not have reached Jalapa in its march on the capital before the propositions of arrangement were made by Santa Anna. If this be the case, peace is already concluded. The greatest difficulty, as we have said before, exists, not in the solution of territorial questions or indemnities between two countries, but in the prejudicial question of national amour propre, which, hitherto, has destroyed all attempts of pacification. This powerful obstacle once removed, all parties have too much interest in a cessation of hostilities not to make mutual sacrifices to bring about an honorable transaction. At present Mexico has a regular legal administration which may be treated with; but, unhappily, things change so rapidly in this country of revolutions, that we fear tranquillity cannot last long; already even the overthrow of Santa Anna is spoken of. A letter Quartermaster Montgomery, written from Monterey to Camargo, reports that General Arista, irritated at the disgrace put upon him by Santa Anna, and, above all, hurt at the different treatment which General Ampudia is the object, has raised 7,000 men, and will march from Zacatecas on the city of Mexico, determined to overthrow the power of Santa Anna and to reinstall Herrera. Santa Anna, at the head of the remainder of his forces, has even marched to meet Arista. We know not what credit this important news merits, but for the interest of the country wish it to be inexact. Santa Ann wishes to finish; the present situation is favorable; a change would be dangerous. It is true that Herrera, Arista's candidate, has formally announced himself in favor of a cessation of hostilities, but a conflict would bring new complications, the least dangerous result of which would be useless and regrettable delays."

The same journal of the 21st ult. states that the Louisville, arrived at New Orleans on the 12th ult., brought recent news from Vera Cruz. The results of expedition to Alvarado was not known on the 2nd of April. There were rumors that General Quitman had met with opposition in his route, but they were not considered to have any foundation in truth. Colonel Hardney, of the 2nd Dragoons, left Vera Cruz on the 2nd of April, to take possession of Antigua, a town about eight miles northward. General Scott was to commence his march in a few days for Puente Nacional, he awaited only sufficient means of transport; he had seized upon all the roads right and left of the city, to insure to himself a free passage for provisions for his forces. General Worth is actively engaged in repressing disorders, and taking measures of police necessary under the circumstances in which the American troops are place. On the 1st of April General Scott issued an order inveighing much against the excesses committed by some soldiers, and calling on officers and soldiers to him in detecting those who so disgrace the American arms. Soldiers are confined to camp unless they have a written permission from their officers.
[TNW]

LT May 12, 1847 6b THE AFFAIRS OF MEXICO

We have receive from our correspondent in the city of Mexico the following letter, which, although somewhat overdue, is of much interest, as containing a history of the events in Mexico during the campaign of Santa Anna against General Taylor, of which we had previously no account:-

MEXICO, March 1.

The steamer (supposed Tweed) which left Havannah for Vera Cruz on the 9th of February has not arrived, and the most serious apprehensions for her safety are entertained here, particularly as she is known to have had on board no fewer than 80 passengers, many of them from Vera Cruz and this city, who had visited Havannah in consequence of the mercantile difficulties occasioned by the blockade. If she was so unfortunate as to get on the Colorado reef on the night of her departure, when it blew a gale from the north, her fate is probably sealed. Under these circumstances Mr. Bankhead has decided on dispatching an extra mail to Havannah by Her Majesty's steamer Hermes. I avail myself of this occasion to report another of those tumultuous scenes which have become so disgracefully common in the capital of ill-fated Mexico. The law for the appropriation of church property, so perseveringly carried by Gomez Farias, met with a strong opposition in several of the states. In Oaxaca it occasioned an insurrection , in which the troops were defeated by the people, and the authorities, who attempted to enforce the law, deposed. Even here it became a dead letter, as no one could be found to purchase church property on the terms prescribed by the decree. The clergy, of course, were not idle; and their influence, particularly with the fair Mexicans, is still very great. At length the National Guard- a body recently formed here, armed at their own expense, and comprising the flower of the Mexican youth, who were not without their private motives of hostility to the democratic Government of Gomez Farias-pronounced ( with the exception on one battalion), on the morning of the 27th ult., against the Government. The regular troops in the citadel are commanded by General Rangel, best known as a devoted adherent to Santa Anna, and so far inclined to support a Government of which he is the nominal head. It is understood, however, that the gold of the church is at work, and that an ill-timed economy on the part of the rev. body has been the chief cause of Rangel's declaring in favor of Gomez Farias, to whom personally he has no particular attachment. NO direct act of hostility occurred til the night of the 27th, when, walking in the direction of the post office, I found myself suddenly in the midst of a rapid fire of musketry, while the deep booming of cannon in the direction of the plaza announced something more serious going on that quarter. The moment, it occurred to me that the National Guard, composed of amateur soldiers, would probably give way; but they seem to have been a match for anything that was brought against them, as the fire soon slackened, and the night passed without further alarm. The morning of the 28th (Sunday) was spent in attempts at negotiation, which proved abortive, and at 12 o'clock Gomez Farias, according to promise, recommenced hostilities, which have since continued with few interruptions. The Mexicans manage this kind of warfare so as to occasion little loss of life. Occupying convents and other buildings of great size and strength, they fire at the nearest post of their opponents, equally well protected, and, as may be supposed, an immense quantity of powder is expended, with few casualties, except amongst the luckless individuals who happen to be in the streets when the firing commences.

This morning, in the midst of the firing, the church bells commenced ringing, which occasioned some confusion, it being supposed that one of the belligerents had obtained an advantage- though what, or which, no one seemed to know. It turned out that this demonstration of joy was in consequence of an express received from Santa Anna, announcing a victory over the advanced guard of the Americans at Agua Neuva, eight leagues on this side of Saltillo. The Mexican General, whose inactivity at San Luis Potosi had occasioned so much dissatisfaction here, seems to have been biding his time, until the American forces at Monterey had marched toward Tampico, confiding the protection of Saltillo to a slender garrison, in the belief that Santa Anna would not attempt to traverse the arid waste which separates that place from San Luis with vastly superior numbers, though most miserably equipped, has now advanced to reconquer the territory so lately occupied by General Taylor. Agua Nueva ( a farm for breeding cattle) is situated in a mountain pass, naturally strong, and as there are no better men behind entrenchment's than the Americans, its easy capture has excited some surprise. We are quite ignorant of the particulars of this affair, the only certain fact being that two foreign flags of very small dimensions and plain appearance are now hanging from the walls of the palace, under the gorgeous Mexican banner, in evidence of victory. The firing across the square prevents my advancing near enough to examine these trophies with attention.

I have just seen a copy of Santa Anna's dispatch from the field of battle, and subjoin a translation of it. It appears that the Americans evacuated Agua Nueva on his approach, and halted at a pass nearer Saltillo, where the action, said to have lasted two days and to have been most sanguinary, took place. Santa Anna admits that it was indecisive, and that he was about withdrawing to Agua Nueva. Allowing for the high flown language which he, in common with other Mexicans, uses, I arrive at the conclusion that he has suffered a repulse, though the Americans may not be strong enough to molest his retreat. It is, however, due to Santa Anna to state, that no other man in Mexico could have raised the army which he collected, or have led them in their unprovided state across the inhospitable wastes which he passed in the most in the most inclement weather. Still less would they have been induced by any other chief to shed their blood as freely as they appear to have done in the late engagements

About a fortnight since Senor Atocha, by birth a Spaniard, and by naturalization a citizen of the United States, arrived with dispatches from the Washington, which he was directed to deliver to this Government in person. The Vice-President, after receiving his dispatches, obliged him to leave the city immediately, under military escort, for an estate near Puebla, where he was detained some days. The substance of these communications has not been made public, and it is from rumor only I have learned that they contained proposals which would strip Mexico at once of half her territory, and reduce the remainder to a condition of permanent tutelage under the United States. If the report be well founded, it is not surprising that this Government, even in their present deplorable state, returned, as they are said to have done, a decided negative.

Late intelligence from Tampico and Tuxpan announced most extensive preparations by the Americans at the "Isla de Lobos" to attack the city and castle of Vera Cruz. The approach of the warm and sickly season leaves them no time to lose in that operation. After the reduction of Vera Cruz they will doubtless push on to Jalapa, and at present there is no force between that place and this capable of seriously resisting their progress. The American forces, which are now closing round Mexico with hydra folds, are also expected to occupy immediately the port of Mazatlan, on the Pacific; and a body of 1,000men has already marched from Paso del Norte against the capital of Chihuahua.

A few days before the present disturbances commenced, Gomez Farias rented the Mint of this city to a private company for the sum of $174,000 cash down, for a term of ten years. The arrangement, which was sharply contested at public auction, is favorable to the Government, who, through mismanagement and peculation, never gained anything by the Mint, and to the public, who have now a guarantee, which they did not before posses, for the security of their funds in that establishment. By a clause in the agreement the contractors are bound to pay for silver in five, and for gold in eight days after introduction at the Mint. A large part of the sum raised in this way was remitted to Santa Anna, but the Vice-President wisely retained a few thousand dollars, and on such trifles does the existence of Governments in Mexico depend, that without this paltry resource he would probably already have been driven from office.
[TNW]

LT May 12, 1847 6e TO THE EDITOR OF THE TIMES

Sir, I am persuaded you would not do an act of injustice intentionally, and, therefore, that you article of yesterday, on the capture of Vera Cruz, would have been tempered in respect to General Scott, had all his dispatches been before you.

You observe that "the means taken by General Scott to forces the castle of San Juan d'Ulloa to surrender was the destruction of the city of Vera Cruz." and that "the application of the foreign Consuls on the 24th of March for a truce to enable them and the subjects of European powers, together with the Mexican women and children, to leave the city was refused by General Scott."

Now , in respect to the first, so far from the destruction of the city being used as a means to compel the castle to surrender, General Scott, in his summons to the Governor to surrender the city, distinctly excluded the Castle, and even stipulated that "in the event of the surrender of the former he would solemnly engage that not a gun should be fired upon the castle from the city unless the city was first fired upon by the castle."

In respect to the second remark, General Scott, so early as the 13th, sent "safeguards" to all the foreign Consuls, to be used in case they remained in the city, but earnestly intreated them, as well as the Mexican women and children, to leave the city; and , although it was completely invested on all sides, the Consuls and their families had free intercourse with the ships of their respective nations up to the 23rd, and up to that time both they and the Mexican women and children had free permission from General Scott to depart. It does not appear even that he refused the application of the 24th, for he states in his official dispatch that the moment he could reply to it he should state that " a truce could only be granted on the application of Governor with a view to surrender," which application immediately after put a stop to further hostilities.

Whether courtesy in warfare required General Scott to reduce the stronger place first and not to summon or attack the weaker, although that weaker was playing upon his army with its 100 guns, and also affording succour to the stronger, I will leave for military men to determine.

It should be recollected that a general is required to be humane to his own troops as well as to the enemy, that delay would have exposed General Scott's army to "deadly scourge of the vomito," and that he accomplished this arduous and brilliant undertaking with the loss of but 25 men.

With magnanimous moderation General Scott, from the moment of his arrival until his cannon were landed and in position, an interval of many days, forbore from all partial attacks to avoid unnecessary wasted of life; and , although fired upon daily and nightly by the fort and city, did not return then fire until his means made victory certain, and of which he duly admonished the enemy. General Scott is by no means answerable for the justice of the war; with that he has nothing to do; he is under command, and has to perform the duties of a soldier; but that his character is conspicuous both for gallantry and humanity hundreds of British officers will testify.

Whether firing upon a city, even when strongly fortified, be justifiable, it is not my province to determine; but I will just call to your mind the fact that the first broadside from Lord Exmouth's squadron at Algeirs destroyed a greater number of unoffending, unarmed people, than the bombardment of Vera Cruz.

I am, Sir, your very obedient servant

A FRIEND TO GENERAL SCOTT AND AN ENEMY TO WAR.

[TNW]

LT May 15, 1847 5b MEXICO

EXPRESS FROM LIVERPOOL

THE TIMES OFFICE, Saturday Morning.

LIVERPOOL, Friday.

By and extra of the New York journals we have important advices from Mexico.

VERA CRUZ, April 13

An express has come down from General Twiggs to the effect that Santa Anna was before him at Cerro Gordo, with 15,000 men, as near as could be judged from a reconnaissance made by Captain Hardy and other officers of dragoons. Lieutenant-Colonel J. E. Johnson had been severely but not mortally wounded while examining Santa Anna's works, which appeared to be a succession of breastworks, on an eminence in the vicinity of Cerro Gordo. Everything would go to show that Santa Anna is determined to make a bold stand. A dragoon, who had been sent down expressly by General Twiggs, was yesterday found shot by the road side, just beyond this, his papers had not been touched. The Mexicans are playing a bloody and at the same time a bolder game than is usual for them, as it is thought they have killed no less than 50 of our men within the last three days on the road.

Major - General Patterson left here with two brigades of volunteers on Friday, and he has no doubt reached the advance before this hour. General Twiggs had between 2, 500 and 2,700 men under his command, and I entertain little fear for his safety.

General Patterson marched with Shield's and Pillow's brigades, and all the force except the garrisons of the towns; and Quitman's brigades are either at the scene of action of on the road to it.

An intelligent Mexican told me tonight that there would be no fight, and that Santa Anna had with him four prominent members of the National Congress, with the aid of whom he hoped to negotiate a peace.
[TNW]

LT May 15, 1847 5e US war with Mexico

By advices from Vera Cruz we learn that the whole of the United States forces, under the command of General Scott, were advancing on Mexico. Although the opinion was quite current at Vera Cruz that the Mexicans would not make a stand between that city and the capital, yet there were some who regarded future collisions as certain.

Intelligence had reached Vera Cruz that the Puenta Nacional had been abandoned. This was the point at which, it was expected, the first resistance to the march of the American forces upon the city of Mexico would be made; but though the defense of this point was given up, it was not certain that the progress of the invading army into the interior would not be disputed at others. Indeed, it was asserted that the forces destined to defend the National Bridge (Puente Nacional) had fallen back a few leagues in the direction of Jalapa to a stronger position, where preparations were being made for a stout defense.

Rumors from Vera Cruz, which are, however, contradicted, state that over 2,000 of the United States troops had been attacked by yellow fever and dysentery. It was proposed to turn the Castle of San Juan d'Ulloa into a receptacle for the sick.

General Taylor was at Walnut Springs, four miles from Monterey. General Wool, with about 6,000 troops, was at Buena Vista. It was rumored that the Mexican General Urrea was at Linares with 2,000 and a corps of artillery.

Commodore Perry had left Vera Cruz with fleet for the purpose of capturing every Mexican port in the Gulf. Several had already been taken, one south of Alvarado, a fine one, called Tlacotalpal, possessed of nobly sheltered harbors.

The capture of Alvarado without opposition is confirmed.

The New Orleans papers contain news form Mexico to the effect that "rumors from the city of Mexico represented Santa Anna as more intently bent upon war than ever." The reports are not the best authority, in so far as the wishes of Santa Anna are concerned; but they indicate the temper of the public mind, which is as good an index of his purposes as any other.

The adherents of Gomez Farias and of the priests in Mexico had had an engagement, in which the former were completely routed; the latter were aided by Santa Anna.

Other accounts state that Santa Anna was advancing from the capital towards Jalapa, breathing vengeance and refusing pacification.

Our Canadian advices announce that the Parliament had been convened to meet on the 2nd of June.
[TNW]

LT May 17, 1847 6d MEXICO

LIVERPOOL, Friday.

By and extra of the New York journals we have important advices from Mexico.

VERA CRUZ, April 13

Major-General Patterson left here with two brigades of volunteers on Friday, and he has no doubt reached the advance before this hour. General Twiggs had between 2, 500 and 2,700 men under his command, and I entertain little fear for his safety.

General Patterson marched with Shield's and Pillow's brigades, and all the force except the garrisons of the towns; and Quitman's brigades are either at the scene of action of on the road to it.

LT MAy 22, 1847 7d THE WAR IN MEXICO

TO THE EDITOR OF THE TIMES.

Consulate of the Republic of Mexico, 3, Winchester-buildings, May 20

Sir, I beg to accompany herewith a copy of a communication received from his Excellency

J. M. L. Mora, Minister Plenipotentiary at the Court of Her Britannic Majesty, which I shall feel greatly obliged if you can find space to publish in your influential journal, as it is of considerable interest o those engaged in commercial affairs with the republic.

I remain, Sir, your most obedient servant,

J. M. MENDOZA.

Mexican Legation at the Court
of Her Britannic Majesty, London, May 19.

This Legation, in the fulfillment of a painful but severe duty, has determined that you should notify to the commercial community within the limits of your Consulate the following resolutions.-

1. All foreign goods prohibited by the Mexican tariff, and introduce into the ports which the American forces at present occupy, shall be seized at the places where they may be stepped by the Mexican authorities.

2. All goods of free importation into the Mexican ports imported through those which the United States occupy run the risk of being confiscated by the Mexican authorities, or at least, they be made to pay the duties established by the Mexican tariff, although it may be proved that the same imposed by the Americans tariff may have been discharged.

In making this notification, you will endeavor to have it understood that this is one of the consequences of the war, which has not been in any manner provoked by the Mexican Republic, and that even while it has lasted its authorities have abstained from molesting in any way foreign commerce until the American Government, by the violation of her constitution and rights, which Mexico has not lost in her misfortunes, and which belong to every independent nation, has placed her authorities under the necessity of adopting measures against the violation of the said rights by the establishment of the American tariff.

Offering you the assurance of my consideration, &c.,

J.M.L. MORA

Senor General Don J. M. Mendoza,
Mexican Consul in London.
[TNW]

LT May 31, 1847 5b THE BATTLE OF CERRO GORDO

(FROM THE NEW ORLEANS DELTA)

We are indebted to Captain Hughes, to the Topographical Corps, for much valuable and interesting information relating to the late glorious victory of Cerro Gordo.

On the arrival of the other divisions of the army at the encampment of General Twiggs, on the 16th of April, General Scott, after taking a reconnaissance of the enemy's works determined to storm them. The position occupied by the enemy was regarded by them as impregnable, and truly, to any other than American soldiers it must have appeared as insurmountable and impracticable undertaking to carry it by storm or turn it by strategy.

The road from Vera Cruz, as it passes the Plan del Rio which is a wide, rocky bed of a once large stream, is commanded by a series of high cliffs, rising one above the other, and extending several miles, and all well fortified. The road then debouches to the right, and curving around the ridge passes over a high cliff, which is completely enfiled by forts and batteries. This ridge is the commencement of the Terra Templada, the upper or mountainous country- the right flank of the position- and a series of most abrupt and apparently impassable mountains and ridges covered their left. Between these points, running a distance of two or three miles, a succession of strongly fortified forts bristled at every turn and seemed to defy all bravery and skill. The Cerro Gordo commanded the road on a gentle declination like a glacis for nearly a mile. An approach in that direction would have been the most entire annihilation of our army. But the enemy expected such as attack, calculating upon the desperate valor of our men, and believing that it was impossible to turn their position to the right or left. General Scott, however, with the eye of a skillful general, perceive the trap set for him and determined to avoid it. He therefore had a road cut to the right so as to escape the front fire from the Cerro and to turn his positions to the left flank. This movement was made known to the enemy by a deserter from our camp, and consequently a large increase of force under General Vega was sent to the forts on their left. General Scott, to cover his flank movements, on the 17th of April ordered forward General Twiggs against the steep ascent in front and a little to the left of the Cerro. Colonel Harney commanded this expedition, and at the head of the rifles and some detachments of infantry and artillery carried this position in front and near the enemy's strongest fortifications; and having by incredible labor elevated one of our large guns to the top of the fort, General Scott prepared to follow up his advantages. A demonstration was made from this position against another strong fort in the rear and near the Cerro, but the enemy were considered too strong and the undertaking was abandoned. A like demonstration was made by the enemy.

On the next day, the 18th, General Twiggs was ordered forward from the position he had already captured against the fort which commanded the Cerro. Simultaneously an attack on attack on the fortifications on the enemy's left was to be made by Generals Shield's and Worth's division, who moved in separate columns, while General Pillow advanced against the strong forts and difficult ascents on the right of the enemy's position. The enemy, fully acquainted with General Scott's intended movement, had thrown large bodies of men into the various positions to be attacked. The most serious enterprise was that of Twiggs, who advanced against the main fort that commanded the Cerro. Nothing can be conceived more difficult than this undertaking. The steep and rough character of the ground, the constant fire of the enemy in front, and the crossfire of the forts and batteries which enfiltrated our lines, made the duty assigned to General Twiggs on the surpassing difficulty. Nothing prevented our men from being utterly destroyed but the steepness of the ascent under which they could shelter. But they sought no shelter, and on ward rushed against a hailstorm of balls and musket shot, led by the gallant Harney, whose noble bearing elicited the applause of the whole army. His conspicuous and stalwart frame at the head of the brigade, he long arm waving his men on to the charge, his sturdy voice ringing above the clash of arms and din of conflict, attracted the attention and admiration alike of the enemy and the army. On, on the led the columns, whose front lines melted before the enemy's fire like snow flakes in a terrent, and stayed not their course until, leaping over the rocky barriers and bayoneting their gunners, they drove the enemy pell-mell from the front, delivering a deadly fire in to their ranks from their own guns as they hastily retired. This was truly a gallant deed, worthy of the Chevalier Bayard of our army, as the intrepid Harney is well styled. General Scott, between whom and Colonel Harney there had existed some coolness, rode up to the Colonel after this achievement and remarked to him, "Colonel Harney, I cannot now adequately express my admiration of your gallant achievement; but at the proper time I shall take great pleasure in thanking you in proper terms." Harney, with the modesty of true valor, claimed the praise as due to his officers and men. Thus did the division of the gallant veteran Twiggs carry the main position of the enemy and occupy the fort which commanded the road. It was here the enemy received their heaviest loss, and their general, Vasquez, was killed. A little after, General Worth having by great exertions passed the steep and craggy heights on the enemy's left, summoned a strong fort on the rear of the Cerro to surrender. This fort was manned by a large force under General Pinzou, a mulatto officer of considerable ability and courage, who, seeing the Cerro carried, thought prudent to surrender, which he did with all his force. General Shields was not so fortunate in the battery which he attacked, and which was commanded by General La Vega. A heavy fire was opened on him, under which the fort was carried with some loss by the gallant Illincisians, under Burnett. Among those who fell under this fire was the gallant general, who received a grape shot through his lungs, by which he was completely paralyzed, and at the last accounts was in a lingering state. On the enemy's right General Pillow commenced the attack against the strong forts near the river. The Tennesseans, under Haskill, led the column, and the other volunteer regiments followed. The column unexpectedly encountered a heavy fire from a masked battery, by which Haskill's regiment was nearly cut to pieces, and the other volunteer regiments were severely handled. General Pillow withdrew his men and was preparing for another attack when the operations at the other points having proved successful the enemy concluded to surrender.

Thus the victory was complete and four generals and about 6,000 were taken prisoners by our army, and one of their principal generals and a large number of other officers killed. The Mexican force on this occasion certainly exceeded our own. The Mexican officers admitted that Santa Anna had 8,000 men in the lines, and 6,000, including, 2,000 lancers, outside of the entrenchments. General Scott's force was about 8,000, General Quitman's brigade not having arrived in time to take part in the engagement. General Ampudia was second in command of the Mexicans and superintended the operations of the energy. When the Cerro was carried he was seen retreating on a fine white charger, his hat falling off as he galloped away. Many of the Mexicans escaped by a bye path which runs off from the main road between the Cerro and the fort carried by General Worth. As to Santa Anna and Canalizo, they retreated in time to escape by the main road. Their conduct is regarded as most cowardly. Some of the Mexican officers who were taken prisoners do not hesitate to attribute their defeat to the cowardice of Santa Anna. The force of the enemy was composed of their best soldiers. The infantry that fought so well at Buena Vista, all the regular artillerists of the Republic, including several able naval officers, were present. Some of the officers whom General Scott released at the capitulation of Vera Cruz, without extorting the parole on account of their gallantry, were found among the killed and wounded. A gallant young officer, named Halzinger, a German by birth, who extorted the admiration of our army in the bombardment of Vera Cruz by seizing a flag which was cut down by our balls and holding it up in his hands until a staff could be prepared, had been released by General Scott without parole. He was found among the desperately wounded at Cerro Gordo. The enemy's loss was about as large as our own; but in addition to this the loss of some 6,000 prisoners and some of their best officers. Our army captured about 30 pieces of beautiful brass cannon of large caliber and mostly manufactured at the Royal Foundry of Seville. A large quantity of fixed ammunition of very superior quality was also taken. The private baggage and money chest of Santa Anna, containing $20,000 was also captured. The latter was delivered over to the Pay department. The volunteers who were employed in carrying the specie into camp cracked many a joke over the prospect of being seen paid off in Mexican cola and free of expense to Uncle Sam.

When our forces had carried the various positions of the enemy and the road was cleared, General Twiggs started in hot pursuit of the fugitive Santa Anna and pressed close upon his heels. A strong position, five miles west of Cerro Gordo, fortified and defended by a battery of long brass guns, was abandoned by the enemy and occupied by our troops. General Twiggs bivouacked within three miles of the town of Jalapa.

In concluding our imperfect sketch of this brilliant achievement, we cannot sufficiently express our admiration of the extraordinary deeds of our gallant army and able general. Scarcely a month has elapsed since our troops under Scott landed on the enemy's shores. In that time a strong walled city has been captured, together with an impregnable fortress; a pitched battle has been fought under the most unfavorable circumstances and against the most formidable natural defenses; 12,000 prisoners have been taken, including some half a dozen general officers; 500 splendid cannon and an immense amount of munitions of war have been added to the national trophies. Truly, such results are glorious testimonials of the valor of our soldiers, and the perseverance of the accomplished general who led them.
[TNW]

LT May 31, 1847 5b Capture of Tuxpan

"Since the sailing of the last steamer, on the 1st of May, we have had late and highly important news from our invading Mexican army. From the northern part of Mexico, in the region of Chihuahua, we have learned that our small force of only 900 men, under Colonel Doniphan, had overrun an immense territory, and that on the 1st of March he took formal possession of Chihuahua, one of the most important Mexican cities. The war in that quarter seems to be closed by a treaty which the American commander has made with the Mexican authorities, by which the latter agree to protect the American traders and property, and to remain neutral until the close of the war.

"From General Scott's division of our army we have the most gratifying news. After placing Vera Cruz in the hands of a proper Government, General Scott left at once for the city of Mexico. A battle took place on the heights of Cerro Gordo, on the 18th of April, with an army commanded by General Santa Anna, in which the Mexicans were wholly cut to pieces. General Scott marched on to Perote, where he arrived on the last of April. The best opinion, in relation to the future movement of the American army is, that General Scott will now abandon his line of communication with Vera Cruz, and, pushing on to the capital, will depend, in a great measure, upon the resources of the country for support. As a large number of troops are now en route for Vera Cruz, this movement is not so dangerous as it appears at the first glance, for we shall soon have at Vera Cruz an army to reinforce him and render his position secure. When the news of the battle at Cerro Gordo reached the city of Mexico, the greatest excitement was created, but instead of a disposition for peace the reverse was the case, and at no time have the Mexican Congress, the press, or the people, been more warlike in their declarations than at the present. Mr. Bankhead, the British Minister at Mexico, is reported to have offered his mediation, and the Mexican Congress was said to be engaged in debating the expediency of accepting it at the last advices. The Mexican Government may soon be brought to think the case one in which mediation may be proper, and the Government of the United States will probably be more willing to hear of such mediation than they were a year ago. The war is unpopular and expensive, and all the glory of it goes to the Whig Generals, and not to the Administration, as was expected. General Scott, probably, by this time is at the capital of Mexico. General Taylor ( who was at Saltillo, on the 14th of April ) will join him, via San Luis Potosi, as soon as he is reinforced.

"The war, in all its departments is now carried on with vigor and efficiency, and while Mexico daily grows weaker, we each day are better able to contend with her. A large number of the one year volunteers are on the way home, their time having expired. This, however, does not materially affect the strength of the army, as the places of those leaving are easily supplied as soon as the vacancies occur. On all sides the most complete success has attended the American arms, but thus far now apparent effect has been in our possession it will then be seen what course the Mexicans will pursue. With an American squadron blockading its entire seacoast, an American garrison in its chief towns, and under a custom house of our making, it would seem impossible that much resistance can be made to a settlement of our claims upon the terms we the power to secure."
[TNW]

LT May 31, 1847 5b AMERICA

DEFEAT OF SANTA ANNA

Liverpool, May 29

The Royal mail steam ship Caledonia, Captain Lott, has arrived with the usual mails of the 16th from Boston, and from Halifax to the 18th inst. inclusive, announcing the intelligence of the defeat of the Mexican troops under Santa Anna, at Cerro Gordo. The Caledonia arrived out at Boston on the morning of the 6th inst., and on the 16th the steam ship Britannia entered that harbor after a run of extraordinary speed. The screw auxiliary packet ship, Sarah Sands, left New York on the 11th inst. The Boston packet ship Anglo- Saxon, which railed for this port on the 5th inst., went ashore on the 8th on Sable Island, and was expected to be a total loss.

Our advices from New York by this arrival extend to the 15th inst. inclusive. With the exception of the accounts annexed, with regard to the operations of General Scott's force in the engagement of the 18 ult. at Cerro Gordo, and the subsequent investment of the towns of Jalapa and Perote, the capture of Tuxpan, and the position of affair in the capital of Mexico, they possess little political importance.

The engagement at Cerro Gordo opened on the 17th of April with a slight skirmish. On the 18th a combined attack was made upon Santa Anna's position; and shortly after noon on that day Santa Anna, according to the accounts in the American journals, himself gave the signal and example of flight, accompanied by Generals Almonte and Canalizo, and a few thousand men, towards Jalapa. The Mexican loss in the engagement is estimated at 300, subsequently swelled in the pursuit of the fugitives towards Jalapa, and that of the American in killed and wounded at 250. No less than five general officers were captured, and the whole Mexican army was completely disorganized. Santa Anna's carriages, papers, plate, and baggage fell into the hands of the Americans; Jalapa and Perote surrendered without resistance, and at the capital the defeat of the General had created the greatest alarm. Puebla was threatened. Santa Anna, with from 1,000 to 2,000 troops, was at Orazaba, and it is said, had written to the capital for money and reinforcements. His applications are said to have been unattended to. He contemplated the institution of a guerrilla warfare upon the enemy. At the capital no preparations for defense of any moment were being made. Gomez Farias had been deposed from the Vice-Presidency by a congressional ruse; the office he bore having been annihilated, and afterwards revived under another title and conferred upon Don Pedro Marie de Annaya. The dates from the capital extend to the 24th of April, and from Vera Cruz to the 29th.
[TNW]

LT June 1, 1847 5e The Mexican War

Europe will be tired of a campaign in which conquests bring no particle of credit, and fighting no prospect of peace, and in which it is equally impossible to applaud the victors or commiserate the vanquished. The intelligence from America which we published yesterday corresponds so exactly with the information to be expected that it might all have been printed by prophesy a fortnight ago. After establishing a provisional Government in Vera Cruz, General Scott took the route to Mexico by the ordinary road, which slopes in a north westerly direction along the ascent from the low lands of the Gulf coast to the tierras templadas of the first plateau. He passed the Puente Nacional without opposition, though it has always been considered as one of the most defensible posts on the route. Santa Anna had not descended so far, but had taken up a position at Cerro Gordo, a mountain ridge about half way between the Antigua and Xalapa, the first respectable town on the road from Vera Cruz to the capital. Travelers have described this journey as an undertaking of no insignificant enterprise, even with the aid of the best diligencias of the country; but the American troops appear to have advanced pretty smoothly til they found themselves in front of their enemy on the 12th of April. Santa Anna was posted with about 14,000 men on some heights which commanded the main road like a glacie, and from which he could have poured a storm of balls into the advancing columns. After two reconnaissance's, however, the "trails" of which are minutely laid down in the American journals, General Scott determined on the 18th to turn the left flank of the enemy; a service on which Generals Shield and Worth immediately proceeded, while General Pillow occupied his attention on the right. Simultaneously with these attacks General Twiggs was ordered against the main batteries in the center, a charge which proved more serious than the other two; but after some resistance and some loss he succeeded in carrying the position. Meantime Worth had experience no further difficulties than those presented by the nature of the ground and was favored with immediate surrender of his opponent as soon as he could get near enough for a summons; but Shield received a grape shot through the lungs from a battery in front, though the latest advices speak of his recovery as still possible. General Pillow on the right actually experienced a repulse, and was preparing a renewed attack after some serious losses, when the events on the left and center induced a general surrender. The killed and wounded are said to be about equal on either side, but the Mexicans lost 6,000 prisoners, including four generals.

Santa Anna is said to have decamped in good time, leaving his carriage, like Joseph's as Vittoria, to the spoil of his pursuers, who, in place of Murillos and Correggios, discovered the more appreciable treasure of some highly flavored Cubas and an excellent stock of preserved meats. Ampudia, the second in command, left the field early without his hat, on a splendid white charger, as conspicuous as that of Roderick the Goth. The Commander in Chief is reported to be at Orizaba, a town just under the great Peak of that name, whence he has issued a proclamation, stating that there is "another Thermopile" between Xalapa and Mexico. The Americans were politely received by the " corporation and civil authorities" at Xalapa, and have pushed on to Perote, from which town they will march on La Puebla and so to the capital; General Taylor, as is rumored, having been ordered to effect a junction with the main body by a southward march from San Luis.

There is not much doubt but that the Americans can march to Mexico, and could have done so some time ago. Santa Anna could certainly operate on their flank from his post at Orizaba, if he had the proper means or motives; and if, as is stated, the Mexicans are positively preparing for some real resistance at La Puebla, another affair might ensue. But we presume that few of our readers will put much faith in the determination or patriotism of the invaded nation. New Spain is as like Old Spain as ever a child was like a parent. If the Mexicans had but been blessed with a little Baylen, the whole scene would be a wonderful representation of the Peninsula in 1800. They vapor and brag, and boast and fume, without the smallest apparent sense of their daily discomfiture's. Their papers and proclamations are filled with predictions of future victories, to the utter exclusion of present defeats. As far as words, and perhaps, even as far as resolutions go, they are all daring and defiant, and yet they never adopt an ordinary precaution or abide in ordinary shock. At this moment, by as extempore revolution in the capital, they have displaced Gomez Farias and exalted Don Pedro Araya to a newly created office of "President substitute," with absolute power for everything except the conclusion of a peace. To read their various manifestoes, no person could possibly conceive that they were any other than the most warlike and unconquerable nation under Heaven. The confidence of Varro after Cannac altogether vanishes compared with the complacency of Santa Anna after eighteen settled defeats within thirteen months. De republic non desperasse, indeed! Why, if this is fortitude the Mexicans are infinitely more courageous than even those contagious islanders of the Caribbean, whose only historical fault is being "really too brave." And the extraordinary point of the story is, that these assertions of intrepidity and patriotism do actually appear both universal and sincere. There is no peace party at Mexico. The voice of all is for open war. There is no terrorism; people are not driven to patriotism by the guillotine and the gallows as at Saragossa and Barcelona. With one accord and one heart they proclaim their own invincible determination never to surrender, and yet they never face an enemy for a moment, and now, when he is at the gates of their capital, they are neither fortifying nor arming, and will probably be found without a cannon mounted or a battalion mustered. All this, however, but aggravates the difficulty of the Americans. They neither want to capture the towns nor chastise the population. They want the Mexican nation to ratify a bargain, pronounce a free consent, and resign a quiet possession; and the patriotic obstinacy which precludes this arrangement is precisely that to which the Mexicans are equal. The American journals admit that the most complete success of their arms have produced no visible effect on the temper of the invaded people, and it is but little further that these successes can now possibly go. The Americans have already got all the sea coast, the customs, the chief forts, and the chief towns, and, while we write, they have probably got the metropolie, of their victims. They have dispersed their armies, captured their generals, and destroyed their material; but it is confessed that " the war seems about as far from its close as when it started;" and it is now to be seen what force will be brought to bear against a people whose self sufficiency suffers by no discomfiture, whose delusions are dispelled by no defeats, and who can dispense with a Government, a capital, or a coast, as easily as with character or credit.
[TNW]

LT June 15, 1847 4f The Conquest of Mexico

The conquest of Mexico is a familiar story, even to our childhood. The city of gold, of idols, and of human hecatomns, the reckless Cortez, the unfortunate Montezuma, and a rich and populous empire overthrown by a handful of foreign adventurers, excite by turns the wonder, the admiration, the sympathy, and the ambition of our nature. It will sometimes occur, " Would that we lived in those days! How did the world receive the successive reports of those incredible events?" We can scarcely expand our minds to the breadth of expectation which the discovery and the conquest of a new world must have universally raised. Perhaps, however, many who have indulged in these reflections are entirely unaware that after three centuries that history, to a wonderful coincidence, is acted over again. At this moment the very path of Cortez is trodden by men who, if they present some strange contrasts, are not less heroic, not less confident in the infallible fortune of their cause, than the famed Conquestador. The flag of republicanism supplies the place of the cross, whose reign the Spanish cavaliers chose to believe themselves divinely commissioned to enlarge. The prevailing destiny of the Union is an article of faith across the Atlantic, and one for which many a citizen would rejoice to be a martyr. Such is the spirit and such are the men who are making their way with only a shadow of opposition from Vera Cruz to Mexico. Such is the enterprise of which every three or four days now brings us fresh tidings.

Hitherto the Mexicans have represented rather the conquerors from whom they are really descended. On their side it has been all defiance, obstinacy, and rashness. The notes of preparation have been loud, and the threats sanguinary. At the moment when these promises should be realized the bubble seems to burst. After the stand at Monterey there has scarcely been anywhere a resistance worthy of an independent nation. The impregnable St. Juan d'Ulloa was no sooner known to be invested than tidings of his capture arrived. Even where courage was not wanting, Mexico could not give it the means of resistance. Since that, every fresh occasion has proved both the incapacity of the State and the degeneracy of its chiefs. The battles of Buena Vista and Cerro Gordo have proved that whatever the numbers, there is not the strength or the morale in the Mexican Republic to maintain an effectual war of defense. City after city, Tampico, Tuxpan, Matamoros, Monterey, Vera Cruz, and last of all Jalapa, are I the quiet occupation of the enemy. At the last date General Scott was advancing a portion of his army to Puebla, on the road to Mexico; while another division had occupied Perote on the parallel route. Judging from the past, and from the prudence which seems all along to have guided the invaders, nothing is more probable than that the few days' march still intervening has long since been passed, and that Winfield Scott is now issuing his appeals to the peaceful tastes and republican sympathies of the Mexicans from the city of Montezuma.

As for the Mexicans, one is almost tempted to ask by what accident of birth or of circumstances they exhibit so grotesque a character in so serious a drama. Last year they were standing out for empire and for honor. This year they fight for nationality and independence. But how are they now meeting an occasion which usually brings out all the powers and all the virtues of man? Pomposity and weakness, truculence and cowardice, are the chief varieties of the scene. Armies disappear with a suddenness and completeness which make it doubtful whether they ever existed, except in the bombast of manifestos. The Commander in Chief is a man whose only power seems to be that of raising expectations which he is the last to fulfill. Himself a deceiver, he is deceived in return. The State which chose him for lack of a better, does not really trust him. While the war rages in the frontiers and shores, and penetrates into the provinces, over the outer circle of those vast natural barriers that surround the capital, that city is divided, harassed, and weakened by civil strife. Battles and revolutions, the presence of an invading army, and the conflict of domestic factions are too much for any nation. Mexico bids fair to exhibit one of those tremendous catastrophes which stand out horribly distinct in the annals of human calamity. Santa Anna and his colleagues are not men to be deterred by any consideration of social consequences. His present object seems skin to that of the desperado who blows up his stronghold as the assailants enter. He wished to involve the conqueror and the conquered in a common ruin. The proclamation of a guerrilla warfare, giving authority to every score ruffians to concert their own plans, to make their own attacks, to compel the cooperation of the unwilling, to murder all the Americans they can find, of whatever age or condition, is the act of one who gives up honorable war, and would efface or eclipse the memory of his failures by a mutual and universal massacre. It is impossible to say how the plan of a guerrilla warfare will work; but Santa Anna is still near enough to his antagonist to cause him serious annoyance on his road to the capital.

There, as we are credibly informed, has just occurred one of the those acts of absurdity which can give an air of the ludicrous to the most gloomy conjuncture. The Mexican Congress has been gravely discussing whether it should now accept the mediation of the British Government proffered many months since, and then contemptuously declined. They who thought the matter could be so easily reopened realize as little the meaning of mediation as they appear to do the meaning of war. This proposal was gravely discussed, and stoutly declined, not as being useless, but an attempt upon the sacred liberties of the Republic!

The prospects of the Americans are not without their gloom, both far and near. As they approach the capital, their army melts away. War even with Mexicans takes its quota. Garrisons and communications make heavy draughts. The summer must now begin to tell. Though the advancing columns have now passed the tier client, where the vomit is an and annual scourge, and is now in the tier template among snow capped mountains and elevated plains, yet the reinforcements have to encounter all the perils of a summer's march through a tropical climate. Meanwhile a more serious cause is draining the army at the crisis when it most wants men. The volunteers are returning, as their period of service expires. As in the ancient wars between England and Scotland, victory appears to be more dangerous that defeat. In these good old days of amateur warfare, no sooner did the licensed marauder touch the spoil, than he sought occasion to return and enjoy it by his own fireside. In this way the largest armies and the most successful expeditions would suddenly melt away, and prizes do more harm than panic. Whether it be of glory or of spoil, the American volunteers are, it appears, soon satiated. This is no pleasant circumstance for a General plunging into the heart of a bitterly hostile country. But grant that he arrives at Mexico. That is only the beginning of troubles. What is he to do with his conquest? How is he to render so light, so fickle, and disorderly a people faithful either as tributaries, or allies, or even as brethren and members of the Union?
[TNW]

LT June 15, 1847 6e THE AFFAIRS OF MEXICO

June 15, 1847

The easy reduction of Vera Cruz and the Castle of San Juan d'Ulloa by General Scott excited some alarm here, but it was remembered that the invaders could not long remain on the coast without feeling the effects of the climate, and should they attemp an advance to Jalapa, the natural obstacles of the country, defended by the Mexican valour, would, it was hoped, insure their destruction. With his usual activity Santa Anna hurried from San Luis Potosi a part of the troops who had so lately returned from Saltillo, and completing his force with levies here, in Puebla, and Jalapa, marched to the scene of action, his nativo spot, of which he possesses the most intimate knowledge, and where many of his campaigns have been fought. He placed General Morales under arrest for the surrender of Vera Cruz, and did not hesitate to proclaim that he was himself about to efface the stain on the Mexican arms caused by the loss of that city. Choosing his ground with judgment, he retired the troops from Puente Nacional, and concentrated his whole force, of from 10,000 to 12,000 men, at the stronger position of Cerro Gordo, nearer Jalapa. He there fortified himself with diligence, and in a few days communicated to this Government that his preparations for defense were complete. Considering his position impregnable, he stated that no more men or artillery were requisite, but, as usual, he strongly urged the Government to send him a fresh supply of money. On the 19th a courier arrived with news that the Americans had attacked Cerro Gordo on the 17th, and, according to Santa Anna's account, had been repulsed with severe loss. This was considered a good beginning, but Anaya, the acting President, refrained from celebrating it as a victory, and the result confirmed his prudence in this city that on the 18th the Mexican army had been driven at the point of bayonet from all their intrenchments, and totally routed. General Canalizo, who communicated the defeat to Government, fled from the field at the head of the cavalry, and the infantry was understood to be nearl all killed or prisoners. Of Santa Anna for some days nothing certain was known, except that he had escaped with life, and some parties began to entertain hopes that the country would be relieved from his presence. He has since addressed the Government from Orizaba, where he states that he is again levying men; but, General Scott having detached some troops in that direction, he is not said to have retired to Tehuacan, on the road to Oaxaca, and if affairs become wholly desperate, can withdraw to the neighboring republic of Guatemala. The American forces have since occupied the castle of Perote (which was abandoned by the Mexicans), about 12 leagues from Jalapa in this direction, and their advanced guard is at Tepeyahualco, 8 leagues farther. The important city of Puebla, the second of the Republic, and the only one between Perote and this capital, can now be taken whenever General Scott thinks proper. Puebla has been called "the unconquered," and in the civil contests of Mexico has generally maintained a high reputation. But the Poblanos, in common with other Mexicans, begin to find out that the present war is totally different from skirmishes which they were accustomed to dignify with that name. They perceive, also, that resistance to the superior arms and resolution of the invaders would only produce the destruction of the city, and they have, therefore, determined not to resist. Puebla will open her gates at the first summons.

At this awful crisis of the national affairs Congress act with their usual absurdity. They have given the Executive unlimited authority to carry on the war, but strictly deprived it of the power of making peace. It has been also cecreed, that if this city should be taken by the Americans, the Government may establish itself elsewhere, and that Congress shall be represented by a committee in attendance on the wandering Executive. In the same vein, the Governor of the city (Trigueros) has published a proclamation, in which he reminds the populace that they are descendants of the Aztecs, and that their highest pleasure should be to present to their wives and children the bloody hands which have torn out the entrails of a Yankee! These documents serve to amuse the loungers at the corners of the streets, but fail to excite any spirit of resistance amongst the people. The lower orders listen with apathetic indifference, and in the houses of the higher preparations for a retreat to their distant estates are already observable. Ancient coaches are brought forth from their hiding places, and the ponderous accumulation of luggage with which a Mexican family travels may be seen piled in their court-yards, ready for immediate departure. Various schemes have been suggested for the defense of this city, but all impracticable, and it is evident that no resistance will be offered. General Scott has more to fear from his own followers than from the Mexicans. In all the northern districts the conduct of the American Volunteers has become insupportable to the inhabitants, who, it is whispered, have already taken bloody revenge in New Mexico. In Coahuila and Nuevo Leon, General Wool's force is bitterly complained of, and General Taylor has excited severe contributions in both those states and Tamaulipas, under the name of reprisals for the destruction of his convoys by General Urrea. Subdued as the Mexican peasantry now appear, and inefficient as they have proved in the field, they may yet be provoked by these acts of violence and oppression to a retaliation of which the invaders deem them incapable.

When their capital shall fall into the hands of the Americans, it will be seen whether the Mexican authorities retain their present obstinate aversion to negotiate for peace. Should they do so, no alternative will remain to General Scott but a military occupations of the country--a task by no means easy, in consequence of its immense extent. The mediation of Great Britain in this quarrel was offered to Mexico some five months ago, and allowed to remain unanswered. The desperate situation of affairs has now brought that offer to the tardy recollection of Congress, and there seems to be some disposition to accept it, thought reluctantly, as they cannont divest themselves of the idea that by doing so the national dignity would be compromised. If peace is to be obtained by any other means than an American conquest, a mediator will be necessary, for the demands of the United States will now be high, and the Mexicans are not yet prepared to yield anything. The fall of a nation by the fate of war is a spectacle to excite pity, but here that feeling is necessarily mixed with a large portion of contempt. The Mexcians have behaved worse in the field than the Chinese, to whom they are wholly inferior in political sagacity. Their last chance of success in a contest with the United States disappeared when the Oregon question was adjusted with Great Britain, and they should have seized that moment to remove every source of discord with their powerful and ambitious neighbor.

A new tariff for the Mexican ports and territories occupied by the United States has just been received here from Washington, and has given great satisfaction to the mercantile portion of the community. The existing Mexican tariff has been followed in some respects, but the duties are much reduced, and all monopolies, as well as the oppressive transit and internal duties, which weighed so heavily on commerce under the Mexican regulations, are abolished. All duties, however, are required to be aid in cash, and the privilege of bonding goods in not conceded.

In consequence of pulci events, exchange by this packet has been unsteady, opening at 42 ½d., then rising to 43d., at which the principal transactions were effected, and closing at 44d.
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LT June 17, 1847 5b THE CITY OF MEXICO

June 16, 1847

Conspicuous among the beauty and magnificence of the city of Mexico is the Main Plaza. It covers an area of 12 acres, paved with marble, forming one of the most beautiful promenades in the world. On every side of this great square, magnificent and costly public buildings are situated. On one side is seen the spacious cathedral, which extends the whole length of another side. The cathedral is erected on the site of the great idol temple of the Aztecs, and the Government palace on the ground of the palace of the great Montezuma. The amount of wealth in the cathedral is incredible. The altar is covered with plates of massive silver, and beautified with ornaments of massive gold. The balustrade enclosing the altar extends a length of 100 feet, and is made of a massive composition of gold, silver and copper, the value of which is exceedingly great. Statures, vases, and candlesticks, of gigantic size are scattered through the building; and when we know that there, too, are made from precious metals, we can form an idea of the immense wealth of this cathedral. There are about 80 churches in addition to the cathedral, richly ornamented with gold, silver, and precious stones, and it is supposed that the wealth which is exhibited in this manner is nothing to the immense treasures that are kept in concealment by the priests. The city of Mexico can also boast of a splendid theatre or opera house, which was erected at an immense cost, and is capable of seating 10,000 persons comfortably. On the western side of the city is another square of 45 acres, with a fountain in the centre. It is laid out into pleasant walks, and much frequented in the evening as a promenade. The city of Mexico, like the city of New York, has its fashionable drive--its Third Avenue. We must, however, acknowledge that our Third Avenue cannot be compared to it for beauty and extent. Some idea of its extent may be formed from the fact that it is one mile wide, on which the most splendid carriages, in innumerable numbers, may be seen every evening. It is not unusual to see 7,000 or 8,000 horsemen and 2,000 carriages on it at the same time. This is a faint description of the city of Mexico, now probable in possession of the American troops. When we reflect on its beauty and magnificence, we are not at all surprised that the enemy preferred to allow our army to occupy it without making any resistance, for if it were bombarded in the same way as Vera Cruz was the damage could never be remedied. We are as much surprised, however, when we consider the wealth of the churches, that the priesthood who have a controlling influence on the public mind of that country, could have allowed our army to march into it, that they did not direct their influence towards peace. But so it is. Mexico, the capital of the republic, is probably now in our hand.--New York Herald.
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LT June 17, 1847 6f PARTIZAN WARFARE IN MEXICO

June 17, 1847

There is too often much reason to apprehend that in the present posture of affairs in Mexico the war is about to assume a most sanguinary and vindictive character on both sides, unless prompt measures be adopted to arrest its present tendency. Should hostilities continue, they will consist on the one side, at least, of a series of barbarous and revolting murders. In the highways and byways our men will be cut off by the ranchero's lassso and the assassin's knife. It is essential to the honour of our country that this barbarous example be not imitated by us. We owe it to our own character and the position we hold in the rank of Christian nations, to witness our abhorrence for this murderous system, by abstaining from it practice. It is difficult to restrain our impetuous soldiery from avenging the blood of their comrades spilled traeacherously and foully, but that restraint must be exercised. In such a large army as we have now in Mexico, there must necessarily be a great number of men regardless of all restraint, save that exercised over them by the discipline of the service. It is vain to attempt to disguise that many atrocities have already been committed by such men attached to the army in Mexico, and that, notwithstanding the measures taken by the two commanding generals to control them. It is hard that the glory of our arms should be tarnished by such barbarities, which, however, it but just to add, are fewer than in any army, equal in number, ever engaged by any other nation in foreign service. But while the murderous system now pursued by the Mexicans is to be avoided on our part, it is nevertheless indispensable that a stop should be put to the butchery of our troops. For this purpose orders are about to be issued to our generals to give notice to the Mexicans, that for every soldier assassinated, a number of Mexican prisoners of war, say two or three, will be put to death by the sentence of a court-martial. This system of retaliation cannot be deemed unreasonable, and the mode of carrying it into execution will divest it of all appearance of haste or passion, and give it the character of dignified retribution. It is a most melancholy alternative, but is unavoidable. The letters from the captured cities in Mexico represent the soldiers as practicing many acts of gross licentiousness on the persons of unoffending Mexican citizens. I understand that it is intended to curb effectually this licentiousness, as far as there is a possibility of doing so, by the maintenance of strict discipline. We do not war with the unarmed population of Mexico, and, as far as the discipline of the service goes, it is intended to stretch it for the purpose of enforcing the observance of a proper respect for the rights of non-combatants and women, in all the cities coming under our rule. Complaints have already been made of some officers of inferior grade, not only countenancing in others, but being themselves guilty of offering indignities of Mexican citizens. It is determined to degrade such officers from their rank, if convicted of the offence with which they stand charged.--New York Herald.
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LT June 28, 1847 6b THE UNITED STATES AND MEXICO

The recent advices from Mexico have changed the whole face of relations of the two countries. It is reported that Herrera has been elected president of the Mexican republic. If so, he has been elected as a peace president by the peace party, aided silently by those who are openly advocates for a continuation of the war. If Herrera has been elected, as is reported, negotiations will, probably, be at once resumed, and a declaration of peace is not far off. We, however, have our doubts relative to the truth of the report. It is not impossible that such is the fact; but it is highly improbable. We fear it is too good to be true. The clergy of Mexico have for some time past, in fact since the commencement of the war, been very bitter in their denunciation of the Yankees, and very much opposed to peace, almost in any shape and upon any terms. The people of Mexico are ruled by the clergy, and it is, therefore, proper to infer that the masses were in favour of the war, because the priests were so. It is the Congress that elects the President of that Republic; that body, it by no means follows that the people will submit, or that it may not produce another revolution. The election of Santa Anna appeared to be, at the latest dates, entirely out of the question. From the efforts he was making to secure votes, we should judge that he was very doubtful of his success. There has been, for some time past, a class of citizens in Mexico anxious for peace, and we have no doubt the peace party has rapidly increased in strength and influence since the capture of the principal cities of the republic. This party has been for some time much stronger than appeared on its face, as there are no doubt many citizens of that republic secretly striving to establish peace between the two countries, who are openly advocating war to the death. Of all classes of citizens in Mexico whose interests would be increased and advanced by an immediate peace, we should think the clergy is the most important. Nearly all the resources of the Mexican Government to carry on the war must be derived from the church--the whole brunt of the contest falls upon the clergy; their property will be sacrificed without accomplishing the result required, and they are expending their treasure in vain. The best policy of the church is to use its influence to bring about a speedy peace. If there was the slightest chance of making a successful resistance at any point--if there was any possibility of preventing the progress of the Yankees by furnishing funds to raise troops, it would be proper and just; but the clergy are the most enlightened class of Mexicans, and they know very well that a continuation of war is only plunging their country deeper and deeper into miser, and exterminating as fast as possible their people. It is our most fervent wish that no report of Herrera's election may be confirmed.--New York Herald.
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LT June 29, 1847 6b ARRIVAL OF THE HIBERNIA

The British and North American Royal mail steam ship Hibernia, Captain Ryrie, arrived in the Mersey, as anticipated, at 9 o'clock this morning, after a rapid run of less than 12 days from Boston, bringing the usual mails of the 16th and 18th inst., from Boston and Halifax respectively, and upwards of 120 passengers.

Our accounts from New York by this arrival extend to the 15th instant. Politically they are highly interesting. The aspect of the war remained unchanged. On the one hand the American forces were advancing successfully from Puebla on the capital; and on the other, the Mexicans were involved in ignominious intestine broils. Santa Anna had been pelted by the populace of the city of the Mexico, and the operations of the troops of the republic were confined to petty and contemptible attacks on small escorts and convoys. Commercially they exhibit a tendency to decline in the exchange on London.

Advices from Vera Cruz to the 1st of June had been received.

General Scott left Jalapa at the head of 6,000 troops. General Twiggs and his division entered Puebla on the 29th. It was believed that General Scott would advance on the capital without delay.

Authentic news had been received that Santa Anna had resigned the Presidency on the 28th ult. He is stated to have taken this step in consequence of opposition to his views as to the defense of the capital, and defamatory articles in the public prints. He had commenced fortifying Guadalupe in person, and a place near the suburbs; but unusual disapprobation was manifested, and his resignation followed. It was believed that his resignation would be accepted, and Herrara nominated. On his arrival in the capital the populace pelted him, and he narrowly escaped. About 3,000 troops were collected at the capital.

The American army was generally expected to reach Mexico on the 15th of June, and but slight resistance was anticipated.

Suspicions were entertained at Jalapa of an attempt to retake the place. Further robberies have been perpetrated between Vera Cruz and Jalapa, and the Ranchero force on route was estimated at 500 men.

Reinforcements were being rapidly sent forward to General Scott's support, to replace the 12 months' volunteers withdrawn from the army. "It is calculated," says the Union, "that nearly 7,000 regulars, old and new regiments, will soon reinforce the main army, via Vera Cruz, of which between 2,000 and 3,000, doubtless have arrived at Vera Cruz in April and May; and, of the residue, a large portion will reach that place, it is supposed, by the middle of June.

Tampico letters of the 27th May give a deplorable account of the state of affairs. Intercourse with the interior had been cut off, the roads being invested by small guerilla parties, detached from Urrea's battalion, consisting of some 20 men in each company, under the command of a petty officer.

From Saltillo we learn, that General Taylor's advance upon San Luis de Potosi was daily expected. His force would not amount to 2,000 men, and the journals of the United States, friendly to him, charge the Administration with sinister attempts to cloud the fame he has won in the war by thus cramping his energies.

From the Rio Grande we have intelligence of the arrival of the command under Colonel Doniphan, from Santa Fe, at Parras. The force consisted of 1,000 men and 16 pieces of artillery. The march was 1,500 miles, and en route they attained several trifling successes. The advances subsequently reached Saltilllo, and the whole force was daily expected.

A letter from San Luis de Potosi, published in the New Orleans journals, states that the hospital there was crowded with the Mexican soldiers, who were dying by scores of starvation and neglect. Even the citizens were suffering from the want of the common necessaries of life. The troops had all left.

The general aspect of relations with Mexico had undergone no change of moment. The prospect of peace by negotiation, so far as any direct evidence is yet afforded to us, was as doubtful as ever. The spirit and hatred of the Mexican people appear to have been unchecked by their repeated defeats; and, unless we accept the reported elevation of Herrara to the Presidency is gaining strength, the arrival of peace would almost appear to be attainable only in conjunction with the final prostration of the weaker republic. At the same time, however, there are rumours current in the American journals, to the effect that negotiation is being actively attempted to arrange difficulties. These rumours strengthen with every arrival; and it is likewise stated, that one of the terms of peace will be the establishment of railway and water communication across the isthmus of Tehuantepec, from the Atlantic to the Pacific. General Scott is said to have expressed confident hopes of a happy result. A well informed Washington correspondent of the New York Courier and Inquirer writes thus:

Washington, June 14

"The proclamation issued by General Scott in conformity with the views and wishes of the Administration is producing most extraordinary effects inn favour of peace among the Mexican people. You will have seen the denunciation of it by Santa Anna; but you are probably not aware that the most extraordinary efforts were made by him to prevent its reaching the capital. He succeeded with the first edition; but a second was issued in Spanish by General Scott, and the sensation produced in our favour both in Puebla and in the city of Mexico surpassed even the most sanguine expectation. The prospect that the Mexican people will compel their military rulers to agree to a peace is now brighter than at any period since the war commenced. The project of the treaty, which was taken out by Mr. Trist, has been shown confidentially to several persons at Jalapa, an is in conformity with what I heretofore stated to you, and I even again assert most positively upon evidence from Jalapa and New Orleans, which admits of no mistake, that the treaty prepared to be signed by Mr. Trist, as Commissioner, has been seen at Jalapa, and that Mr. Trist is clothed with the fullest diplomatic powers to conclude a definite treaty of peace, upon the terms and articles set forth in the project as exhibited at Jalapa; and that he need not wait for any further instruction from Washington, but can also have the treaty as it is signed by him ratified at once by the Government of Mexico. I assert farther that General Scott is to cooperate in the negotiation and in carrying the treaty into effect."

Some important modifications of the tariff imposed upon Mexico by the United States Cabinet had been announced. They are to the following effect:

(Official)
Treasury Department, June 16.

"Sir, In compliance with your directions, I have examined the questions presented by the Secretary of War, in regard to the military contributions proposed to be levied in Mexico, under the tariff, and regulations sanctioned by you on the 31st of March last, and respectfully recommend the following modifications, viz.:

"1. On all manufactures of cotton, or of cotton mixed with any other material except wool, worsted, and silk, in the piece or in any other form, a duty, as a military contribution, of 30 percent. ad valorum.

"2. When goods on which the duties are levied by weight are imported into the said ports in the package duties shall be collected on the net weight only; and in all cases an allowance shall be made for all deficiencies, leakage, breakage, or damage, proved to have actually occurred during the voyage of importation, and made known before the goods are warehoused.

"3. The period named in the eighth of said regulations, during which the goods may remain in warehouse before the payments of duties, is extended from 30 to 90 days; and within the said period of 90 days any portion of the said goods on which the duties, as a military contribution, have been paid, may be taken, after such payments, from the port or ports of Mexico in our military possession; the fact of the case, with particular description of the said goods, and the statement that the duties thereon have been paid, being certified by the proper officer of the port or ports of reshipment.

"4. It is intended to provide by the treaty of peace that all goods imported during the war into any of the Mexican ports in our military possession shall be exempt from any new import duty or confiscation by Mexico, and in the same manner as it said goods had been imported, and paid the import duties prescribed by the Government of Mexico.

"Most respectively your obedient servant,
"R.J. WALKER, Secretary of the Treasury

"To the President."

"June 11, 1847.

"The modifications, as above recommended by the Secretary of Treasury, are approved by me; and the Secretary of War and the Secretary of the Navy will give the proper orders to carry them into effect.

"JAMES K. POLK"

The commercial accounts, the chief feature of which, the decline of exchange, has been alluded to above, will be found detailed below.

The New York journals continue to notice the arrival of fever-stricken emigrants from Europe. The Americans, however, were applying the labour thus placed within their grasp, to the formation of their railways, canals, &c.

Letters from New Orleans state that an American line of steamers to run thence to this port is about to be established. The first vessel of the line had been contracted for, and probably the first ship the line would make her start in October next.

Our Montreal accounts extend to the 12th ultimo. The Assembly had been occupied in discussion upon the Address; and the division thereon left Ministers with a majority of one only. The journals teem with notices of the spread of fever amongst the immigrants from Europe.

The commercial accounts, of the 11th state, that from the 28th of may to the morning of the 4th the market rules steady at 37s. to 37s. 6d. per barrel for the best shipping brands of "fine." On the 5th the English mad arrived, and sales occurred immediately afterwards at 42s. to 43s. 9d. per barrel for the best fine, and at 40s. and upwards for secondrate brands, including 2,000 barrels of a firstrate brand at 40s., for July delivery, but cash "now." In that state the market remained till about the 9th inst., when it gave way, and the best brands changed hands at 41s. with a dull sale. On the 11th the price opened at 40s. for the best brands, which resulted in operations which cleared the market of almost everything that offered at and under 41s. which may be noted as the closing price of the day for the best fine. Wheat had ranged during the fortnight from 8s. to 9s. 3d. per 60lb. for Upper Canada mixed, and about the same rates for Lower Canada red per minot. A small lot of Upper Canada white, of prime quality, was placed at 18s. per 60 lbs.
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LT July 9, 1847 5c MEXICAN WAR

If the verification of our own opinion could compensate for other disagreeable impressions, we might experience considerable satisfaction from time to time in putting our readers in possession of the course of events on the North American continent. By the intelligence which we publish to-day it will be seen that the Mexican war is approaching that stage of its operations which in any other war would be a conclusion, but which here imports as little finality as the first collision of the campaign. The capital of the state is probably now in undisturbed possession of the enemy, who in dictating their own terms will experience little difficulty beyond that of discovering a responsible contracting party.

The detached reports which have found their way to this country since the last authentic despatches informed us that a guerilla warfare had been proclaimed, and that it had been resolved to burn the capital before the approaching enemy, and to retreat into the wilds and fastnesses of the country. By more credible intelligence we learn that the exasperation of the people against the invaders was daily increasing, and that the priests had energetically adopted the popular sentiments. It is now, however, stated that Santa Anna's reported successor is known to be more pacifically disposed, and by a most extraordinary phraseology the "prospects of "peace" are said to be "brightening" upon an unresisted host of invaders, who are marching at will through abandoned towns and unprotected territories. We admit that we cannot see the grounds for expecting any final or satisfactory arrangements. It is, indeed, altogether inconceivable that a hostile force in command of the capital should not be able to extort its own terms from such authorities as may be there extemporized, but such a negotiation will tell very little towards the ultimate object of the Americans. How far their demands may have been modified or stimulated by the events of the last three months, it is difficult to say; but it is probable that the chief article will still be the cession of some of the Californian territory, defined either by the 32d parallel, or some even more advantageous line. Nor do we think it unlikely that they may still repeat some of the terms contained in that grotesque caricature of an international negotiation exhibited by their last condition of peace, wherein an aggressive and victorious army offered pardon, purchase-money, acquittance, apology, and friendship, to an injured and helpless neighbour. For the sake of securing what they have along desired, what they are perfectly able to take, but, without a regular release and bargain, they well know it will be impossible to keep, they will probably not scruple to sacrifice a million or two of those dollars which the author of the war so prudently reserved for its requirements. They will specify the territory they covet, they will avow their honest disposition to purchase it, and the consideration agreed upon will be made up by a great deal of ingenuity and a little expenditure, their own claims for indemnification being set off against the chief portion, while the small remainder may be represented by the plausible and palatable equivalent of money down.

That upon the arrival of Scott in the capital a provisional Government may be found to give a nominal accession to some such terms as we have surmised, is probable enough. We do not even dispute the allegation which describes Herrera as a notoriously disposed to parley. But there is no evidence of any material change in the national disposition. We have before asserted our belief that no such body as a peace-party exists in Mexico, and our conclusions have only been confirmed by the anxiety displayed to trace it in some quarters where it is said to disguised by unusual clamour for war. It is, indeed, abundantly obvious that there had been no great division in the Mexican councils. They have been at least unanimous in their ignorance, imbecility, and bravado. Santa Anna is clearly not unpopular because he fought, but because he fled; and if Herrera steps into the vacant office, it will rather be in defult of another occupant than for the purpose of another policy. That the acts of such an authority under such circumstances will be generally binding on so disjointed and distracted a nation, it is almost preposterous to expect; and yet this universal acquiescence and recognition will alone convey to the United States the title and enjoyment they require. Unless they can get quiet and legal induction into their new domain, they will merely have bartered a bloodless campaign for an armed occupation, and will have marched to Mexico to exort only just such a right as they might have assumed on the Grande.

We cannot therefore conceive that the elevation of Herrera, or his accession to the terms proposed, can tend very influentially to terminate the quarrel, unless the proclamations of an armed stranger from the halls of Montezuma should operate after some miraculous fashion in neutralizing the effects of his bombs and bayonets, and reconciling antagonistic races exasperated foes. That General Scott has been endeavouring to invest himself with such pacificatory and harmonizing attractions, and that the ravager of Vera Cruz would fain be received as the deliverer of Mexico, is clear enough from all that we have heard by way of the United States. But there is little room here for the operation of such addresses. There is no great oppressed or discontented party--no disaffected population driven to war by a despotic Government. The Mexicans are free as anarchy can make them, they change their rulers at their will, nor can the most seductive appeal of the invader offer them any increase of political power. The war, such as it is, is emphatically a popular war. It was not excited by the priests or dictated by the President. The Mexicans hate the Americans clearly and intuitively enough, though they cannot resist them. They defy their addresses, though not their arms. They will not fight, but all the powers of the continent cannot make them shake hands. And thus, when a scared or subservient Congress may have signed a compulsory compact, there will still be the obstinacy and opposition of an entire people to reconcile or overcome.
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LT July 9, 1847 6c THE AFFAIRS OF MEXICO

After the rout of Cerro Gordo, Santa Anna, collecting what men he could at Orizaba and from Oaxaca, pushed on to Puebla, where he arrived only two or three days before General Worth. The Poblanos have never been very well disposed towards Santa Anna, and in the hour of adversity they gave him clearly to understand that his presence was not desired. He was, therefore, obliged to evacuate the city, which was peaceably occupied by the forces of Worth on the 15th inst. When the Americans take possession of any of the Mexican towns, the post between them and this place ceases, by order of the Mexican Government. Therefore, though so near Puebla, we know little of what is passing there. It would appear, however, from the accounts of occasional travelers, that the Americans are on good terms with the townspeople, and that they have even succeeded in conciliating the religious orders--a step which, in a place so notoriously for fanaticism, would have been extremely difficult a few years ago. But latterly the Church has been so rudely assailed by each successive Government here, that the clergy are now well disposed to wave some antiquated prejudices in exchange for the secure and peaceable possession of their temporal goods.

Since General Scott's victory a large number of volunteers (it is said 3,000) have returned to the United States, heartily sick of the expedition. The plan of hiring a body of men, not soldiers by profession, by the job, to attack an enemy's fortress or to fight a battle, and then return, bears the American stamp of originality; and it is a conclusive proof of Mexican weakness that the system has so far proved successful. The Mexicans were much pleased when Lord Palmerston expressed his opinion in the House of Commons that their resistance would prove too strong for the United States; but their subsequent conduct has certainly done nothing to confirm it. Puebla, with a population of 60,000, is held by five or six thousand undisciplined foreigners; and for the maintenance of the extensive line to the coast, including the garrisons of Perote, Jalapa, and Vera Cruz, General Scott has probably a not much larger force. It was announced from Vera Cruz that Scott's movement on this city would be supported by the march of General Taylor on San Luis Potosi, but old "Rough and Ready" seems to have been left by his Government with very slender means for such an expedition. The volunteers who held Chihuahua have marched to join him, and it is now said that, instead of advancing on San Luis, he will proceed to Tampico, and embark there for Vera Cruz (rather a dangerous experiment for unacclimated men at this season) to reinforce General Scott.

When Santa Anna abandoned Puebla, nothing remained for him but to retreat on this city, where he had reason to apprehend his reception would not be very cordial. In fact, his old political enemies seemed to think the occasion highly favourable for a pronunciamiento, and before he had reached. Ayotla (six leagues from this) an organized conspiracy existed to deprive him of all intervention in public affairs. General Valencia, with whom he had quarreled at San Luis , was proposed as his successor in the command of the army. At Ayotla he halted, and received the visits of some of the military and political leaders, whom, with his usual ability, he managed to gain over, and finally made his entry here, and assumed the Presidency, without much affectation of state indeed, but also without opposition, General Anaya, who held that post provisionally, retiring from office. But though so far successful, he soon found his position to be one of great danger. All parties new treat him as a lion whose teeth and claws are drawn. The journalists take a malicious pleasure in recurring to some of the most disgraceful passages of his life. One paper comments on the degrading avarice which induced him to sell a magnificent sword presented to him by Congress. Another reminds him that before the battle of Cerro Gordo he asserted that if this city should be occupied by the Americans, he would not survive to see it, and gravely expresses a hope, as that event is now not remote, that he will comply literally with his promise. Assailed on all sides, Santa Anna addressed a manifesto to the nation. It is couched in eloquent language, and contains some truth as respects his own recent exertions, but produced no effect. Nor did he confine himself to words alone. Valencia was got rid of by appointing him to the command of the troops in San Luis. Ampudia, in whom Santa Anna formerly reposed confidence, is exiled to Cuemavaca, and Almonte, who came with him from the Havannah, is a close prisoner here. Yesterday, however, Santa Anna, apparently despairing of being able to sustain himself, sent in his resignation of the Presidency to Congress, and that body has named a committee to deliberate and report thereon.

General Scott is expected to appear here about the 15th of next month, and many people admit that it is now high time to think of treating for peace. A new paper, El Razonador, has been established expressly to advocate this principle, and though others still clamour for war, it is generally understood that they do so without much serious meaning, or merely for the purposes of party. The only mode proposed for continuing the war is by guerrilla parties, and experience has already shown that these would be nothing but organized bands of plunderers, living at free quarters on the country, and carefully avoiding a meeting with the enemy. Even if, by a species of miracle, the Mexicans could rouse themselves to expel the invaders from the interior of the country, the Americans have put the bit in the mouths by the capture of San Juan d'Ulloa, Tampico, and Matamoros--positions from which it is in vain to think of dislodging them. Peace, then, must soon be made, or the conquest of the country be decided on by the United States. The latter is a consummation much desired by all foreign residents here, and (privately) by not a few Mexicans. The prospects of Mexico, if the American armies were withdrawn, are indeed far from encouraging. The different political parties which have so long divided the country stand prepared to renew their contests with fresh bitterness, and none has a sufficient ascendancy to afford a chance of stability. The emancipation of Mexico from the mother country was evidently premature.

A new constitution has just been published, being substantially that of 1824, with some alterations. Under this code the states have proceeded to elect a President. General Herrera and Don Angel Trias (ex-Governor of Chihuahua) have so far about an equal number of votes. Two states have voted for Almonte, not one for Santa Anna. Guadalajara declines voting at all, affecting constitutional scruples. Aguas Calientes loses the right by again merging in Zacatecas; and in Oaxaca two parties, each styling itself the legitimate one, have returned different individuals. The election of Herrera would be a guarantee for peace. When formerly in question with the United States; but his intentions were frustrated, and himself disposed by the insurrection of Paredes in San Luis. Trias is a man of provincial reputation only, and with a good deal of Indian blood in his veins. He has, however, traveled in Europe.

In consequence of existing circumstances, the great annual gambling feast at San Augustin de las Cueva (an event of the highest importance in Mexican society) did not take place this year. A minor performance was attempted at Tacubaya, but met with little encouragement.

Exchange on London by this packet has ranged from 44d. to 45d., and in a single instance was done at 46d.
[AMA]

LT July 10, 1847 8f THE AMERICAN ARMY IN MEXICO

The following interesting description of the American conquerors of Mexico is the translation of a letter from a native of Puebla:

Mr. Worth apparently did not wish to keep the public in suspense after official communications, and accordingly the head of his column appeared at an early hour opposite the gate of Amozoc. The townspeople seemed undisturbed. The whole city, with the exception of the dry shops, which remained closed, presented its ordinary aspect, and no one would have supposed that a hostile army was expected. About half-past 10 o'clock a party of 100 cavalry separated from the division, and entered by the streets of Alguacil Mayor, San Cristobal, &c., to the square, from which they withdrew by way of Santo Domingo to the barrack of San Jose. Curiosity to see the Yankees overcame the alarm so natural at the moment. The people crowded the streets, and nearly all the balconies in the line were filled with spectators. You will excuse this curiosity when you reflect that it was excited by the men of Vera Cruz and Cerro Gordo, who in the mouths of the vulgar passed for a diabolical prodigies, and in mustachoed lips for at least human prodigies. I myself yielded to the impulse, and breaking a vow of seclusion, sallied forth to become acquainted with our future masters. Imagine my surprise, and that of all the world, when, instead of the Contaurs which we expected, I saw a hundred gallows-faced men, uniformed (if the dress which most of them wore could be called much) with poverty and bad taste, many of them in their shirt sleeves, armed with sword, carbine, and pistols of a common kind, their horses large indeed, but heavy, and devoid of grace, like all their race, and with no other ornament than a plain saddle and bridle. Thus much for the accessories. With respect to the men, I shall only say that for ten good figures, there were as many sick, ricketty, and even deformed. Add to this disgusting want of cleanliness of all these men, and you have a picture the most unilitary possible, and which I should call revolting, were it not mixed with some grotesque figures at which it was impossible to help laughing. This is no exaggeration; I state sincerely my first impression and that all present. From some roofs hisses were heard, and, though not general, they truly expressed the contempt to which curiosity had given place. After an interval of an hour the main body entered. Of will find in the annexed note. All, that we had heard of Herculean frames, and elegant figures, has been the exaggeration of malice and cowardice. There are all sorts among them, but at the first glance it is apparent that the majority of the army is composed of Irish emigrants, attenuated by hunger. The uniform of all that have entered consists of a jacket and pantaloon of common light blue cloth, precisely the same as the recluses' of San Roque, and with no ornament but the military insignia. All, even the dragoons, wear flat cloth cps, though several have adopted the palm hats of the country, and we saw some enter with tompeates on their heads. If I were not in a hurry, I would substitute the pencil for the pen, in order to send you a sketch of an officer of the line who presented himself on an enormous cart-horse, with a frockcoat of most absurd cut, and an old common straw hat turned up as a three-cocked one. Altogether the general aspect of the army is all that ad taste and economy can produce of ridiculous, sordid, and filthy. Nor does their armament seem to me anything extraordinary. In a word, except the draught horses, which are very good, I assure you, without exaggeration, that these men bring nothing that we have not seen a thousand times. Even the immense number of their wagons is not a proof a large stores. The wagons are almost all empty, and I understand their principal use to be for the transport of the troops. How, then, have they done what they have? How have they continually beaten our army, which not only surpass them in appearance--for that is unquestionable--but in my opinion has a real and positive advantages over them? Every one asks this question, to which there is but one reply. Their leaders, and particularly the colonels of regiments, are old gray-haired men. Their gray hairs explain the phenomenon. This makes me still rely on our soldiers, and gives me for the future some hopes, which we require more than ever. For to us (above all the poets, or who aspire to be such)--to us, who cannot separate the idea of progress in civilization from a certain cordiality of manners, politeness, and external refinement, these coarse and clownish men, who in everything sacrifice elegance to economy, cannot be recognized as the Messiahs of our civilization. (The writer estimates the whole American force at 4,290 men and 13 pieces of artillery.) As soon as the division entered the artillery and infantry formed in the squear, and the wagons extended from the street of Mercaderes to the bridge of Noche Buena. The soldiers piled their arms, and the greater part lay down to sleep with perfect confidence, being apparently half dead with fatigue. Our guard in the palace was put under arms. A great number of the people came and went amongst the soldiers, and the tired division in the square, off their guard, and without their arms, were surrounded by 5,000 or 6,000 men. They remain so till 3 o'clock in the afternoon, when the troops occupied the barracks and convents of Santo Domingo and San Luis, and the wagons were placed here and there, as they could find room. The troops remained in barracks all night. Generals Worth and Quitman occupied the palace, the guard of which was changed; and the officers were scattered through the taverns and coffeehouses. At the tavern in the lower part of our house a few of them, whose philharmonic dispositions had been excited by wine, gave me the most inharmonious concession of the hills of Loreto and Guadeloupe, and to-day of the convent of La Merced; and it seems that some troops and artillery have been sent to the hill of San Juan. The population, meanwhile have maintained their accustomed stoicism. They show no respect, nor much dislike to the invaders. If a few are excited at the picture which the city presents, the rest scarcely allude to it, as if nothing extraordinary had happened. There have been some squabbles, and one or two Yankees have been killed by the leperos of Analco, but the mass of the people show neither inclination nor aversion towards them, and require some provocation to rouse them from their apathy. Unluckily, these gentry are aware of this, and not only behave with circumspection, but do violence to their nature to the extent of being affable and deferential.
[AMA]

LT July 14, 1847 8a ARRIVAL OF THE CAMBRIA

The British and North American Royal mail steamship Cambria, Captain Judkins, arrived in the Mersey at 10 o'clock this morning, after a run of less than 12 days from Boston, bringing 130 passengers and the usual mails.

The Calendonia reached Halifax on the 2d. inst.

The political accounts by this arrival are not of great importance. An action had taken place near the Nation-bridge of Mexico, on the route from Vera Cruz to the capital, in which, with a loss of 50 men, the American troops defeated those of Mexico, the latter losing about 100. It is also announced that a proposition of peace had been made to General Scott, but rejected by him as inadequate. In the capital itself affairs were totally unsettled.

We subjoin the details:

From Vera Cruz late and important advices to the 10th of June had been received. "On the 8th instant," says the New Orleans Delta,

"A small reconnoitering party, together with some citizens and disbanded soldiers, in number about 150, with 75 armed men, and 30 mounted, left Puebla for Vera Cruz. This party was under the command of Captain Bainbridge, of the 3d. Artillery. On leaving Jalapa and getting near Cerra Gorda, this party was informed that it would not be prudent to go through the pass, as there were 4,000 Mexicans in the chapparal along the pass. The party was organized and marched through without meeting an enemy, and arrived at the bridge that evening. Whilst they were bivouacking on the other side of the bridge, being so fatigued that they were unable to furnish a guard, they were informed that some persons were barricading the bridge. A guard was then stationed below the bridge and the encampment, to prevent the party being surprised. At this time signal-lights on the ridges and cliffs were distinctly seen. Before daylight the scouting party was sent out, and also a party to clear the bridge, which was done without any opposition. The main body of the party then passed over the bridge. Everything then appeared to be safe; and, all danger being past, Lieutenant M'Williams and Mr. Frazer were sent back to bring on the train on the other side of the bridge. As they were entering the bridge a party of about 25 Mexicans appeared on the bridge, and fired several volleys on them. The wagon master and four others, who were passing the bridge, were fired on, and the whole five were killed and the wagons were captured. It was of no great value.

"After the fire had ceased, a party of Lancers appeared on the bridge, and seemed to be preparing to charge, but, seeing that Captain Bainbridge's party were preparing to receive them, they wheeled their horses and galloped off. Captain Bainbridge pursued his march in good order, followed by 400 or 500 Foot Lancers, who hung upon his rear and flanks for four or five miles, but at a respectful distance. Thus hemmed in, this little party pursued its way until it arrived where Colonel M'Intosh had encamped with his train. The Mexicans who had attacked Captain Bainbridge's party were the same who had compelled Colonel M'Intosh to halt and wait for reinforcements. The party remained that night in Colonel M'Intosh's camp, and during the whole time the Mexicans kept up a continued fire on the camp, approaching with the greatest boldness very near to our sentinels. On the next day Captain Bainbridge's party resumed its march to Vera Cruz, being joined by Captain Duperu's United States Dragoons, who were sent back to get their horses. This company, with its gallant captain, begaved very handsomely at the attack on Colonel M'Intosh's camp; indeed, it was generally admitted that Colonel M'Intosh's command was saved by the gallantry of Captain Duperu's party. Captain Bainbridge's party continued their march to Vera Cruz, where they arrived in safety. In the meantime, Captain Duperu's command having a long return train to guard, and being threatened by a large body of Lancers, halted at Santa Fe, where they were charged by a greatly superior force, which they gallantly repulsed, killing many of the enemy, and the drivers taken prisoners. Captain Duperu arrived safely in Vera Cruz, having lost in all three killed, and three wounded. On the day Captain Bainbridge's party left Colonel M'Intosh camp General Cadwallader arrived with a force of 800 men and two howitzers, and pushed on towards the National bridge. On approaching the bridge, General Cadwallader occupied the heights commanding the bridge, from which the enemy had fired on Captain Bainbridge's party, where he was attacked by a large force of the Mexicans posted on the ridges and in the chapparal, and some hard fighting was carried on for several hours--the Mexicans losing more than 100 men, and General Cadwellader losing some 15 killed and some 30 or 40 wounded; the Mexicans were repulsed.

"The bridge was successfully passed by General Cadwallader, who was on his way to Jalapa. The estimated loss of Colonel M'Intosh's party was about $4,000. The road for miles was strewn with empty boxes and bacon sides, which had been captured by the enemy. There was a great deal of dissatisfaction in the army respecting the command which had cargo of the train. There will be a Court of Inquiry into the matter.

"Since the above was written, we have learned thatin the affair between General Cadwellader and the Mexicans at the National-bridge, the company of Lieutenant Blakely, of the newly-raised Volunteers, with two howitzers, charged the barricades, and swept them with a few discharges from the howitzers. In passing through, however, Lieutenant Blakely received a heavy fire from the enemy on the ridge which commands the road, by which he sustained a loss of one killed and four wounded, the Lieutenant himself being wounded in the leg. They also lost several horses. The heights were then charged on the right and left of the road, and gallantly carried, the enemy flying from before them in great confusion. When General Cadwellader had passed the bridge, he was attacked by a large party of guerrillas, who kept up a continual fire on his men far a long distance. At Cerra Gorda, it was thought, from reports of heavy firing, that the enemy had made a stand in great numbers, though no apprehensions were entertained for the safety of General Cadwallader's command, who was moving in a bold and steady manner--the only way to deal with the Mexicans. Captain Gate's company of 3d Dragoons was sent by General Cadwallader to the rear, to reinforce the guards of the train, who were attacked by a large force of Lancers, which they repulsed with considerable loss. There is much sickness in Vera Cruz, but very little in the Castle. General Cadwallader is much praised for the energy and promptness of his movements to the rescue of Colonel M'Intosh, and for the bravery and skill with which he scattered the swarms of guerillas, grown confident by the success of their previous enterprises. The garrison at Jalapa has been broken up by order of General Scott, and all the sick and Government stores have been sent to Perote Castle, so that this line of communication is entirely closed. General Scott has had a road opened from Perote to Tuspan, from which, in future, all our stores and men will be sent, in preference to the old road. There are about 1,000 men encamped at Vera Cruz. General Shields was at Jalapa, and was about to leave for the Untied States, when he received an order from General Scott to join him at Puebla. There are no preparations to defend any point between Puebla and the capital; all the odds and ends of the army are collected in the city, about 20,000 in number, but poorly armed, and are miserably provided for. There was a small pronunciamento at the city of Mexico. It was early put down by General Bustamonte; it was got up by factions of the popular party, and of the Gomez Faria's party. Their cry was "Down with Santa Anna," but the President ad interim still maintains his power and influence. Congress had refused to accept his resignation. We have about 6,000 men at Pueblo, under command of Generals Worth and Quitman. General Scott will remain at Puebla until he is reinforced. General Bravo is in command of the army at the capital. The success of the attack on Colonel M'Intosh's command has given great confidence to the guerillas, who are swarming in great numbers through the country, and attacking all our parties, large and small. It was chiefly owing to the gallantry of Major Bennett, the paymaster, that the specie wagons in charge of the party were saved. He was in one of them himself when the wagon was attacked, and fought like a tiger. General Scott was at Puebla at the last accounts. The editors of El Arco Iris had received dates from the capital to the 21 of June. Santa Anna had a second time sent in his resignation of the Presidency. Congress had not, up to that time, accepted it. He had also made a formal resignation of his office as Commander-in-Chief of the army, which, like his resignation of the Presidency, remained in abeyance. Five Mexican generals, whose names are not given, have been arrested and sent to the different states for confinement. The gallant Captain Walker has commenced his work of retaliation on the guerillas. On the morning of the 8th inst. he started with his command from Perote, on an expedition some sidtance into the interior. During the expedition he succeeded in capturing nine guerillas and an alcade. He has employed them in clearing the streets and sinks. A letter had been received in Vera Cruz on the 15th inst., previous to the sailing of the Galveston, direct from the head-quarters of General Scott, stating the General Scott had issued orders for the removal of the prisoners from Vera Cruz to Tuspan. Theis change was said to be partly owing to the sickness in Vera Cruz, and because communications could be more easily up between Tuspan and Puebla, than between the latter place and Vera Cruz."

A speedy peace appears to be anticipated by some of the journals.

The expedition against Tobasco, under the Commodore Perry, sailed from Vera Cruz on the 9th ultimo.

President Polk had visited New York.

From Montreal we have interesting intelligence to the 28th of June. an excellent summary of which we annex from the Montreal Herald;

"Attempts have been made in both houses, by Her Majesty's Opposition, to throw Her Majesty's Canadian Cabinet into a minority, but with equal want of success. In conexion with this subject, we may mention that the Ministry have laid on the table of the house a translation of certain correspondence which passed between them and Mr. Caron, the late Speaker of the Legislative Council, relative to the reconstruction of the Ministry, so as to admit some gentlemen enjoying the confidence of the course of the negotiations, judging from this correspondence, seems to have been this: Lord Elgin first addressed a memorandum to Mr. Caron, requesting his advice as to the best means of forming a coalition Ministry, containing gentlemen who have the confidence of the of the French Canadians; saying that he desired no sacrifice of principle, but expressing his hope that personal and party differences would, if any such existed, give way to patriotism and the public good.--Upon this basis Mr. Caron entered upon the negotiation; and, in order to be quite sure of his ground, he prop sod several questions to the Ministry, among which was this: Whether there was any person whom there would be no use to propose on his side? He was answered that there was no objection to any person. It was then arranged that, as the Cabinet is composed of seven members, three gentlemen from Upper Canada should be named, and three from Lower Canada; the seventh place being the Provincial Secretaryship, occupied by Mr. Daly, to be filled afterwards by the Governor-Genreal, with advice of the six. This seems to have been understood as a bargain on both sides; but, suddenly, Mr. Caron signified to the Ministry that they must exclude Mr. Daly from any participation in the government, and that he had four persons who would then join the Government. As the whole affair was based upon the rejection of personal or party dislikes, and still further, as the seventh member of the Cabinet was to be the choice of the two parties, this, of course, ended the business. Since the commencement of the session, however, Mr. Caron has stated that, in consenting to take office with the Conservatives of Upper Canada, he fully expected to pave the way for the return to power of their opponents, the Upper Canadian Liberals, with whom the French had all along acted. So that, when he had got his majority of the four in the council of seven, the first thing would have been to oust the colleagues with whom he professed to co-operate. Yet, though the declaration was made in the face of both houses of Parliament, for the Assembly had adjourned, and most of it members were below the bar of the upper house, Mr. Caron's friends still clamour about what they call the insincerity of Ministers. Beyond these occurrences little has been done of public interest in either branch of the Legislature; but a great number of private bills have been introduced and advanced one or more stages. Among these are several bills for allowing banks to increase their capital. The Inspector General has given a brief outline of his financial scheme. He proposes to take advantage of the British Possessions Act to discard all differential duties; to reduce several tonnage and other duties now levied upon vessels coming from sea to Montreal and Quebec, laying the charges which the produce is applicable to upon the Consolidated Fund; to extend the facilities now granted to importers of all kinds of goods to pass them through our waters for reshipment; and to reduce the tolls on the canals to the lowest point to which they can be brought, consistently with a proper regard to the revenues of the province. It is proposed, in addition to these reforms, to reduce all duties on raw materials to the uniform rate of one cent. ad valorem; and though this was not mentioned by the Inspector General we are informed that measures are to be taken to reciprocate the intercolonial trade, free of all duties, which the Legislature of Nova Scotia, by a recent act, has proposed to the sister provinces. Several German vessels have arrived in the river and at Montreal, under the provisions of recent British statutes and orders in council. These, we believe, are the fist vessels bearing a foreign flag that have ascended the St. Lawrence since the Conquest. The emigrants, who daily arrive here, come in dreadful plight. The deaths at the emigrant sheds are fearfully numerous. 25 deaths a day have been about the average at the sheds. Great dissatisfaction prevails at this pouring out of paupers upon us, and however reasonable this feeling certainly is, it has given occasion for a great deal of nonsense to be talked about the cruelties of the English aristocracy, &c. However, the thing, to say the least of is, is most disgraceful. A [. . . ] from the House of Assembly is to go home by [ . . . ] to the Imperial authorities.
[AMA]

LT July 29, 1847 7e MONEY-MARKET AND CITY INTELLIGENCE

The disposition to improvement consequent on the uninterrupted fineness of the weather still continues in the English funds, and Consols today have again advanced an eight per cent. The first price for money was 88 ½ to 5/8, and they went to 88 5/8 to ¾, at which they remained up to the close of business. For the account the last price was 89 to 1/8. Bank Stock left off 196 ½ to 197 ½; Reduced Three per Cents., 89 ¼; Three and a Quarter per Cents., 90 7/8; India Stock, 243 to 246, India Bonds, par to 5s. premium; Long Annuities, 9 1/8; and Exchequer bills, 8s. to 11s. premium. Throughout the day money was in full employment in the Stock Exchange at 5 per cent.

In the foreign stock market the business transacted was of the most limited description. The bargains merely included Austrian, at 108; Chilian, at 92; Mexican, at 19 ¼; Spanish Passive, at 4 ¾; Venezuela, at 39; Belgian Four and a Half per Cents., at 94 ½; Dutch Two and Havlf per Cents, at 57 3/8; and the Four per Cents., Certificates, at 90 7/8.

Advises from Paris received this morning attribute a tendency to decline which is manifested by the French funds to a variety of causes, amongst which are an increased demand for money, and a growing uneasiness regarding the position of Switzerland and the relations between Greece and Turkey. These, however, are subordinate in their effect to the oppressive anticipations which day by day become more deeply fixed in the minds of capitalists of the impending calls which will be necessary for the wants of the Government, and of the various railway companies, and which, according to the calculations of some parties, will form together an ultimate total of 120,000,000l. sterling.

No dividend was declared at the meeting of the United Mexican Mining Company today, the operations of the undertaking having been obstructed by the high price of quicksilver, and the danger of transit arising from the disturbed condition of the Republic. The general revenue amounted to $71,400, less expenses $29,850, or in sterling 7,444l. 3s. 11d. A surplus of nearly 5,000l. exists in hand, and it was stated that there was the prospect of a dividend, if affairs proceeded in satisfactory manner in the course of the next half year.

The defaulting American States require to be educated into integrity, and it is evident that a generation must pass before the feeling will become a habit. Even when intellectually convinced that honesty is the best policy, and at a time also when they find wealth pouring in upon them so as to render its exercise not inconvenient, they hardly contrive to take a step in the right path without showing that they are out of their natural track. In the midst of their proposals for a resumption of their obligations the resolve to make clean work of it seems always wanting, some evasion being usually introduced which indicates an almost inextinguishable bias, and not only prevents the applause they would otherwise receive, but actually renders the new "effort," as it usually termed, to uphold the national honour a more complete proof that the leopard has not changed his spots than if they had suffered the matter to remain altogether unheeded. Thus, after many years of neglect, we have recently seen Indiana bestir herself, and in so doing absolutely fall into the disgrace which, at all events, she had avoided up to that time, of distinct repudiation; and advices from New York now bring us another instance larger in its meanness, because smaller in its contemplated results. In the step taken by Indiana, the object was to escape payment of more than half the arrears of interest, and to get rid of the liability upon half the principal of her debt, but in an arrangement just proposed by Illinois we have little bit of repudiation that would almost seem to have been introduced for no other end than to indicate the transatlantic origin of the proceeding. It appears that the State is about to make "a united and vigorous exertion" to pay its debts, and that at a convention at present assembled to amend the constitution measures are expected to be adopted for that purpose. In a joint resolution of both houses of the Legislature, the magnificent truism has been formally declared "That the State of Illinois is bound by every principle of justice, and a regard to its honour and credit, to make provision for the payment of its debts," and the people, moreover, have intimated something like an unanimous dispostion even to submit to taxation for the purpose. Thus far, therefore, all looks well. But the State politicians could not leave the matter in this form. It appears that through clumsy management the State, in issuing its bonds at various times, has sent forth a large amoung of different classes bearing the same numbers, "thereby causing great confusion," and rendering it "impossible at the present time to determine the precise amount of indebtedness of the State, its character, and when payable." And an act has accordingly been passed calling in all out standing bonds, in order that new ones may be substituted--a measure which is not essential to enable the State to correct its blunders, since a renumbering would answer the purpose, and creditors are usually averse to a change of documents. But to insure the desired end, a singularmode of compulsion has been resorted to, consisting of nothing less than the virtual repudiation of all such bonds as shall not be presented within a certain period from the date of notice. "All indebtedness," it is coolly declared "not surrendered within 18 months after notice given by the State to exchange, shall not be entitled to the benefit of any law which may be passed to pay interest on the State debt."

Thus Illinois, like Indiana, at the very moment when she seeks to regain her character, takes a step which, if persisted in, must render permanent the stain that might otherwise be regarded as only temporary. We apprehend, however, that considerations of expediency will yet interpose to promote a more creditable course, and that the offence is, as we have supposed, to be viewed only as one of those lapses into which people fall who are tying to be honest according to rule, and who, unaccustomed in some measure to the restraint, are apt in small matters to frget themselves, and to give way to nature without intending it.

The French commercial journals notice the receipt of late advices from the States of Central America, which are specially referred to the attention of their manufacturing interest. The announcement made is that the lengthened period of peace which has prevailed in that quarter of the globe, coupled with the disposition evinced by the local Governments to attract trading connexions in opening St. Jean de Nicaragua and other ports, renders the present a most favourable opportunity for entering into competition with the English, who are said to possess a monopoly of the supply of these markets, with comparatively little or no interference from European Manufacturing countries. Our merchants are described by these writers as securing most profitable returns upon their shipments, and so warmly has the point been taken up by those who advocate the introduction of French goods, that the representatives of that Government in Central America, supported by their own traders, have been at the pains of entering at length into the subject, and detailing the particular articles best suited to the wants and conveniences of the inhabitants of the several states.

A statement appears in the Antwerp paper Le Precurseur of the imports of cotton and wool into Belgium during the last 16 years, beginning with 1831 and concluding with 1846. The return alluded to shows that whereas the value of these articles introduced into the country mentioned in the first-named period did not exceed 3,249,062£, it increased in the year 1833 to 10,426,265£. In 1834 the value again declined to 6,774,512£, but in 1838 it once more increased, and reached the high point of 11,699,945£. The year 1839 marked another period of depression, when the imports were estimated as worth only 6,920,840£. The next twelve months established an enormous change. From 6,920,840£ the improvements carried the amount to 15,455,693£ in 1840, but it again receded in 1842 to 10,452,004£. Once more, in 1845, the fluctuation was considerable, and for that year the return was 14,774,721£. The last period quoted, viz., the year 1846, establishes decline of about 4,200,000£ compared with the previous twelve months, the amount being 10,500,000£.
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The Mexican-American War and the Media, 1845-1848

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©2005 Linda Arnold