Mexican-American War and the Media

We have received letters from our correspondent in the city of Mexico to the 29th of June. The delay of the Americans in advancing from Puebla had enabled the Mexicans to assemble an army estimated at 16,000 men for the defense of the capital. Santa Anna was again at the head of affairs, having withdrawn his resignation, and through the pressing nature of the danger recovered much of his former ascendency. A forced contribution of $1,000,000 had been decreed, from which foreigners were not exempt. The America army under General Scott, 10,000 strong, was supposed to be on the eve of marching against the city, and that a battle would be fought at El Penon, three leagues distant. A communication from Mr. Buchanan, dated Washinton, April 15, had been received by the Mexican Government, informing them that Mr. Trist would accompany the army with full powers to treat for peace. The issue of the expected battle would, of course, materially influence the determination of the Mexicans on the subject of negotiations, and it seemed not improbable that its loss by them would lead to peace. The Cabinet had been remodelled by the appointment of General Alcorta as Minister at War; Don Domingo Ybarra to the department of Foreign Affairs, and Don Vicente Romero as Minister of Justice. Rondero remained at the head of the Finance Department.

The Royal mail steam packet Avon, R.S. Norton commander, arrived at Southhampton on Wednesday evening at 9 o'clock, bringing the Mexican and West Indian mails, in charge of Lieutenant J. Fitz Brand, R.N., Admiralty agent, which left by the usual mail train at a quarter past 1 o'clock on Thursday morning.

The Avon brings 70 passengers, and her dates are--St. Juan Nicaragua, June 23, Charges the 25th, Carthagena the 28_th, Santa Martha the 29th, Demerara, July 5, Puerto Bello the 6_th, Tobago the 7th, Trinidad the 7th, Jamaica the 9th, Barbadoes the 9 th, Jacmel the 11th, Grenada the 11th, St. Vincent the 11th, St. Lucia the 12th, Martinique the 12th, Dominique the 12th, Guadaloupe the 12th, Puerto Rico the 13th, Antigua the 13th, Nevis the 13th, St. Kitt's the 13th, Tortola the 14th, St. Thomas the 16th, and Bermuda the 20th.

The Avon Brings 286,016 dollars on merchants' of gold dust, 127 cases of cigars, 101 serons of cochineal, 69 cases of pines, 30 live turtle, &c.

The Avon has had an unusually quick passage home. She sighted the Experimental Squadron 14 miles off the Lizard, with two steamers ahead.

The accounts from the islands are rather contradictory as to the weather; on the whole, the rains appear to have generally visited the various localities, though far too scanty in some districts. Great complaints continued in consequence of the scarcity of shipping, and of course the colonists were suffering great losses from non-realization of produce. The want of money was severely felt.

On the departure of the Avon from the Gulf the following was the most recent intelligence:

The American army at Vera Cruz amounts to amounts to about 4,000 men of the 10 new regiments lately organized and the remainder were expected daily, when the whole army would amount to 10,000 men. On the night of the 16th of June, 1,600 mules were taken by a Mexican guerrilla party, which was supposed to amount to 200 men. General Scott was still at Puebla awaiting reinforcements, as in Mexico they are making preparations for a strong defense. Santa Anna had been declared Dictator, on condition that he will not, under any circumstances, treat for peace; and it is generally supposed by those who are best acquainted with the Mexican character that the Americans must conquer the whole country before there can be an end to the war. Almonte, the late Ambassador to the United States, was in prison at Mexico. The fever was raging dreadfully at Vera Cruz, especially in the American army; there were between 600 and 700 in the hospitals, or churches converted into hospitals. By the medical reports 20 died daily; however, rumour said between 25 and 30 daily. It is generally supposed that when the rainy season sets in the mortality amongst the American troops will be fearfully great.

There is no prospect of the Mexicans accepting the proposition lately made by the American Government for the termination of hostilities. At a place called Jago, about half way between Calapo and Parata, an affair took place between the Americans and Mexicans; about 400 of the latter, with their commander, had been killed.

Santa Anna was said to have 30,000 men organized in Mexico; the priests are distributing their money in a most lavish manner in aid of the war.

The following is a list of the cabin passengers by the Avon:

Mr. Fontevilla, from Mexico; Mr. Edney, lady, and family, from Belize; Mr. Puttfracken, Mr. Ramirez, Mr. Mantilla, and Mr. Barlas, from Havannah; Mr. Mackle, Mr. Perry and family, Mr. Boulanger and servant, Mr. Prada, Mr. Jullian, Mr. Portillo, Mr. Mainamillo and son, and Mr. Loayza, from Chagres; mr. Wilson and Mr. Esculante, from Nicaragua; Mr. Nieto, Mr. Klein, Mr. Williamson, and Mr. Gaverra, from Sant Martha; Mr. Murray, lady, and family, Mr. Vallego, Mr. Heath, Mr.Heath, Mr. Duany, Mr. Menzies, Mr. W. Joseph, Mr. Douglas, Mr. Morrice and Mr. Lyons, from Jamaica; Mr. Millinet, from La Guayra; Mr. Johnstone, Mr. Stewart, and Mr. Bolie and lady, from Trinidad; Mr. Charlton, Mr. And MRs. Walsh, Mr. Lloyd, Mr. Hurrell, and Mr. Callenden, from Barbadoes; Mr. And Mrs. Brown and family, from Grenada; Mr. Wicoud, from St. Lucia; Mr. Maynard, from Martinique; Mr. And Mrs. Railton and family, from Nevis; Mr. Udall, from St. Kitts; Mr. Ahrens and Mr. Viner, from Porto Rico; Mr. Van Schmidten, from St. Thomas; Miss Hawkins, from Bermuda.

The Avon left at Jamaica, May 30, Her Majesty's ship Imaum. On the 31st C.S.P Forth arrived.

At Havannah, June 6, her Majesty's ship Alarm, which sailed for Bermuda and Halifax on the 8th. On the 7th C.S.P Medway arrived from the Gulf.

At Vera Cruz, June 13, Her Majesty's ship Persian, At Bermuda, July 17, her Majesty's schooner Bermuda building; Commander, officers, and crew hulked on board the Royal Oak.

At Nassau, July 13, Her Majesty's surveying-vessels Thunder and Locke.

At Havannah, June 6, there were-French men of war, Andromeda, bearing the flag of Vice-Admiral La Place, and the Blonde corvette; Spanish men of war, Sobarona, 74 guns, bearing the flag of a Vice-Admiral, and the Maria Christina frigate.

At Vera Cruz, June 13--French men of war, Petrouse corvette and Pylades brig; Spanish men of war, the Heberno corvette; American men of war, the Potomac, 60 guns, and the Raritan, 60 guns. The Americans had also at Vera Cruz 31 transports laden with coals, &c., and 52 with provisions, ammunition, &c., for the use of the army.

Tampico, June 15.--The steamers Undine, the Mary Somers, and the Joseph Gage, taken up by the American Government, were constantly employed towing ships over the bar and up and down the river; one bark and three schooners were also used for conveying troops, stores, &c., along the coast. On the Avon's return to Vera Cruz on the 17th, she found the same men of war and transports at anchor there as on the 13 th, when she left for Tampico. She left Vera Cruz on the 3rd of July and arrived at Havannah on the 7 th, and found the Spanish men of war already mentioned at anchor there. The maria Christina sailed on the 9th on a cruise; the schooner Lee was waiting there for the mails, and the Company's steam-packet the Great Western arrived on the same day as the Avon did; the Great Western left on the 10th for Vera Cruz. The Avon sailed on the morning of the11th for Naseau and arrived on the 18 th; she found her Majesty's surveying vessels Thunder and Locke, moored in the harbour; they were to leave for Bermuda in a few days.

The Avon spoke at sea the bark Priscilla, july 29, 42°26 N. lat., 33°30 W. lon; the brig Helons, Irish, and the Brig Harvey, English, July 30, 43°50 N. lat., 29°3 W. lon., the bark M.H. Kendal, American, July 31, 45°17 N. lat., 24°21 W. lon.; an English bark, hoisted white burgee and St. George's cross, August 1, 46°40 N lat., 18 59 W. lon.
[AMA]

LT 1847-8-8

STATE OF MEXICO

General's Scott's unexpected delay at Puebla (where he still remains) has occasioned some important changes here. Santa Anna has withdrawn his resignation, and in some degree recovered his ascendancy. Troops have arrived from many of the internal departments, and the force now assembled here is estimated at not less than 16,000 men, with more than a corresponding train of artillery. Had General Scott pushed on here, direct from Cerro Gordo, he might have occupied the city without firing a shot; but he has given the Mexicans time to recover from their panic, and the capital of the Montezumas will not be surrendered without a battle. The American General's operations have, however, been conducted with prudence, for the more we learn of the number and condition of his forces, the less adequate do they appear to the occupation of so extensive a line of country as that from this to Vera Cruz. By withdrawing the garrison of Jalapa, and leaving only a small force in possession of the heights which command Puebla, he can now muster 10,000 men, for the attack on this city. Considerable delay has been occasioned by the attacks of the guerilla parties on an American convey of money and ammunition between Vera Cruz and Jalapa. A Spanish priest, named Jarauta, has given unexpected energy to these bands, and distinguished himself personally on various occasions. The clerical and military characters do noot seem to be considered incompatible either in Spain or here; indeed, the first Mexican insurgent, Hidalgo, was a village priest. One guerrilla intercepted a despatch from the American Secretary at War, Mr. Marcy, to General Scott, dated April 30, which contains the following passage:

"This Government has received hints that part of the state of Vera Cruz, as well as some others, is disposed to revolt against the central Government. If this be true, use every means in your power to excite this spirit, taking at the same time the utmost care that the United States should not appear to be implicated, as this would give rise to charges against our Government when negotiations for peace are commenced. If you think proper, you can promise some assistance or protection, after the termination of the war."

The American Government should be careful how they expose communications of this delicate nature to seizure.

It was reported yesterday that the American army had already left Puebla, which is probably premature, but "the cry is still they come," and the movements of the troops seem to indicate the approach of danger. The rocky hill of El Penon, about three leagues from this on the Puebla road, has been strongly fortified, and will, probably, soon be the scene of a decisive battle. T all the approaches to the town trenches are dug and works thrown up, but no of a class likely to keep out the Americans, if victorious in the previous battle, and, though a city like, where every house is capable of being converted into a fortress, might be long defended by determined men, I see no reason to apprehend a contest in the streets.

While this imminent danger threatens the capital of the republic, the strife of political parties is as fierce as ever. The reflecting portion of both factions (Puros and Modernados) is, doubtless, aware of the necessity of negotiating for peace with the United States; but neither dare to propose it, from an apprehension of the bare suggestion giving an advantage to their opponents. Within the last few days a communication has been received by this Government from Mr. Buchanan, dated Washington, April 16, in which he announces the appointment of Mr. Nicholas P. Trist as commissioner, to accompany the army, with full powers to make peace whenever the Mexicans are disposed to come to terms. This communication was sent here undercover to the British Minister, and the answer (which, as far as is publicly known, merely states that the note would be laid before Congress) was taken to Puebla personally by Mr. Thornton, the Secretary of the Legation. There is, therefore, ground to infer that some friendly mediation is going on. Santa Anna has made some exertions (real or pretended) to get the Congress together; but that body, from mutual jealousies, carried to an inconceivable height, will neither meet in sufficient numbers to transact business, nor consent to be declared in recess, and leave the Executive unfettered. It is difficult to discover the clue to Mexican politics, which seem to be a compound of Spanish intrigue and Indian cunning. Santa Anna, who seems so desirous of assembling the Congress, may very possibly be engaged in fomenting their dissensions, is order to pave the way to his own dictatorship.

The pretensions of the American Government are now understood to be moderate; the same, or similar to those suggested in one of my letters: The line of the Bravo to Paso del Norte, or Santa Fe, and Upper California, to become American, each party to bear its own expenses in the war, and Mexico to receive a pecuniary compensation for the territory ceded, of course without reference to Texas Proper, which is condemned as a lawful prize. If peace should ultimately be made on these terms, the assumption of part of the Mexican debt by the United States, instead of their paying an indemnity to this country, might be a good arrangement for all parties.

General Almonte, who was closely imprisoned here on some unknown charge, and who had a majority of votes for the office of President, has been liberated under an amnesty granted by Santa Anna, on the anniversary of his birthday. Of the states which voted, one only (Chihuahua) gave its voice to Santa Anna, but, owing to the occupation of so large a portion of the country by the Americans, it was found that no legal election could be made, and he remains in possession of nearly absolute power, which he has, as usual, abused to the prejudice of the foreign residents. Forced loans, nominally on all the inhabitants, but really confined chiefly to foreigners, were an old expedient of his for raising money, and their injustice was so apparent that at the period of the French blockade Mr. Pakenham successfully interfered to obtain their perpetual abrogation as respected British subjects, which necessarily became the rule for other foreigners. Deprived of this resource Santa Anna now plays a bolder game. For a forced loan he has substituted a forced contribution of 1,000,000 dollars, the maximum to be paid by each person being 2,000 dollars, and the minimum 25 dollars. The Governor is the sole judge of who is to pay, and how much; and the penalty for non-payment within three days (in lieu of the bowstring and bastinado of Oriental despots) is the duplication of the contribution. I am sorry to say that our Minister, Mr. Bankhead (who has resided in the east), sees nothing wrong in this. He does not perceive that it is a revival in a more obnoxious form of the principle which his predecessor successfully combated, and all he will undertake to do in favour of British subjects is to obtain a reduction of the quota in eases of manifest injustice. No contribution of this description can be impartially collected in this country. The very nature of this corrupt society forbids it. Arbitrary in its origin, its operation must be attended with injustice, for the Mexican has a thousand means of evading payment, the foreigner none. It is to be lamented that Mr. Bankhead's health is now so bad, that business of any kind must be a painful annoyance to him. The French, who are much more numerous than the English here, have refused, to a man, to pay this contribution, and have addressed their Government directly on the subject. If the principle be once conceded by foreign Powers, all foreign property in this country may be considered liable to confiscation at the pleasure of the Mexican Government!

The Mexican Cabinet has been again changed. General Alcorta is Minister at War, Don Domingo Ybarra for Foreign Affairs and the Interior, and Don Vicente Romero (a vestige of the Gomez Farias party) for Justice. Rondero retains possession of the Financial Department.

Prostrated by a blockade of more than a year's duration, trade here is of course at the lowest ebb, nor is any immediate revival to be expected from the arrival of the Americans. Before they can derive any benefit from their tariff (in which some defects have been discovered), they must have a force sufficient to secure the safe transit of merchandise and specie throughout the country, for which their present numbers are wholly insufficient. Exchange by this packet opened at 44 ½ d., and closed at 44d.

The city has just been declared in a rigorous state of siege. No one can leave it without a passport, and martial law is proclaimed.
[AMA]

LT 1847-8-10-6a

AMERICA
August 10, 1847

[The following appeared in part only of our yesterday's impression:]

By the packet-ship John R. Skiddy, Captain Luoe, which arrived in the Mersey on Saturday morning, we have advices from New York to the 19th ult. Inclusive. The intelligence by this arrival is important.

Our accounts from Vera Cruz extend to the 2d ult. And from the city of Mexico to the 29th of June. The United States Government, it appears from these advices, at the opening of the present year renewed to the Mexican Government the overtures previously made and rejected for the renewal of negotiations and the re-establishment of peace. The propositions advanced were, that Mexico should send commissioners to Jalapa, Havannah, or any other port, for this purpose. The Mexican Government, on the 22d of February, declined to accede to the proposition, unless, as a preliminary, the United States Government withdrew its armies from the Mexican territories, and raised the instituted blockade of the Mexican ports. On the 15th of April these requirements were pronounced by the United States Secretary of State, Mr. Buchanan, in a lengthy despatch inadmissible, neither demanded by rational honour, nor sanctioned by the practice of nation, in proof of which he instanced the case of the last negotiation instituted at Ghent during the last war of the United States and Great Britain. For a nation which had sacrificed men and money to obtain a foothold in an enemy's country so to abandon, as was proposed, the advantages it had won without the certainty that the negotiation contemplated would secure peace, would, he argued, be puerile and suicidal. The policy of the Mexican Government had throughout been most extraordinary. She had rejected proposition after proposition of peace, though the United States President had declared before all the world that he would exact no condition derogatory to the honour of both states. If Mexico persisted in such policy peace would never be re-established; and therefore until there was some reason to believe that the Mexican Government would be willing to enter upon a more enlightened course, the United States President would renew no further propositions.

Nevertheless, the Secretary announces that such is the President's desire for peace, and such his desire that the evils of war shall not be prolonged one day later than necessary, that he now sends as a Commissioner to Mexico, possessing his full confidence, and alotted with full powers to conclude a treaty, Mr. Trist, Chief Clerk of the State Department; and in conclusion, Mr. Buchanan expresses the strong desire of the President, that the United Mexican States may maintain hereafter an elevated position among the nations of the earth.

The Mexican Minister acknowledged on the 22d of April the receipt of the despatch, which contains no indication of the nature of the treaty authorized to be concluded by Mr. Trist, stating that the whole matter had been referred for immediate consideration to the Sovereign Congress; and from the Mexican journals we learn that the body had at once been convened. Up to the 29th of June, however, no quorum had been assembled, and it was anticipated that General Scott, who had assigned the 30th of that month as the limit of the space allowed for decision up Mr. Buchanan's letter, would, if the proposal remained unaccepted, at once march upon the capital.

Nothing further had been heard at Vera Cruz of the detachments under Generals Cadwallader and Pillow; but it was thought that they had arrived at the General Scott's head-quarters.

The intelligence from the Rio Grande, New Mexico, and California, with regard to the war, is unimportant.
The American papers publish an interesting, and, indeed, important public document, illustrative of the working of the new and old tariff of the country. It appears that the actual augmentation of receipts for duties for seven months and ten day, from December 1,1846, to June 10, 1847, under the tariff of 1846, compared with the same time under the tariff of 1842, exceeded one million of dollars; and that adding the duties on the warehoused goods, the total increase was nearly one million and a half of total increase was nearly one million and a half of dollars. It appears, also, from the returns of June and July, so far received, that the rate of augmentation was progressing, and that Mr. Walker's estimate will be more than realized by the result.
[AMA]

LT 1847-8-11-8f

THE AMERICANS IN MEXICO
August 11, 1847

General Scott, the Commander in Chief of the American forces, has addressed the following manifesto to the Mexican nation:

(From El Monitor Republicano)

"Mexicans! The recent events of the war, and the provisions which have in consequence been dictated by your Government, render it my duty to address you, for the purpose of demonstrating truths of which you are ignorant, because they are maliciously concealed from you. I do not wish you to believe me on my word of honour, although he who has never swerved from the truth has a right to be believed; but I wish you to judge of these truths from the facts which are under the connizance and subject to the test of you all.

"Whatever may have been the origin of this war, which my country found itself compelled to undertake, from inevitable causes, of which, I understand, the greater part of the Mexican people are ignorant, we consider it as a fatality; for a war always is so to the two belligerent parties, and reason and justice are called into question, if they are not entirely unknown, on both sides, each one believing that it is in possession of them. The proof of this truth is held by Mexicans as well as ourselves, since, in Mexico, as in the United States, there have existed, and do exist, two opposite parties which are desirous, the one of peace, and the other of war. Governments, however, have sacred duties, from which they cannot swerve, and those duties frequently impose, from motives of national convenience, a silence and reserve which sometimes displeases the majority of those who offer opposition from purely personal and private views. And whom Governments, which suppose that the nation reposes in them the confidence merited by a magistrate by itself elected, out not to regard.

"Reasons of state and of American continental interest compromised events in spite of the circumspection of the Cabinet of Washington, which, ardently desiring to put a period to all the differences with Mexico, left no means untried, so far as they were compatible with its honour and dignity, to attain so desirable an end; and when it cherished the most flattering expectation of obtaining its object by means of its frank explanation and of arguments, submitted to the judgment and practical wisdom of the virtuous and patriotic Government of General Herrera, the misfortune, least looked for, dispelled that grateful hope, and at once obstructed all the paths which might have led to an arrangement honourable to both nations.

"The new Government mistook the national interests as well as those of the American continent, and chose, moreover, the influence most foreign to those interests and most fatal to the future prospects and the liberty of Mexico, and the republican system which the United States deem it their duty to preserve and protect.

"Duty, however, and a regard for our own dignity, impelled us to the necessity of not losing an opportunity which was being violated by the aderents of the monarchical party, such urgent contingencies thus to avoid the complieation of interests which might render our situation more difficult and more serious.

"Again, in the course of the civil war, your Government, headed by General Paredes, was overturned, and we ourselves could not but believe that it would prove a benefit, because, whatever other persons might represent, the Government would be less deluded, and at once more patriotic and prudent, if he attended to the public welfare. Considering and weighing all probabilities, their forces, and elements, and, above all, the most general opinion respecting the pristine results of the national war, we are mistaken, as perhaps the Mexicans themselves have been, in our judgement of the real intentions of General Santa Anna, whom they recalled and our Government permitted to return.

"In this state of things, the Mexican union has seen what have been the results which all lament and ourselves sincerely; because we duly appreciate the valour and the noble decision of the unfortunates who go to war badly led, worse directed, and almost always the victims of deceit and perfidy.

"We are witnesses; and, as interested parties, we shall not be accused of partially, when we have lamented, with admiration, that the heroic behaviour of the garrison of Vera Cruz, in the valiant defense which it made, was disgraced by the general who had just been routed and put to a shameful flight by a force very inferior to that which he commanded in Buenavista; that this general rewarded the pronunciados in Mexico, the promoters of the civil war, and outraged those who had just singularly distinguished themselves by a resistance far beyond what could have been expected, and characterized by an admirable decision.

"Lastly, the sanguinary affair of Cerro Gordo has shown the Mexican nation what may be reasonably be expected if it continues to remain in ignorance of the real state of affairs to which it has been conducted by some of its generals whom it has most distinguished, and in whom it has reposed the most confidence.
"The most hardhearted man would be melted into grief and tears at the contemplation of the battle fields in Mexico a minute after the last shot had been fired. The generals, whom this nation has paid for so many years without deriving the slightest service from them (with a few honourable exceptions), served, on the very day when they were wanted, to prejudice the cause for which they contended, by their bad example and their unskillfulness. Amongst the dead and the wounded no proofs of military honour are discerned, because they are almost reduced to the sad fate of the soldier, and this has been on all occasions, from Pulo-Alto to Cerro Gordo, the cause of the dead remaining unburied, and their wounded being abandoned to the clemency and charity of the conquerors. And soldiers who went to battle with the knowledge that this recompense awaited them well deserve to be recognized as the best in the world, because they are neither stimulated by an ephemeral glory, a sigh, or a remembrance, but only a tomb.

"Contemplate, then, honoured Mexicans, the fate of the peaceful and laborious citizens in all classes of your society. The property of the church threatened and held out as an allurement to anarchy, the fortunes of the rich proprietors indicated as the prety of rebel rapine, the merchant and the artizan, the labourerr and the manufacturer, loaded with contributions, imposts, duties on consumption, and surrounded by guards and officers of the odious internal custom-houses; the literary man and the jurist, the free man of knowledge who dares to speak, persecuted without being judged by any party, or by the very Governments which abuse their power; criminals set at liberty without punishment, like those in the fortress of Perote. What then, Mexicans, is the liberty which you enjoy?

"I do not believe that the Mexicans, sons of the present age, are wanting in courage to confess errors which do not dishonour them, and to adopt a systme of tru liberty, peace, and union with their neighbouring brothers of the north.

"Still less do I believe that they are ignorant of the infamy with which we are assailed in the periodicals for inciting the people to rebellion. No, public spirit is not created or reanimated by falsehoods. We have not profaned your temples, violated the persons of your wives, or taken possession of your property, as they would have you believe; and we say it with pride and attest it on the evidence of your own bishops, and the curates of Tampico, Tuzpan, Matamoras, Vera Cruz, and Jalapa, and all the ecclesiastics and civil authorities in the vicinity of those districts which we have occupied. We worship the same God, and a great party of our army, as well as the population of the United States, are Roman Catholics like yourselves. We chastise crime wherever we find it, and reward merit and virtue.

"The army of the United States respects and will always respect the private property of every class, and the property of the Mexican church; and wo to him who shall fail to do so wherever we may find ourselves!

"Mexicans, the past cannot be remedied; but future evils may nevertheless be prevented. I have repeatedly declared to you that the Government and people of the United States are desirous of peace and you sincere friendship. Abandon, then, rancorous prejudices, and cease to be the tools of private ambition; behave like a great American nation/ abandon for once these habits of colonists, and learn how to be truly free, truly republican, and very soon you may be very rich and very happy, since you possess all the elements of both; but reflect that you are Americans, and that your felicity is not to be derived from Europe.

"In conclusion, I desire to proclaim, and with equal Frankness, that if it should prove necessary, an army of 100, 000 men would very promptly arrive, and that the United States would not terminate their differences with Mexico, having to do so by arms, either in a precarious, uncertain, or dishonourable manner; and I should insuit the enlightened part of this country were I to doubt their knowledge of this truth.

"The authority to form guerillas to make war against us will, I asure you, only be productive of evils to the country, and none whatsoever to our army, which will be able to defend itself and to proceed against them; and if, far from calming the public mind and the national passions, you endeavour to irritate them, you will reduce us to the hard necessity of resorting to reprisals, and then you will only have to thank yourselves for the consequences.

"I am marching with my army to Puebla and Mexico. I make no secret of this; from those capitals I shall once more address you. I desire peace, amity, and union; it is for you to choose whether you prefer to continue the war. At all events, rest assured that I shall never fail to keep my word.
"WINFIELD SCOTT, General. Head-quarters, Jalapa, May 11."

[AMA]

LT 1847-8-14-4b

THE WAR WITH MEXICO
August 14, 1847

The Washington correspondent of the New York Courier and Inquirer writes from that city on the 19th of July to the following effect:

"We must now be on the eve of the most important intelligence from Mexico; and the problem will soon be solved whether we are to have war or peace. My own opinion, formed upon the latest intelligence for Puebla, is still that it will be peace. It is quite certain there is a large party, even in the present Congress of Mexico, in favour of peace; but whether they number a majority or not of that body, must be speedily determined. In the mean time it is certain, notwithstanding all that has been said to the contrary--first, that the mediation of Great Britain for peace, as proffered to Mexico, has not been rejected by the Congress of Mexico, neither has it, as yet, been accepted; second, the terms proposed by Mr. Trist have not yet been rejected by the congress of Mexico at the latest dates from the capital. If they are rejected, or their acceptance delayed, General Scott will advance and take the city. But if, on the other hand, as is extremely probable, these terms should be accepted, and the treaty ratified at once by the Congress of Mexico, General Scott, in that event, will not advance beyond Puebla, but will await orders from the Government here, which would, no doubt, convene the Senate at once, so as to have the ratification exchanged, and peace re-established. I do, however, undertake to say, by intelligence direct from Puebla, that if Mr. Trist had conducted the negotiation properly, and placed his despatch in the hands of General Scott, so as to transmitted to the Mexican Governemnt immediately after the battle of Cerro Gordo, we should have had peace long before this period. I repeat that the proceedings of the Mexican Government, shortly after the battle of Cerro Gordo, and now well known at Puebla, wherever they are published, well demonstrate that at that time Mr. Trist's proposals, if he had sent them on as he ought to have done, would have been accepted by the Government of Mexico. I still think they will be accepted; but if they are not the rejection must be attributed to this fatal delay. Whatever may be said here to the contrary, by the Union or any one else. I undertake to say, upon unquestionable authority, from Puebla, that Mr. Trist did undertake to give a military order, although, according to my information from Mexico, Mr. Buchanan's despatch and instructions to Mr. Trist were perfectly right, and are considered by all who have seen them there as most judicious and proper; yet Mr. Trist, speaking in the name of the President, did give a military order to General Scott, which necessarily delayed negotiation. I say such an order from Mr. Trist has been seen at Puebla, and has produced the utmost astonishment in the mind of every military man there who is cognizant of the fact. It is unpleasant to censure any public functionary, especially a gentleman who is so amiable in private life as Mr. Trist, but where such great public interests are involved, and such weighty responsibilities resting upon all connected with these transactions, it is right and just that the truth should be told in order that the censure may fall upon those only by whom it is merited."
[AMA]

LT 1847-8-16-5a

MEXICAN WAR
August 16, 1847

We publish today some fresh intelligence from American, which puts us in possession of the transactions at the scene of war up to the 18th of last month. General Scott is still at La Puebla, and General Pillow and his colleague still at Perote. It is reported that Mr. Trist's mission has be so far successful that the Mexicans have at length condescended to nominate commissioners empowered to negotiate with him; but this information is contradicted by other rumours, and nothing certain appears to be known even about this rudimentary overture to peace. The minor details reported by this mail are not in themselves very significant; and yet, taken in conjunction with the accounts which have lately reached us in rather rapid succession, they may perhaps be constructed into a view of affairs somewhat different from that represented by the Americans.

In a word, we think it highly probable that General Scott is halting at Puebla simply because he cannot advance and is ashamed to retrie, and that the empressement with which the Americans are endeavouring to negotiate a peace is attributable not only to their hankerings after ceded territory, but to their anxiety to extricate their army from a very unpleasant and unpromising position. Their own story is, that the General remains at Puebla to try the effect of the parley between Mr. Trist and the Mexican authorities, and that if this should produce no results, he will then at once bring the whole affair to a conclusion by marching on the capital. But why, under such circumstances, should he ever have advanced so far? Why not have parleyed from Vera Cruz instead of La Puebla. If the matter was to be settled by argument of bargain, the march and battles between La Puebla and Vera Cruz were useless and nugatory; if by intimidation and menace the continued advance to the metropolis was absolutely necessary, and nothing could be more destructive to the prestige of invincibility than such a halt as has occurred. When Napoleon demanded the keys of a capital it was at the gates, not half way on his route. If the march upon Mexico would summarily settle the negotiations which two months of bribery and bullying have not even put in train, why is not such an obvious and decisive expedient at once adopted? After the bombardment of Vera Cruz, it would be idle to conceive that any respect for Mexican feelings can be operative with the invaders. There are but two very probable conclusions--either that general Scott is perfectly aware that would gain nothing by entering Mexico, or that he knows very well he is not strong enough to get there.

We rather prefer that latter supposition, which the few incidents detailed in our present advices appear to us to confirm. It is true that the Mexicans are reported (though not with entire concurrence of authorities) to have suffered one or two additional defeats. But this very ordinary result of their enterprises is by no means of such significance as the fact that they should have again exposed themselves to the chance. Whether General Peirce did or did not repulse a large Mexican force by a very weak sortie, is neither easily ascertainable from our present intelligence, nor very important to our present argument. What is both momentous and certain is, that the very base of American operations, in uninterrupted communication with the home Government, protected by powerful shipping and strong fortifications, and garrisoned by depots and reinforcements so as almost to outnumber the force at head-quarters, was actually attacked by a Mexican army which deliberately stood an engagement with the defile of the Puente Nacional in its rear. If 10,000 troops are neither secure nor frmidable behind the ramparts of Vera Cruz, how are 5,000 of them to march to La Puebla? The same remark applies to the victories reported to have been gained by Pillow and Cadwallader at Perote. That the Mexicans should have been in plight to risk a battle is far more important than that they should once more have been defeated. Though the American garrisons have, as yet, shown themselves superior to the enemy, yet it is evident that they have work enough prepared for them in keeping open the line of operation. So General Scott remains, as he has long remained, at the La Puebla, prudently reluctant to trust to the tremendous defiles between his quarters and Chalco, or to lose himself with some 4,000 followers in a hostile and anarchical metropolis, till some noche triste like that of Cortes should crown as wanton career.

Meantime, however, even Mexican intrepidity must be growing, and even American effrontery be sinking, under the influence of these reciprocal relations. The dullest of Santa Anna's constituents will at length conclude that an invader who halts half way cannot be invincible, and the most audacious gunner of Twiggs' battery will begin to share as is said, the immediate advance of Scott after Cerro Gordo was a coup de main to hazardous even under such tempting circumstances, and that General, as we are not prepared to deny, sagaciously shrank from a step which his countrymen chalked out for him, it is clear that the delay of every hour adds to the impracticability of the final enterprise. Unless very large reinforcements are despatched, or some unforeseen element should enter into calculation, things must gradually get worse and worse for the Americans. After a time it is possible that Mexican detachments may cease to be "defeated with a loss of 250 men." After a hundred fights they, as well as their betters, may become heroes. Tlascala may again perhaps turn out some sturdy tribe of warriors. At all events, the strength of the natives must tend to increase, for by delay they have everything to gain and nothing to lose; while the Americans, entangled in rugged defiles, isolated in a hostile country, surrounded by repeated conflicts, and decimated in their depots by the dreadful vomito of the coast, must sink both in strength and spirits by every week's protraction of the struggle.

These considerations will readily, and, as we suspect, accurately explain the extreme anxiety displayed by the "conquerors" to secure a peace. Their victories have had no results. They can neither proceed with any probable advantage nor retreat with any decent credit; and their paradoxical offer to purchase terms from a prostrate foe many be a measure of the greatest prudence and the highest exigency, though, if bullying had borne its expected fruits, we may safely conclude that bribery would never have been called into play. The next mail will, probably, inform us how far this question, of such infinitely greater importance to the Americans than to the Mexicans, may have been found to admit of arbitration. It is possible that the latter people may consummate a discreditable campaign by a foolish compromise, and be overreached into a sacrifice of the best chance they have yet enjoyed. It is true that the very eagerness of their enemy and attractive character of the devotion required from themselves should recommend it to their favourable notice. Their duty to their country demands nothing but sulkiness and bluster. They are not even compelled to say "No"--they have only to avoid saying "Yes." If they will but decree themselves patriots and declare themselves unconquerable, they need neither arm nor fight, but may sit valorously at home till tempted by the plunder of a self-discomfited foe. But it is doubtful whether the professions of Scott and the payments of Trist may not do their work--whether the combined tender of affection and specie may not overcome, in the rulers at least, the sullen antipathy which has hitherto performed some of the parts of patriotism, and release the Americans from their disagreeable dilemma. A lurking wish to the contrary it is difficult to avoid, for though the Mexicans have hit upon the only fashion of resisting an unprovoked invasion which could fail in arousing some sort of European sympathy, yet the disgust excited by a tyrannical and shameless aggression upon the certain favour which secures them the good wishes of others in spite of themselves.
[AMA]

LT 1847-8-16-8a

AMERICA
August 16, 1847

The following appeared in a second edition of The Times of Saturday:

By the Royal mailsteam ship Britannia, Captain Harrison, we have advices from New York to the 31st ult., Boston to the 1st, and Halifax to the 3d inst. respectively.

The American steam ship Washington arrived at New york on the 30th ult., and the Royal mail steam ship Hibernia reached reached Halifax on the 31st; would reach Boston on the 2d inst.

The commercial and political news are both important. The business in foreign exchange had not been large, the demand being moderate. The quotation in the Shipping List of the 31st ult. On London is 5 ½ to 6 1/8 per cent. premium; but other accounts state that bills were offering as low as 5 per cent.

The advices taken out by the steam ship Washington, which reached New York on the 30th, had the effect of running up prices of grain and bread-stuffs to the extent of 50 cents per barrel of flour.

Money was plentiful, and business generally was active, with some tendency to speculation.

On freights, flour had been taken to London at 3s. 10 ½ d. to 4s. 3d.

General Business was active.

The following are the political accounts, extracted from the New York Herald:

"Advices from Vera Cruz on the 18th inst. mention that General Pierce with 2,500 men, had a battle near National Bridge with 4,000 Mexicans and defeated them. The Mexicans about 150. General Pierce returned to Vera Cruz for reinforcements.

"Later accounts, however, do not confirm this statement. They say that General pierce had encamped 10 miles from the city, when scouts from his rear-guard came in and reported that a large force of Mexicans were at the National Bridge, marching towards Vera Cruz. Everything was got ready for an expected attack. The shipping removed from between the city and the Castle. General Pierce came in and took a reinforcement of 7,000 men, and again marched to meet the enemy.

"Colonel De Russy, who went out from Tampico to see what had become of the American prisoners on their way to Tampico, was attacked by 1,200 Mexicans at Huequetla. He was surrounded, and placed in great peril, but he cut his way through the enemy's lines, with the loss of 20 killed and 10 wounded.

"General Scott was still at Puebla. Generals Cadwallader and Pillow were at Perote. They had defeated the Mexicans at Lahoya. We learn of the appointment of Commissioners by the Mexican Government to confer with Mr. Trist, at San Martin Tesmalaucan, on the 8th, and through him the terms offered by the President. A letter from Mexico, dated the 2d, says there is no doubt but that the treaty will be concluded immediately by the Commissioners, the peace party is so strong, and that Santa Anna will probably pronounce for peace. The names of the Commissioners given are Garostise, Baronda, and Tornel."

Other accounts, however, throw doubts upon the reported appointment of Commissioners also.

From Canada we have accounts to the 29th ult. The Parliament had adjourned, after repealing all differential duties. An address to the Crown had been voted, praying the repeal of the Navigation Laws, so far as they bear upon the colony. The immigration from Ireland and the dreadful mortality among the emigrants attracted great attention, and excited much discussion.

On the 28th the Governor-General closed the session with the following speech:

Lion. Gentlemen of the Legislative Council and Gentlemen

Of the legislative Assembly

"In relieving you for the present from attendance in this place, I have to thank you for the zeal and assiduity in the discharge of you important duties which have enabled you, during the course of a session of comparatively short duration, to consider and perfect many measures which promise to be of great advantage to the community.

"I sincerely trust that the alterations which you have made in the provincial tariff, and the additional facilities afforded to trade by the extension of bonding and warehousing privileges, will be productive of benefit to the colony, and tend to the promotion of its commercial and agricultural interests.

"I have observed with satisfaction the attention which you have bestowed on the several projects which have been brought before you for developing the mineral resources of the province, and improving its means of internal communication.

"I trust that the measures which you have passed for the amendment of certain provisions of the criminal code, for the protection of mercantile interests, for rendering the common school act of Upper Canada more effective, and for placing the municipal institutions of Lower Canada on improved footing, will be attended with beneficial results.

"The prevalence of disease among the immigrants who have arrived from Europe this session has occasioned me much concern. I have not failed to bring this subject under the consideration of Her Majesty's Secretary of State, and to represent the necessity of adopting measures to place emigration to this colony under more efficient regulation. Meanwhile my warmest acknowledgements are due to you for the liberal provision which you have made for relieving the indigent and preventing disease from spreading in the province. The charitable exertions of the clergy, of the ladies attached to the religious communities, and of benevolent individuals among the laity, who have, at the hazard of their lives, ministered to the necessities of the sick, are beyond any praise which it is in my power to offer; but I cannot refrain on this occasion from paying a tribute to their devotedness and Christian zeal.

"Gentlemen of the House of Assembly,

"I thank you in the name of Her Majesty for the readiness with which you have voted the supplies necessary for the public service and for maintaining the credit of the province.

"Hon. Gentlemen and Gentlemen,

"The several addresses to the queen which you have transmitted through me have been duly forwarded to be laid at the fact of the throne.

"By exercising the influence which you possess in your respective districts to carry out local improvements and give full effect to the wise and salutary enactments of the Legislature, you may render services to the community hardly less important than those which you discharge while you are assembled here. I am confident that these duties will engage your attention on your return to your homes, and I earnestly pray that our exertions for the advancement of the various interests of this noble province, and for the benefit of all classes of the inhabitants, may be attended with the Divine blessing."

The Hon. the Speaker of the Legislative Council then declared that it was the pleasure of his Excellency the Governor-General that the Parliament should stand prorogued to Monday, the 6th of September.
[AMA]

LT 1847-8-16-8c

US and Mexico
August 16, 1847

American Affairs
The Administration have discovered, that in regard to the Mexican affairs, they have been traveling rather too fast, and, preparatory to retracing some of their hasty steps, they are seeking "scape-goats," as an offering for their sins.

The St. Louis Republican of the 17th inst. mentions the reception of letters from Santa Fe to the 27th of May. One of the letters states that "on the 22nd of May Colonel Price discovered that there were instructions from the War Department, which had been received by the last mail, brought by Mr. Boggs, directed to the Colonel commanding in Santa Fe, in which it was announced that the President refused to sanction any of the acts of General Kearney, so far as they confer such rights. On the strength of these instructions, Colonel Price, officially demanded the release and remission of the sentence of Antionio Maria Trajillo, convicted of treason against the Government of the United States. The accused was thereupon set at liberty."

On this discovery, at this last day, I have no disposition to comment at present. Similar military usurpations were practiced in California, and other parts of the Mexican territory. A few weeks will, probably, bring forth something on the subject which may enlighten us all. Whether the orders which General Kearney received were, or were not, so loosely drawn as to be totally misunderstood by him, remains to be decided. If, however, he has thus acted without authority, he is in no great danger of suffering. He married a daughter of Colonel Brenton, the distinguished senator in Congress from Missouri.

Everything seems to indicate that the Administration batteries are preparing to assault General Scott, if it shall be deemed expedient. He is now charged by the subordinates with defeating the peace negotiation, in not forwarding, promptly, the overtures of Mr. Buchannan, as presented by Mr. Trist, and referred to in my last letter. At the same time, it is said, by the same party, that the General has halted, and will not enter the city of Mexico until it is ascertained that Mr. Bankhead's friendly mission has totally failed. It is positively asserted that General Scott was ordered to halt.

These statements and assertions are fabulous. The plain truth is, that General Scott has not been in a situation to advance. He was, at the last accounts (the 29th of June), so hemmed in, that he deemed it inexpedient to move until reinforced. He has been grossly deceived by the Administration at every step he has taken. Nor will he be commiserated, even by his friends. It is within my personal knowledge that they warned him of the danger of being embarrassed by the Administration when he should most want and need their support. But he was credulous. The consequence is, he has felt, and continues to feel, the direful effect of that credulity.

In my last letter I stated that General Scott was included with Mr. Trist in the same commission. This statement was incorrect; he was not named as a commissioner, and not being so named he committed a gross error in refusing to forward, as requested by Mr. Trist, a letter addressed to the Mexican Government. Having nothing to do with the negotiation, it was his duty to forward the dispatch presented to him, even by Mr. Trist, who was well known to the General as the representative of the American government.

Some anxiety pervades this community in relation to the present situation of General Scott. I am not among the number that entertain any apprehension for his safety. I feel perfectly confident, if attacked even in his weak state, he will put his assailants to flight. It may, however, cause him some hard fighting. But a triumphant victory us considered certain. It is somewhat extraordinary however, that neither Generals Cadwallader nor Pillow, who were on their march to join General Scott, have been heard from. It may be, but it is not probable, that a strong Mexican force has interrupted the progress of these detachments.

Yesterday the steamer Washington arrived in this port, after a passage of 14 days and some hours, from Southampton. An English paper of the 15th of July brought by the Washington, commences an article, "The Mexican war is evidently drawing to a close." I wish I could say I entertained a similar opinion, but I cannot. I can see no present prospect of peace, and yet it may take place in ten days. This Government is most heartily sick of the war, and none more so than Mr. Polk. It is a ridiculous false pride that induces him to continue it. AN open, frank, and manly policy would secure a treaty of peace in one month. Such an elevated statesman as Henry Clay would soon accomplish that desirable object. I regret to add that I fear Mr. Polk is more anxious to terminate the war than Santa Anna or his adherents; but he knows not how.

The emigrant fever, as it is termed, has lost much of its terror in this city. It has not been extended to our settled population. Very few have been affected by it, and of those few proportion only have died.

In Canada it ravages have been, and continue to be, most appalling. The various public journals concur in representing it as of an alarming character. A Montreal paper, under date of July 24th, says, during the week ending at date were 235 deaths; during the same period last year60; increase 175. On Saturday there were 1,712 sick in the emigrant sheds, and 32 deaths in the preceding 24 hours.

The St. Johns Herald states that of the emigrants who left Great Britain for Quebec alone, 4,095 never reached their destination, having died at sea or at quarantine. About 600 more perished at sea by shipwreck, making about 4,700 deaths up to the 30th June. The ship Avon, Johnston, of St. Johns was at Grosse Isle, with all the crew and passengers sick, and 136 out of 550 dead. Small-pox has again broken out on board her Majesty's troop ship Apollo. One of the Church of England ministers, Rev. W. Chatterton, Lieutenant Lloyd, R.N., Mr. Crispo, Captain Christian, of the ship Sisters, and several others are also dead.

It is now certain that there are sufficient funds in the treasury of Pennsylvania to meet the payment of their August interest due on Monday. Foreign stockholders naturally fell some anxiety on the subject. The money market remains easy. Sterling Exchange firm at ? to 6 per cent. Flour, moderate demanded, and at ? to 6 firm.

P.S. Since writing the proceeding, a telegraphic dispatch from Richmond furnishes the following. It is proper that I should add, my opinion in regard to the question of peace or war remains unchanged.

A Genevese Traveler
New York, July, 30, 2 PM

By early telegraphic dispatch from Richmond we have important advices from Mexico, including Vera Cruz, dates to the 18th inst. General Pierce, having marched from Vera Cruz with 2,500 to reinforce General Scott, had a collision near the National Bridge with a Mexican force, estimated that 4,000, who were defeated with a loss of about 150. General Pierce (the dispatch says) returned to Vera Cruz for reinforcements.

Second dispatch

General Scott still remained at Puebla at the last advices. Generals Cadwallader and Pillow were at Perote. There had been a collision at La Haya, in which the Mexicans were worsted as usual. The Mexican Government is said to have appointed two commissioners to confer with Commissioner Trist. Santa Anna is supposed to favor peace. Colonel De Russy was recently surrounded and attacked by 1,2000 Mexicans at Heujutla. His position was at first critical, even perilous, but he cut his way through the enemy with the loss of 60 killed and 20 wounded.

Later

The news of a battle between General Pierce and the Mexicans, which was a rumor by a passenger in the cars, is not confirmed. By the report of the captain of the steamer Orleans, as published in the Picayune, it appears that he left Vera Cruz on the 14th inst., at which time General Pierce had reached the National Bridge, with 2,5000 men and 150 wagons, on the march towards Puebla. The Orleans arrived at Tampico on the 15th, where the captain was informed by Colonel Gates of the departure of Colonel De Russy up the river with 120 men, partly Baltimoreans, in search of the Mexican prisoners lately released. He landed with 60 mules near Huejutla, and was surrounded by 1,200 or 1,400 Mexicans, and had to cut his way through and return toward the river, and was there awaiting for reinforcements. Colonel Yates dispatched the Orleans back to Vera Cruz with a requisition to Governor Wilson for four Companies of Infantry, and sent at the same time 150 men up the river to the relief of De Russy. The Orleans arrived at Vera Cruz on the 16th, and found the city in a state of great excitement. General Pierce had encamped 10 miles from the city, when scouts from his rear guard came in, and reported that large forces of Mexicans were at the National Bridge, marching towards Vera Cruz. Everything was get ready for an expected attack; the shipping removed from the city and castle. General Pierce came in and took a reinforcement of 700 men and again marched to meet the enemy. Colonel Gate's requisition could not be complied with, but the Orleans received 25 marines and returned to Tampico, when she arrived on the 28th, and learned that De Russy's detachment, in returning near Huejutla, in a narrow pass, surrounded by 1,200 or 1,400 Mexicans, who commenced a heavy fire from all directions, but fled though the chaparral after six or eight rounds of grape. De Russy continued at intervals for several days to fight his way back to the river, where he was received by Colonel Gate's reinforcements. He reached Tampico on the night of the 16th, with a loss of 20 killed, 10 wounded, 2 missing, and 20 horses were killed. De Russy received several balls through his clothes, and Captain Wyse had three horses shot under him. The Mexican loss is represented at 150. Lieutenant Whipple has been lassoed near Vera Cruz. Captain W. Dough died on the 16th, and Lieutenant Parker, of the navy, died on the 12th, on board of the Mississippi. The Sun of Anahuac on the 13th says, that by private express from Puebla, intelligence had been received that Cadwallader and Pillow, with the trains, had arrived at Perote, and had been attacked at Lahaya by a large Mexican force and completely routed the enemy with but little loss. This express left Puebla on the 3rd, and the news was received there the day previous, that three commissioners had been appointed to meet Mr. Trist at San Martin in the 8th, and learn through him the terms offered by the President. A letter from Mexico, dated the 2nd, says there is no doubt but that the treaty will be concluded immediately by the commissioners, the peace party is so strong, and that Santa Anna will probably pronounce for peace. The names of the commissioners given are Oarostiz, Baranda, and Tornel. News from General Scott from Puebla to Vera Cruz was murdered after a desperate resistance. The Picayune's express was attacked and robbed of his letters, and left for dead. But other letters reached Vera Cruz, and say that peace is the order of the day, but believe that Santa Anna only wishes to gain time.
[KAS]

LT 1847-8-24-4c

August 24, 1847
Americans in Mexico

Eighteen months have not elapsed since the President of the United States communicated to the American Congress the intelligence that they were the motives which impelled Mr. Polk to the origination of so serious an incident in the annual register of a nation were so candidly discussed at the time. It was asserted that the war arose from a source little more respectable than the imperfect window at Trianon, or the cup of tea on Mrs. Masham's gown. It was said that the President desired by some signal exploit the endear his term of office so deeply to his constituents, that they would be both to see the termination of so glorious reign; that he wished to identify his administration with gratifying victory and profitable conquest, and that he expected to divert or overbear the remonstrance of political dissent and the chances of a possible rival by the spoils or songs of a triumphant expedition. We are by no means of opinion that the end has come by which such actions are judged. But as our correspondence of yesterday spoke a little more pointedly than usual as to the prospects of peace, let us compute for a moment the gains of the war, upon the supposition that the three million dollars have secured the assent of the Mexican authorities can command the submission of the people.

Mr. Polk looked for a short campaign and a summary surrender. He dreamt, like Napoleon in 1812, of deputation and offerings, of cessions and spoils. He thought to acquire a province at the cost of a parade, and to discover a new planet for his star-spangled banner without the mentionable expenditure of labor or time. Now, supposing that the next dispatches should bring the actual intelligence of a treaty on the specified basis, the account will run thus:-The Americans have been subjected to the drain of an eighteen months' war on a far more ruinous scale than any of their recent armaments. No very close approximation has yet been made to the precise amount of the penalty thus incurred, but it is admitted on all hands that it has gone far to postpone that revision of the American tariff, to which previous experience was leading, which was so emphatically called for by the reforms and prospects of other states, and which would have spoken so powerfully for transatlantic wisdom amongst the people of Europe. Instead of the conquest, Mr. Polk can only point to what by the most favorable appellation must be termed a compromise. Instead of enriching the Exchequer, or reducing the burdens of his country, he has retarded, it may be for years, its opportunities of sage experiment or enlightened reform. At an early period of the war, it was industriously set forth that Mexico would identify her conquerors for the expenses which they condescended to incur; but as this claim gradually became larger and larger, it was proportionally withdrawn from notice, and such impracticable arrangement no longer figures in any sketch of the preliminaries. Six months ago, before the battles of Vera Cruz, the advance of Puebla, or the dispatch of reinforcements, the costs of the war were stated in Congress by a calculating senator to approach 30,000,000 of dollars. By the same estimate the marketable value of California was set down at 15,000,000. Omitting therefore, the intermediate accumulations of expenditure, and stating the case in a form most familiar to transatlantic capacities, it may be said that America has exposed herself to the hazard of disgrace and the reprobation of Europe for the sake of purchasing an unnecessary commodity at twice its worth.

But this is not all. It is notorious that the United States can receive no considerable accession of territory without the agitation of a question which may involve the most mementos results. A large and powerful portion of the union is resolved that slavery, if it cannot be abolished in the states where it is at present legalized, shall we least never be introduced into any newly annexed province; and the energy displayed in such matters on our own shores may lead to a pretty safe interference as to the obstinacy with which this not unreasonable point may be insisted on abroad. On the other hand, it is alleged and declared with equal violence that slave labour will be more than ever indispensable in brining under cultivation a prolific but encumbered soil, promising abundant returns, but demanding extraordinary outlays of capital and labour. The best informed prophets of this dispute are unable to anticipate its decision, but it has been very palpably hinted that the eventual disruption of the Union and the formation of two separate and hostile powers on the North American continent, army be the consequence of so inveterate a dissension. Other anticipations combine with this provisional suspicion. Instead of extinguishing opposition by the dazzling splendor of conquest and the emollient importation of plunder, he has raised up by the events of the war a formidable rival to his own fame. He has given his adversaries an inexhaustible topic of incentive, disheartened his friends by the falseness of his position, and determined the course of neutrals by the ill success of his speculation. That quite so mischievous a result was to be apprehended from the beginning, we do not say was probable. It was, perhaps, not easy to calculate on the operation of the several substitutes for patriotism and valor which have befriended the Mexicans. But very few persons will be found, we think, to lament the disappointment of such unholy hopes, from whatever cause arising.

A philosophical historian would hardly be dissatisfied with the moral of the chapter as it at present stands; but we do not conceal our suspicions that the catastrophe may possibly have yet to come. The arguments which are said to have reached Santa Anna must necessarily be listed to a narrow circle of converts. But a short time ago it was announced that the Mexican Congress had refused to assemble or to debate; that they had refused to delegate the power of the Executive to another, or to exert it themselves, and that Santa Anna would be left to a self-conferred Dictatorship or to utter incompetence. That he and his fellow proselytes may proclaim the termination of hostilities, is not unlikely, if his disposition has been fairly represented in the last reports; and, perhaps, such timely compact may enable general Scott decamp from La Puebla with the honors of peace. But there still remain the feelings of an invaded and exasperated nation to be cajoled or subdued, and this task, not always very practicable to more efficient administrations, may possibly be beyond the strength of that faction or coalition which is termed the Government of Mexico. "There are two things," says a noble historian, "which are generally popular in their beginning; the first is a war, and second is peace." Mr. Polk's war certainly claimed its share of favour; but though his peace may undoubtedly demand the welcome which the lesser evil always deserves, we think it will pass even his ingenuity to represent it as an advantageous bargain or an honorable conclusion.
[KAS]

LT 1847-8-30-5e

AMERICAN AFFAIRS.
August 30, 1847

NEW YORK, August 14.

During the last three of four days this city has been inundated with rumours in relation to General Scott and his command. It has been confidently stated that an action had taken place between his army and the troops of Mexico, near that city, in which the latter had been defeated and completely routed. It is further stated that General Scott, after the action had received Mexican commissioners, who in due form had surrendered the city to the conquering General, he pledging himself that the private property, &c., should be respected. He entered the city, it is said, on the 17th of July. Another account states that no opposition was made to his entry.

It is reduced to a certainty that the date cannot be correct. In fact, although the rumour is received from different quarters, yet, as no details are given, its accuracy is generally doubted. The account most direct is from a letter written by a dady in Mexico, dated the 17th of July, to a gentleman in New Orleans, in which she says--"General Scott, at the head of his army, is now marching into the city."

It would be a waste of time, if nothing worse, to attempt a repetition of all the rumours that are constantly received from Mexico; and perhaps my opinion on the question of peace or war is more frequently given than is necessary; but, witnessing as I do daily the anxiety that is evinced here to learn the opinions of those who are supposed to watch the movements of the hostile armies, I have thought that some of your readers might wish to know whether your correspondent had changed his view of the question, which for more than a year he had contended presented no aspect but that of unrelenting warfare. On the 31st of July, by the Richmond telegraph, we were informed that Mexico had appointed commissioners to negotiate a peace. I expressed to you my unbelief of this tale. The result had proved that I was correct.

In one particular, and in one only, all parties seem to concur, and that is--Mr. Trist's mission has totally failed, notwithstanding the friendly interference of the British Minister, which was volunteered. In my letter to you of the 15th June I predicted that such would be its result. It is now said that General Scott will probably be authorized to negotiate, while another section of the party in power speak of Mr. Buchanan, the Secretary of State, as the individual who will be charged with the negotiation, so soon as Mexico is prepared to receive him as Envoy Extraordinary for the special purpose.

But, in judging of the prospects of peace, we must look back and inquire what are the difficulties to be overcome, and what the probability of success. I will only refer to two or three points, early assumed by the President and his followers, viz. :-

1st. That the boundary on the Rio Grande must and should be arranged according to the will and pleasure of Mr. Polk.

2. That California, New Mexico, &.c, should be transferred to the United States for a mere nominal sum.

3. That the American claims for spoliation on their commerce should be paid.

4. That the Mexican Government should pay all the expenses incurred by the United States in prosecuting the present war.

5. That the American Government would hold, and continue to hold, until the preceding stipulations were complied with, all that district of country which their army might conquer.

Now, it is not my intention to enter into a discussion of these or any other points of difficulty. I present them merely to show that there are difficulties to adjust, and sacrifices to be made, before a treaty of peace can be concluded, and, permit me to add, not less important measures to be adopted before it can be ratified by the Senate. There is the preliminary question--Is the territory, which may be acquired by conquest or by purchase, to be considered a slave-holding territory, or is it not? This question will be warmly debated, both in and out of Congress, and may convulse the Government to its centre.

Some time ago I referred to then existing difficulties in California. Since that period these difficulties have been greatly increased, insomuch that the present situation of the territory is a disgrace to the American Government, which has assumed the control of it, and appointed officers to manage its affairs, whose duty it is to execute the laws in such a way as best to promote the happiness and welfare of the people. The consequences have been of a most disgraceful character. Colonel Freemont has been arrested by General (now Governor) Kearney, and ordered to the United States to be tried by a court-martial. It is stated that the Secretary of the Treasure, Mr. Walker, has made an arrangement with Messrs. Rothschild for all the specie the United States may require in Mexico. The specie is to be furnished when required, and draughts on the Treasury to be given for the amount supplied from time to time. Interest to commence when Messrs. Rothschild have notified to the American Government the amount supplied. This will probably prove a convenience to both parties, and will certainly relieve, to a limited extent, the heavy draughts upon our bands for specie to carry on the war with Mexico.

In a former letter I expressed an opinion that the Whig party would probably have in the next House of Representatives a majority of 10 or 12 members. Owing to the unexpected divisions in strong Whig districts in Kentucky, two Looofooos have succeeded, where large Whig majorities voted for different candidates, both of which were defeated. I yet believe, however, that there will be a Whig majority in the house of eight or ten.

A GENEVESE TRAVELLER

[KAS]

LT 1847-9-6-5f

Mexico, affairs of
September 6, 1847

Contrary to general expectation, another month has passed without any movement on the part of General Scott, whose army remains stationary at Puebla. This is the more surprising, as the convoy of stores and money, as long detained by the attacks of the guerrillas, entered Puebla, with a strong reinforcement t troops, early in this month, and thus placed the American General in a position to resume the offensive; for it was not supposed that the rains now falling would be any serious obstacle to his hardy followers, and letter were actually received here from General Worth, stating that if peace should not be made previously, the American cannon would be heard here at the latest on the 25th. It may be the policy of General Scott to keep the Mexicans in a state of alarm by these rumors, which have now been made by Santa Anna, who is apparently now anxious for peace. On the 13th inst. He succeeded in getting Congress together, and having laid Mr. Buchanan's letter before them, required their opinion as to whether Mr.Trist should be received. Congress replied, evasively, that the faculty of negotiating with foreign powers belonged to the Executive by right, subject to their ratification, and that it was not for them to advise the President on a point not et constitutionally before them, though it was well known that they were in favour of continuing the war. Dissatisfied with this ambiguous reply, Santa Anna again addressed Congress, through the Minister of Foreign Affairs, reminding them that the decree of the 20th of April, by which he was invested with extraordinary powers to carry on the war, absolutely prohibited him from making peace. This constitutional prerogative being thus curtailed, he insisted on a categorical answer from Congress. The consequence of this communication was the immediate departure of several member from town, in order to prevent the possibility of Congress again, meeting thus leaving the President to his own devices, and his question unanswered. Santa Anna perceived the snare laid for him by Congress, who desire to fix the whole odium of making peace on him, and hesitate how to act. Meantime, to free himself from the criticisms of the press, he has prohibited all publications, except the Diario del Gobierno. That paper has published, in a very good translation, the article in The Times of the 10th of May, in which Mexico is held up to the scorn of the world. A hundred copies have been ordered to be distributed amongst the army. The avowed object of this measure is to excites the soldiery, by showing them what other nations think of them; and probably some satisfaction is found in circulating the severe censure which the article contains on the United States. Latterly some articles of a decidedly peaceful character have appeared in the Diario, but though Santa Anna may be desirous of peace, it is not certain that the Americans will recognize in him, circumstanced as he new is, an authority competent to negotiate with them. They consider themselves overreached by him already, and are extremely distrustful of any proposal omanating from him. To bring all parties to an understanding of their relative positions, and establish real negotiations, the capture of this city seems an indispensable preliminary. The Americans will gain nothing by their present system of inaction, for in the qualities of passive resistance and obstinacy the Mexicans may fairly compete with any people on the globe. General Valencia, who took the command of the garrison of San Luis Potosi in expectation of an attack from Taylor, has been recalled to assist at the defense of this city. He has brought with him 4,000 or 5,000 men, and 30 pieces of cannon. If the Mexicans had any spirit left, their numbers are amply sufficient to justify the hope of success. Valencia is opposed to peace. He is one of the few Generals whom Santa Anna cannot wholly control; a votary of Bacchus and a man of ordinary stamp, his influence is confined to the troops; yet amidst the changes constantly occurring here, there would be nothing extraordinary in his superseding Santa Anna in the Government. General Scott has adopted the net very defensible expedient of arming the criminals found in the goals of Puebla against the guerillas, and apparently with success, for not a word has been heard lately of those bands. Even the bold priest Jaranta seems to have retired from field. General Pearce, with another convoy and 2,000 or 3,000 men, has reached Jalapa unmolested. His arrival at Puebla will, perhaps, be the signal for the long delayed advance of General Scott. The latest accounts from Saltillo represent General Taylor as still at Monterey, occupied in drilling the new troops, which have joined him in considerable numbers. He sent a detachment lately into the state Zacatecas to liberate some carts of rice, from San Luis, destined for his army, which had been seized at Mazapil, and carried them off without opposition.

Public attention has been much occupied during the present month by General Santa Anna's decrees for levying forced donations of money. The first of these exhibited a certain degree of caution. It was stated in the preamble to be for once only (por una vez); the maximum for each individual was foxed at 2,00 dollars, and the reparation was interested for the Governor and the mercantile tribunal. Growing bolder, Santa Anna immediately after issued another decree, raising the maximum to 3,000 dollars, and the parties who had been previously assessed at 2,000 found themselves called on for another 1,000, all to be paid in three days under penalty of the amount being doubled. Still the scheme did not work to Santa Anna's satisfaction, and he issued a third decree, relieving the Governor from the necessity of consulting the tribunal, and empowering the governor to make a corrected assessment by his sole authority. The Governor found this task rather difficult, so that a fourth decree became necessary, appointing a new consulting body to assist him, but at the same time exempting him from the necessity of following their advice. By this decree a wider range was given to the exaction, which was extended 60,000 dollars, the maximum of 3,000 dollars being retained, and the maximum reduced from 25 to 5. In all these schemes foreigners were included, but I have strong grounds for believing that this was done as an experiment, with little expectation that they would pay. The foreign ministers, however, silently acquiesced, except on the appearance of the fourth decree, when some efforts were made by the Spanish Minister to liberate his countrymen and the French (who are temporarily under his charge) from its effects. The English have addressed Lord Palmerson on the subject by his packet. A primary error was undoubtedly committed by Mr. Canning in treating with the insurgent colonies of Spain as settled Governments or civilized nations. Time has demonstrated the fact. In this portion of Spanish America the effect has soon seen in the decrees of its ephemeral Governments for levying forced loans, the bulk of which invariably fell upon foreigners. The reparation of these forced loans, as now as now of this forced donation, was made without reference to property. It was the result of caprice, of ignorance, and not unfrequently of malice; while private favoritism generally exempted the Mexican capitalist from payment. Indeed, the most wealthy of the latter class, as the most influential, have always the best chance of escape. Submitted to for a time, the injustice was at length felt to be intolerable, and at the period of the peace with France, Mr. Packenham obtained from the Mexican Government a formal relinquishment of the right to impose forced loans to foreigners. With the sole difference that nothing is said about returning the money, the principle now set up is precisely the same as that formerly abandoned; and the lists of contributors exhibit the same glaring inconsistencies, needy foreigners being in many cases rated higher than wealthy Mexicans. The English have paid under protest, and now apply their Government for redress. It is to be hoped that the appeal will not be made in vain, for so surely as the right of levying these forces donations is conceded to the rulers of Mexico will the cost of their endless revolutions be thrown on the foreign commercial body, and in an excessive proportion on the English.

It is understood that an arrangement has been come to between the agent of the English bondholders and Santa Anna respecting the late conversion of the debt. I will not call it final, as it would be an error to use to term in connexion with anything Mexican. Should peace now be made with the United States it is probable that civil disturbances will immediately be renewed, and that the country will ultimately be divided, like Columbia, into separate states. Already a civil contest on a small scale has commenced between Zacatecas and Aguas Calientes, the former desiring to "annex" the latter. The army of Zacatecas numbers 130 warriors, while that of her opponent is estimated at 100. Of course taxation will be necessary to support the expenses of the campaign.

I have just learnt that in a council of war Santa Anna declared that it was useless to think of opposing the Americans in the open field, and explained his plans to be the fortification and defense of all the approaches to the city, where he proposes to concentrate his forces. If this plan be acted on, the city will of course be bombarded. [Exchange on London, 43d.
[KAS]

LT 1847-9-9-4b

Mexican Affairs
September 9

When we closed our comments upon Mexican affairs the other day with a conjecture that very few people would be found taking any great interest in the finally result of the conflict we went, we fear, a little beyond the mark. SANTA ANNA has hit upon a device, which, if he can successfully prosecute it, will irresistibly attract the attention and sympathy of this country towards the fortunes of Central America. This is nothing less than making Englishmen pay the expenses of the war.

The letters which we published from our correspondent on the spot gave a summary detail of the measures by which the Mexican Dictator had arrived at this very satisfactory point. The first proclamation of a forced donation appeared at the beginning of July, shortly after that restoration to popularity, which alternated so rapidly with this ignominious expulsion from the capital. It commenced humbly and with deprecation. The resort to this source of revenue was alleged to be por una vez - "only for this once," and the subscription was modestly limited to 2,000 dollars. The governor of the city and the tribunal of commerce were intrusted with the discovery and assessment of each individual's ability, no foreigners being exempted from the impost. When no very desperate insurrection was found to follow upon this announcement, the General grew bolder, and by an explanatory decree raised the maximum to 3,000 dollars instead of 2,000 and graciously extended the minimum of admissible contributions from 25 dollars to 5, while the powers of the city warden for raising the rate were made more summary and absolute. No remonstrance from any foreign Minister seems to have been called forth, except that M. De. Castro, who is at present charged with the combined interests of France and Spain in Mexico, made some feeble efforts at the eleventh hour to liberate his own flock.

Now, the consequences of such a measure as this, if passed without protest, will obviously be somewhat derogatory to our position, and remarkably detrimental to our interests in that part of the globe. We are willing to admit, to the full, the amenability of British subjects, or the subjects of any other country, to the laws, ordinances, and fortunes of the state in which they have voluntarily taken up their abode. If they can benefit of foreign advantages, they become liable of foreign reverses. We will admit that it is only by the prescriptive courtesy of war that they are exempted from the liabilities attending a siege or a capture. But the very utmost that can be said is, that they should take their fair turn amongst the citizens with whom they have cast in their lot; and that this equitable rule will be most assuredly transgressed in Mexico it hardly needed the last month's experience to teach us. The repartition or allotment of this compulsory loan is never conducted on any principles of justice or impartiality. It is of course seldom resorted to but on those somewhat frequent occasions when the State is in desperation, and even ordinary laws suspended; and its arrangement is dictated alternately by caprice, malice, favoritism, or the rather more venial necessity of repairing to the only quarter where there is anything to be got. The consequence is, that the few native capitalists accessible employ their wealth and influence in procuring a comparative exemption from the imposts, and their names appear in the arbitrary list of the assessments as rated at a similar quota than the needy or defenseless foreigners from whose purses the required sum is made up. A native may allege his poverty, and find easy and reasonable credence, but a foreigner can hardly do so. His very residence and occupation in a strange city presupposes some more or less lucrative compensation for his exile, and his unacquaintance with the indigenous arts of eluding taxes leaves him exposed to the whole brunt of the levy. It is on these grounds that he so much demands protection. If there are ninety-nine Mexicans and one Englishman in the case, it is next to certain that he will be made paymaster for the hundred. It is to save him from paying all that he must be released from the necessity of paying any; or if he must needs to be taxed for the honor and indulgence of living in the climate of Vera Cruz or under the constitution of Mexico, his acknowledgments should be specifically commuted for a definite tribute.

This proceeding of Santa Anna's is the more sufferable from the impudent evasion of a compact by which it has been attempted. The consideration of the matter had so far impressed previous Governments with a sense of the steps necessary to be taken, that a correspondence was opened on the subject at the termination of the late hostilities between Mexico and France, and the British Minster obtained from the Government of the former State a formal abandonment of her real or supposed rights to impose forced loans upon foreigners within their dominions. Being thus excluded from borrowing, Santa Anna resorts to stealing. He demands a donation instead of a loan; he extorts with impunity as a free gift what he would be liable to punishment for taking upon terms, and removes his exaction of money from the forbidden category by quietly communicating his intention never to return it. This even surpasses the famous evasion of the Climbing-boys Act, by which, when it was forbidden to send the boy up the chimney the attenuated urchin was taken up to the tiles and sent down. The British residents have chosen the pacific part of paying their present contributions, but under protest, and they have addressed a memorial to Lord Palmerston on the subject which might set a less inflammable Minister in a blaze.

That the expenses of an English man should be pinned upon the politics of a Mexican is something terrifically outrageous. It is bad enough in any case to be liable for the indefinite bills to another, but in such a case as this it passes the bounds of possible patience. All the credit of the Rothschilds could hardly meet the demands which the political extravagances of these pugnacious provinces would find for it. Nothing probably could be more delightful to Mexican minds than the reflection that they were left to their own revolutions with somebody else to pay for them. There is actually now ever prospect that if the smart-money of the Americans should be accepted, ad the Mexicans should be left without any enemies but each other, the swords at present drawn and flourished in empty bravado would be instantaneously employed in an internecine war of massacres and assassinations. The wriggling and ravenous little creatures detected by the microscope in a turbid puddle do not prey upon each other with more incessant fury than these tadpole States. It is rumored that the separate independence of each individual province will be speedily proclaimed, some accepting the protection of the United States and some of the Republic of Yucatan; nor does it seem certain that the subdivision will cease even here, for at this very moment a murderous melodrame is in rehearsal on the borders of Guadalaxara, where the city of Zacatecas, with an army of one hundred and thirty fighting men is preparing to "annex" the neighboring town of Aguas Calientas, which can only bring one hundred to oppose them. Such is the programme for the revolutions of the ensuring winter, the expenses of which, if the present precedent be allowed, will inevitably, says our correspondent, "be thrown on the foreign commercial body, and in an excessive proportion on the English."
[KAS]

LT 1847-9-15-7a

INSOLVENT DEBTORS' COURT, Sept. 14.

This Court resumed its sittings after vacation this morning.

IN RE WILLIAM SPARROW.

This insolvent was heard a few weeks since, and an adjournment had taken place to allow of some arrangement being come to with the opposing creditor.

To day the insolvent again appeared, and it being announced that a judgement was prayed by the opposing creditor.

The learned CHIEF COMMISSIONER sad, that his opinion of the case was unaltered, and he had hoped that the case during the adjournment would have been adjusted. The brother and the sister of the insolvent have given testimony as to certain advances from them to the insolvent, and he (the learned Commissioner) must repeat an opinion before expressed, that their evidence was unsatisfactory, and should therefore apply the provisions of the 76th section to this case. Doubting the testimony of the brother, and disbelieving that of the sister, the judgment of the Court was, that the insolvent be discharged at the expiration of six months from the date of his visiting order.

IN RE ROBERT EVERITT.

This insolvent was opposed by Mr. Cooke on behalf of the trustees of the Summersham turnpike-road, Hunts.

The complaint was, that the insolvent had obtained a lease of the tolls of the above-mentioned road by means of fraudulently obtaining a false signature to the usual bond.

Mr. Applegath, clerk to the London agents of the trustees, swore that the insolvent and a person who signed the bond us Thomas Couling came to the office together and execute the deed.

Mr. Couling, an omnibus proprietor, was called, and swore that the signature on the bond was not his writing.

Evidence was given that the trustees had sued Mr. Couling for 736., arrears due by the insolvent, but had failed in consequence of the signature being proved to be false.

The insolvent said he signed the bond, but never saw any other person do so. A Mr. Bonns was with him at the time of signing the bond.

His HONOUR said, he would give the insolvent an opportunity of verifying his statement by calling Bonns, and therefore should adjourn the case for a week.

The new act for transferring the insolvency business from the Bankruptcy Court to this tribunal takes effect after this date, September 15.
[KAS]

LT 1847-9-17-5f

Wholesale Annexation
September 17, 1847

The New Era, the Liberty party paper at Washington, of the 19th inst., contains an article nearly four columns in length, upon the war between this country and Mexico, and the relations which the two nations hold to each other. The article is ably written, nut it is chiefly-remarkable for a plan which it pus forth by which the war may be brought to an honorable close." This plan is to propose to each of the 23 departments or states of Mexico annexation to this country. Those states which have already a sufficient number of inhabitants are to be admitted as free and independent States. Those which have not, are to be annexed as territories, to be admitted as states as soon as they have the required number of inhabitants. The writer assumes to be a disciple of the State Rights school, "a Pharisee of the strictest-sect." In relation to right or justice of which state making its own selection, there can, according to the writer be no doubt. And in regard to the constitutionality of admitting foreign states into our Union, that has been settled by president, in the purchase of Louisiana and Florida and the annexation of Texas. The writer devotes much space to the question of expediency. He says it will extend the principles of free trade, it will give Mexico the principles of religious toleration, it will establish free institutions within her borders, it will confer upon the people personal security, it will open the way for enterprising emigrants, it will bring the soil of Mexico under the better cultivation, stimulate the growth of manufactures [an] augment commerce. It will give us the control of the mines which furnace the currency of the world, it will establish peace upon the continent of America, and the prelude therein the establishment of monarchy; it will prevent the spread of slavery, and it will do a great many other things. The article is only noticeable from the novelty from its recommendations, the zeal with which they are urged, and the source from which they spring. In these views of wholesale union, the total absorption of a nation of 7,000,000 of people, made up of a mixture of the Old Spanish, Indian, and African bloods, differing from our own religion, language, manners, education, and habits of social intercourse, the writer contends that we must either pursue the course he has marked out, or else withdraw our armies within the Nueces. Although the writer talks very flippantly of the evils of war, and of the dangers which beset us in a career for foreign conquest, he evidently favors the scheme we have shadowed forth above. This is the latest invention we have seen for conquering a peace, and it comes from a quarter where we least expected it.- Boston Transcript
[KAS]

LT 1847-9-24-5f

Mexico, war with the US
September 24, 1847

The Mexican war-The Liverpool Albion Monday last published the following statement, which announces a new and important feature in the struggle between Mexico and the United States:-Amongst the intelligence received by the Cambria it is stated, on the authority of the New Orleans La Patria, that the President of Honduras has issued a proclamation calling upon Central America to aid Mexico. Two Guatemala generals had issued similar documents." The steamer due at Liverpool on Tuesday next will, probably, bring accounts of General Scott's operations against the capital of Mexico, with details of the above intelligence.
[KAS]

LT 1847-9-30-4a

September 30, 1847
Mexican War

It had been anticipated that the accounts from the United States and the seat of war in Mexico which have just reached us by the Caledonia steamer, would put an end to the long period of suspense and perilous inactivity in which General Scott's army has passed several weeks and would probably announce either the entry of that General into the Mexican capital, or the discomfiture of his scanty forces. The intelligence, which bears much more resemblance to the latter than to the former of these alternatives. Although the American journals record another victory, they acknowledge that the honors of the day were disputed with great resolution by the Mexican army. They publish a list of officers killed and wounded, which shows the extreme severity of the action; and above all, they announce an armistice proposed, not by the Mexicans, but by General Scott himself. This last circumstance demonstrates that, although the spirit and firmness of the little American army eventually prevailed over the numbers and the field fortifications of the enemy, they were not in a condition to take any political advantage of the contest, though they remained masters of the field. Indeed, considering their feeble numbers, the immense difficulties of transport, and the imperfect organization of their supplies, which have prevailed throughout the war, it is evident that 6,000 men, isolated in the heart of a hostile country, decimated by fatigue, fever, and actual fighting, and cut off from reinforcements by the conditions of the armistice re much more likely to capitulate to the enemy they have insulted and despised than to hoist the American flag on the towers of the city of Mexico. The moral effect of a decisive action and a tremendous defeat might, indeed, have paralyzed the Mexicans, and induced them to accept the terms they had hitherto rejected; but if the particulars are to be believed which reach us though American channels, the battles of Contreras and Cherubusco are more likely to rise the confidence of the Mexicans than to destroy all faith in their cause or their commanders.

The Mexican Generals are said to have taken up a very strong position, on which they had concentrated a large amount of artillery, within sight of the capital. These batteries of St. Augustine and St. Antonio were served with great activity and effect, and their fire was especially directed against the position which was occupied by General Worth and his corps. On the 19th of August an attack was made by the Americans on these points, which as may be inferred from our accounts was altogether unsuccessful. The American field batteries were soon silenced by the heavier guns of the enemy, and we observed that the loss of officers in the artillery corps was unusually great. For six hours this terrific cannonade lasted, and at the close of the day General Scott and General Twiggs retired, "completely exhausted, not anticipating the great strength of the works of the enemy." The troops were obliged to bivouac on a tempestuous night, which must ill have prepared them for a renewal of such a battle on the morrow.

On the morrow, however, the state of things seems suddenly to have changed. Early in the morning of the 20th, the position of Valencia, at Contreras, had been attacked by General Smith with complete success; and upon the precipitate retreat of the Mexicans from this point, General Worth fell back on San Antonio. A second most severe engagement took place, which lasted some hours, until the Mexican troops retreated in disorder upon the city, leaving their heavy guns and a large number of prisoners in the hands of the invading army. The forces of the Mexicans in those actions are stated to have been at least three times as numerous as those of General Scott's army; and although defeated to a certain extent, it is probable that the Mexican Generals have still a body of men under their command sufficient to repel any open attack on the city.

In fact, having arrived under the walls of Mexico by dint of extraordinary perseverance and hard fighting, it is by no means clear that General Scott is nearer the grand object of his gallant efforts than when he started from Vera Cruz; whilst, on the other hand, it is evident to the merest tyro in military affairs, that an army of 6,000 men, at such a distance from its base, and so inadequately supported from home, is, in reality, in a position of great peril. Conferences for the negotiation of peace, have, it is said, been opened, the alternative being another battle of a still more perilous character than the last; for it must be observed, that in General Scott's present position the least reverse must be annihilation. He has absolutely no retreat. We should, therefore, not be surprised to learn that he is willing to conclude a peace on terms by no means flattering to the vanity of the United Sates.

But the moment we arrive at this point, we are met by various political considerations, peculiar to the institutions of the United States, which render the solution of the question extremely complicated. Mr. Polk undertook this war on his own account, and it has proved to be the principal affair of his Presidency. The attractions of military adventure and the pride of military success have induced the people of the United States to endorse his bills and to recruit his armies; and we have accordingly seen the Chief Magistrate of what was once the model of pacific Governments including himself in the Royal luxury of a bl

The Mexican-American War and the Media, 1845-1848