Mexican-American War and the Media

We have already spoken in terms of merited approbation of the courteous tone which pervades the communications of Mr. Buchanan with Mr. Pakenham on the Oregon question. Such praise is due not only to the style of his correspondence, but also to the ability by which it is characterized. But whilst we are ready to allow this generally, we see no reason for retracting the charges which we have before advanced of special pleading and verbal sophistries, against his final note to Mr. Pakenham.

It seems to us that Mr. Pakenhan's argument is a fair one. The claim of the Americans to he Oregon territory must be founded either on prior occupancy, or on the transfer by Spain. It cannot rest on both. If the occupancy were undoubted both in time and kind - if it had been accompanied by all the external symbols of property as well as all the evidences of undivided possession - then an alienation by Spain after an interval of 30 years would be worth nothing at all, for Spain would have in that case transferred what she hd no right to; and the American title would thus be good as one of prior occupancy only. But if on the other hand America founds her pretensions to the Oregon on a cession by Spain made in the year l8l9, any previous occupation can only be considered as an usurpation; and a state has no more right than an individual to fortify its title by its own wrong. The prior occupation and the after cession may be cited as distinct facts, but they cannot confer one title. Two bad titles can no more make one good one than two affirmatives can make a negative. By putting forward the cession by Spain the American Minister destroys the claim arising from an earlier right; and likewise by appealing to this antecedent right, he destroys all the validity of the Spanish cession. Instead of the two titles coalescing, they are repugnant and mutually destructive. Nor is this a question of words, but of consequences. For if America's right be founded on the early possession, it can only be of the same kind as the possession itself was. If that was divided and distributed, this right can only be divided and distributive one.

Even if that ownership were distributive - if it were, on a grand scale, a permicetpertout tenancy - the argument is not affected by it. Supposing this to have been the case, Spain could only have alienated a moiety of her proprietorship and not the exclusive possession of the whole territory; and most certainly the United States could not acquire a claim to an exclusive sovereignty by such an alienation.

In either case, then, it appears to us that the republic has no right to more than a moiety of the disputed territory upon any ground of right, whether lst prior occupancy; or 2dly a transfer from Spain be alleged in support of that right. For the first is too doubtful, as a matter of fact, to be relied on singly; and as far as it goes it tends to subvert the second; and the second, if admitted irrespectively of the first is impaired by a previous treaty between England and Spain.

But we question whether either two nations be disposed to settle the matter as one of right merely. The fact of first occupation is obscure; of first ownership nearly as obscure. Two things alone are neither obscure nor doubtful. First, that since the year l790, at any rate British subjects have been settled in the Oregon, and have had the privilege of using the river Columbia; secondly, that it is an object of equal interest both to British and American subjects to have this privilege continued to them. Let any man sense and impartiality take a broad and liberal view of the points at issue between the two countries, and what facts present themselves to his notice> Why these - That from a period antecedent to the year l790 some British settlers, and from a period posterior to the year l8l8 both British and American settlers, have cultivated the valley, and navigated the river and enjoyed the harbour of the Columbia. And now, at last, when both British and American colonists have certainly for 30 and probably for 60 years together, been tilling, buying, selling, sailing, anchoring, importing and exporting from and to the banks of the Columbia, an American Minister discovers that the Oregon territory once belonged to Spain, and was with all its rights and privileges transferred by Spain to the republic. What would any man of sense say to such a statement as this? Why, that the title of Spanish alienation, even supposing it to have been valid for 45 years ago, could not stand against the prescriptive use of 60 years; and that British subjects who had for upwards of half a century possessed with American citizens the usufruct of that great district, the easement of its capacious river, and the license of traffic with the Indians, might indeed be driven out by force, but could not be evicted by justice. But if, in addition to this, it were made to appear that long before the treat of Florida - in the year l790 - Spain had claimed that at that time a British Minister, Mr. Pitt, had described this claim as the "most absurd and exorbitant that could well be imagined - a claim which they had never heard of before, which was indefinite in its extent, had originated in no treaty nor formal establishment of a colony, nor rested on any one of those grounds on which claims of sovereignty, navigation and commerce usually rested: - that similar language was used by the peace-loving leader of the opposition, Mr. Fox - that in return to the remonstrances of the English Court the Spanish Monarch replied, that "His Most Catholic Majesty had at no time pretended to any rights in any ports, seas or places other than what properly belonged to his crown, and that the rights and immemorial possession of Spain in those parts were still not quite certain;" - that after this repudiation and a second extravagant reassertion of Spanish authority, the Spanish Minister finally consented to make reparation for the insult offered to the English crown, and restitution of property to English subjects of both states should be at liberty to carry on their trade and make settlements, as well in the places which were to be restored to the British subjects as in all other parts of the north-western coast of North America, wherever the subjects of either of the two Powers might have made settlements since April, l789; whereas in South America it was provided by the same treaty that "no settlement should be formed on the eastern or western coasts of it, either by English or Spaniards, in such parts of those coasts as were situated to the south of the territory already occupied by Spain;" - if we say that these facts were acknowledged - and acknowledged they must be, for they are matters of history - what we ask is the inference that any impartial and intelligent man would draw from such premises? Simply this, that Spain had no exclusive sovereignty in North America; that she had formed settlements on the coast on the same terms and in the same way as England had; that by the express phraseology of the Florida treaty, a contrast is stated between the "not quite"certain" rights of Spain in North America and her recognized authority in South; and that, therefore the United States could only come in as joint tenants with Great Britain, and have no earthly right to eject Great Britain from possession. Spain and Great Britain agreed to share the whole coast district between them, share and share alike. The United States are now in the place of Spain.
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LT 1846/1/3/4b Oregon Question

LONDON, Saturday, January 3, l846

We think it must be tolerably clear to the generality of unprejudiced minds, that, on the grounds of positive right, the American Republic cannot claim the Oregon territory; and we think it is equally clear that the matter cannot be determined at all on grounds of abstract right. In this respect the United States are nearly in the same predicament as Spain was in the year l789. Spain asserted a proud and unlimited claim to the whole northwest coast of America. In the belief, or assumed belie, of a just title to this vast empire, she seized on the ships, the cargoes, and the persons of British sailors, and destroyed the huts and factories of British settlers. The Spanish Minister, Florida Blanca, supported the violence of Don Esteman in a memorial which justified the pretensions urged by the former in favour of his country to a district extending as far as the 64d parallel of north latitude. But when the matter was sifted, it came out that these gigantic pretensions rested on a vague expression in the 8^th article of the Treaty of Utrecht; that no insignia of Spanish sovereignty had been exclusively displayed, no Spanish settlements exclusively founded, on that coast. That there had been Spanish settlers was true. That Spanish vessels had been in the habit of touching there was also true. True, too that those seas had in that and the preceding century were still not quite certain. What, then did England propose, under the counsels of Mr. Pitt; and what did Spain assent to, under the administration of Count Florida Blanca? The one proposed and the other accepted, conditions which every man who loves peace and justice must approve now, as they were approved then by the friends of peace and equity - condition of joint occupancy, extending over the whole of the northwest of North American hitherto claimed by Spain.
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LT 1846/1/8/5b Mexico, affairs of

AMERICA, January 8, l846

The New York Courier and Enquirer of the l0th contains the following:

A letter which we publish this morning from our Washington correspondent contains a statement which may be deemed as having an important bearing upon our relations with Great Britain, and will be found confirmatory of the opinions expressed by ourselves on that subject. An interview of some length had taken place between Mr. Buchanan and the British Minister, undoubtedly on the Oregon question, and if, as the rumour is at Washington, Lord Aberdeen has expressed the feeling imputed to him in relation to Mr. Pakenham's correspondence with our Government, it is certainly of some importance."

RUMOURS OF CABINET CHANGES:

The return of Mr. Calhoun and the elevation of Mr. Walker to the Bench continued afloat. The Oregon question was brought up in the Senate on the l7 ult as follows:

FROM THE NEW YORK HERALD

General Cass moved the adoption of the resolutions which he submitted last week to with instructions to the committee on naval affairs to inquire into the condition of the navy, and to the military committee to institute a similar inquiry into the condition of the land defences, and to the militia committee rejected its reorganization all of which inquiries were to be considered with the view of an efficient preparation by land and sea, against the dangers apprehended of a foreign invation. General Cass said it was impossible to read the annual message of the President, and the commentaries of the public press, without the apprehension that a crisis is arriving which will demand the cordial cooperation of the whole country. The President tells us in his message that negotiations are closed - that the claims of the two nations have failed to be settled by arbitration. The influence of England with the European Powers, from which an arbitrator would have had to b e chosen, had doubtless decided our authorities against the process - that we had better hold on than submit to a Royal arbitrator. Conceding his entire and cordial adhesion to the views of the President, in the present attitude of the two nations, arising from their conflicting claims, what are we to do. Shall we recede or st and still or go on? To recede was not to be thought of at this stage of the question There was nothing to be gained from national pusillanimity - we cannot purchase present peace at the expense of the national honour. It would be sowing the wind and reaping the whirlwind. No. General Cass would not repeat what he had expressed heretofore that it was better to fight for the first inch of Oregon than the last to better meet the enemy at the threshold, than await his approach to the hearthstone. And however separated now by party difference, or by space, al parties throughout the Union to its extremities, he knew would be united in defense of the national rights. Our destiny is onward - its westward movement cannot be resisted; you might as well attempt to stay the waves of the Pacific as the tide or our emigration setting in that direction. We cannot recede, we cannot stand still, our claim must be maintained or abandoned. Our hardy population of Oregon demanded the support of the Government, or they would establish a government of their own. We had an explicit and able memorial upon this very subject last week, setting forth that the memoralists were tired of waiting for you and would cast off all diplomatic chicanery and national pusillanimity, and set up for themselves. It was impossible that a people under two distinct Governments at the same, as are the people of Oregon, could under the existing state of things, long remain so. This point Government was not designed for a civilized and growing community, nor adapted to them, and if continued, could not fail to lead to bloodshed. It is hoped that England would yield, rightfully and honourably, in order to the peaceful settlement of this question. But will she? It was safest to act upon the conclusion that she will not. When did she, in any case where she had fastened upon a claim to territory or power, relinquish it of her own accord: Never had she exhibited no symptoms of relaxation of her hold upon Oregon. (Here General Cass referred to the London Morning Chronicle of the 5^th of April last, and read extracts from the debate in Parliament of the previous day, particularly from the speeches of Lord John Russell and Sir Robert Peel, bullying Brother Jonathan upon the Oregon title, the President of the United States having assumed that our title to the whole or Oregon is clear and unquestionable." Sir Robert Peel, on the contrary, roundly asserting that the British claim was clearly irresistible." General Cass, in his commentaries and congratulated our country that we secured Texas in spite of her collusions to wrest it from us. Recurring to what he esteemed as almost an inevitable alternative of the future, General Cass briefly reviewed, in the aggregate the power and dominion of Great Britain. This little narrow island, on the western frontiers of Europe, held dominion over l53,000,000 of people or nearly one-fifth of the population of the glove. She held, subject to her laws, an aggregate territory of 3,8l2,000 square miles, or nearly one-eighth of the surface of the habitable earth, all of which, from the subjugation of Ireland (saving the acquisition of Scotland, and certain discoveries in the South Seas), she had torn from the original possessors by the sword. It afforded no pleasure to review her ambitious policy; but we could not shut our eyes to the fact, that she had been prosecuting, and is now pursuing, a systematic attack upon our institutions. And yet we had been charged as an ambitious and grasping nation. To this, we can reply that we have made but three acquisitions of territory (Florida, Louisiana and Texas) all of contiguous territory, and all peacefully, and with the assent of the possessors and the inhabitants and our latest acquisition and best (Texas) was a proud example of the moral power of our Republican system. It was our latest acquisition but he hoped not our last. There was nothing to fear from the extension of our borders. If this administration could secure the peaceable acquisition of California, it would receive the lasting gratitude of the people. California, of course California, we must have that and then Cuba. We have started and must go on. We must give the twelve months' notice and if England persists in her claims, war must inevitably follow; and it will be a war in which all the strength and the prejudices of both nations will be brought into force. Let us then make adequate preparation. Le us show to the world that we are a united people, anxious for peace, yet prepared for war. The President had discharged his duty ably and fearlessly. Let us cooperate with him not by words but by deeds. The only means of preventing war is an immediate preparation for prosecuting it will all the means and energies we command. Vast portions of our country are but sparsely settled, and they are without defenses; our navy is not in a condition for active and efficient protection of our coasts. Means and materials are wanted - men are always ready. We have to do with a people who have arsenals, depots, dockyards filled to repletion, and with a Government better fitted than ours for prompt action. But let us show to our constituents that we are ready for duty; and that we meet the assumptions of England, not in a spirit of deprecation, but in a tone of firmness and self reliance. Let us show the world that republics are jealous of their rights and prepared to defend them and well as monarchies. Mr. Mangum, in a very energetic and eloquent manner, followed against the adoption of the resolutions. We regret that our time will not permit even a thread of his remarks. He argued that the resolutions and the remarks upon them by the senator from Michigan were injudicious. This matter could be more properly confided to the Executive - he could advise the Senate, with closed doors, of the means of defense required; and this would be wiser than inviting the enemy by an exposure of our weakness/ Besides the committee would inquire, of course into the subjects introduced in the resolutions, with out instruction. He opposed to plunging the country into a war; he prayed to God that this worst of all evils might be averted; but if it did come, then there would not, he believed, be an anti-war man on the continent. He believed, however, there would be no war; but that this dispute would be yet satisfactorily and amicably adjusted. If a war were to break out, it would be, not a war for Oregon, but a war between the antagonistic systems of the European monarchies and republican institutions. It would enlist every man on this continent our side, and half of Europe would revolt against it. He hoped the resolutions would be permitted to lie over. But the Senate refused.
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LT 1846/1/9/3f Real del Monte mines

January 9, l846, The Real Del Monte Mines

To the Editor of the Times:

Sir - In the letter from your correspondent in Mexico, which appears in this morning's Times, there is a paragraph relating to the Real del Monte Mines, and in that paragraph a statement which is calculated to create considerable alarm amongst the shareholders of the company. It is to the effect that that the earthquake of the 7^th of April last caused such a flood of water to be poured into the two principal veins that all the power of steam cannot keep It under." Now although the water has been troublesome and is still very abundant, it is the fact that the drainage of the mines is at this moment fully maintained by three steam engines, viz., one of 75 inch cylinder, and two of 30 inch cylinder each; while the company has unemployed an engine of 53-inch cylinder, and others of smaller size for use, in case of need, so that I think it may fairly assume that your correspondent has been misinformed on the above point. My object in writing this is to allay any fears which may be caused amongst a large body of shareholders by your correspondent's letter, and if therefore, you can find space for my communication, you will oblige, Sir.

Your very obedient servant, John Phillips, Secretary to the Real del Monte Company, 2 Duke Street, Adelphi, Jan. 8.
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LT 1846/1/14/5d France on the US annexation of Texas

Wednesday, January l4, l846: France and the Annexation of Texas.

Paris Jan 20, l844

Monsieur le Comte - Lord Cowley has read to me a dispatch, written to him by Lord Aberdeen on the project formed at Washington of preparing the annexation of Texas to the United States Confederacy. The principal Secretary for Foreign Affairs expresses in that dispatch the wish to know if the King's Government be disposed to furnish its Envoy to the United States with instructions similar to those which the Britannic envoy will receive to manifest the opposition of his Government to such a project. You may announce to Lord Aberdeen that I shall write to the same effect to Mr. Pagoot. Texas having been acknowledged as independent, by several of the great Powers, and particularly by that which now seems inclined to absorb it, it is evident that we have a right to appreciate the act which now seems inclined to absorb it, it is evident that we have a right to appreciate the act which would annihilate that independence, and to urge the objects to which it may give rise, as respects either right or interests. Those objects are numerous. It is known that even in the United States the wish for annexation in question is far from being unanimous. If the slave states are very anxious for it, in order to subject t a system of Customs' duties, by which they are bound, country whose commercial competition they dread, and above all to secure to themselves, by the acquisition of an ally a preponderance in the confederacy, the other states would, by a natural consequence, view it with extreme repugnance; and though it behooves us not to meddle with that internal contention, the consideration on which it rests is certainly not of a nature to make us lean to the side of the partisans of the annexation. Our direct information from Texas seems, besides, to prove that the majority of the Texan people are contrary to it, and that the thought of it is energetically rejected by the existing Government. It is therefore only by the aid of violence more or less avowed, or more or less disguised, that it could be accomplished; and, I repeat it, it would in no respect suit us to accept such a change.

February l0, l844

Sir - I have received without opposition the despatched you have addressed me unto No. 36, and the date of the 28^th of December last. "What President Tyler's message has disclosed, respecting the projects of the Federal Government, regarding the annexation of Texas to the United States, and what you have written to me about it, could not fail to attract my serious attention. That of the London Cabinet is not less excited as to this question, as you will find by the accompanying copy of a dispatch I addressed on the 29^th of January to Count de st. Aulaire, in consequence of a communication made to me by Lord Aberdeen through the medium of Lord Cowley. This communication referred to the opposition which the English Government proposed offering to any project of incorporating Texas with the Confederacy's territory, as well as to the instructions to be forwarded to Mr. Pakenham, Lord Aberdeen having wished to know whether we had the same intentions I have desired Count de St. Aulaire to inform him that you would receive similar instruction."The last reports from the French Legation in Texas, whilst informing me of the efforts of the Washington Government and its representatives at Amstin to forward annexation, represented President Houston as energetically opposed to any arrangement of that description, and protesting that nothing of the kind should take place so long as he should direct affairs. The language held here by M. Ashbel Smith is not less explicit. Nevertheless, it behoves us to know whether both faithfully express the opinion and wishes of Texas and whether the question of the annexation to the States of the confederacy, if agitated in the Texan Congress, would not be affirmatively resolved on there. That annexation would be lawfully justifiable, but only in the event of its being voluntary, and not the result of violence on the part of the United States - and with us, as well as with England, it is above all on the resistance of the majority of the Texan people to the accomplishment of such a project, that the opposition we should manifest would be founded. But I shall add that even should the annexation be voluntary and freely assented to on the part of Texas,consideration, both political and commercial, would not permit us to view it with indifference; and that under all circumstance, we must wish that the country remain independent.

From all these considerations we must be naturally opposed to any project tending to the absorbtion of Texas by the United States. I know not what the tenor may be of the instructions sent from London to Mr. Pakenham, and consequently how far the English Cabinet intends carrying the manifestation and consequences of its opposition; but I say enough as concerns us not to let you be mistaken as to the attitude you are to assume and the language you are to hold. We manifest our opposition to any violent and forced annexation of Texas to the United States and even should that Republic spontaneously pronounce itself , you would still have to express yourself in such way as to make it known and well recorded by the Federal Government that we cannot behold with indifference such an occurrence and that in the event of its taking place, we could not dispense with very expressly making every lawful reserve as to the alterations that would result in the position and advantages our treaty with the Texan Republic has yielded us in that country. I however confide in your judgment and experience, and you will besides be enabled to come to an understanding with Mr. Pakenham as to this object, which is common to the two legations.
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LT 1846/1/15/4c France and the annexation of Texas issue

THURSDAY, January l5, l846

The despatches which have been laid before the French Chambers with reference to the annexation of Texas, and the part taken by France and England in opposition to that transaction, are documents of great interest, and they completely demonstrate the cordial cooperation of the two Powers in this negotiation. One whole year before the correspondence of Mr. King and Mr. Calhoun, to which we called the attention of the public on the 2d of January, l845, was known in Europe, the French Government had given the most formal and precise instructions to its diplomatic agents in direct contradiction to the system of encouragement and connivance which Mr. Calhoun ascribed to it. In a dispatch from M. Guizot to the French Ambassador in London, dated the 20^th of January, l844, on the Texas question, Mr. Guizot announces, in reply to the question of the Earl of Aberdeen - "Is the French Government disposed to furnish its envoy in the United States with the same instructions as those which will be received by the British Envoy against the annexation? That he will write to Mr. Pageot in the same sense; and adds "Texas having been recognized as independent by several of the great Powers, and particularly by that which now seems desirous of absorbing it, it is evident that we have a right to take into consideration an act by which that independence would be destroyed, and to bring forward the objects to which it is liable, either as regards questions of right or interest." In the despatch to M. Pageot, dated the l0th of February, M Guizot fulfills the promise made to the Early of Aberdeen, and enters with more detail into the subject. Amongst other arguments, he says, "In a political point of view there is connected with the preservation of this independence a a real interest of equilibrium. The union of Texas, by extending the limits of the territory of the United States as far as Rio Grande would as immediate consequence, place the United States in direct contact with Mexico - that is to say in a condition to invade that country whenever it might please the Government of the United States to do so". In concluding this despatch, M.Guizot says "As France was the first of the European Powers to recognize the independence of Texas and to enter into a treaty of commerce and friendship with that republic, it is due to our dignity that what we have solemnly recognized should be preserved and respected.

In spite of the non-success of this negotiation, we see no reason to regret the part assumed by the two great European Powers. They gave the United States and the world a signal proof of their union in support of those principles of political justice and moderation which can nowhere be violated with impunity. They protested against the assumptions of the Cabinet of Washington, when it first affected to deal with the interests of its feebler neighbours on the American continent in the headstrong and arbitrary spirit of unlimited sovereignty; And although the presence of an overwhelming majority of American citizens in the province of Texas had, in fact, extirpated or crushed those parties in the new state which might have maintained its independent existence and therefore rendered our interference in their favour nugatory, the Governments of France and England would have abandoned Mexico and all America to the arrogant domination of the Anglo-American democracy if they had not consistently opposed the annexation of Texas.

The time, however, is now come when the attention of the Governments of Europe must be directed to still more important events, which are already distinctly indicated by the pretensions of Mr. Polk's message, and the whole policy of the United States towards their Spanish neighbours. General Cass's warlike speech in Congress was answered by the cry "We must have California," "We must have Cuba". To the fulfilment of these designs nothing is wanting but opportunity; and unhappily the increasing decrepitude of the native Government of Mexico seems to promise opportunities of spoliation as ample and immediate as the most insatiable aggressor could desire. The letters of our correspondent in Mexico have furnished us with an accurate and lamentable picture of the state of the country. The attempt to send a small detachment of troops into the province of California has proved a miserable failure, and they have not been able, for want of money, to leave the port of Acapulco. The Governor of the province of Sonora has pronounced against the feeble Government of the republic; and every province which is thus successively detached from the confederation may be regarded as a morsel prepared for the next meal of the United States' Government. Finally, it is not improbable that the next mails may bring us tidings of another revolution in the capital, and Herrera will probably sink before Paredes, at the head of the only body of troops which still follow the standard of a leader. In several parts of the country, the Indians and mixed population have availed themselves of this state of complete anarchy to commit acts of violence and pillage; and the European capital invested in various undertakings in Mexico is, more than ever in a situation of great peril. It is clear to demonstration that such a state of things as we now witness is rapidly preparing the whole country for subjugation, and after having asserted their independence of the Court of Madrid, the provinces of New Spain lie prostate at the feet of the Congress of Washington. There is but one solution of the difficulty. Mexico cannot remain as it is. It must either sink without a struggle under the yoke of a neighbouring republic, hostile and opposed to the whole character of its native population by race, by religion, and by institutions, or it must seek by strengthening its connexion with Europe a protection against the spirit of territorial aggrandizement and dominion which is eager to establish an universal sovereignty over the continent of America. Such a connexion with Europe can clearly have but one form and one origin - the form, monarchical; the origin, Spanish. The results of Mexican independence are before the world. The people of Mexico cannot be insensible to their own ruin, however powerless they may be to avert it. Under such circumstances, what would be the effect of the reappearance on the shores of America of that flag of Spain which was originally planted there by the great discoverers and captains of former ages, and which left indestructible traces of its pristine authority in the colonial descendants of the Spanish people? It would be as easy to accomplish the conquest of Mexico at the present moment with a handful of the troops which form the garrison of Cuba, as in the days of the aboriginal Mexican princes. Would it be impracticable to accompany such an expedition with political institution, fitted to the wants of the Mexican people and calculated to rescue them from the perils which threaten their national existence: When we threw out this suggestion some months ago, we confess that it wore an air of romance, and might be received with incredulity. But the more the world has learned of the utter weakness of Mexico and the unquestionable designs of the United States, the more urgent has the case become, and the more practicable the application of the only remedy which has been thought of. As far as Spain herself is concerned, such an enterprise would not be unworthy of the man whose military success and whose resolute character have already restored so much of the lustre of the Spanish monarchy. In Mexico, a Prince of the House of Spain, bringing with him a moderate force to restore order to the country, and the guarantees of a constitutional government for the protection of its liberties, would be hailed with enthusiasm by a considerable party, and would confer inestimable benefits on the people, whilst he would re-establish a natural and salutary conexion with the maritime and constitutional Powers of Europe. Amongst the cognate suitors of Queen Isabella it would not be difficult to point out the very individual best fitted for such an enterprise by his personal qualities and his liberal sentiments. And if the pretensions of the United States were thwarted by a measure with which they have not the most distant right to interfere, they are certainly not in a condition to oppose the united policy of the European Powers, when its sole object would be to preserve a national government in New Spain and to repair the disastrous effects of abortive revolutions upon the provinces which were once annexed to the Spanish crown.
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LT 1846/1/16/5a Oregon question

JANUARY 16, 1846 , OREGON QUESTION

ARRIVAL OF THE ACADIA, LIVERPOOL, TUESDAY

The British and North American Royal mail steamship Acadia arrived in the Mersey this morning, with the usual mails, of the lst instant, from Canada and the United States. These accounts are of great importance. The position of the Oregon question in the House of Congress is most interesting. We annex the usual excellent summary of the New York Courier and Inquirer, and also an outline of the proceedings of Congress. "The year which began so prosperously, and which in its career has, generally speaking, been one of satisfactory results to commercial enterprise, closes in gloom and uncertainty.

The political sky, overcast during the summer, by reason of the annexation of Texas, and the menaced resentment of Mexico, had scarcely become clear again, when graver and more serious concern is inspired by the aspect of our difficulties with Great Britain.

On this head, we design neither unnecessarily to alarm, nor unduly to impart confidence, which we do not ourselves feel in the ultimate preservation of peace between the two countries. Hitherto, we have expressed the belief that all might b e well, notwithstanding present adverse appearances. We are bound now to say that our confidence of such a result is somewhat diminished, not because of any change in the facts of the case, but because of the temper in which, on both sides of the Atlantic, it seems likely to be treated.

The recommendations of the Presidential message respecting Oregon were all subordinate to what might be done without any violation in letter or in spirit, of the treaty of joint occupation; but in both houses of Congress bills have been introduced which go beyond these recommendations and do infringe upon the treaty stipulations. These indeed as yet are only bills, and of course lack the sanction of laws; but that reported by Mr. Douglas, in the House of Representatives is from the Committee on Territories, and comes, therefore, with weight before the House. It proposes the immediate extension of a territorial government over the whole territory of Oregon - thus asserting, or appearing to assert, the sovereignty of the United States over the region in question, and not simply - as it might rightfully do, over citizens of the United States there resident. It also contemplates prospective grants of land to settlers, another assertion of sovereignty. These provisions may possibly be modified, so as to make them conform to the President's recommendations - but the mere proposal of them is an unfavourable indication.

The discussion on this project and others connected with this dispute will not come on in Congress till about the middle of next month; and while this is at its height will come back upon us by the steamer by the 4^th of January, the comments of the English press on the President's message. If the tone and temper of them shall be such as we apprehend, they will reach here at the very moment when exasperation will most certainly be produced thereby, and therefore mischief.

It is not, moreover, calculated to smooth the difficulties; that one hon. Senator of the United States has thrown down the gauntlet publicly for California as next in order for an annexation to the United States; nor that another proposed - though he has since withdrawn the proposal - that this Government should institute negotiations with Spain for the purchase of Cuba. Combining these manifestations with the absolute claim for all Oregon, there may be some hesitation on the part of England - even if otherwise well disposed - to renew in any shape an overture to this Government for the cession of any part of Oregon.

On the other hand, and notwithstanding, these unfavourable manifestations, there is a strong impression that if England should renew the offer made by this Government, and rejected by Mr. Pakenham, of the 49^th parallel, with the freedom of the ports in the straits of Fuca - it must be accepted by us.

In the course of a speech on the resolutions submitted by General Cass, instructing the Committees on Military and Naval Affairs to inquire and report upon the actual condition and necessities of those arms, Mr. Niles, a senator from Connecticut, and a supporter of the Administration, used this emphatic language:--

It was true the negotiation had been broken of, yet it can it probably will be resumed. Whether it was wise in our Government to have renewed the offer made on former occasions, by way of compromise to divide the territory upon the 49^th degree of north latitude, he would not pronounce an opinion, but having made that offer and withdrawn it after it had been declined, he could not see how it well could be refused, should Great Britain hereafter propose that as the basis for compromising the dispute."

This is in coincidence with the sound opinion of sound men of all parties, and it would thence seem that the decision of the question of war or peace is in the hands of the British Government. Can they, for the mere barren triangle of land which constitutes the difference between what they ask and we have offered, be willing to put at hazard the peace of the world? For a war between the United States and England would not long be confined to those two powers.

Certainly both countries have much to lose by such a war, but England most of the two; and surely it is wise on both sides to fortify the claims of peace by the consideration of enlightened self-interest. The first blows of a war between the two countries would - because England is always armed, and the United States are habitually destitute of armour - fall heavily upon us; and national hatred, if the passion exist, might be gratified by the injuries it could inflict on our commerce and on our sea-board. But these would not touch the power of the country, while they would kindle all its spirit and nerve it to efforts, which in the end would be triumphant. Meanwhile, English manufactures would be cut off from our cotton. English trade would be cut off from our consumption - while our own manufactures, increasing and multiplying in every quarter, would weaken permanently and irreparably the sources of the power of England. There is another consideration to which we advert reluctantly, but which, as we are dealing frankly with the whole subject, we think well worthy of being pondered on the other side - the amount of stock of the different states held there.

There are, it has been computed, about $260,000,000 (in round numbers) of stock of the different states now afloat. Of this amount, two thirds are, it is quite safe to assume, held in England. On many of these, the interest has been, and is regularly paid, and as the period comes round for their redemption, they are punctually redeemed." A case in point in the redemption at this moment of some $l,300,000 by the state of New York - of which almost all was held abroad. But if war should supervene between the two countries, and it should be any possibility be conducted on the part of the British, as there has been some threatening that such a war would be - by burnings and devastations, might there not be danger in a country, where the popular vote gives power and makes the law, that a stop would be put to the payment either of the interest or of principal to those, to whom it would only furnish fresh means of annoyance and injury to ourselves. We desire not to press this point, contenting ourselves with suggesting it for the deliberation of those whose influence, for peace or war is certainly not inconsiderable

Leaving their ungrateful speculations, which can only find their apology in the deep anxiety we feel for the preservation of peace, we proceed to give an account of the condition of our markets and money concerns.

There has been great fluctuations in the stock since the lst instant - partly owing to political apprehensions, partly to the large sums locked up in bread stuffs held on speculation and partly to the contraction which the position of the banks requires them to make.

In this state of expansion come rumours of war, which whether well or ill founded, affect public confidence.
[PGC]

LT 1846/1/17/4d United States affairs

JANUARY 17, 1846, LONDON, SATURDAY

The accounts brought by the Acadia from the United States are interesting; but it would, as yet, be premature to draw any positive inference either from the rumours and opinions circulated in that country, or from the legislative transactions which have produced them. Most of the latter are of a formal or preliminary nature, and hardly to be relied on as indications of definite purpose on the part of those who have brought them forward; certainly not as signs of the popular will and determination. It is perfectly natural that, pending the crisis of an indecision, words of swelling import should be uttered, and resolutions of a martial tone proposed; but it would be erroneous to infer from these easy resources of unsettled minds that war is seriously contemplated as the ultimate expedient of our difficulties and aggression desired as the necessary precedent to war.

We attach, therefore, less consequence to sundry vehement speeches and strong propositions in the two Legislative Chambers than the American press seems to claim for them. On the other hand, we feel great satisfaction at the comparative strength and energy of a party which is proverbially weak in all republics, and most obnoxious in young republics - the moderate party; the party which prefers peace to war; compromise to aggrandizement; tranquility to invasion, triumphs, and victories.

An unfavourable impression, however, has been made by the report brought up from the Committee on Territories by Mr. Douglass. It proposes an extension of the American laws and government over the whole territory of Oregon; an extension which supposes the right, and would involve the fact, of American sovereignty over a vast amount of territory which previous negotiations have uniformly and invariably allowed to belong to Great Britain. It suggests that it be considered as part of Wisconsin territory up to 54 deg. 40 min., and that military posts be established therein. Viewed by itself, this is one of the most flagrant projects of injustice which the history of nations records. Nor is it wholly to be condemned. It is not merely the scheme of one man, but the recommendation of a committee. So far it suggests grounds for alarm. But the considerations and modifications which ought to be applied to all strong proposals may safely be applied to this, especially when it is borne in mind that these resolutions must be debated in the House of Representatives before they can assume the form and have the virtue of legislative acts. And we should with very great difficulty, bring ourselves to believe that the representatives of the United States would enact, or the people of the United States ratify, a policy at once heinously unjust and unprovokedly warlike.

Meanwhile, we readily incline to the belief that the opinion of Mr. Niles is one viewed with approbation by the majority of intelligent and influential citizens in the States. He sees no reason why negotiations should not be resumed by an offer on the part of Great Britain to take the parallel of the 49^th degree as the line of boundary; and no reason why, in the event of this offer being made by Great Britain, it should be refused by the republic. We have already stated our opinion most fully on this subject and it is hardly necessary now to repeat it. We still retain our conviction that the offer made by Mr. Gallatin, in the Presidency of Mr. Ad ams, concedes no more than this country is fairly entitled to. That offer was to take the 49^th degree of north latitude as far as the sea as the boundary line, reserving to Great Britain Vancouver's Island, the harbour of St. Juan de Fuca, and the free navigation of the Columbia. We are not covetous of territory. It grieves us not to lose a few hundred miles of barren domain. We would sacrifice the costly ostentation of imperious pretensions at the altar of justice. We would surrender an undoubted right for the preservation of peace. Even something of what men call national honour we would concede, rather than plunge two kindred nations in the horrors of war. But we have duties to discharge to our countrymen on the remote shores of the Pacific. They look to us for help, protection, and support. The dwellers of the forest and the traversers of the lakes are our countrymen. We have sent them on a mission of commerce to distant and inhospital climes. It behooves us to see that their mission be fulfilled with safety; that all its purposes be carried out efficiently; and that neither the paucity of their numbers nor the insufficient of their equipments deprives them of the fruits or materials of their occupation. But of what avail will it be to possess a large superficial area of uncultivated district, from the Rocky Mountains to the sea, if we lose that which has hitherto constituted its almost sole advantage, viz., a transit to those engaged in traffic from Hudson's Bay down the southern branch of the Columbia? What is Oregon worth to us without the easement of that river? What would be the inevitable consequence of its loss? Would it not be that immediately the great carrying trade between the northern lakes or the northeast country and the sea would pass into the hands of Americans? - that what our countrymen have hitherto shared with the citizens of the United States, and would be content to share with them in future, would be monopolized entirely by the latter? Does the American Government, does the American Republic, seriously think that an English Minister would tamely yield, would be allowed to yield, benefits which have constituted the chief value of that dependency to English subjects? It is the very essence of our rights in Oregon that we should preserve the free - we do not claim the sole - navigation of the Columbia; take that away, and we lost at once our trade between our possessions in the North East of America and our growing colonies in the Pacific. Such a loss would involve the ruin of perhaps very few individuals, but it would inflict a wound on the honour, it would damage the solid interests of this country; and it would raise immeasurable disgust and unbounded distrust in the breast of every colonist in our most remote dependencies. Give up, if you will, a large strip of territory, cede as much as you like between the Rocky Mountains and the lowest bend of the Columbia; but preserve whatever solid and substantial benefit has been enjoyed by the hardy adventurers of the forest and the lake, who have gone forth in reliance on your faith, in confidence of your readiness, and without a doubt of your power to protect them. To desert them were ignominious enough. But an ignominy of such a kind is among the worst disasters that a nation can suffer. Preserve for your colonists the great and precious privileges of anchorage, navigation and coast settlement. Preserve for them the right of sharing with Americans the trade to the other settlements of their own mother country. Deprive them of this, and you make them poor, helpless and contemptible; but you dishonour yourselves when you damnify them.

We have not reverted to the question of title, because in the reports which have come to hand we have not observed an argument which affects it. But we have noticed several conjectures as to the probabilities and no few suggestions as to the means of carrying on war. We will not dwell on a subject so painful, and we hope so remote. We do not for a moment doubt that it would be in the power of either country to inflict upon the other the most serious injuries, the most dire calamities, that human nature can sustain. We do not doubt that an American war would carry devastation into a thousand districts, ruin and sorrow into families innumerable; that it would give a terrible shock to the mechanism of commercial intercourse, the stability of commercial faith; and do in a few years more evil than a century of peace could repair. We will not dispute this. We will not stay to argue which nation could inflict the greatest amount of evil. It is superfluous. We feel too keenly their mutual powers of mutual injury not to be grateful that the fairest, and most peaceful, and most statesmanlike proposal - that of an adjustment by arbitration - was advanced by an English, and declined by an American, Minister.The hope that a more speedy settlement of the question might be attained by negotiation was the motive assigned by Mr. Calhoun for rejecting this proposal; the negotiation which ensued unfortunately resulted only in an offer of compromise upon grounds which Mr. Pakensham found himself compelled to refuse and as this mode of arranging our conflicting claims to the territory has been, for the present, at least unsuccessful, we rejoice to hear that Mr. Pakenham had, shortly before the departure of the Acadia, once more urged upon the American Minister his proposal of an arbitration.
[PGC]

LT 1846/1/26/4b Oregon question

JANUARY 26, l846, LONDON, SATURDAY

The conversation which took place in the House of Commons on Friday night, respecting the Oregon question, was eminently satisfactory, as evincing the unanimous desire of all parties to maintain peace with the United States, but their no less determination that the peace so maintained should be consistent with the dignity of a great country, and rest upon the solid foundations of equity and self-respect. The regret expressed by the Premier at a seeming precipitancy on the part of Mr. Pakenham proves how sincere is the wish of the Government that no undue occasion of offense, no casual cause for war, be offered by this country to the American Republic; while the unusual heartiness of Mr. Hume, the accordant cheers of the House, and the concurrent approbation of the Opposition members, in affirming the propriety of increasing our military resources, are no less demonstrative of the tone and temper with which an unjust aggression will be confronted, and an involuntary war will be prosecuted. With regard to the alleged indiscretion of Mr. Pakenham, it seems to us that he has sinned rather against the forms of diplomatic etiquette than the spirit and interest of a diplomatic commission. It appears that the last proposal submitted to him by Mr. Buchanan - viz., a division of the territory - he rejected at once. Now it is urged that he should have communicated with the Home Government before he took so summary a course. It would require a fuller acquaintance with the circumstances of the case than is afforded by Sir. R. Peel's explanation to pronounce positively upon the propriety of his conduct. If by the term "division" be understood a division formed by a line continued from the 49^th parallel, we can understand the motives which forced him to reject the offer. This partition of territory would have deprived us of the Columbia river; in fact, of the most essential property - the only beneficial interest in the disputed country. Excluding this, it excluded not only the most important part of our claims, but that which previous conventions and previous proposals had conceded to us. It would have been impossible for an English Cabinet to accept offers so humiliating, or rights so truncated. But would it not have been more prudent to wait for the answer of the Home Government, in order that upon it future negotiations might be based? This is not self evident. If the Home Government could return but one answer to such a reference - the very answer, in fact, which was given by our Minister at Washington - we do not see, what good could have resulted from the delay. But if, in addition to this, it should be made clear that pending these negotiations, or previous to them, the President's Message to the Senate had developed the policy of the Washington Cabinet, then Mr. Pakenham's decision must, we think, be pronounced not only not precipitate, but natural, reasonable, and worthy of his position; for be it remembered, that Mr. Buchanan's proffers were on the most attenuated scale. He receded considerably from the terms of his predecessors. He offered to the British Minister far less than was rejected by a British Minister when Mr. Adams was President of the republic. And if after such an offer the latter had deliberated - if he had delayed - if he had even professed a willingness to consult his Government at home as to the expediency of accepting conditions which he must at the time have known to be derogatory to the just rights of his country, it requires little more than a knowledge of the transactions of the last few years to aver that such an hesitation would have been followed by counter-claims more ambitious and aggressive than before. If Mr. Pakenham had betrayed an undecided or doubtful mind when called upon to cede the navigation of the Columbia and the rich soil upon its banks, what would have been said by the politicians of the United States, by the mob constituencies, by the mob flatterers, by the panderers to bad passions and the suitors for popular favour? What but this? See how these English vapour and bluster how easily they can be bullied. They once scouted the notion of accepting half the territory with the notion of accepting half the territory with the Columbia and Vancouver's Island, and now their representative is half ready to yield the latter why should he have what we have offered? Why half or any of it. Strike for the whole country. The whole of Oregon or none. His Government fears to go to war. For peace she would surrender all that she has claimed. It will be our own fault if we do not get more than we once hoped for.

Such would have been the cry; it would spread like wildfire - "The whole of Oregon, or none and whilst relying on the probity of the American Government and the faith of international intercourse, diplomatic modes were exchanged , an American army might have been encamped on the Columbia, and the Oregon proclaimed a part of the Wisconsin.

We believe Mr. Pakenham as acted as he ought to have acted on such an emergency. Even if he has erred, much allowance should be made for the errors of one whose every word and deed is scrutinized with the most critical minuteness of jealousy - who has no other support than his own self reliance - and the exigencies of whose position demand from him a directness and prompt of action inconsistent with appeals to distant authority and remote counsel. Such allowance should be made for the errors of every diplomatist. It should therefore be made for any which Mr. Pakenham may have committed. But it is not clear to us that he has committed any.

It is not by the tactics of diplomacy or the wisdom of statesmanship alone that a great question like this can be settled. It is a hard thing to raise a cry for war. It is an easy thing to pique the vanity, to woud the pride and disgust the prejudices even of an enlightened people into national hatred. The time may come when an unseasonable joke, a sarcastic allusion, or any other trifle, may spur great kingdoms or republics into mad and sanguinary hostilities.
[PGC]

LT 1846/1/28/6e Oregon question

JANUARY 28, 1846 - The Oregon Question - AMERICA

We have received important advices from New York to the 8^th inst. Inclusive by the arrival of the ship, Henry Clay, Captain Nye.

The Oregon question has been taken up in the House, and warmly debated, with a warlike aspect. On the 2d inst. Mr. Adams gave his views at great length in favour of promptly giving the notice to terminate the existing joint occupancy of the Oregon territory. On the 5^th the Committee of Foreign Affairs recommended the adoption of that measure. The report was debated and adjourned on the 6^th until the first Monday in February, by a majority of l02 to 82.

Some conversation then took place as to the time fixed for the special consideration of the Oregon Bill, reported from the Committee on Territories, and on the motion of Mr. Douglas, the second Tuesday of February was substituted for the first for that purpose.

A bill was introduced on the 2d instant, by Mr. Haralson from the Committee on Military Affairs, for the organization of two regiments of riflemen, and also for increasing the infantry, artillery, and dragoons, to be at the disposal of the President for the protection of emigrants to Oregon or the defense of the frontier. After considerable discussion upon the question of making the resolution of a special order for the first Tuesday in January.

Mr. JQ Adams rose and addressed the house. He referred to the variety of bills providing for the defense of the country before Congress, and asked what reason there was for increasing their military establishment when they were at profound peace with the whole world? Three or four years ago, when the prospect of war was as great as then, they had reduced the military establishment by one third; but he said, I don not believe at all in any danger of war at this time. If there was danger, the first measure should be to give notice to Great Britain of their desire to terminate the existing joint-occupancy of the Oregon. Last session he had declared himself ready, as he did then, to give this notice. He hoped it would be given; and that then they would proceed to a real occupation of the whole territory. He was surprised the Committee on Foreign Affairs had not reported the notice in question, and he should deeply regret if a majority of that Committee should not be prepared to do so. If he hoped that a majority of the house would support him, he would press such a resolution that day. While the existing convention remained, he would vote for no resolution such as that then before them. It did not follow that if they gave notice there must of necessity be war; nor did it follow that they should then take possession. It would only be saying to Great Britain, "After negotiating 20 years about this matter, we do not choose to negotiate any longer; we shall take possession of what is our own; and then, if so settle, the question what is our own you wish to negotiate, we will negotiate as lone as you please. They might negotiate after they had taken possession. I say therefore, he continued - "That I hope the first measure adopted by Congress will be to give, in the most solemn manner, the notice to Great Britain which the treaty requires; then the coast will be clear for us to do what we please. It does not, I repeat, follow as a necessary consequence, that, because we give this notice, we must take possession, though it is my hope that we shall. It does not necessarily draw after it a war; and if Great Britain chooses to take such notice as an act of hostility on our part, and forthwith commence hostilities on hers, we have been told that we shall all be one party, and God Almighty grant that it may be so. If it shall be so, the war will have less of those very extraordinary terrors which my friend from South Carolina (Mr. Holmes) has now just discovered, notwithstanding the extreme military propensities which he manifested on this floor last year with regard to Texas. And of this I am very sure, that in that case Great Britain will not long occupy Oregon, or anything else north of the Canada line. (Great sensation, and incipient indications of applause). But if you will agree to give notice, strong as in my horror of war, and of all military establishments, if there should then be the breath of life in me, I hope I shall be willing to go so far as any in making any sacrifice to render that war successful and glorious. I can say no more. However, we may without giving notice, extend our laws and our protection to our brethren who have settled at least in that part of Oregon which is not claimed by Great Britain; but there can be no need of increasing our army and our navy to do that. I hope that such an act will not be offensive to Great Britain, and that she will not think of going to war about it. But if we are going to take actual occupation of the country, then some additional force will be needed to our army, and in that case, however unwilling I have ever been to increase our military establishment, I think I should get over my difficulties especially if a disposition should be manifested by Great Britain to take offense at the measure I have just mentioned. I believe it will not be necessary for me to refer to any other part of this subject. There have been, as I understand, two applications made to this house by fellow citizens or ours settled beyond the Rocky Mountains for the protection of this Government. The Chairman of the Committee on Foreign Affairs presented, as I think, one memorial while another from a different quarter is also before the territorial committee - possibly is a copy of the same." [PGC]

1846/1/29/6f US, preparations for war

AMERICAN PREPARATIONS FOR WAR, January 28, l846

We noticed that orders had been sent to Norfolk for estimates of the expense of fitting out all the United States ships at that port. It seems that Norfolk is not the only place where inquiries have been made, but that New York has come for a share. It is stated that a party of naval gentlemen have been in this city on a tour of examination; and, besides examining the vessels at the navy yard, have inspected the mammoth river steamers. The report of the committee in relation to these steamers, if we may judge from what we hear in conversation, will be not a little amusing as well as curious. So far as steamers are concerned, the river boats are entirely unfit for any Government service, except the transportation of troops or munitions of war on the North River. The extreme lightness of their construction, and the mass of top hamper about them all, make them totally worthless as armed vessels. They would be quite as unsafe for their own crews, from the effect of their own guns, as they would be dangerous to an enemy. If Government requires steamers they must build them at once. One of the steamers of John Bull that rejoice in the names of the heathen gods would sink as many steamers like the Colonel Harney, and such as the river boats would make, as would be built in years. We are glad the Government is looking round, and that it has found out that blows are to be received as well as given in a war with England. War or no war, it is indispensable that we have a large addition to our steam marine; and if the present state of affairs stimulate a minute inquiry into our means of defense, it will end in a little good. So far as war steamers go, we are not fit to be named as having a navy at all and the sooner the want is supplied the better - New York Evening Express.

LT 1846/1/30 5e Oregon question

JANUARY 30, 1846

The American journals brought over by the last packet are fraught with matter of the most interesting and important kind. The Oregon question is daily advancing towards a definite and positive shape, and as far as it is possible to augur the result of legislative deliberations or popular sympathies, no great length of time can be expected to elapse before some strong decision is expressed as to the occupation of the disputed territory. The first thing that strikes us in the proceedings of the American Congress is the confirmation which that Assembly stamps upon a previous assertion made by ourselves. On a former occasion we declared that, in reference to a mere question of equitable right, the data of history or of treaties were insufficient to establish the claims of either of the two nations to the contested territory and that it would be impossible to adjust the present dispute without considering the peculiar wants and interests of the two litigant parties. It is to use the words of Mr. Rhett in the House of Representatives now a question of interest and policy that we are to settle.

With some of the representatives, as Messrs. Baker and Hilliard, the claim of property as deduced from prior occupancy or from the Spanish title is still in vogue. But it is exceedingly difficult to see the force of the evidence which has convinced them that their title is good on the former ground, and we think that we have already shown that it fails on the latter. The sole evidence of prior occupancy rests on the supposed discovery by Captain Robert Gray, who as Mr. Wintrhop said, had no more idea than the man in the moon that he was discovering this or any other country; and who does not appear to have left any permanent or recognized symbol of his country's power on that coast. But if positive discovery were to be laid down as the foundation a territorial claim, the partial discovery by Captain Gray cannot weigh against that more complete one effected by Broughton, who sailed 90 miles up the Columbia. But we suspect that the statesmen of both countries feel the impossibility of adjusting the question on the authority of what an intelligent American representative acknowledges to be vague traditions

And musty histories of old voyages."

Disposing then of the question of prior occupancy and original right until the time when it shall be clearly shown that one country or the other exercised unquestioned, undivided, and universally acknowledged

Jurisdiction over the coast and northwest continent of the Oregon - which means for ever let us again recur to the validity of the title as deduced from Spain. Now, it cannot be doubted that if Spain was rightfully possessed of the territory in question, she might rightfully alienate it. But if she had it not, any professed alienation by her would not be worth the parchment which professed to convey it. Now no one American legislator professes to believe that Spain had alienated her right over the Oregon to the United States till after l790. Whatever treaty be adduced as the Spanish title - whether that of l796 or l8l8 - there is no treaty whatever of or before the year l790 which confers a claim to the United States, derived from the Spanish title. But there is a treaty on record - no ignoble or obscure treaty - but one signalized by many coincidental and consequential events of importance - a treaty dictated by an English Minister who inherited a proud sense of English honour and a firm determination to maintain it - the treaty of Nootka Sound, ratified at the fall of the year l790 - which ceded to England rights and titles, not indeed paramount nor undivided, but totally incompatible with any after alienation or disposition or demise of plenary jurisdiction to or by any other Power in the world. Whatever interpretation may be affixed to the 3d, 4^th and 5^th articles of that convention, no interpretation, however strained, however distorted, can construe them so as to make them consistent with a reserved license for Spain to transfer her right of full sovereignty in these regions to any foreign Crown or State whatever. Spain may indeed at a later period, either by a careless phraseology or al pompous assertion of non-existent rights, have spoken of her possessions even to the 52^nd of north latitude, and proposed to transfer her rights therein. But if she did this, she acted as a mortgager who sought to transfer over again an interest in property already encumbered without notice of that previous encumbrance, or as a simulated proprietor professing to sell land to which he had no title. The right of the mortgagee in the one instance, and of the vendee in the other, is just that sort of right which the United States have in this case derived from Spain, and none other.

But we are bound to admit that the terms in which the Nootka Sound convention is couched are curious, and we believe, unprecedented. As far as relates to North America, they are negative on the subject of sovereignty. They express an agreement between the two high contracting Powers that it should be lawful for their respective subjects to fish, erect huts on the coast, trade with the natives, etc. but they reserve no right of paramount sovereignty to either of the two. The only approximation to a reserved right - as far as North America is concerned - is in favour of Great Britain; for it is stipulated that compensation should be made to British settlers for injuries sustained at the hands of Spain previous to April l790, and all the land and buildings of which they were then possessed should be restored to them. Now as far as this goes, and we are not disposed to push it to any undue length, we must say it is a strong a priori testimony in favour of British rights. And when it is viewed in connection with the very high pretensions of the Spanish Minister, and his subsequent abatement of them, we must say that it approaches as nearly as negative phraseology allows to a full admission of British sovereignty in these parts. Why should British settlements be "restored" if there had been no right jure patrice auctoritatis to establish them? Why should compensation have been made to British subjects if the British Crown were not recognized in its sovereign capacity? But we will not urge these conclusions, because they are modified (rather than resisted) by some of the stipulations in the treaty. The subjects of both Powers are to fish, settle, trade with the natives, apparently on a footing of perfect equality. If a paramount jurisdiction had been contemplated in behalf of either of the Powers, such would not have been the language of the convention. Mr. Pitt was no untaught or inartificial composer of slovenly documents - no weak master of English tongue - no thoughtless, reckless assenter to the ill-digested propositions of others. Nor was it characteristic of Spanish diplomacy to leave ought to casual conjecture or indifferent construction. Mr. Pitt was a lover of accuracy; the Spanish Cabinet of formality. We may infer, then, that it was neither in heedless haste nor indifferent ignorance that the treaty was framed. It meant something, depend upon it. What, then, did it mean? We believe that it meant to leave the question of sovereignty in abeyance. The nature of the country was unexplored and unknown; its advantages and capabilities undreamed of: it was supposed to be valuable for its fisheries and harbours; useful to traders navigating the Pacific; useless for the purposes of colonization, and top contemptible for projects of ambition. Spain did not care to fight for its retention, nor England for its acquisition. All had been done that was worth doing immediately when indemnity for past violence and security for future "quiet enjoyment had been obtained. Thenceforth the English and Spanish subjects were to occupy the territory as they chose; it was open to every commercial virgin country courting the affections of each new adventurer. It was to be occupied under the joint-protection of the two Governments. It was to be a joint-tenancy on a grand scale. The conditions and incidents of a joint-tenancy were - as far as the analogy of the case would allow - to follow this occupation by subject Spaniards and Englishmen. And it was to be terminated as a joint-tenancy is terminated - by partition, at the will of either Sovereign. Wrong sustained by the subject of either crown was to referred to his own Court, and finally decided by a mixed commission under the authority of the two Courts. These we believe to have been the terms on which Spain and Great Britain occupied Northwest America, Strange, unprecedented, and informal they may be pronounced; still, if they were not of this kind, or nearly of this kind, it would be impossible to define of what kind they really were. Nor is such a definition unsupported by affairs dehors. We may suppose that it was not the intention of Mr. Pitt or Count Florida Blanca to leave matters for all time to come in this state. A partition might have been looked forward to, as likely to be enforced. But circumstances intervened to prevent it; the French Revolution broke out --Spanish power languished and died; English enterprise was diverted into other channels.

But the relative position of Spain and England at that time appears to have been just such as we have described it; and such the interest of Spain in those regions - an undivided moiety of the whole possession, not the whole of an undivided moiety - in fact a distributive and diffused possession. And such was the interest, and only such, that Spain could transfer to any other power. If therefore Spain in l796 or l8l8 pretended to alienate a plenary authority over these regions to any other state than Great Britain (which she could have done by a sort of release on a grand scale), such alienation would be as inoperative as that of Texas by Mexico after annexation to the United States. Nor is this view materially affected by any war which might have broken out after the first compact of co-equal possession. The two contracting countries might go to war; but no war could affect the rights of their subjects already established and settled by a previous treaty. Spain might have quartered her troops on the northwest coast of America, and have carried on an internecine contest with individual British settlers, and thus have reconquered the whole settlement by degrees; but the law of l8l8 pretended to alienate a plenary authority over these regions to any other state than Great Britain (which she could have done by a sort of release on a grand scale), such alienation would be as inoperative as that of Texas by Mexico after annexation to the United States.

There is reason to believe that the Senate will declare against the measures which may be voted. In the interval which will ensue, in consequence of this inevitable conflict, the British Government would do well to commence a decisive negotiation, if it wishes to escape serious complications abroad. This is the course expected on the Stock-Exchange in London and in the city; for although the public mind was excited by the tone which pervades the message, the public funds were not paralyzed by it."

Columbia River and the coast to the south of Vancouver's Island, on the authority of discoveries by Cooke, Vancouver and Mackenzie; on the authority of the Nootka Sound Convention in l790 with Spain, and of settlements, effected and maintained at different times by British subjects. The United States claim the territory on the ground of discoveries made by her citizens, Gray, Kenbrick, etc; of the cession made by Spain in l8l9, and of occupation and settlements previously, as well as afterwards, effected by American traders. It will be obvious that the right of sovereignty which attends discovery, unless backed by some decisive measures on the part of the Government by whom or by whose subjects the discovery is made, is worth very little. Did the rule prevail that every nation was entitled in perpetuity to the sovereignty of any territory discovered and claimed by any of its subjects, without any immediate act on the part of its Executive to enforce such claim, the tenure of most colonial dependencies at the present day would be one of very equivocal legality; and, indeed, there is so much doubt hanging over the history of all territorial discoveries, that it would be difficult to suggest a worse title than that which is conferred by the assertion of such a claim, unsupported by any evidence of continuation by the Government in whose behalf it is represented to have been made. In the present instance, the honours of discovery appear to be due to a Spanish navigator of the l7th century, Jean de Fuca, who has been given his name to the strait that separates Vancouver's Island from the mainland. Nor is a much better title afforded by mere occupancy unprotected by the home Government of a state ,recognized by foreign nations. The question of right is thus narrowed to the consideration of the original proprietorship, and subsequent alienation. The American Ministers assert, that not only the valley of the Columbia, but the whole of the Oregon territory, and territory as far as the 42^nd degree of north latitude - belonged to Spain, and was by Spain transferred to the United Sates at the Treaty of Florida in l8l9. They say that they have a title not only to the valley drained by the Columbia, but also to the whole of the Oregon, and they take credit to themselves for evincing no small moderation in proposing the parallel of the 40^th degree as a boundary line. The question therefore arises, which is the better claim; that which is founded on the treaty by Spain with England in l790 or that which rests on the Florida treaty with the United States in l8l9 ? By the former Spain agreed to give indemnity to British subjects dispersed of their settlements about Nootka Sound, and to guarantee the same liberty of access to the citizens of both nations as well as those parts which were to be restored to British subjects are in the other parts of North America, which then belonged to Spain. By the latter, she ceded all her authority and jurisdiction over her provinces in North America to the United States. Now, when it is recollected that in l789 Spain abandoned her settlements in Nootka Sound and that from this time she appears to have neglected this portion of her colonial empire altogether.

THE UNITED STATES

We subjoin abridged reports from the several Secretaries of State, which are extremely valuable as evidence of the efficiency of the several departments:

REPORT OF THE SECRETARY OF WAR

This document occupies five columns of the Union, but the following synopsis from that paper tells the whole of a long story:

It exhibits, in the first instance, the organization, strength and constitution of the regular army. The rank and file - embracing every arm of the service does not exceed 6500 men. At this time there is stationed but a single regiment on the whole northern frontier, from Maine to Lake Superior - an extent of 2,000 miles; and on the whole line from the Falls of St. Anthony to New Orleans (l500 miles) only one regiment of dragoons and two of infantry. The artillery regiments - reduced by detachments of four companies from each - now garrison the fortification of the seaboard from Newport to New Orleans. The remaining and larger proportion of the army is now stationed in Texas. The report gives an interesting account of the political reasons which have induced the Government to give them this destination. The secretary does not think it prudent to remove the troops from this position until our relations with Mexico have assumed a more decidedly amicable character. In the event of there being any necessity to increase the army he proposes to build upon the basis of the regiments by adding to the rank and file of each company instead of creating new regiments. This necessity may be found in the course of Mexico, or in the conduct of the Cumanches, or of the Indians that are found in Oregon, or that may interrupt the increased current of the emigrations to the Rocky Mountains. By the proposed arrangement of filling up the infantry companies to 68 men and the dragoons to 60, the privates are increased without a corresponding augmentation of the officers.

The report suggests that, besides this increase of the number of privates in the two existing regiments of dragoons, another regiment of dragoons or of mounted riflemen may be necessary in the event of extending our posts to the Rocky Mountains.

It states that, though the concentration of so large a proportion of the army on the frontier of Texas may have, in some measure, enlarged the expenditures (certainly in the article of transportation), yet it has in some degree been compensated by the improvement which has taken place in the discipline of the troops. It renews the recommendation for establishing a corps of sappers, miners, and pontoniers, to assist, among other things, in constructing bridges, in consequence of the military occupation of Texas. L00 men will be sufficient for the purpose

The report gives a rapid but interesting account of Colonel Kearney's expedition, during the last summer, to the south pass of the Rocky Mountains, the impressions it produced among the Indians, the number of emigrants which it met on their way to Oregon, to the number of 2,325 men, women and children, with 7000 head of cattle, 400 horses and mules and 460 wagons. This report of Colonel Kearney accompanies the communication of the commanding general, and will furnish, no doubt, an interesting store of extracts at a season of grater leisure. It also refers to the adventures of another detachment of the dragoons, under the command of Captain Sumner, nearly to the northern line of the United States, between Lake Superior and the Lake of the Woods. Among the Indians whom they met with on their route, and upon whom they made a due impression with their military array, was a numerous band of the half-breeds of the Red River of the North, who had come from the region of the Hudson Bay Company into our lines to hunt buffalo. They had even solicited permission to reside in the Unites States.

The Secretary refers to the considerations which had prompted General Gaines to dispatch the volunteers of Louisiana to the camp of General Taylor. Ample justice is done to their gallantry and Congress is invited to make appropriations for their compensation. General Taylor had also accepted the services of our Texan companies of mounted men for three months.

The estimates for the ensuing year do not greatly vary from those of former years. The item for aming the fortifications is increased l00,000 dollars. The attention of Congress is directed to the st ate of the forticiations - to the armories of Springfield and Harpers Ferry to the establishment of a national foundry for cannon to the preservation of the gunpowder belonging to the Government - to the condition of the mineral lands in the northwest, which the Secretary proposed to transfer from the management of the Ordnance Department to some other.

(The Presidents message suggested to the Land Office)

It calls the attention of Congress to the 48 forts in process of construction, and to the propriety of erecting new forts at other points. Among these, as suggested by the reports of the Engineers, are fortifications of the narrows at Staten Island and Sandy Hook, and the condition of the long suspended fortress at the Pea Patch; an additional work at Solles' Point, for the protection of Baltimore; and projected fortifications on the Florida reef.

The Secretary speaks with great consideration of the school at West Point, and proposes some improvements. He calls special attention to the report of the chief of the corps of Topographical Engineers, to the improvement of the harbours on the lake, which are so well calculated to furnish accommodations to steamers, that in a state of war, may be turned to the most effective purposes, and to furnish facilities to a commerce that is now estimated at $l00,000,000 annually.

The Secretary speaks with enthusiasm of expeditions under Captain Fremont, and his valuable services. He refers to other reports of the pension office, which has now returned on its books 28,92l pensioners - 237l added during the last year, and l,428 known to have died. He devotes a considerable space to the Indian agency and the Indians - the Pottawatomies, the Choctaws, and particularly the Cherokees. He lays before the President some highly interesting communications from our Indian sub-agent in the territory of Oregon.

He dedicates the conclusion of his comprehensive and very interesting report to a subject which is of so profound an importance in a free government, viz, the organization of the militia. He suggests various alterations, and amongst the rest, submits the question, whether it might not be advisable to reduce the period of service from l8 years of age to 2l, upon the ground that although citizens of l8 years of age are not too young to bear arms, they were not generally in a situation to equip themselves with arms, as the law requires.

REPORT OF THE SECRETARY OF THE NAVY

The communication of the Secretary of the Navy opens, without any preface, with the following sentence:"During the past year the usual squadrons of navy of the United States have been maintained." In the Mediterranean, Commodore Smith had command of the Cumberland the Plymouth. The Plymouth was ordered to the Brazil squadron, and the Cumberland returned home, and their places will be taken at the opening of the present season by a part of the present African squadron. The African squadron was organized under the command of Commodore Perry, who was relieved by Commodore Skinner; the Preble and the Truxtan contracted disease on board, and were sent home; the Southampton, with stores, was sent out to remain, and was followed by the Marion and Dolphin. The Boxer is destined for the same station; and in January the Cumberland, bearing the broad pennant of Commodore Read, will relieve the Jamestown and Yorktown, which will proceed to the Mediterranean.

The disposition of the remainder of the naval force is thus states:

On the Brazil station, Rosseau, the first officer of the Alleghanies ever selected to command a squadron, relieves Commodore Turner. The Raritan will return to the home squadron; the Boston is ordered to return to the United States. The Columbia, the Saratoga, Plymouth, and the Bainbridge, as for the present substitute the Brazil squadron.

Commodore Parker, after a very successful cruise, returned from the Asiatic station in September, bringing home the Brandywine, St. Louis and the Perry. At the Bay of Islands, Captain McKeever, in the St. Louis, had the happiness to render valuable service to the inhabitants of an infant British settlement

In May Commodore Bidelle sailed for the East Indies in command of the Columbus ship of the line, bearing the Minister to China and the ratified treaty between the United States and the Chinese Emperor. The health of Mr. A.H. Everett, the Minister having induced his return, the exchange of the ratification of the treaty was committed to the charge of Commodore Biddle, who will doubtless show that an able and gallant naval officer conducts satisfactorily all affairs entrusted to him. The constitution is on her return from China, after having visited different ports and islands in the Indian Seas.

The Pacific squadron, under Commodore Sloat, has consisted of the Savannah, the Levant, the Warren, and the Shark. The first three will return in l846 and will be relieved by the Congress, the Portsmouth, and the Cyane.

The home squadron has been under the command of Commodore Conner, who has distinguished himself by sound judgment in the performance of his duty. His force, which consisted of the Potomac, the Falmouth, the Vandalia, the Lawrence, and the Somers, was weakened by the return of the Vandalia, which visited Hayti, and was driven home by the yellow fever, contracted at Port-au-Prince, where she had been ordered on duty. The squadron was increased by the Princeton and Porpoise, the St. Mary's, and the Saratoga, under Commodore Stockton, and soon after by the John Adams, and the steamship Mississippi

The Secretary visited all the naval establishments but those at Pensacola and Memphis, and they are generally in excellent order.

He recommends that the Naval Asylum at Philadelphia, at which are now more than l00 sailors, be never enlarged, but that new pensioners should be placed "in some salubrious spot near the ocean, where the aged seaman can watch ships as they come and go, and have old familiar objects in sight." There is a dash of romance in this suggestion which is rather unexpected.

He condemns as a fruitless expenditure the employment of professors and instructors on board ship, and suggests that midshipmen, in the intervals of sea duty, may be collected together on shore and be suitably instructed. The instructors being provided, the idea was carried out by organizing a school at For Severn, at Annapolis, under the direction of Commander Buchanan.

He recommends that the plates of all the charts engraved by order of Congress be deposited in the National Observatory building.

The grant of a large sum for the establishment of a well-furnished and efficient navy yard at Pensacola is recommended and he disapproves of the grant for the Memphis Depot, as to large for a mere work of preparation. He thinks Congress should confine the use of the money first to the construction of a rope walk; and, next, to simple arrangements for building and equipping steamships. He justly adds that "the United States should produce all the hemp used in the navy, and that to introduce at the west the manufacture of American hemp for the navy will prove a national benefit.

The subject of the lake defenses is reserved for a special communication.

The care of the reservations and plantations of live oak, should be transferred to the Land department which has the proper means of ascertaining title.

The present contract system requires modification. The estimates for next year contemplate no increase in the force employed during the present year.

No estimates are presented for the increase of the navy. The department awaits in that matter the instruction of Congress; but he remarks, that in comparison with other nations, our own is poorly supplied with sea going steamers.

The navy is praised for its excellency and efficiency, and its able and skillful officers. He thinks the capable only should be promoted and his position is illustrated by the following remarks:

"Age alone now claims precedence, though that claim is unauthorized by the constitution, and unsustained by the law. Seniority demands promotion as its right, and the highest rank and pay are awarded to the longest life. Yet the chances are that the eldest are not the most meritorious. Excellence seeks the opportunity of displaying itself, and is selected for the most perilous and wasting service; while mediocrity fails to be employed, and obtains length of days in safe and affluent retirement. Promotion by seniority is a premium upon inactivity.

"Many of the best among the older officers received high promotion while comparatively in early life. The younger officers of today are equally full of talent and ambition; but the present system refuses to them the opportunity of command while life is in its vigour, and reserves it for the decline of their powers. In consequence the average age of captains is constantly increasing, and is already nearly 60. The average number of annual promotions is about two. The average age of commanders, from whom captains are and should be taken, is not much less than 50. From their great numbers, the little sea service to which they are called is favourable to longevity. Continue the present usage 20 years longer, and while hope will be crushed in the young men in the service, the class of commanders will itself be composted of none but aged men, and there will not be a captain under threescore years and ten.

"This custom discourages the most worthy, and leads the incapable and the indolent to cling with tenacity to their commissions".

"Those that are capable, and our service abounds in those, only should be promoted."

He argues against the probably objection that selection will degenerate into favouritism, and asserts that wherever the principle of discrimination has been carried out, it has been attended with success.

The number of midshipmen in the navy has become so reduced that new appointments begin to be made, and he suggests that it would be desirable if a system of free competition could be devised.

A remedy in the mode of paying pursers, and against the progressive amount of salary given according to service, is desirable.

A change is needed to protect the Treasury, and to secure the prompt payment of balances.

An increase of six acting boatswains, and as many acting runners in the navy, is represented as being needful. The apprentice system will soon be revived, in a simple form, in the hope of better results than heretofore.

The report closes with some general remarks upon the evils which exist in the navy, and the causes whence they have sprung.

REPORT OF THE SECRETARY OF THE TREASURY

The report of the Secretary of the Treasury (RJ Walker) states the receipts for the year ending June 30, l845, $29,769,l33 to which the balance in the Treasury of $7,857,379 may be added, making the total means $37,626,5l3. The expenditure during the same period was $28,968,206 and therefore left a balance in the Treasury of $7,658,306, July l, l845. The total means estimated to accrue up to June 30, l846 is $34,478,306, including the balance left over from the former year. The expenditures are estimated as follows:

The actual expenditures for the first quarter, ending 30^th of September 1845, amounted to $48,463,682,

The estimated expenditure for the public service during the other three quarts from lst October, l845, to the 30^th June l846, are as follows:

Civil list, foreign intercourse, and miscellaneous purposes 6,739,211

Army proper 2,584,735

Fortifications, ordnance, arming militia, etc. 2,346,778 [PGC]

LT February 2, 1846, 4b, Oregon Question

The Oregon Queston

The position which we cited on Friday from Mr. Admas's speech in the House of Representatives is, as an argument, more of use to us than to himself, as it shows that in the disputed territory the right of sovereignty has hitherto been intentionally kept in abeyance, and that the United States have no original indefeasible jus imperii therein. It leads to no inference of American rights; it supports no pretensions of American seisin. It establishes more evidently than before our own assertion, by an appeal to the actual manner in which the district has been settled, and the light in which that settlement has been regarded by a third party, viz., the aboriginal Indians.

But, however refutable any inference my be which he seeks to deduce from such premises in favour of imperial claims to the Oregon, it will require something more powerful than argument to meet declamatory exhortations to war, and exulting predictions that, in the event of such a contingency, England would lose not only Oregon, but all that she now possesses north of those latitudes. We can easily believe that of such an import, coming from one who, in addition to the inheritance of a time-honored name, may boast the recollection of long public services and the homage paid to acknowledged merits--we can easily believe that such words, from such a man, will thrill in the hears of thousands. And indeed to no other cause but an example so authoritative can we attribute the violent and belligerent language which was used by such speakers as Messrs. Ingersoll, Simms, Baker, and M'Dowell.

Now, we readily admit that in the democratic assembly of a republican state, the temptations to exaggerated or menacing language are very great at all time, and in times of international differences almost irresistible. For this reason we feel great admiration for the intrepidity and true wisdom of those men who, like Messrs. Winthrop and Rheett, have ventured to use the language of moderation and peace in the front of a majority clamorous for dissension, and a populace inflated with the visions of conquest. When, waving the question of right either as inconvenient or indifferent, legislators are found telling the people that it "is their destiny" to commit a great injustice; that they do not fear the odds of a tussle with Great Britain; that the British Lion has, ere now, quailed before the American Eagle, and may soon quail again; that as the power of the Republic has run down south-west as far as Texas and the mines of Potosi, and north-west across the Rocky Mountains to an indefinite extent, and the Columbia, adding state to state and region to region to keep up its balance of power; -- when these things are said, repeated, and applauded, the moral courage of those who scout such morality and repudiate such pretensions cannot be too highly praised or too thankfully acknowledged. They are vindicating the cause of morality and justice in the eyes of Christendom.

But, gentlemen of the House of Representatives, you must be aware that you cannot go on talking thus for ever. These big, swelling words must produce some definite and palpable issue of fact. They must either become utterly nugatory, or lese must be lead to a war. You cannot escape from this dilemma. It follows from your own speeches and protestations. The representatives of a great people cannot discharge their duty by uttering a torrent of declamations about the "destiny" of their country and the invincible strength of its arms. A continuance of such language, not followed by the most vigorous policy, exposes those who speak to some ridicule, and their country to some reproach. Are you, then, prepared to meet the only alternative which is indicated by your own words and shadowed forth by your own predications? Are you prepared for war? Have you calculated its cost, its consequences, its calamities? Have you reflected on the condition in which it must leave your country?--on the revolution which, be its result what it may, it must work in your political and social systems? Are you prepared for military aristocracy, perhaps an autocracy?--for a centralization of power round one governmental unit, and its fortification by the breastwork of a large military force? Are you prepared for the creation of a new and dominant class?--for the display of oligarchical distinctions, the thirst after courtly decorations, the overthrow of republican equality? Yet to this end, to these results, so alien from the intentions of your pilgrim fathers, so adverse to the spirit of your polity, you are driving your country by your advocacy of warlike measures. Even supposing that in the conflict which you provoke, a success greater than you expect attends your arms--that you plant your victorious standard upon the two banks of the Columbia, or advance it to the shores of Hudson's Straits--that you beat the troops of England and the volunteers of Canada or New Brunswick on every field and in every siege between the two oceans which encompass the Canaan of your vaunted "destiny"--what will you have gained? The responsibility of a great empire, the invidiousness of detected pretensions, and the domination of some military chief! But if you fail--if the armies which conquered under Wellington retain their fortune under other leaders--if the pride which has spurned at mediation is chastised in war--if New York is given to plunder, and Washington again beholds the English flag floating over her Capitol--what will you not have lost by the issue of a contest at once unfortunate and unprovoked! In neither case will you resume your former position--in neither will you be as you were before the war. You will have created new pretexts of taxation - you will have called into existence new institutions repugnant to you old ones - you will have laid the foundation of future encumbrances or future despotism. But, more than this, you will have aroused the jealousy, awakened the vigilance, and armed the hostility of foreign Powers. You will have forced them to defend themselves against your aggressive, or to punish your defeated efforts. But in the long interval that separates the commencement of a war from its conclusion, what enormities may be pracised! what calamities inflicted! Have you though on these? Have you reckoned their cost, or their guilt? You remember the scenes of 1774; will you re-enact them? You might do us great injury; but your country would suffer dreadfully in the attempt. You might invade our colonies by guerilla detachments, but we should lay our ships of war against the cities of your pride and the homesteads of your wealth. You might destroy our merchant vessels, but we should devastated your provinces and despoil your towns. We might lay Washington in ashes; but could you invade England with effect? And have you forgotten the secret danger which you nourish in your bosom? Can you forget that to the horrors of a foreign would be added the greater horrors of a servile war?--a war not of lines, columns, or camps, but a war waged against heads of families, in houses, by ambuscade, and every species of treachery complicated with every kind of cruelty that vengeance could devise and opportunity provoke? Again, do you not remember that a war with England could not be a little war, nor confined to two states; that it would up the world in its conflagration, and add to the cruelty of an unnatural contest the inconvenience of unnatural of faithless alliances? You rely on France, and forget Russia. But do you forget the traditionary fickleness of the former, and the antidemocratic mission of the later? Do you not know these things? do you not fear them? We seek not to intimidate you with vain menaces and unreal bugbears. But we bid you, as patriots who love your country, as statesmen who are legislating future times, above all, as men who profess to adore justice and to sever truth--we bid you pause, and reckon the fearful risk which you are running and the monstrous misery which you are courting.

What is your case? You lay claim to a greater amount of territory than Great Britain says is yours by right. She offers to refer the dispute to arbitration--you reject this offer. What is the obvious and fair inference suggested by such a refusal? Again, what are the facts of your claim? Make a "Case" of it--state it fairly, and lay it before the jurists of the world. It would run thus:--

"There is a vast extent of territory lying between the 43d deg. north latitude and the 52d deg. north latitude. It was settled some time towards the close of the last century. The accounts of its discovery are conflicting and ambiguous. Spain professed to be siesed of its coast by right of prior occupancy, but her rights, are extravagantly asserted at first, were afterwards modified or withdrawn. In 1789 certain British subjects were found fishing and trading on its N.W. extremity. This provoked the indignation and the aggression of Spanish naval officers then off the coast. They attacked the vessels of the English, sank them, and destroyed their huts. A representation of this outrage was forwarded to the British Court, and thence a remonstrance was sent to the Court of Spain. A diplomatic correspondence ensued, which, after showing that the territories of the litigant Powers in those regions were undefined and uncertain, was terminated by a compact which provided for the joint and several occupation of the whole district by Spanish and British subjects, under the joint protection of the Spanish and British Courts. Citizens of the two countries, encouraged by this convention, settled there. They traded and fished together. They held a joint occupation of the soil, and enjoyed a joint use of the river that flows through it. Neither of the two contracting parties stipulated for absolute sovereignty, nor for its reversion, in this district. They exercised a joint protection, and gave such of their subjects as chose a joint interest in it. Afterwards a war broke out between them; and many years after Spain made a conveyance of 'all her sovereign rights' in this country to another Power- the United States--a Power as yet in the obscurity of infancy when the first settlements were made. After this cession citizens from this new Power immigrate in to this country. Not content with holding a distributive possession, and giving to her colonists the divided tenancy of this tract, the Republic of the United States, relying on the vague phrase contained in the Spanish conveyance, claim entire sovereign dominion over it as far as 52 [degrees] north latitude, and offer, as a matter of compromise, to take the parallel of 49 [degrees] as its boundary line. But while it offers this, it obstinately claims the sole usufruct of the principal river, which for 60 years has been shared on equal terms by previous occupants--the English and Spanish at one time, the English and Americans at another--in those parts wherein alone it is navigable. It refuses the offer of Great Britain to share this river, or the harbours on the coast. It thus seeks force Great Britain into surrendering for ever the only commercial advantage-- the only benefit indispensable to a naval country--which the district affords, and which she has hitherto enjoyed; and it proposes, as a solution of the dilemma, to seize on the whole of the territory of which the limits are thus contested."

American representatives, would you submit such a case for the consideration of just men all over the world? Would you abide by their opinion? Or will you go to war to decide the righteousness of your claims? [AEK]

LT February 3, 1846, 5b, U.S. Congress, Oregon Debate

"AMERICA"

[The following appeared in the greater part of our impression of yesterday:-]

We have received New York advices to the 13^th of January inclusive, by the arrival of the packetship Stephen Whitney, Captain Popham, after a fine run of 19 days.

These accounts are important. The proceedings of Congress present, in the Senate, the introduction into that house of resolutions for giving the Oregon notice, and in the other house the continuation of the former debate.

A bill to repeal the existing tariff had been introduced into the Lower House.

The discussion upon the Oregon notice question in the House of Representatives had been reassured on the 7^th. The house having resolved itself into committee of the whole, Mr. Yancy said, he considered that peace had given them the territory of Oregon, and he believed it could only be lost by war. He was for all the Oregon--would take no line of compromise--but he could not sympathize with the cry of "Now or never." If they were not now prepared to assert by force of arms their right to Oregon, it would be well to delay it. He regarded that to give the notice would be a measure of war, and if it had been considered by previous Administrations as a measure of peace, why had it not before been given? He maintained that Mr. Adams in his speech considered it as a war measure, and that war was expected by the Administration as the result of this measure. He then considered the relative condition of the two countries to enter into war, and as regarded their own want of preparation, he charged it to the votes of western men, who were now furious for war and who had voted against all appropriations for Atlantic fortifications and for the increase and supply of the navy. He did not think there was anything offensive in the refusal of Mr. Pakenham to accept the offer made by Mr. Polk. A better offer had been repeatedly made and refused, and, as the negotiations were opened on the basis of compromise, Mr. Pakenham was justly surprised at receiving a proposition offering less than had before been refused. He thought the true course to lose Oregon was to precipitate action on this question. If they wished to preserve it, they must call time to our aid and people the territory.

Mr. Smith repelled the charge that the west were desirous of involving the country in war; but said there was a deep and absorbing feeling in the west, that the honour and interests of the nation were deeply interested in the maintenance of our rights in Oregon, and he had no fear that the United States would ever yield those rights to negotiation or to force. It was a mistake to suppose that the west would not suffer as well as other sections of the country in the event of war, as it was also that they were controlled by selfish considerations. If war should come, the west would do its duty, and would furnish its full quota of men and of treasure. He reviewed the course of the President in relation to this question, and exhibited his inconsistency in having in his inaugural address endorsed the decree of the Baltimore convention, and declared in favour of the whole of Oregon, which opinion had also been reiterated by his organ, and having then offered to compromise on 49 [degrees]. He did not disapprove the offer, but referred to it to show its inconcistency with the manifesto. He was opposed to the adoption of the resolution, regarding it as a step towards war. In respect to giving the notice, he had expressed his opinion as a minority member of the Committee on Foreign Affairs. He believed it was no part of their legislative duty to alter or put an end to any of the stipulations of a treaty, which the resolution proposed to do. It belonged exclusively to the treaty-making Power. in the present position of our affairs he was for making energetic and ample appropriation s for the defence for the defence of the country, and if war should come, he was for devoting to it all the resources and all the energies of the country.

On the 8^th the "notice" policy was supported by Mr. Cobb in a speech of great warmth, but presenting no arguments of novelty. He planted himself, he said, on the ground that it was their duty to protect their countrymen who had emigrated into the Oregon, and he would not look to the consequences. Mr. M'Clennard, or Illinois, followed on the same side, expatiating upon the greater comparative value of the upper portion of Oregon to the lower. Upwards of 30 members then endeavoured to gain the floor, but the discussion was adjourned.

In the Senate, on the same day, Mr. Allen, from the Committee on Foreign Relations, reported the joint resolution advising the President to give notice of the termination of the convention in twelve months, with an amendment abrogating the convention at once, and directing the President to issue his proclamation at the end of twelve months for taking possession of the whole territory. He said he was instructed to move an early day for its consideration. He would not make the motion now, because a senator had intimated to him that the intended to start a preliminary question, which had better be disposed of first. He would propose Monday, the 12^th, for this motion; then the preliminary question would be started; after which he should move the would be started; after which he should move the Senate to fix a day to take up the joint resolution.

On the 9^th day a bill "to organize a territorial government in the Oregon territory" was introduced; and notice was also given by Mr. M'Connell of a bill "to repeal the Tariff Act of 1842." The house then again went into committee on the resolutions for the Committee on Foreign Affairs, authorizing the President to give the Oregon notice. Mr. Giles spoke in favour of the measure, not regarding it as a provocative of war. He regretted the rejection by Great Britain of the recent offer of compromise made by the President, and argued, at great length, the right of the United States to the whole of the territory in dispute. Mr. Levin urged the expulsion of all foreign rule form Oregon, at all hazards and under any circumstances. He considered the country well prepared to meet any force Europe could despatch against it, and courage and union were their best defences.

On the following day, the 10^th, a resolution of inquiry in to the condition of the navy having been introduced and adopted, the Oregon debate was resumed by Mr. Hunter. Agreeing in the importance of retaining the whole of Oregon, up to 54 deg. 40 min., he yet desired that they should allow time to consolidate their power. if they were to give notice and not agree on the 49^th parallel, war would ensue. If the question could not be peacefully settled by negotiation, he would wish that arbitration, if again proffered, should be accepted in preference to war. If war arose, it would involve Mexico, and their fellow-citizens in the Oregon, whom gentlemen were so eager to protect, would be driven out of the territory, if not permanently, at least for a period, while more favourable terms would not be procured unless Great Britain was utterly humbled. War would change the character of their domestic institutions, and establish a military despotism. Their Government was perfect for protection, but inefficient for conquest, and its whole character would inevitably be changed in prosecuting a war of supremacy over Great Britain. If the question must now be pressed to an issue he trusted it would be arbitrated, but he much preferred that things should remain as they were. Neither their honour nor their interest suffered from letting things remain as they were. It was said Great Britain might, and probably would, give the notice. This he did not think probable, but if she did so the responsibility and the guilt of the war would rest upon her. Great Britain claimed no exclusive jurisdiction, but the right of settlement and of occupancy, and if undisturbed in these she would suffer things to move on as they were.

Mr. Kennedy did not believe that the notice was a war measure. It was a simple exercise of a right provided for in the treaty. He would not, however, consider this question; their right to Oregon was complete, and they had a right to take possession of it. He was for giving the notice and for extending jurisdiction over the whole of that territory, even if war should come. He then proceeded in a most violent an inflammatory war speed, designed to arouse feelings of hostility, but containing no argument, and exhibiting neither sense nor discretion. The Washington correspondent of the New York Courier and Enquirer writes, on the 7^th ult., that "in conversation President Polk declares himself decidedly in favour of giving the Oregon notice, and expresses his strong desire that the resolutions now before the House of Representatives should be adopted as reported from the committee."

In the Senate, on the 7^th, the bill to raise a regiment of mounted riflemen was taken up and enforced by Mr. Benton. It had nothing to do, he said, with war, or rumours of war, but was a kind of force peculiarly required on the western frontier. The appropriations are as follows, viz., $76,500 for raising and equipping the regiment; $3,000 for each military post which may be established on the route to Oregon; and $2,000 to buy the land for the site of such posts from the Indians. This last item was added by Mr. Benton at the suggestion of Mr. Calhoun. The bill was passed.

The St. Louis New Era refers to the declamation founded on the extension of British laws over subjects of the Crown in Oregon by American orators and writers, and draws attention to the fact that "two acts of Congress of 1834, under the provisions of which our laws regulating Indian intercourse, and the criminal laws which apply to places over which the United States have exclusive jurisdiction, are all extended to that country; not confined in their operation to American subjects, but extending to every case of crime, except offences committed by Indians against Indians. We refer to the act to regulate intercourse with the Indian tribes, and the act to establish the Indian Department, and under that act men have been tried for capital offences and convicted in the Circuit Court of the United States at St. Louis."

"It may be added," says the New York Courier and Enquirer, "that under the other act 'establishing the Indian Department,' and Indian sub-agent has been appointed for, and resides in Oregon - the same Dr. White who is now, or recently was, at Washington."

The following excellent letter is taken from the correspondence of the New York Courier and Enquirer:--

"Washington City, Jan. 10, 1846.

"The anxiety in New York, in regard to the question of war or peace has been so great that newspapers and their correspondents have seized upon every rumour, no matter how improbable, which appeared to offer a hope that the Oregon question would be speedily and satisfactorily adjusted. To these rumours of pending negotiations, &c., the readers of the Courier and Enquirer well know that we have given no countenance; while we have always said, and still think, that the Oregon question will be settled without a resort to war, although the whole commercial community have to a certain extent experienced, and will continue to suffer, from many of its consequences. I now desire to state, however, for the benefit of all concerned, and I do so upon the very highest authority, that from the day on which Mr. Buchanan transmitted to Mr. Pakenham his letter of, I think, the 29^th of August, in which he withdrew the proposition of our Government, and virtually suspended all negotiation on the question of Oregon,--from that day up to this time our Administration have not received directly or indirectly through Mr. M'Lan, Mr. Pakenham, or any other source whatever, either here or in London, the slightest overture or intimation of any kind or description whatsoever. This declaration is intended to cover the whole ground; and, to guard against misconstruction, he who made this declaration added, --'the administration knows nothing of the intentions, the wishes, or the expectations of the British Government wish is to equally know to the whole people of the United States.'

"Of the truth of this there is no doubt whatever; and while it is with me a subject of regret that the fact should be so, it is best that the truth should be known in order that all may form their own conclusions from this state of things. I have no doubt myself, that if Mr. Pakneham had forwarded to the British Government the correspondence up to and exclusive of the last letter from Mr. Buchanan, he would have been informed that his rejection of the offer made by our Government was premature, and that it should have been accepted. But when that rejection was followed by the withdrawal of the rejected proposition and the abrupt suspension of all negotiations, the British Government apparently arrived at the conclusion, that they had nothing more to do but to prepare for any and every contingency which might arise; and accordingly, they have observed the most studied and profound silence on the subject, while the whole energies of the nation have been devoted to preparations for war. Wellington truly said, that England could never again wage a 'little war;' and if war comes, it will be of a character far more serious than any in which she has heretofore been engaged.

"England, then is quietly awaiting the action of our Government; and, in my humble opinion, the question of peace or war depends solely and exclusively upon the fact whether we do or do not give notice of the termination of the convention for joint occupancy. I know there are those who think differently, but they are very few in number; and nine-tenths of all who hold such language believe in their inmost souls that, if we give notice, war in inevitable. Mr. Adams, whose hatred of England is only surpassed by his malignity to the south, has recently declared in the most solemn manner that the contemplated notice is a peaceful measure, and that it cannot possibly produce war. And yet this same gentleman only one year ago as solemnly, and far more honestly, proclaimed to the House of Representatives, and through it to the people of the United States, that the giving of this notice was the exercise of the war power of the house, and that the house had a right to entertain it, because war could not be declared without its sanction, and that the giving of this notice was virtually a declaration of war: that, once given, war was inevitable! Beyond all question he was honest in the expression of this opinion last January; and, whatever he may now say to the contrary, in the hope of involving us in a war with England to punish the south, not a man in this city doubts but he is still of the same opinion.

"It is to be deeply regretted that one so distinguished should thus sacrifice even the appearance of a decent respect for truth to his hatred of England and the south but his friends point to his almost second childhood as an apology for such conduct. I wish I could in charity attribute his inconsistency and want of truth to this cause; but his reply to Mr. Rhett on Wednesday conclusively proves that his mind is too vigorous to authorize such and apology being offered for him, and that he must continue to stand before the public in the very questionable position which the gratification of malignant feelings at the expense of truth and justice should ever entail upon him who ventures upon such an experiment.

"The passage of the resolution requiring the Executive to give notice of the termination of the convention of 1826 is not in itself an offensive act; and, had it been given pending negotiation last winter, very probably no injury would have resulted from it. But the whole aspect of affairs is no longer the same, and the circumstances under which the notice would be now given entirely change its pacific character. All negotiations have been abruptly suspended, and not only has our proposition for compromise been withdrawn, but the Executive in his annual message virtually apologizes for having made it. Under these circumstances, the President recommends a termination of the joint occupancy, accompanied with a declaration that we are entitled to every inch of Oregon, and that at the expiration of the year's notice we are to take possession of and govern it as a part and parcel of the territory of the United States. In addition to this, the military committee, and prominent members of both houses, proclaim from their places that at the expiration of the notice of England is to be forcibly driven from Oregon.

"Most assuredly, all these circumstances take from the notice its peaceful character, and make it (as Mr. Adams once truly said) a war measure! No man in his senses--certainly no honest man, who is capable of reasoning upon the current events of the day and exercises his reason,-- either does or can believe that the giving of the contemplated notice will not involve us in war. Many, doubtless, desire to think otherwise, and that they may do so, and have an excuse for their conduct, refuse to reason with themselves or any other person upon the subject; and it is only these, together with the fools who cannot reason, and the knaves who desire war to make money out of it, who are prepared to vote for the notice. True, there are in the House of Representatives men of both parties, so weak that.

"I ask of the honest, intelligent, and considerate members of both houses of Congress a carefully and calm consideration of this aspect of the question, and of the very decided advantages which this country plated notice. Beyond all manner of question, if we refuse to five such notice, England will be placed in a most awkward and embarrassing position, while our country will have a re-acquired that which slowly but most certainly, was securing to us all we desire. Every consideration, then, of patriotism and interest; every motive which can or should operate upon the minds of public men--of men representing alike the wishes, the feelings, and the interests of the people--of men presumed to be jealous of the honour of the nation--demands a prompt rejection of the resolutions before both houses of Congress. I say a prompt rejection of them, because we know not what intelligence the next arrival from Europe may bring us. Now we may act without fear of any, the slightest apprehension, of a misconception of the motives which guide us; but if we postpone action until after the arrival of further intelligence, it is by no means impossible that it may embarrass our actions. Our true course, then, is to act promptly; and to repudiate the ridiculous idea that England is averse to a war with the United States, or that such a war would be injurious to her interests.

"This is the great error of the age. Bullies imagine that England is not in a position to go to war with us, and therefore, resort to bullying; yet at no period in the last 100 years has a war been so necessary or desirable for her; at no previous period in her history has it been so universally demanded by her people; never before has she stood before the civilized world as the injured party; and never, since she was a nation, was she so thoroughly prepared, and so capable of bringing into action all her immense resources. War would add but little to her expenses; it would restore to her the China and South American markets for her manufactures, whence we have driven her; it would lessen her population, divert public attention, and revive a spirit of nationality, the deadening of which by 30 years of peace is threatening all those institutions upon which is based her monarchy. She will not go to war with us unless she can secure to herself the sympathies of Europe; but give her these--and they are now with her--make her the injured party by threatening to driver her out of Oregon after30 years of peaceable residence there--and she will bless the statesman who thus forces her into hostilities. But I repeat, there will be no notice; and consequently, no war.

"J.W.W."

Mexican accounts to the 8^th of December, published in the American journals, contradict he reports formerly received, that Paredes had declared against the Government. The General, it is stated, had addressed a despatch to the Secretary of War, dated San Luis Potosi, November 26, in which he says that, having learned that Colonel Barragan had circulated reports of his intention to pronounce for a dictatorship, he had ordered Barragan to be arrested, and proceedings to be taken against him.

We further find it stated, that the Diario de Gobierno of the 3d of December publishes this dispatch with an editorial paragraph, affirming that all the reports imputing to General Paredes designs hostile to the Government are utterly without foundation.

Accounts from the British Guiana to the 16^th of December, received in New York, possess no features of importance.

Our Canadian accounts are unimportant. The previous rumours of Cabinet dissensions had died away.
[AEK]

AMERICA
London Times: Liverpool, Feb. 3.

We have received important advices from New York, to the 18^th ult. Inclusive, by the arrival of the packet-ship Yorkshire, Captain Bailey, after a fine run of 15 days.

These accounts are of a more satisfactory character than those published in The Times of this morning. The excitement created by the warlike tone of the discussion in the House of Representatives had in a great measure subsided, and apparently more moderate counsels prevailed. The Senate had refused to discuss the question of giving Great Britain notice with regard to the joint occupancy of the Oregon until the 10^th of February; and in the Lower House the speeches delivered were less hostile in their character. As will be seen below, a bill of appropriation towards increasing the navy in both branches of the service had been received in reply to General Cass's resolution of inquiry; and an attempt to induce the Senate to declare their hostility against, and determination to oppose, European interference in the affairs of the western hemisphere, had failed under the opposition of Mr. Calhoun's pacific influence. The debate in the Lower House had produced no decision.

In the Senate, on the 12^th ult., Mr. Fairfield, from the Committee on naval Affairs, reported a bill appropriating the sum of $11,190,000 for the addition to the Untied States navy. On a motion that the notice to terminated the joint occupancy of the Oregon be made the special order for the 27^th of January, Mr. Calhoun and other senators urged further delay; and the question having been put to the vote, the order was delayed to Tuesday, the 10t^h of February. The votes are as follows:--

-Yeas.--Messrs. Archer, Barrow, Benton, Berrien, Calhoun, Chalmers, Thomas Clayton, John M. Clayton, Colquitt, Corwin, Crittendon, Davis, Dayton, Evas, Greene, Haywood, Jarnigan, Johnson of Maryland, Johnson of Louisiana, Lewis, M'Duffie, Mangum, Miller, Pearce, Pennybacker, Phelps, Speight, Upham, Webster, Westcott, Woodbridge, Yulee--32.

Nays.--Messrs. Allen, Ashley, Atchison, Atherton, Breese, Bright, Cameron, Cass, Dickinson, Dix, Fairfield, Hannegan, Jenness, Niles, Semple, Sevier, Sturgeon, Turney--18.

Mr. Hannegan's resolutions, deprecating a compromise on the 49^th parallel, were also postponed to the 10^th of February. Upon this vote the Washington correspondent of the New York Courier and Enquirer remarks--

"This, though not clearly indicative of the course that Senate will take on the question of notice, shows that that body is determined to proceed with proper deliberation and with the benefit of all the information that time can give them. What the final action of the Senate will be on this question cannot now be said with certainty; a majority of that body is unquestionably in favour of a but pacific course, and it is probable that a measure will yet be devised con which they can unite, and which will satisfy the hour of the country while it shall maintain our rights to Oregon, and at the same time preserve the peace of the country."

The proceedings of the 13^th were devoid of interest.

On the 14^th Mr. Allen offered the following

"JOINT RESOLUTION.

"Resolved, &c.,--That recent manifestations of a disposition, by certain Powers of Europe, to interfere in the political arrangements of this continent, with a view to the enforcement of the European principle of 'the balance of power' upon the independent nations of America, having made it, in his judgment, the duty of the President of the United States to call the attention of congress to this subject in his annual message, and to announce, on the part of the United States, the counter-principle of non-intervention, it is the judgement of Congress that the announcement thus made by the President was demanded by the manifest hazard to which such interference would inevitably expose the relations of peace now subsisting between the old world and the new.

"Resolved, -- That Congress, thus concurring with the President, and sensible that this subject has been forced upon the attention of the United States by recent events, so significant as to make it impossible for this Government longer to remain silent without appearing ready to submit to, and even to invite, the enforcement of this dangerous doctrine, do hereby solemnly declare to the civilized world the unalterable resolution of the United States to adhere to and enforce the principle that nay effort of the Powers of Europe to intermeddle in the social organization or political arrangements of the independent nations of America, or further to extend the European system of Government upon this continent, by the establishment of new colonies, would be incompatible with the independent existence of the nation, and dangerous to the liberties of the people of America, and therefore would incur, as by the right of self preservation it would justify, the prompt resistance of the United States."

Some discussion ensued. Mr. Calhoun said--

These resolutions embraced a principle of action which called for the most solemn declarations on the part of the Senate. It afforded matter for consideration how far this resolution could be efficiently acted upon, if adopted. No man could view with stronger feelings of opposition all impertinent interference of the Powers of Europe in the affairs of this continent than himself. And he would not take occasion to say, that the late extraordinary interference of Great Britain and France in the political domestic relations of Buenos Ayres was an outrage unprecedented in its character. But the great question here suggested was, were they now prepared to take this whole continent under their protection? Had they reached that state of maturity to admit of this wide and exclusive guardianship? Were they prepared to take all the consequences that must grow out of the assumption of such a policy as was there indicated? If they were determined to take the course indicated by the resolutions, if they were determined to take the course indicated by the resolution, if they indicated anything, they might as well at once call into action the whole energies of the country. They wanted time. Mr. Calhoun was of the firm opinion that at this moment the resolutions of the hon. Senator could have no good result--no good effect upon the nations of the world. The President had announced the principle--why not be content to stand upon that declaration? The concurrent declaration of Mr. Monroe had at the time been regarded as unwise, and really mischievous in its effects. What good had resulted from it? There had been frequent interference's since, on the part of the European Powers, in the affairs of the independent nations of that continent, of which they had taken no notice whatever. They were rapidly approaching to great events. They demanded their most solemn consideration. They were approaching, as it were, to that point were the broad, plain highway, parted into two roads--one to the right and the other to the left. Between the two they were left to decide. The exigency required their most solemn deliberation. For himself, he would rather not push the principle, at least for the present; but would prefer to let it remain where the president had put it.

Mr. Allen said that he had been apprehensive that even this proposition might be resisted in the senate, but he had not supposed that the bare introduction of it would encounter opposition. He would not now go into a general examination of the resolutions, but would simply remark that the President, in his official message to congress, had denounced the principle of foreign interposition in American political affairs, and without the approval of congress, he would stand, in the eyes of the world, as taking a stand unsupported by the concurrence of the balance of the Government. Never, since the declaration of Mr. Monroe against foreign interference in the domestic relations of this continent, had Mr.Allen heard the justice of the policy of this position question, nor had known it to meet with opposition from any American mind. Mr. Allen further expatiated upon the propriety of Congress confirming this position of the President. He did not ask the consideration of the resolution now; it would be referred, if received, to the Committee on Foreign Relations, who would doubtless give it that serious reflection which the case required, and would report accordingly.

Mr. Calhoun inquired if the chairman on Foreign Relations had submitted the resolution on his own individual responsibility? (Mr. Allen replied in the affirmative.) Mr. Calhoun said that he considered that an unprecedented proceeding, and entirely out of order. He was not disposed now to rush forward into any measure that would further entangle foreign relations. If they were resolved upon this measure, they ought at once to put forth the whole of their strength. They ought to declare themselves military republic, and that the whole continent was under their especial protection. Why did not the senator at once come forward with specific resolution touching the affairs of Buenos Ayres? It was the part of wisdom to look to wise ends from wise means. Mr. Calhoun positively objected to the reception of the resolutions, and called for the ayes and noes.

The notice of introduction was laid on the table by a vote of 28 to 23. Mr. Crittenden then, on leave, reported a preamble and resolution on the subject of the Oregon controversy. The preamble recapitulated treaties and the inconvenience of the existing state of things; the resolution gave discretion to any time after the expiration of the President to give the 12 months' notice, provided, however, that he should be limited in that discretion to any time after the expiration of the present session of Congress. After some remarks between Mr. Calhoun and Mr. Crittenden as to the order of this proceeding, Mr. Calhoun waved his objection; the resolution was read, ordered to be printed, and made the special order for the 10^th day of February, when the whole subject would come up for discussion.

The subsequent proceedings of the Senate are devoid of interest.

The Oregon discussion was resumed in the house on the 12^th by Mr. Toombs:--

He did not think the question before the committee on of peace or war. He deplored war but would rather have war with honour than peace with dishonor. He thought that time had arrived when the policy of "masterly inactivity" should be abandoned, and action substituted in its place. He thought it wise and proper that this question should be now, in some manner, settled. He did not consider the title of the United States good to 54 40. Their title by discovery was the only one by which they could claim to 54 40, and he knew of no rule of national law by which discovery alone gave title, without being followed by settlement. To a portion of that territory, by the discovery of the Columbia by Captain Gray, the discovery and exploration of its sources by Lewis and Clarke, and the future settlement at Astoria--they had perfected their title to the whole region drained by the Columbia. By the same rule Great Britain was entitled to those portions discovered and settled by her. He next considered the title by contiguity, which he considered as giving to the United States a title up to 49. The British had established a trading post at Frazier's River in 1807, and had thus acquired all the title to the territory drained by that river that they had, by the settlement of Astoria, to the territory drained by the Columbia. The exact line of boundary between the two title he wished to be ascertained, and for that reason he would give the notice. He was in favour of the amendment offered by Mr. Hilliard, leaving the giving of the notice to the discretion of the President. American citizens had settled in that country, and they were entitled to protection; and it was also important that the settlers should know where they were to settle, so as to prevent their not planting themselves upon the territory of Great Britain. In voting for the notice he considered himself as voting against no method of settling this question--he was in favour of any and every mode by which it could peaceably be accomplished; but if all peaceful expedients should fail, he and the people he represented were prepared to do their duty in the great conflict that would follow--Mr. J.R. Ingersoll then submitted a resolution authorizing the President to open negotiations with the Government of Great Britain, for mutually terminating the existing joint occupancy.--Mr. Hamlin argued that the democracy were the peace party, and that giving the notice would not be a measure of war. It was the duty of the Government to extend the protection of our laws over all our citizens. He consideeed our title to the Oregon perfect. He was in favour of giving the notice, and of the house taking the responsibility of giving it without transferring it to the President. As a means of military defence, he would vote for appropriations to construct a railroad from the Missouri to the Columbia.--Mr. Douglass moved that the Oregon Territorial Bill be taken from the committee of the whole, and be recommitted to the Committee on Territories.--The motion prevailed, and the house adjourned.

On the 13^th, Mr. C.J. Ingersoll submitted a resolution calling upon the Secretary of the Treasury for his plan of a Constitutional Treasury, as suggested in his report and in the message of the President, but being objected to it had to lie over.--Mr. Baker then submitted a resolution declaring it to be the sense of the house that the President of the United States has no right to offer to cede any portion of the territory of the United States, to which its title was clear and unquestionable, either by treaty or arbitration. The resolution was laid on the table. A resolution of inquiry was offered, whether any negotiations had taken place about Oregon since the President's message was delivered.

On the 14^th, the policy of giving the notice under discussion to Great Britain was argued by Messrs. Staunton, Godon, Brinckerhoff, and Wentworth, and further continued on the following day by Mr. Cooke:--

He was not prepared to say that the British nation had no rights in Oregon; if he were to deny that she had, he would thereby cast reflections upon the eminent patriots and statesmen who at various times have offered to divide that territory with Great Britain on the 49^th degree. He believed the giving of the notice was not within the competency of Congress, but was an executive function. It was not a question in which our honour was concerned, and he was in favour of settling it by negotiation; and, that failing by arbitration.

Mr. Bedinger believed their title to the whole of Oregon to be perfect, but it was their policy to remain quiet. He did not know that the would ever listen to a proposition from Great Britain to compromise the matter.--Mr. Morse was in favour of the notice, and did not believe that it would produce war.

The jealousy previously noted as being entertained in the Untied States as regards the Mormon emigrants to the borders of the Pacific, we find again started in the St. Louis Reporter. "It is quite time," says that journal--

" The United States Government had taken notice of the treasonable practices of these declared enemies of our country. There are now many respectable witnesses in St. Louis ready to make oath that, the twelve have held secret councils, in which they have concocted treasonable plans of hostility to the citizens and Government of the United States, and that they have numerous agents now among nearly all the Indian tribes, for the avowed purpose of embittering their minds against us, and preparing them ultimately to join them in a war against us. Will the United States allow 200,000 of these bitter and irreconcilable foes to take possession of any portion of the Pacific coast that is now or may hereafter by purchase become ours? The President of the United States should be authorized by a law of Congress, if he has not now the authority, to issue his proclamation, forbidding them to settle on the United State' lands or to pre-empt them, and to inform them that they will not be allowed to remain on any lands that we may acquire hereafter, while these hostile views against us continue to be cherished and taught to their people. If war should ensue between this country and England about Oregon, there is little doubt that one of England's most efficient forces will be the Mormons. Will the country supinely permit this important item to be thrown in the scale against us in the settlement of our apprehended difficulties in that quarter? The writer believes, from information that has reached him, that treasonable correspondence might now be found in Nauvoo. At all events, there is sufficient evidence now in St. Louis to warrant the immediate arrest of the twelve, and to hold them to answer to the country for treason. The proper authorities can be furnished with the names and residences of witnesses for that purpose. If the twelve are arrested and tried for treason, more of a better stamp and more pacific views towards this country are likely to become leaders in their stead, and trouble with them, as well as emigration to California, might thereby be avoided. Let the country look to it in season."

In the fears thus expressed the New York Courier and Enquirer concurs.

Washington letters contain the rumour that despatches had been received by the Government from the United States' Minister at Mexico, Mr. Slidell, and that upon these several Cabinet meetings had been held. It is added, that no intelligence confirmatory of the reputed revolutionary movement of General Paredes had been received.

Mr. Parrott had been appointed Secretary to the Mexican Legation.

The celebrated corn law announcement of The Times had arrived out at New York by the packetship Oxford, on the 14^th of January, and had created a great sensation. The Courier and Enquirer thus remarks:--

"There seems, indeed, to be no good reason to doubt the announcement of The Times, and none appears to be entertained. Assuming that it is substantially correct, the intelligence is of the utmost commercial moment, and the effect which it must necessarily produce in the United States can hardly be overrated. It is proper for us to state, at the same time, that the London Standard, understood to be the Ministerial organ, gives an apparently flat and emphatic contradiction to all the asseverations of The Times on this subject, but The Times reiterates them with an increased boldness, and submits its own statements to the decision of the country, exultingly remarking that a very short time will show which of the two journals (the Standard or itself) is most entitled credit.

"We do not see anything in the London papers to change the view we have expressed, or to shake our confidence in the important statements of that paper, for we do not see that they materially invalidate the substance of The Times article."

We learn form Indiana that bills, providing for the adjustment of the public debt of the state, had been introduced into both branches of the State Legislature from the Joint Committee appointed to consider the subject. The bills, it is stated, appeared to be formed on the plan suggested by Mr. Butler, the agent of the bondholders.

The New Orleans journals censure the recent proposition advanced to Congress by Senator Levy for the annexation of Cuba.

The New York Legislature was discussing the anti-rent question.

Canadian accounts are interesting, The journals were very generally occupied in discussing, with patriotic warmth, the doubtful state of our relations with the Untied States. To the "patriotism" of the two races of settlers, the Albany correspondent of the New York Courier and Enquirer bears the following testimony:--

"I have to-day seen a letter from a reliable an well-informed source in Canada West, and it alludes to the sentiments and feelings of the population there in reference to the question of war with this country. They are, the letter states, united firmly and warmly in loyalty to the Government, and the French part of the population especially have become convinced of the friendship of the present Government towards them, and they hold the same loyal language as their English fellow-citizens. There seemed to be a general expectation in the Canadas that war would come, and the population generally would be prepared for such an event."

The Canadian journals are also urging upon the Government the necessity of providing for a more efficient drilling of the militia, should any difficulty ensue from the Oregon question. New fortifications were about being erected at Kingston, and the Montreal Courier states, that--

"A board of officers of high rank has been sitting for some time in this city to consider the steps to be taken for the defence of the colony; and another board is engaged for the inspection of the military stores." [AEK]

LT London Times: February 9, 1846 Europe, The United States, and Mexico

From the Madrid Eco del Comercio

An article in The times, of London, written in view of the preponderance of the United States of America, and the weakness to which Mexico is reduced by her internal revolutions, appears to us a very remarkable one. The London journal--a journal of sound doctrines of government, and the most influential n the politics of that country--deplores the condition at which affairs have arrived in America, and laments because the emancipation of the ancient Spanish colonies has entailed an evil upon Europe. We have at sundry times turned our attention to this question, and some years ago we embodied our views in political pamphlet. If Europe contributed in no small degree to promote and assist the insurrection of the Spanish colonies, she did not perceive that she suicidally sacrificed her political influence in an equal ratio, even if she gained in her mercantile and industrial enterprises. It is not easy to combine everything at once. For the manufacturing interests of England, the rapid progress of the North American Union has been useful, and the emancipation of those states has been more profitable to Great Britain than if they had been maintained as an English colony. Under colonial domination, and subject to the mother-country, the states of the Union would not have attained the rank of a first-rate power; their population would no doubt not have increased in a greater proportion than has been observed in those parts for 50 years; and for a corroboration of this truth it is only necessary to turn our eyes to the English colonies in those regions.

England finds in the markets of the Untied States of America the principal outlet for her commerce and manufactures; and without doubt, the amount of the value of her exportations may be placed as the first and greatest of the commercial balance between the other nation of the world.

If, in this part, she gained in wealth, she lost in power, and from her colonies arose a colossal flag which at present curbs and restrains her.

Political economists will be able to calculate the exact value of this difference.

We have adduced this example in order to prove that the Machiavellism of foreigners, although the Spaniards contended with the great captain of the age; has been fatal to us. Instead of assisting us, and being grateful for and compensating our sacrifices, they contributed to the emancipation of our colonies; and as there was no Washington in them, neither were they customs of our colonists like those of Philadelphia, they have been torn for the last 30 years by civil discord, the fruits of which the United Stated and Brazil will gather in course of time. Behold here the grand error of European Governments, and principally that of England, which had the greatest interest in the non-separation of those countries from Spain.

This is acknowledged by The Times, and this illustrious journal would now desire to see a monarchy erected in Mexico, which would serve a centre and basis of peace, in order that, under its shadow, the wars between the republics of that extensive territory might cease; and with this motive our contemporary, after some luminous reflections, says,--

"As far as Spain herself is concerned, such an enterprise would not be unworthy of a the man* whose military success and whose resolute character have already restored so much of the lustre of the Spanish monarchy. A Prince of the House of Spain, bringing with him a force capable of restoring order to the country, and the guarantees of a constitutional Government for the protection of its liberties, would be hailed with enthusiasm by a considerable number of Mexicans, and would confer immense benefits on that people, --re-establishing its relations with the maritime and constitutional Powers of Europe. Amongst the cognate suitors (relations) of Queen Isabella, it would not be difficult to point out the individual best fitted for such an enterprise, by his personal qualities and his liberal sentiments. And even if the United States should attempt to interfere in this question in a manner for which there is not the least justification, they would not certainly be able to oppose the political march of the united Powers of Europe, when their sole object would be to preserve a national Government in New Spain, and to repair the disastrous effects of abortive revolutions upon the provinces which were once incorporated with the Spanish crown."

We approve the idea of our English contemporary; but a few amendments suggest themselves to our minds.

If the Mexicans, for example, looking to their interests, should say spontaneously--"We wish to be transformed into a constitutional monarchy; and without wars, without disasters, without opposition, we accept a Spanish prince, in the same way that the Swedes, the Belgians, and the Greeks accepted foreign princes, who must have entertained less sympathy with them than he whom we adopt,"--we at once agree that this declaration would be a blessing to Spaniards, to both the Americans, to Europe, and especially to England. But does our esteemed contemporary believe that Spain could oppose any force, if the slightest opposition were offered? Does it imagine that the United States would not use those forces which are being organized diplomatically, and without ostentation for the purpose of impeding the creation of a monarchy which might be extended to the Pacific, which might annex the Californias, and oppose, farther on, its rights in the Oregon? Would it not also secretly influence, in opposition to our idea, the ponderous sceptre which rules in South America? What will France say to this? Without an European league we deem the proposal of The Times impossible. Will this be possible without promoting a maritime war? Will Europe wish to undertake one? This is a question of much interest, and we leave to our contemporary the right of solving it with the masterly skill which we acknowledge it to possess.
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LT London Times: Feb. 10, 1846 p5/f US and France

We are very willing that our American correspondent "A 'States' man" should put the finishing stroke to the diplomatic reputation of Mr. King, the American Minister in Paris, and to the little controversy in which we happen to have found ourselves engaged with reference to that person. Our correspondent assures us, and he doubtless speaks from competent authority, that Mr. King "attached no signification at all in writing" to the words which he was transmitting to Washington. Whatever M. Guizot may have said, and whatever Mr. Calhoun may have thought, Mr. King neither said nor thought anything; and, with this assurance on the part of his champion, we take leave of him.
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LT London Times: Feb. 10, 1846 p6/c Mexico, revolution in

I expected by this packet to describe a revolution ended; but I cannot do more than announce a revolution commenced, the result of which, in the opinion of many, is all in favour of the General who has the courage to undertake a radical change in this ill-governed country. I informed you by the December steamer that General Paredes had pronounced, in San Luis Potosi, against the present Administration. The fact was communicated by express at the moment of the departure of the British courier for Vera Cruz. Since that period to the middle of the present month the further intentions of Paredes were involved in mystery, as he made no forward military step, with the exception of advancing his cavalry four days' march on the road to the capital, and it was understood that the heads of the church had induced him to remain inactive. However, the post of the 15^th from San Luis put an end to all uncertainty, as it brought us the formal pronunciamiento of all the officers of hi division, and the actual manifesto of Paredes himself. The former of these documents I subjoin, but the latter I incorporate in my correspondence, as it gives a true and well drawn picture of the unfortunate situation of this country, and explains at full length the motives that induced the General, who a twelvemonth since set up the present Government by banishing Santa Anna, not to work its destruction.

Paredes in one sense is right, for certainly the system pursued by the actual Administration must have reduced the republic in the course of a few years to the lowest stage of misery; but who has constituted Paredes an umpire in the case, and what principle gives him authority to build up and know down Governments at his pleasure? The nation at large has given him no such mission, and the representatives of the nation in Congress are openly opposed to his designs. His conduct is prima facie unconstitutional; but still such are the crying evils of the ruling system--so degraded is the country by former corruption and present weakness--that many thinking men accept the pronunciamento as a great good, believing that Paredes, as an honest and intrepid man, will, if he succeeds, root out the cause of all these evils.

There is only one fear mixed up with these favourable anticipation, and that is the dread that Paredes is but the creature of the Santa Anna Party, and that the support he now receives proceeds from those who are determined to have back that notorious character. I know not how far this apprehension be true, as Mexican intrigue is too profound for our own common-sense examination; but the fact is patent, that the heads of the conspiracy in the metropolis are Santa-Anistas. It is possible, at the same time, that Paredes may be using them, as they imagine they are cajoling him; and from all I hear of the sound headstrong resolution and honesty of Paredes I do not think it possible that he is working for such an end. Santa Anna at one time might have been saviour of his country. He had popularity, prestige, and means of success in his hands; but he lost all these by selfish and avaricious proceedings, and his return to power would be looked on by all classes as the treaties affliction that could befall the nation. More over, Paredes and the heads of the church, with whom he is identified, have, it is said, conceived a project for constitution Mexico into a monarchy, and seeking a sovereign from one of the roman Catholic Royal families of Europe. Their great difficulty is to fix from what race the monarch is to come. There are objections to Carlist and Christino, so far as Spain is concerned; and Austria and Bavaria offer no advantages; and Naples has no strength beyond her territory. France, to be sure, has scions of Royal race, but the French are radically unpopular in Mexico, and how would Great Britain like this extension of Bourbon influence and power? these speculations are uppermost in the minds of several families of wealth, who admit that republican institutions are totally unfitted for the country, and I should hope that Paredes's personal views have amore a tendency that way than in favour of Santa Anna.

With this introduction I give the manifesto of Paredes before I proceed to narrate the various circumstances that have followed his pronunciamento:--

"To the Mexican Nation.

"In undertaking the duty which the general voice of the army and the will of the people confide to me, my first care is to address the nation. A soldier of the country, elevated higher than my merits deserve, I owe to it a so solemn a moment an account of my conduct, plans and intentions.

"it is now 24 years since Mexico appeared before the world as an independent and sovereign nation. The army of the three guarantees then occupied the capital, and all Mexicans hailed with enthusiasm the promise of happiness which presented itself. The independence of the nation was then an irrevocable fact; the long and sanguinary contest of independence, ending by a fusion of all parties by the constancy, valour, and patriotism of the heroes of Iguala, destroyed the hopes of those bands who had opposes its progress, and general confidence and public satisfaction anticipated many and long years of peace to our beloved country.

"The state of the Administration justified these hopes. The tact, moderation, and prudence of the leaders of 1821 had conquered our independence in an honourable manner; and by casting an eye on our interior position, we shall see what was the brilliant inheritance they received form our former masters. The revenue was sufficient, without pressing heavily on the country, to maintain the State in all its proper splendour, as well as the magistracy and the many charges on its vast administration, to assist the defective colonies of the Philippine Islands, and to give a considerable surplus to the peninsula. The tribunals were models of integrity, and the Mexican army--that army which made the independence--was numerous, warlike, and well disciplined.

"Then, indeed, we possessed all the elements of a great nation, and in the first years o four independence the entire world believed that we were about to establish on the new continent a strong and powerful empire. The fetters of monopoly being removed, our commerce acquired importance and our agriculture consideration, and both sent to European markets productions till then unknown from the Mexican soil. Mines recovered their former splendour, and from all parts of the globe foreign capitalists hastened to give life and movement to our national industry. All American nations acknowledged our independence, some European monarchies followed their example, and we confidently hoped that all the States of both continents would speedily establish with us relations of mutual interest and reciprocal alliance.

"Nothing was wanted to justify our hopes. We had a prosperous revenue, greater than our wants, a vigorous and skillful administration, a numerous and valiant army, a laborious and obedient people, the support of the sympathy of the civilized world, and the more fully to develop the elements of prosperity given to us by Providence, we had a perfect union of all parties, public confidence, the benefits of independence, and the hopes of liberty.

"The actual state of the country will show how far these expectations have been realized and these promises fulfilled. Selfish parties, without patriotism, without faith, have followed in command, to tyrannize over and ruin the republic. Civil discord exhausted its rage; confusion entered into society. We have spent 23 years in trying every species of system and that time has been marked by continual revolutions. What fruit have these revolutions yielded? The slightest glance at our condition will show how the action has been insulted and humiliated by foreign arms or policy. The weak and thoughtless Governments that have succeeded each other have allowed Texas to be separated from the national territory: and now to conquer that rebellious department, we have to engage in war with a powerful state. Our relations with other countries are not satisfactory, and our neighbors say, and the statesmen and journals of Europe maintain, that the stars of North American shall rule over all Mexican lands, and reach the Isthmus of Panama. Such is the opinion formed by the civilized world or our division, weakness, and misery.

"If we look at what is going on in the interior, we only see chaos and anarchy. Texas is separated from the national union; the rebels of other department, speculating on the impotency of the Government, openly preach insurrection; and the Executive, ruled by party, and occupied solely by its miserable quarrels, abandons to the sanguinary incursions of savages all our frontier departments. The impoverished army is unequal to watch over the interior security and protect us from foreign war. Its patience and constancy are beyond all praise; but the soldier is naked and without food, and the military administration in the most lamentable disorder. The revenue, which in former times exceeded all demands of the State, has been frittered away by tricks and quackery. The old servants of the republic, the magistrates and the army, are in miser; while in Mexico, and in some departments, the corrupt amass colossal fortunes. Our finance is bankrupt at home and abroad; we are devoured by a debt which daily increases, and which must one day swallow up all the property of the nation. The revenues are pledged to our creditors, and the Government is seen begging from hour to hour, at exorbitant usury, the common expenses of the garrison of the capital. The balance of justice ahs been perverted in the hands of faction, and recently we have seen a solemn tribunal consecrate the impunity of sedition. Our agriculture fails for want of protection and security, and that commerce which at one period fertilized the whole country is daily abandoning our coasts.

"This wretched picture is unhappily not overcharged. It is the faithful image of that which all thinking men believe and lament. Let us compare what we are and what we were 24 years ago, and our true situation will be understood. In vain hope of improving our position daily revolutions have been got up, but these, made from personal motives, have not touched the true source of evil. Congresses and Presidents are hourly changed, but the sore has been touched; and the same scandals, and the same abuses, still consume the substance of the land.

"No movement could be more popular than that of last December. The nation rose en masse to put down a disgraceful dictatorship. But has our situation been improved? Have the evils been remedied? The Democratic party sought to fit to destroy the power of the General Santa Anna; but, not satisfied with the concession since made to it by the Government, it has preached war merely to arm its adherents, trying, at the same time, by all means in its power to lower the spirit and character of the army. Concealing beneath the pretence of a stupid federation, its well known plans of vengeance, and its instincts of revenge, this party seeks to ruin a country with which it has no common interest, and for which it feels no attachment. It has paralyzed the Government, which, either afraid or lazy, has yielded to it concession on concession. It has worked by defamation and calumny, and now, having weakened the Executive by the most treacherous means, it organizes a force for the purpose of once more imposing its shackles on the nation.

"The army, however, is determined to save the country, and terminate at once the precarious and dangerous state in which the nation has for some time been. I, who had the honour of fighting for the independence of the nation--I, who had the glory of fist raising in Salisco the standard of revolt against an odious tyranny--feel bound to secure for the people the due results of that national movement. Mexico has not risen against the despotism of a soldier to sink under the tyranny of demagogues. If such were not my proper conviction, it would have been forced on me by the prayers that have been addressed on all sides, by the entreaties I have received, the common accord of the army, and by the wailings and fears of the whole people.

"In marching on the capital to crown the great work in trusted to my care I declare, in the most solemn manner, in face of the nation, that we do not seek a revolution of persons only; we look for one more great, complete, and productive. We think not of usurping a presidency or of changing a Congress. We have in view the calling together a whole nation, in order that, undisturbed by faction, it may use its sovereign will, and erect a barrier against that ruing by which it is threatened. We prevent the supreme power falling into the hands of rebels, lest as we have often seen, the country should again be scandalized by outrage. Our object is to restore to the productive classes their long lost influence, and to give to wealth, to industry, and lavour the share due to them in all good social government. The nation, wearied by useless changes and barren revolution, will hail, after its long fatigues, the promise of order and stability. For this I have resolved--for this have the army resolved--to undertake a new revolution, determined that it shall be the last, and that the country under the shade of peace shall develop the elements of our wealth.

"I do not aspire to personal power or distinction. I seek not that dictatorship which has hitherto served to foment ruin and destruction. On this head my opinions are well known; I have proved them more than once in my difficult career. The stain of corruption or of party has never fallen on my character. My ambition is of a higher order. I despise political intrigues and irresponsible authority, but I aim at effecting a solid, a great and lasting change.

"These are not the hypocritical protestations with which ambition covers its design. The moment the army enters Mexico a national assembly shall be convoked, invested with the fullest power, and without limit to its sovereign will. This convention shall, at the very instant of this installation be invested with sovereign body. Its sole mission shall be to constitute the nation in a solemn and efficient manner; and from the moment of its meeting no other power shall exist in the country but such as may emanate from it.

"Satisfied, then, with the approval of my conscience, convinced of having performed my duty, I will retire into private life, or ask leave to march to the frontier as a private soldier to fight against the usurpers of our country and the enemies of our independence and prosperity."

"MARIANO PAREDES Y ARRILAGA.

"San Luis Potosi, Dec. 15, 1845."

This manifesto, immediately on its arrival in Mexico, was communicated by Government to the Chambers, and I must say to the credit of both houses, it was received in the most spirited term of open defiance. Several members in the lower house denounced Paredes as a violator of the constitution, as a military despot, as an usurper and a tyrant, and all without exception agreed to give the ministry the powers it might demand, to raise troops and levy money to resist his pronunciamento. The extra senate was held at night, and a little circumstance occurred which threw some doubt on the vigour and steadiness of that patriotic body. An alarm of a rising of the garrison having been spread, all the senators cut short the subject under discussion, scampered away like frightened hares, and left the Government to take care of itself. Fortunately the alarm was unfounded, and the august body had the honour, on the following day, of confirming by its votes the plenary powers conceded by the deputies. These good dispositions were encouraged by every account that came in from the several departments which the news of Paredes's movements had arrived. All declared in favor of the Government, and offered men and money to support the President. Unfortunately these were moral, not physical demonstrations, as none of their departments possessed any armed troops, and the vain promises came from corporate bodies, whose downfall would be sealed by the triumph of Paredes. To understand this, you must be informed that one of the first acts of the Government after the fall of Santa Anna, was to return to the departments the collection and control of their local revenues. This unwise measure has been one of the principal causes of the poverty of the treasury for the last six months. But it is sufficient to show that the departments have a strong interest in supporting the present system, and every reason to dread the presence of Paredes, whose ideas are all for central government, and the determined enemy of that minor species of federation established by the concessions of Herrera.

The inhabitants of the city of Mexico, as far as their opinion could be collected, also exhibited a strong distaste for the extraordinary conduct of Paredes. They declared that his plan was subversive of all order--that he offered the country no guarantees--that whatever the faults of the present Government might be, it was strictly legal and constitutional, and that public liberty was sager in its hands than it would be under the rule of military despotism. Satisfied by the vote of the Chambers, and the expression of general sympathy, the President and Minister determined to stand their ground; and General Herrera opened the campaign by the publication of the following address to the nation:--

"Fellow countrymen.--The division of reserve failing in the sacred duty it had undertaken of defending the integrity of our territory, has, after avoiding the presence of the enemy, turned its arm against the Government to which it owed obedience, and the General-in-Chief of that division, who, under various pretexts, had constantly refused to move against the usurper of Texas, is now marching on the capital.

"The same General in Penasco corrupted the good faith of an army anxious to fight the battle of its country. He then abused the credulity of a Government unconscious of the existence of treachery like his, and then, under the cloak of judicial forms, he contrived to save from punishment the partners in his criminal acts.

"A plan ill-conceived, false, and perfidious, which omits to state by whom the Congress it invokes is to be called together, which under the name of liberty disguises slavery, is the plan now offered to you by a general whose monarchial and despotic tendencies are well known--by a general author of the monstrous plans of Jalisco, and the chief actor of Tacabaya.

"Mexicans, is he who seeks to restore the position of the country to the same state that existed at the epoch of our independence--is he who regrets that Mexico formed a free republic out of the ruin of a powerful empire, the man to proclaim sound republican principles, and to establish a system consonant to the warmest wishes of your hearts? Consider that his vain and confused plan offers no guarantees and that marching, as he was ordered, to the field of battle, deceived both his Government and the army he commands. Is this the man to lead you to the Texan frontier? He who under so many false pretexts refused to send assistance to the brave and suffering fourth division.

"The good sense of the nation, the love of liberty, and of republican institutions the loyalty of the army and the firmness of the authorities, will cement a barrier against one who seeks once more to involve hi country in revolution. The ministry of the 6^th of December of last year, called on the nation, throws itself into the arms of the people, determined to follow its sovereign will whatever course events may take.

"But persuaded that several persons who follow the standard of rebellion are led astray by error and ignorance, the Government commences by offering pardon to all who recognize their faults and return to their duty, as servants of the republic and defenders of the laws.

"Fellow-citizens--Your liberties are at stake; hasten to assist me in defending them, as I swore to do on the 16^th of September last. With your aid we shall be invincible.

"Your compatriot.

"JOSE JOAQUIN DE HERRERA"

The Senate, the Chamber of Deputies, the Corporation, the Garrison, and, in short, all public bodies in the metropolis, followed the President's example , and all the walls were placarded with volumes of patriotism. I will not fatigue you with translations of the manifestos, as they are all set to the same tune, breathing defiance to Paredes, and calling on the people to unite for the preservation of the Constitution. The Congress voted extraordinary powers to the Government of the space of six months--the Civicos or National Guard were called out - the city declared in a state of siege--all men between the ages of 16 and 60 compelled to take arms, and fines of 100 dollars each inflicted on those who refused to answer the appeal. Barricades were erected at the entrances to the town, roads cut up to prevent the approach of artillery, and, in short, all due preparations were made to give Paredes a warm reception. The Government went even the length of issuing warrants of arrest against suspected person, and a few gentlemen of know respectability were put into close confinement.

These measures were approved, with the exception of the army of the Civicos, as every person recollects the sue made by such patriots of their power in the pronunciamento of 1828. On that occasion they sacked the city, plundered all shops and stores, and sold their plunder in the open market under the protection of the successful faction. The citizens are naturally apprehensive of a repetition of the same scenes, though greater care is now said to be used in the selection of the Leperos to whom these dangerous services are to be entrusted. Indeed, so much alarm did the organization of the Leperos inspire, that Mr. Bankhead, the British Minister, addressed a note to M. Pena y Pena, stating "that as he understood the Government was arming the populace of Mexico for the purpose of opposing General Paredes, who, with a large portion of the army, had pronounced against the existing order of things, he, in conformity to the treaty of 1826, thought of to notify that , in the event of collision taking place between the troops and the populace, he would hold the Government responsible for injury that might arise to the persons or property of British subjects." This menace, however, had no effect, and not only did the arming of the Leperos continue, by M. Pena y Pena answered Mr. Bankhead in a decided tone, stating "that the Mexican Government was arming the people in defence of the laws and constitution, and for the purpose of protecting the lives and properties of foreigners as well as natives, against the insurgents; and that as foreigners incurred no further risk than the natives did, they Government could not hold itself responsible for any accidental injury arising to them during the present contest."

The next step taken by the Presidents is to name General Bustamente, a former president, and who lately returned from a long exile in France, as commander-in-chief and to make temporary arrangements with some of the Mexicans capitalists to obtain temporary supplies. Excellent terms were offered to foreign bankers, but so little reliance do strangers place on any established order of things here, that none yielded to the temptation.

In the mean time, the usual festivities preceding Christmas went on among the great body of citizens--the theatres were attended as usual, and balls and parties were given every night. The streets were perfectly quiet, no agitation of any kind, save that of amusement was visible, and no one could suppose that a revolution was at hand. The support of the different departments, given freely to the Government; no doubt aided in tranquilizing the public mind and as the garrison, consisting of 3,000men, apparently remained true, and as 2,000 men more were expected from Puebla, it was supposed that Government would put down the insurrection. This confidence was increased by the failure of an attempt made by General Ampudia to ensnare a part of the garrison into a pronunciamento. This officer, who has been for some time concealed in the city, suddenly appeared a few nights since at the barracks of one of the regiments, and stating that he was sent by Bustamente to conduct them to the citadel, got the men under arms, and was marching to the place where the pronunciamento was to be made. Fortunately for the Government, Ampudia fell in with the officer of the night, attended by a strong escort, and he and his partisans taking flight, ran away leaving the men who were passive instruments to be reconnected to their quarters. The hopes of the people were likewise supported by the tardiness of Paredes operations, who, though he had pronounced on the 15^th, within 120 leagues of Mexico, was not heard of in the vicinity of the capital at the close of the month. It was said that he and the committee in Mexico had disagreed, and it was even hoped that as so many departments pronounced against him, he would see the propriety of abandoning the enterprise.

This favourable state of things continued up to Friday evening last, when the confidence of the Government was shaken by a courier from Vera Cruz, announcing that the garrisons of that important place, and of the citadel, of San Juan de Ulloa, and the crews of the flotilla in the harbour, had all pronounced in favour of Paredes and that they had been joined by the small garrison of Jalapa. It was at the same time made known that Paredes and his division had arrived at Tala, but one day's ride from Mexico. So that between the loss of Vera Cruz and the absolute approach of the insurgents, the friends of the Government began to be disheartened, and the wavers threatened to change sides. News, at the same time, came in from several of the departments where the municipalities were supporting the Government, that the people refused to answer the appeal, and it was still further stated that the inhabitants of Pueblo to whom the President particularly looked for assistance, where getting up a pronunciamento of their own, both against him and Paredes, and in favour of federation. These adverse symptoms did not, however, prevent the Chamber of Deputies doing its duty. All the forms for installing the new Congress, which is to commence its labors on the 1^st of January, were complied with, and the Congress resolved to continue its sessions until that day. The Government likewise sent off doers to suspend the march to Tampico and Mexico, lest British dollars should fall in the way of Paredes, and the temptation be too great for him or his division.

The Chambers passes a law authorizing the Government to sanction the contracts made with Santa Anna about which so much noise has lately been heard, and a sum of money was obtained from the Mint Companies and other persons interested in these affairs, which afforded a seasonable supply. On Sunday the bold step was taken of confining the archbishop with a guard of surveillance to his palace at Tacabaya, half a league from the city, and couriers were dispatched to Paredes, ordering him to surrender within four days, under pain of death.

In the meantime Paredes kept steadily advancing, and he and his vanguard arrived yesterday at a farm called the Lecheria, about three leagues from Mexico. We presume he will remain there until the whole of this division comes up, and consequently we calculate on his division comes up, and consequently we calculate on his opening a fire on the city on Wednesday or Thursday, unless a pronunciamento should take place in the interim by the garrison, when, of course, resistance by the Government would be totally useless. The Government and the people are equally apprehensive of this event, and I find that the theaters are ordered to be closed, the convent and church bells silenced, and the shops are half shut, as in time of public mourning.

The division of Paredes consists, I am told, of 5,000 foot, 2,000 cavalry, and 32 pieces of artillery. The men are the best disciplined in the Mexican army, and the artillery are highly spoken of. The Government have, in the city of Mexico, about 3,000 regular troops and 2,000 Leperos, or Civicos, as they call the scum of the people in whose hands they have placed arms.

The places that have, by their civil authorities, pronounced for the Government, are--Pueblo, Guanazato, Jalapa, Guadalaxara, and Vera Cruz. The officers who remain faithful to the Government are General Rincon, at Vera Cruz; Inclan, at Peubes; Gaona, at Perote; Arista, on the Texan frontier; and Romas, at Guanaxato.

The principal persons arrested are Senores Lombardo, Under Secretary of State to Santa Anna; Villamil, private secretary; and Sierra y Rosas, agent of the same.

The persons suspected of connection with Paredes, but against whom no steps have been taken, are General Almonte, late Minister to the United States; General Tornell, and Senores Alaman and Canera, bankers and manufacturers.

It is very strange, how the Government finds money, but its payment for the last nine days are unprecedentedly regular. The daily expense of this state of siege are 9,000 dollars, all of which are paid with unexampled punctuality. Paredes's expenses amount to 7,000 dollars a-day, and he pays his troops with the same punctuality.

At the moment of closing my dispatches for the courier of the British Legation going to Vera Cruz, I find that the revolution is nearly accomplished. The citadel pronounced last night for Paredes. The troops in the convent of San Paulo followed that example. The rest of the garrison has given in this morning, save the 4^th Foot and the one regiment of Cuirassiers, and they remain on duty at the Palace, not for the purpose of opposing the insurgents, but to guard the persons of the President and Ministers from injury. General Valencia, who has taken the command of the Pronunciados in the citadel, has offered to negotiate between the Government and Paredes. He proposes that a Junta, consisting of two members of the Supreme Court of Justice, six senators, and six deputies, elected by their respective Chambers should be named to appoint a President, and that the present organize bases should be respected. Fi the Government accede to their propositions they will be submitted to Paredes; but I do not believe that Paredes will accept them, or have anything to do with the Chambers as at present elected. Not a shot has been fired--the city is perfectly quiet--and the people pass more freely in the streets than they did yesterday. The alarm of a conflict has subsided in a great measure; but the Civicos have still muskets in hands; and until those gentry are disarmed, I do not consider the peace of the city assured.

Paredes will probably enter to-day or to-morrow. He has accomplished a bloodless, though illegal revolution. He has a noble field opened before him; for a man of honesty and intellect, with supreme power, would soon make this country one of the most flourishing in the world.

I have already informed you that the new American Minister, Mr. Slidell, arrived here about a fortnight since and a second letter would have communicated the fact that the Mexican Government refuse to acknowledge him, on the ground that they consented to receive a Minister ad hoc to regulate the affairs of Texas, and not an evenly accredited for general purposes. This decision has given much umbrage to Mr. Slidell, who has determined to leave Mexico for Jalapa, and there await the orders of his Government, and it will, most probably, give still greater offence to the Cabinet of Washington, and produce that rupture, with seeming right at its side, which it is desirous to bring on. We even think here, that it will be converted into a casus belli, or at least, into a justification for the taking of Matamoros, and occupying the line of the Rio Bravo, until the American claims against this unfortunate country are liquidated. Even if the Mexican Government be diplomatically right, it is politically wrong, for its course, well knowing the aggressive system of the States was to delay and to procrastinate until England alone, or France and England combined, could be induced to interfere on its behalf. I have written so often on the subject of American designs in Mexico, that I may be spared further reflection at a present with a revolution at our doors. Respecting, however, the point on which all my arguments turn, namely that the United States are determined to obtain the Rio Bravo as an approach towards the mining districts, and the 57^th parallel, as it bestows on them the bay of San Francisco and all the lands lying between it and the Oregon territory. While writing on this subject, I am glad to add that Lieutenant William Peel (a son of Robert Peel) of Her Majesty's frigate America, goes home in the packet, with dispatches from the Hon. Captain Gordon, commanding the American, at present at San Blas, as I have no doubt our Government will now be put in possession of some information respecting California and the Oregon, from the brother of the Earl of Aberdeen and the son of the Premier. I have endeavoured to invite public attention to the great importance to us, as a maritime power, of the coast and ports of California; and I may be permitted to hope that the policy I have proposed may now be strongly enforced by practical knowledge, and the observation made on the spot by the authorities above referred to. Indeed, the plans of the United States are as clear as the sun at noonday, as waggons are every week arriving south of the Columbia, and in California, with able-bodied emigrants, who are prepared at the suitable time, to declare for independence of for annexation to the States.

THE FOLLOWING IS THE MANIFESTO OF THE AMRY ADDRESSED TO GENERAL PAREDES .

"in the city of San Luis Potosi, on the 14^th December 1845, being assembled at the request of the general commanding this department, Don Manuel Romero, the undersigned general chiefs and officers of the army of reserve, as well as of the garrison, the beforesaid general stated to them that although, in every well constituted nation, the mission of the armed force was no other than that of sustaining the institutions and the authority derived from them, our country, by a series of misfortunes, had failed to attain the social perfection for which so many sacrifices had been made by the soundly thinking portion of the state; and as the national movement of last year produced no better results than the establishment of an administration, which commencing its existence at the auspicious moment when party spirit had disappeared, and supported by the votes and hopes of all, frustrated theses expectations by an inconceivable blindness, conduction the republic to the border of a precipice, from which it cannot be saved by those who pretend to establish the most ridiculous theories as axioms for our internal policy, evading a just and necessary war by concessions which stain our dignity and destroy the only barrier capable of opposing the ambitious pretensions of a nation equally powerful and treacherous, proposing a law of unexampled atrocity, having for its object to arm, and thereby let loose, the mob, composed of men destitute of morality, and devoid of interest in the peace and prosperity of society--endeavoring, by various artifices, to get rid of the army, whose existence was opposed to the views of a Government that destroyed its means of support--disregarding the repeated applications of the same army to march and expel from our territory the invading enemy--permitting, at the same time, the Ministerial press to calumniate the troops for a state of inaction which they were the first to lament, while admitting a commissioner with whom they were to submit to an ignominious loss of part of our territory; and finally provoking the most disastrous anarchy, exciting different factions, and attempting to carry on a Government without revenue, without force, or the support of public opinion; and the said general having further stated that these evils require a prompt and efficient remedy, which cannot be expedited from those who, attaining power under happy circumstances, behave led the nation to this present state of chaos; who, by their own confession, have no remedy to propose; and who have lost the respectability so essential to every government, when a plenipotentiary of the United States is actually resident in the capital, being there with the consent of the present Cabinet, to purchase our independence and nationality; and finally, the said general and the whole army, considering themselves in the same position as they were in t 1821, when, sustaining public opinion, they effected the independence at present endangered; and having no doubt either of the nature of the evils referred to, or on the national opinion respecting the proper remedy, as manifested by the press as well as by repeated solicitations from respectable and influential men of all parties, the said general proposes for the consideration of the meeting the following resolutions:--

"1. The army sustains the protest which the nation makes against all future acts of the present administration, and which acts from this day are null and void.

"2. As neither the actual Chambers, or executive power can continue in the exercise of their functions--their functions now cease.

"3. Immediately on the occupation of the capital by the army, an extraordinary Congress shall be convoked, with ample powers to constitute the nation, and free it from all restrictions in its august functions.

"4. In the formation of this Congress, the representation of all classes of society shall be combined.

"5. Immediately on its installation, and on entering on the exercises of its high functions, the said Congress will establish an executive power, and no authority whatever can exist without its sovereign sanction.

"6. In the Departments the existing authorities shall be continued, until replaced by those appointed by the National Congress.

"7. The army names for its chief in this political movement the Most Excellent General of Division Don Mariana Paredes y Arrillegara, who shall be invited for that purpose by a commission appointed from this meeting, the meeting remaining in session until his answer be received.

"8. Another commission shall be appointed to invite the governor and assembly of this department to adhere to these resolutions.

"9. The army protests in the most solemn manner that in no case will it purpose the personal elevation of the chief it has elected.

"10. In like manner the army declares that it will punish severely all shot who with arms oppose the present plan.

"(Signed by 300 officers of the division of Paredes.)"
[AEK]

LT London Times: Feb. 12, 1846 p7/a British commerce in Mexico

(FROM OUR OWN CORRESPONDENT.)

SAN JUAN DE LOS LAGOS, DEC. 18, 1845.

I have just closed the business that brought me to the fair of San Juan de los Lagos, and write you these lines in the hope that a few particulars may be of some interest to you.

The village of San Juan is situated in a small valley, in the state of Jalisco (or Guadalaxara), and the fair annually held there in commemoration of the feast of "La Purissima," on the 8^th of December, has risen into great importance as a general mart for all the northern departments of the republic, for all kinds of produce and manufactures, as well foreign as domestic. There was an unusually large concourse of people upon the present occasion, and I think that from 100,000 to 150,000would not be an over-estimate of the number of souls crowded together into this small spot. All the principal foreign houses of Mexico, Tampico, Guanaxuato, Zacatecas, and Guadalaxara, were represented in the fair, and the value of the foreign goods brought here for sale must have exceeded a million sterling, although it is impossible to make the calculation with any great accuracy. The competition amongst the foreign merchants was likewise greater than usual; and this may be accounted for by their anxiety to get rid of their stocks before the new tariff comes into operation.

There was a new feature in the fair this year, to which I beg to call you particular attention, as it cannot fail to be of interest to those who, like yourself, are watching with a jealous eye the perpetual encroachments of our northern neighbors--I allude to the arrival of about 100 Yankee waggons, loaded with the manufactures of the United States. They brought principally "Domestics," or white cotton goods. By an extraordinary regulation of the Mexican Custom-house, these waggons are allowed to pass the frontier upon the payment of a fixed duty, viz.,750 dollars per waggon, no matter what be their contents; and I heard it computed that this will not much exceed 10 per cent. Of the duties which, upon an average, would be levied upon the same goods imported through Vera Cruz or Tampico; and the necessary consequence of this is, that British goods of this description stand no chance whatever in the competition. The annexation of Texas must greatly tend to promote this kind of traffic; and I beg to impress upon you most strongly, therefore, the necessity of opening the eyes of the British authorities to this important fact; for should so enormous a preference be continued in force much longer, now that the opportunities for availing themselves of it are daily increasing, the Americans will soon be able to supplant European manufactures throughout all the northern departments of the republic.
[AEK]

LT London Times: Feb. 12, 1846 page 9, column d, Mexico, affairs of

THE AFFAIRS OF MEXICO.

The following resolutions, arrived at by the Mexican Congress before it so tranquilly submitted to the General they so energetically denounce, are a fine specimen of bluster, and might serve as a model for some of those to be proposed by an equally fierce but equally impotent party nearer home:--

RESOLUTIONS OF CONGRESS.

"1. The powers of the Executive are enlarged, with the privilege of exercising them in all the republic for the term of six months, in conformity to the 198^th article of the Base Organicas.

"2. The pronunciamento made by the army reserve, adopted and proclaimed by its General-in-Chief, and seconded by the Assembly of San Luis Potosi, is declared subversive to the laws of the realm and the authorities established by them.

"3. The rank held bye the General-in-chief and other officers of the army of reserve previous to the said pronunciamento, shall be insured to them if, within the space of one month from the date of this decree, they place themselves in the capital at the disposal of the Government.

"4. It is likewise decreed that no officer shall continue to belong to the Mexican army who does not present himself to support and obey the legitimate Government.

"5. The nation is called on to sustain the actual order of things, and the power of ameliorating our institutions in a legal manner, to support the Government and free the republic from the new dictatorship by which it is menaced.

"6. It is resolved that pecuniary assistance given to the revolted forces shall in no case be considered as a national debt.

"7. All acts of civil or military authorities adhering to the plan pronounced by the revolted forces, shall be null and void.

"Mexico, Dec. 22, 1845."

"ADDRESS OF SENOR PENA Y PENA, MINISTER OF THE INTERIOR AND FOREIGN RELATIONS, TO THE GOVERNOR OF DEPARTMENTS.

"By an express received this morning, the Governor of the Department of Queretaro has communicated to the supreme Government a plan proclaimed by General D.M. Paredes, having for its object the upsetting the established order of things and the removal of the supreme powers of the nation, affecting to consider that society has returned to its primitive state, and proposing the convocation of a convention to constitute the nation as it may judge convenient without any restriction, and establishing in the interval a dictatorship nearly similar to that of the execrable decree of the 29^th of November of last year.*

"The pretences alleged for this movement are--that the war of Texas has not been commenced; the favourable disposition shown by the government to hear the proposals which the United States have evinced a desire to make in order that this question may have a pacific solution; the arrival of a commissioner from the United States; they extension given to the superior powers of the departments; and others which your Excellency will see in the accompanying documents. So extravagant a pronunciameinto has caused profound grief to the President of the Republic, who sees thus frustrated his noble and constant efforts for the preservation of peace, the consolidation of order, the gradual and legal reform of the constitution, the correction of old abuses, and the improvement of every branch of administration.

"The President, however relying on the good sense of the nation and the justice of his cause, and firm in his determination to sustain, at every cost, the popular representative system and the basis of the political organization of the republic, with such reforms as the supreme legislative power may think necessary, will, since he is obliged to do so, oppose force by force; and the result is not doubtful.

"But as in the question now raised the departments are mainly interested, hi Excellency the President desires that each of them, through the medium of their superior authorities, should manifest publicly their decided reprobation of this new germ of anarchy with the expedition which the case demands.

"The Supreme Government, compelled to sustain with arms a contest which it has not provoked, will put in action the whole force at its disposal, and expects that the Governor, in the mean time, will attend to the tranquility and security of the inhabitants of the departments both in the town and on the roads.

"God and liberty.
"PENA Y PENA.
"Mexico, Dec. 20, 1845."

[AEK]

LT London Times: Feb 18, 1846 page 5, column b Oregon question

It would be as yet premature to assume a speedy and satisfactory settlement of the Oregon question as certain, or the disposition of the American congress as decidedly pacific. But at the same time the recent advices from the United States are of such characters to dispel all fears of a hasty resort to warlike counsels, and to encourage a hope that a question of international right--a great question, and one almost without a precedent--may be adjusted without injury to the interests or detraction from the honour of the two contending parties. We acknowledge, indeed, that in the discussion to which this matter has given rise, many irritating words have been uttered, many offensive and aggressive schemes have been recommended, against Great Britain. But we are too conscious of the personal motives which often sway legislative assemblies, we are too well aware of the diverse interests by which the different states of the Transatlantic republic are distracted, and of the influence which these exercise on the conduct of individual representatives, to feel undue uneasiness at bombastic threats or turgid declamations. We know that the American republic has many parties; the American states many debts. We are not surprised, therefore, that some orators should encourage the clamor for war to earn a cheap popularity; nor that others should hail it as the most effectual sponge for the absorption of claims which cannot otherwise be discharged. But we trust that there are other men I n the Congress of the republic besides the panderers to a sanguinary passion, or the advocates of a dishonourable insolvency. And if we be disappointed in the opinion we have formed of her senators and her representatives, we believe that America contains men of thought, of judgment, of honesty, and ability, who, knowing the substance of the matter in dispute, and the value of the interests depending on its termination, reject the notion of embroiling two kindred nations in a frightful conflict, as at once unnatural and unnecessary. We trust that the proper influence of such men will, even if not felt with in the walls of Congress, be recognized throughout the country by the agency of that powerful and extra-legislative instrument, the American press. We have good reason for believing that the great mass of the wealth and intelligent citizens will be rather induced by the reasoning of such men as Mr. Everett and Mr. Gallatin to study the elements of the question with impartiality, than be inflamed by the ad captandum invectives of interested politicians into a hostile jealousy or an aggressive policy.

It is well for the republic that she ahs citizens honest enough OT examine and bold enough to assert the truth. Otherwise she would be urged into the commission of a great crime. We should, doubtless, see the honest advice of General Cass carried out--an advice which we would vain hope was received with other than the reported feelings of mirth--and the whole Oregon would be occupied by an American army, and severed from the British Crown, pending negotiations of professed amity between the American and the British Governments. We would be loath to underrate the influence of honest statesmen or the eventual preponderance of a moral sense in the American mind; and we reflect with just pride, that the press, no less than the Government of this country, had done all in its power to pave the way for an honorable and pacific settlement.

The question has been considerably narrowed by the admissions of American jurists and diplomatists. The round of prior occupancy is virtually surrendered by nearly all. The coalition of different titles is repudiated by some, the title grounded on the war between Spain and England by others. The merits of first discovery are contested with equal reason on both sides; and, as far as the principles of Th jus gentium apply, or inferences deduced from it avail, it is confessed, at the very least, to be impossible to make out a better tittle for the United States than for Great Britain. If it were worth while to argue the point of discovery, the voyages of Meares might be pitted against that of Gray; and the objection that the former was sailing under foreign colours might be met by a counter-objection, that the latter was sailing in a private vessel; whilst the very appeal to priority of discovery by the United States must be held fatal to an assertion of their title grounded on Spanish cession. Again, if the prior entrance into the inlet of the Columbia be cited in favour of the American title, the more complete exploration of its banks by Vancouver and Broughton may be cited in favour of ours, to say nothing of a more recent claimant in behalf of the British Crown. And should the extravagant claim made to the whole of the Oregon be supported by the title derived from the possession of Louisiana, than on the same principle--viz., that discoveries make on the coast give a title to the whole breadth of the contiguous continent--on this principle the possessions of the Hudson's Bay Company to the north of the parallel 49 [degrees] would give us precisedly the same title to the whole continent above that parallel which some Americans now arrogate to the whole continent below it.

We mention these things, not as new arguments for us, but as admissions made by our opponents. They reduce the question to narrower limits. They do away with the necessity of re-enacting an old farce, and reiterating the old forms of diplomacy. They show us and the world that sensible and honest men in America are conscious of the difficult and debatable points which beset the dispute. They indicate the impossibility of adjusting it on principles of abstract right, and the necessity of having recourse to a more obvious and easy solution. It then become a question, what are the circumstances which ought to regulate the future demarcation to the territory, and what are the considerations which it is the duty of both countries to act upon? Upon this head it will be sufficient to say, that two opinions have been expressed--the one, that a partition of a region like the Oregon is not desirable; the other, that supposing it to be decided on, it can be made in such a way as not to be derogatory to America, nor prejudicial to Great Britain. There are many considerations of a prospective kind--considerations of the character of this district--its capacity for being colonized--its great extent -not less than of the necessity which may hereafter be acknowledged of organizing some new state on the north-west coast of America--which give importance to this suggestion of Mr. Gallatin, and will induce us to recur to it. But we cannot dismiss the subject for the present without laying it before our readers, not as a proposal to be definitely accepted or rejected at once, but as a sign of the temper and spirit with which a respectable diplomatist of America is disposed to conduct negotiations between his country and ours. Mr. Gallatin's offer is this, --to draw the line of partition through the middle of Fuca' straits from the entrance to a point on the main situate south of the mouth of Frazer's River, which should leave to the Untied States all the shores and harbours lying south, and to Great Britain all those north of the line, including Quadra and Vancouver's Island. This would be along the parallel 48^1/2 [degrees]. The great cause of objection to such a division -namely, the reservation to the United States of the River Columbia--and the feasibility of surmounting this, and retaining the joint use of that river, without traduce to American interests, will form the subject matter of a future article.
[AEK]

LT London Times: Feb. 26, 1846 page 4, column d Oregon question

The great importance of the present debate, and other matters of domestic interest, have hitherto prevented us from recurring, as we had intended, to Mr. Gallatin's proposal. It is of a twofold character. It first intimates a doubt whether the Oregon territory should be partitioned at all. Secondly, it proposes that any partition made should give to Great Britain all the region north of the parallel 48^1/2 north latitude from the sea, through the Straits, including Quadra and Vancouver's Island, leaving to the Untied States the country south of that line, and the sole possession of the Columbia River, and the harbours in the south of the Straits. Both these suggestions are worthy of being weighed, not only on account of the position and character of the person from whom they emanate, but of the various and prospective interests which the adoption of either of them must affect. Now we will, in justice to Mr. Gallatin, suppose that the first suggestion is made bona fide. The consequence, then, of its being carried out would be this,--both England and the United States would either continue in precisely the same relation as that in which they now stand towards each other in Oregon, that is, the sovereignty of both states would remain in abeyance; they would each be joint tenants in the use rather than in the Seikan of the Oregon; or else the Oregon would be recognized as an independent state, guaranteed in its rights, and protected by the joint guardianship of the American Republic and the British Crown. It is to the latter contingency, rather than to the former, that our attention should, for the present, be confine, inasmuch as the tone of American politicians hardly encourages the notion that the joint occupancy of the contested country is possible for any length of time, and the character of the possible for any length of time, and the character of the present dispute must ah warned the statesmen of both countries that to leave the question of sovereignty open can only complicate the difficulties of the ease, and increase the embarrassment of their successors. Recurring, then, to the alternative left by the first suggestion, let us ask what must be the inevitable consequences of erecting Oregon into an independent state? In the fist place, it is almost impossible not to foresee that its government would be democratic. It is almost equally certain that its tendencies would be anti-Anglican. This result necessarily flows from the anterior condition of its settlement. Its contiguity to the republic of the United States has within a few years caused a migratory influx of citizens from the latter, and hold out the prospect of a continual immigration for some years to come. Those who understand the feelings of all emigrants, and particularly of American emigrants, will at once agree that the new Government thus constituted must have prejudices and sympathies of an anti-British nature. Nor would any counterpoise to this general prejudice be supplied by a co extensive influx of British subjects. The colonization of the Oregon has for the last two or three years been almost entirely conducted by Americans; whilst the settlement of our own people has been considerably thwarted, if not wholly prevented, bye the exclusive privileges of the Hudson's Bay Company. Their servants have been settled and their forts and huts erected on different sites throughout the territory in dispute; but no extensive colonization has been carried on by other subjects of the Crown. This circumstance alone, apart from all others, would operate to our prejudice, if the Oregon became an independent state; but, when it is viewed in conjunction with the vicinity of a great republican Government, it is impossible not o foresee that British interests would be swamped, even if they were not openly disregarded or wantonly insulted, by the hostility of American prejudice, and the collision of democratic influence. It would be impossible for the British Government to urge as a precedent stipulation, that the traditionary rights of British subjects or the former privileges of a British company should be respected in a new republic. And, even if such a stipulation received the assent of the other contracting parties, it would be impossible for the British Crown to insure its fulfillment, without recourse to a conflict which duty and humanity enjoin it to avoid or to defer. However adapted, there fore, the Oregon may be for extensive colonization, --however its magnitude and extent may entitle it to the rank of a separate state, --no English Minister who cares for the interests of English subjects can propose or accept a proposal for a scheme which, at the outset, would injure the interests of the latter, and hereafter sacrifice them, by aggressive violation or collusive intrigue, to American ambition. No one who has attended to the recent debates of Congress, and remarked the sentiments which are most popular in the United States, can be ignorant that the American Government contemplate the extension of their great empire from the shores of the Atlantic to those of the Pacific, and that the American people look forward to the time when no European Power shall dare to interfere with the mutual policy of the numerous states spread over the great continent of the west. How far such a consummation is desirable for the peace and happiness of nations it is not for us to say. It is sufficiently apparent that it is not the interest of the English people nor the duty of an English Minister to play into the hands of the United States by assenting to the organization of new Governments, which must either become merged in the growing dominions of their powerful neighbours or subsidiary to their designs. It were wiser to wait the time when the conflicting interests of the separate states and the encroachments of the Federal Government shall dissolve an union incompatible with intestine jealousy or foreign dears. The proximity of British possessions and the establishment of British principles in North America will always afford a resort and a protection to those who fear the growth of popular license, and seek an escape from popular turbulence. For this reason, no less than for the preservation of national honour, it is the duty of our Government to see that we secure for our subjects a firm footing, for our laws a permanent validity, on that continent which has been peopled by our countrymen, and governed by the maxims of our constitution. It is not extent, so much as certainty an definitiveness of dominion, that we ought to care for. It is not our object to advance any new claim, so much as to abide by an old and just one. The project for giving a new constitution to Oregon would be a merger of our present right,; but it would eventually prove to be a surrender, a capitulation, and a disgrace.

Let us now turn to Mr. Gallatin's second proposal. He would give us all north of 48^1/2 degrees north latitude, in a line running east from Fuca's Straits to the present recognized line of division. He would reserve for his own country Admiralty Inlet and its sounds, and the sole possession of the Columbia River. Now, the very first thing that strikes us is this:-- It has been urged that it would be anomalous or inconvenient to divide Th use of the Columbia River between English and Americans. Supposing (that Americans say) that we retain possession of both banks of the Columbia, how can English vessels pass and repass without danger of collision between the sailors the two Powers? Now, we ask, is there not the same chance of collision between them when the two Powers have an equal right to the navigation of Da Fuca's Straits? To concede an equally divided possession in the straits, and to make such a partition of the adjacent land as shall exclude either of the possessor nations from the harbour of the other, is at least as like to breed frauds and contests as the equal right of navigation in a river. The navigation of the coast is difficult, the threading of the bay is intricate, and it is easy to conceive that in rough weather disputes may arise between American and British seamen as to the right of their respective countries. Each of them have been accustomed to enjoy equal privileges, and to regard themselves equally as masters on these seas and this coast; it will hardly, therefore, be wondered at that they should reciprocally feel exclusion and resistance to be arbitrary and offensive. So that, in truth, the argument against the division of the Columbia would apply with equal strength to the division of the straits and partition of the harbours, with this difference--that if the harbours, with this difference--that if the harbours of Admiralty Inlet, &c., are the best, exclusion from them grounds a greater grievance on our side. But the fact is this,-- partition and division are now matters of expediency. Both parties are sensible that the claims founded on discovery and occupancy are very debatable, and admit of being cited on both sides alike. It is, therefore, the object of both parties to effect such a compromise as shall damnify neither party. now, if we only get one half the harbours in Da Fuca's Straits, and are wholly excluded from the Columbia, a great injury will be done to those of our countrymen who have thereto enjoyed the use of both. But if the harbours which are given to us be the worst, then we are both injured and insulted at once by the arrangement. Our object, we repeat, is not extent of territory. We wish to have our territory accurately defined, in order to prevent heartburnings and quarrels between the colonists of the two nations. But we contend only for the joint use of those privileges which have always been enjoyed in common by both nations, and the exclusive possession of which we feel that we have as much right to as our competitors, and are more able to enforce, if we so choose. But we are unwilling to provoke a war which we know would be unnatural, and hope may be unnecessary. We are willing to cede the title of sovereignty and dominion over the greater part of the Oregon. We only require that the commercial advantages of the country be continued to us. We will not give up to the United States places "restored" to us by Spain. We will not renounce our right to participate in the navigation of that great river which, if not discovered first, was certainly traced furthest by our own people. The joint navigation of the Columbia-and the right of traffic for the Hudson's Bay servants on one band of the river, are, we think, demands neither unjust nor extravagant. Nor do we think that their concession would be incompatible with the reserved sovereignty of the United States in the districts which are washed by the waters of the Columbia. [AEK]

LT London Times: Feb 27, 1846 page 6, column e Mexico, revolution in

Sir George Clerk, it is stated, will proceed immediately to Calcutta. Major-General Sir George Pollock retires from the Council on account of his health.

The Revolution in Mexico.--In reference to this subject, the news of which had just reached Madrid, El Universal observes, "Now that General Parades represents, according to al appearance, the monarchical feeling indispensable to the restoration o f New Spain, our Government is bound to use every effort that the sceptre shall not be seized by any hand but that of a Spanish Prince. The glorious conquest of Mexico in the 16^th century was that of Spain; and they were her sons who, for the space of three centuries, ruled that country. The natives of Mexico owe to us the customs and habits which distinguish them, the language they speak, and the Deity they adore. They are our descendants, and they honour themselves with our names. They have always called us brothers. If the fortune of war emancipated them from our rule, the voice of nature has preserved the sympathies they feel towards the nation to which they owe their existence. Let us not doubt it; if in the city of Mexico a throne be raised, and a Spanish Prince occupy it, no other will rival him in authority and influence. For the present, we shall content ourselves with merely offering a suggestion on a question of such importance. We shall at a future period again refer to it, and at greater length."
AEK]

LT London Times: Feb 28, 1846 page 5, column f America

AMERICA.
Liverpool. Feb. 27.

The packet-ship Sheridan, Captain Cornish, arrived in the Mersey this morning from New York, bringing advices from that city to the 5^th inst. inclusive.

With regard to the Oregon question, these advices indicate further improvement in the feelings and opinions of the citizens in and out of Congress. Rumours were prevalent that Mr. Pakenham had resumed correspondence with Mr. Buchanan, and had been received with great favour. The democracy entertained more pacific views, and an impression gained ground that a compromise on the basis of the 49^th parallel would be effected. In the senate the question had remained in abeyance, but the proceedings of the House of Representatives are highly interesting. On the 2d instant the following resolution s were introduced by Mr. Dargan:--

"That the differences existing between the Government of the United States and the Government of Great Britain, in relation to the Oregon territory, are still the subject of honourable negotiation and compromise, and should be so adjusted."

And,

"That the lines separating the British provinces of Canada from the United States should be extended due west to the coast south of Fraser's river, and thence through the centre of the Straits of Fuca to the Pacific ocean, giving to the United States that portion of the territory south, and to the Government of Great Britain that portion of the territory north of said line."

By Mr. Tibbalt's,

"1. That the President forthwith cause notice to be given to the Government of Great Britain, and that the President of the United States accompany said notice with an assurance of the sincere desire of the Government of the United States for a speedy and amicable settlement of all disputes between the two Governments in relation to the territory of Oregon, and of the earnest desire by which this Government is animated, of maintaining the peace of the world, and of consolidating the relations of good understanding which so happily exist between the two Governments"

2. That the President is authorized to repel any and all aggressions upon the commerce of the United States; to resist any attempt which may be made to exercise exclusive jurisdiction over any part of the territory claimed by the United States, and to repel invasions of the same; and , for these purposes, to imply such portions of the militia of the United States as he may deem advisable, agreeably to the provisions of the second and third section of an act entitle 'An Act giving to the president of the United States additional Powers for the Defence of the United States, in certain cases, against Invasion, and for other purposes,' approved the 3d of March, 1839; to accept the services of any number of volunteers, not exceeding, to serve during the war, or for any less period, in the manner provided for by an act entitled 'An Act authorizing the President of the United States to accept the Services of Volunteers, and to raise an additional regiment of dragoons or mounted riflemen," approved the 23d of May, 1836; to employ the regular military forced of the United States, and to expand and increase the same to any number not exceeding men; to complete the public armed vessels now authorized by law, and to equip, man, and employ, in actual service, all the naval force of the United States; and to build, purchase, or charter, arm, equip, and man such vessels and steam-boats as he shall deem necessary for the purposes aforesaid.'

And 3d,

"That the sum of millions of dollars is hereby appropriated and placed at the disposal of the President of the Untied States, for the purpose of executing the provision before said; to provide for with, the Secretary of the Treasury is authorized to borrow money on the credit of the United States, and to cause certificates to be issued therefore, agreeably to the provisions of the fifth section of the fact aforesaid, approved March 3, 1839."

By Mr. Peltat--

"That the President of the Untied States forthwith cause notice to be given to the Government of Great Britain, that the convention between the United States of America and Great Britain, that the convention between the United States of American and Great Britain, concerning the territory on the north-west coast of American, west of the Stony or Rocky Mountains, of the 6^th day of August, 1827, signed at London, shall be annulled and abrogated 12 months after giving said notice."

And by Mr. G. W. Brown,--

"That, whereas the friendly relation s now existing between the United States and Great Britain are in danger of begin interrupted, in consequence of the unsettled claims of the respective countries to the territory lying on the north-west coast of America, west of the Stony Mountains; therefore, with a view to a speedy and amicable settlement of their differences, the President of the United States cause notice to be given to the Government of Great Britain."

A resolution was then offered to terminate the debate on the 9^th of February. This was rejected; and the ordinary Oregon debate was resumed by Mr. Thompson.

On the 3d instant, Mr. Black, of South Carolina, introduced a series of resolutions in relation to Oregon, which were referred to the Committee of the Whole on the State of the Union. Mr. Dromgoole on leave reported the following bill:--

"Whereas by the convention concluded on the 20^th day of October, 1818, between the United States of America and the King of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland, it was, in the 3d article thereof, agreed that any country that may be claimed by either party to the northwest coast of America, westward of the Stony Mountains, shall, together with its harbours, bays and creeks, and the navigation of all rivers within the same, be free and open for the term of 1 years from the dated of the signature of the present convention, to the vessels, citizens, and subjects of the two powers, it being well understood that this agreement is not to be construed to the prejudice of any claim with either of the two high contraction parties may have to any part of the said country; the only object of the high contracting parties in that respect being to prevent disputes and differences among themselves: whereas by a convention between the same partied, concluded on the 6^th of August, 1827, it was agreed to continue in force for an indefinite period the provision of the 3d article of the convention of the 20^th of October, 1818, and was also further agreed and provided that it shall be competent, however, to either of the contracting parties, in case either shall think fit at any time after the 20^th October, 1818 and was also further agreed and provided that is shall be competent, however, to either of the contracting parties, in case either shall think fit at any time after the 20^th October, 1828, on giving due notice of twelve months tot he other contracting party, to annul abrogate this convention; and it shall in such case be entirely and abrogated after the expiration of said tem notice; and whereas is thought fit on the part of the United States to annul and abrogate said convention--

"Be it therefore enacted bye the Senate and House of representatives of the United States of America in Congress assembled, that the said convention shall be annulled and abrogated at the expiration of 12 months after the date of delivery to the Government of Great Britain of the due notice required to be given:

"Be it further enacted, That the President of the United States is hereby authorized and required, in such solemn and respectful mode as he may deem proper, to cause the said due notice to be given in the name of the United States, one of the contracting parties, to the Government of Great Britain, the other contracting parties, to the Government of Great Britain, the other contracting party:

"Be it further enacted, that for the purpose of enabling the President to comply herewith, at as early a day as he may think advisable, there be appropriated a sum not exceeding--dollars, to be used, if necessary, and to be paid out of any money in the Treasury not otherwise appropriated; but nothing in this act is intended to interfere with the right and discretion of the proper authorities of the two contracting parties to renew or pursue negotiations for an amicable settlement of the controversy respecting the Oregon Territory."

The house then went into committee of the whole, and resumed the consideration of the Oregon question.

Mr. Collamer, of Vermont, submitted a resolution, requesting the President to communicate to the house copies of all correspondence that have passed between this Government and that of Great Britain since the date of his last annual message, which was received. The resolution was adopted, and the house adjourned.

The domestic affairs of the Union present no feature worthy of note.

Foreign exchanges were dull. The quotations were, on London 108 to 108^1/2; on Paris, 5.27 to 5.26^1/2. The money-market was easy, and the banks were discounting freely.

The interest on the Pennsylvanian debt had been paid on the 2d inst., but three-fourths in depreciated securities, one quarter only in specie. This policy had given rise to strong complaints.

Freights were scarce, and the rates very low.

There were some indications of the opening of the spring trade.

Canadian accounts report that an increase of 55,000l. will be exhibited in the revenue return of the province for 1845, as compared with the previous year.

Important accounts from the city of Mexico to the 8^th., and from Vera Cruz to the 13^th of January; had been received, via New Orleans. These advices announce the elevation of Paredes to the Presidency of the republic, and the formation of a Cabinet headed by Almonte. We have no further accounts respecting Mr. Slidell.
[AEK]

LT London Times: Mar. 2, 1846 page 5 column e Mexico, affairs of

AFFAIRS OF MEXICO.
(From our won Correspondent.)

Mexico, Jan. 3.

General Paredes and his division entered Mexico yesterday, and at once took possession of the citadel and the principal points of the city. He was not received with the enthusiasm I expected; indeed, I did not hear a single viva; but I believe that active demonstrations of joy are not consonant to the habits of the people, and that successful revolutions are of too common occurrence in this country to cause excitement of any kind. If we can get over the staring facto f the illegality of Paredes' pronunciamento against a Constitutional Government, we must admit that his conduct in this affair is perfectly irreproachable. Instead of occupying the apartments of the Palace, which any other conqueror would have done, he retired to his private house, and at once set about the convocation of notables charged with the formation of a provisional Government. He showed a great deal of pluck in getting rid of the clique of notorious public robbers, who aided the pronunciamento in Mexico for their own corrupt purposes. He told them in plain words that he did not make a revolution to place them at the head of the Government, and applied expressions which cannot be translated for "ears polite."

The public were delighted on hearing his unceremonious treatment of these designing men, as from the readiness with which they had seized on the chief off ices of state, and parceled out the best lots among the band, it was feared that Paredes would not have the means or the power of dislodging them. You must, therefore, consider all lists of Ministers or appointments sent home by the last packet as non avenues, and that up to the present moment Paredes held the supreme power in his hands. He is in hourly communication with the Junta charged with the nomination of an interim President, and though the fact is not yet quite positive, I understand their choice is fixed on General Almonte. Paredes himself declines the Presidency, and as Almonte is a moan of the world, of superior intellect, I must consider the selection as the best that could be made.

The provisional Government is to last four months, by which time the National Convention, which they are to convoke, will have elected a President and established a permanent form of Government.

Such has been the result of the San Luis pronunciamento, that the whole army has given in its adherence; but it remains to be seen to be seen if the civil authorities in the departments at large be equally obedient. On this point opinions are much divided--as, on the one hand, the people are apathetic and indifferent as to how or by whom they are ruled, while, on the other, the interest of the departments is federation, and the country, if it can be moved by any thing, it will be by the desire of obtaining that. Some well-informed persons, therefore, contend that the revolution is not yet over, and that though Paredes may hold the capital, his power is but nominal in the departments. It is also hinted that the persons who assisted the movement in Mexico, and whom he has sent to the right-about, are quite capable of calling back Santa Anna, and opposing the influence of that once popular name to the prestige of Paredes. I place very little reliance of the valour of the departments, or of the power of the Santa Anna party, but I give these statements for the purpose of showing the many difficulties that lie in the way of the would-be regenerator of his country.

The probability of a war between Mexico and the United States is also a serious impediment to Paredes. Unfortunately for him he ahs made the willingness to treat with the States a main cause of complaint against the Government of Herrera, and he is almost pledged to commence hostilities; but if he does so, what will be the result? Why--without speaking of the long odds against Mexico in such a contest--the very General who may be placed at the head of a sufficient army marching on Texas will probably pronounce against the Government, as almost every general officer in the Republic does who commands a large body of troops; and if Paredes weakens the capital, the Federalists will take advantage of the fact to getup what they call a popular movement. War with the States is the stumbling-block of Mexico, against which even Paredes has contrived to run hi head. In his address to the army he insists on the necessity of at once marching against the usurpers of Texas; and General Valencia, the ad interim President of a day, by way of giving his helping hand to mischief, declares that the presence of the American Minister, Mr. Slidell, in the capital, is an insult to the republic. I am greatly mistaken if the Cabinet of Washington will hear with patience the refusal to receive it s minister, the avowed purpose of Paredes to march on Texas, and the insulting language of General Valencia; so that I look upon war as imminent, and I hourly expect to hear of the declaration of a blockade, and the occupation of Matamoros.

The great blunder committed by Paredes is this anti-American manifestation, as time and tranquility are essential to him for the rectification of the enormous and numerous abuses that prevail here in every department of state. I am told he is bent on the task, and none but a bold and honest man like him can effect it. I am not able to specify all the abuses that exist, or the various shifts by which the public revenue is turned away form the public service; but I can give a short statement, to show how easily a good result can be obtained by a man determined to secure it. For instance, the whole revenue of Mexico, customs, Excise, and taxation, amounts net to 4,500,00l. to meet the interest of the home and foreign debt. I take the revenue as it now stands, but a reduction of prohibitory duties, the doing away with inland custom-houses, and breaking down monopolies, would give 3,500,00l. more and augment the net revenue to 8,000,000l., from which, if we deduct the 3,000,000l., all sufficient for the ordinary expenditure, we shall have an absolute surplus of 5,000,000l. sterling.

Will it be believed in the face of these figures, which by the wary are not in the least exaggerated, that out of the revenue at present raised, not 2,600,000l. reach the Treasury, the rest being consumed by robbers, money agents, usury, and every species of corruption, and that the estimate of the standing army alone is 4,000,000l.? Yes, for the Mexican army, which counts 30,000 officers to 20,000 soldiers, and in which, of general officers alone, there are, I believe, 500.

The fact is so pain in Mexican finance, stript of the various disguises which corruption has raised about it, that an honest Commander-in-Chief, and a good bank clerk as Minister of Finance would make it one of the most flourishing treasures of the world. President Herrera had not the courage to venture on the broad road of reform, and, therefore, it is fortunate that his mile-and-water Government is at an end, --but Paredes is the man to do it; and, if he be not outmaneuvered by the intriguers of Mexico, he will. It is with the hope of seeing a result so faourable to British holders of Mexico stock, that I have evinced--perhaps for a Briton--too great an inclination to the unconstitutional proceedings of Paredes. But, of what use are forms when the substance is rotten, and what great moral revolution has ever been effected without the prominent agency of one distinguished man? I do not know Paredes personally, and I hear many faults attributed to him which are inconsistent with true greatness, but I am struck by his integrity, which is unimpeachable, and his abnegation of power at a moment when he is the master of the whole country and may dispose of its wealth and dominion as he pleases.

Herrera, the late Ministers, and the Commander-in-Chief made a most ignoble termination of their career. It is true they had treason in the camp, and that their apparently most violent partisans were wishing secretly for Paredes; but their inefficient measures almost invited treason, and I cannot learn anything they did during the 15 days of preparation but expend money on ridiculous fortification that would not have held out five minutes. Had they one smart man among them, they might cut off Paredes, when he advanced within ten leagues of the city with only 400 horse, leaving even the most advanced of his troops two days' march behind him. The Senate and the Chamber of Deputies gave up the ghost in the same manner. After all their protests, not a member was to be found at the hour of danger. In truth, the apathy of the Government invited defection, and no one seemed inclined to help those who would not help themselves. It is truly ridiculous to see the walls of Mexico still barricaded with enthusiastic manifestos against Paredes, and to observe the men who signed them foremost in the conqueror's suite. But here there is no feeling when politics are concerned, and every one applauds the man who turns round at the proper moment. The officer sent by Herrera to summon Paredes to an immediate surrender under pain of death, traveled with Paredes in his carriage one or two stages, and I have no doubt he would bear a similar message to the former president from his new mast to-morrow. Heaven help the country where this is no political principle, and no political shame!

I must say that Herrera maintained his personal dignity to the last, and that, though fallen, he is as much respected as before. The following is the address he published on abdicating the presidency:--

"Fellow countrymen--Raised to the supreme magistracy of the republic by the free and unanimous vote of the people. I have fulfilled the programme of administration exhibited by me solemnly before the Congress on the 16^th of September last. Persuaded that the observance of constitutional order is the only means of securing the peace and felicity of a nation, I have invariably performed that duty; and true to my oaths, I have followed no other guide in my administration, but the exact fulfillment of the laws. I promoted all the useful reforms which I submitted to congress for examination. I enforced economy, and a careful collection of the public revenue. I respected the independence of judicial authority; and, in a word, I bestowed on all classes of society the same protection. Al the acts of my administration are before you, and I am satisfied that the nation will not accuse them of injustice or illegality.

"The army of reserve, commanded by General Paredes, proclaimed in San Luis Potosi a plan destructive of our national institutions. He as been seconded by fractions of the army in other places whence accounts have been received, with the exception of San Luis, have declared solemnly against him, and adhered to the established order of things. the Government lost no time in taking measures to place the capital in a state of defence; but this morning the garrison of Mexico has proclaimed a plan somewhat different form that of General Paredes, and all having deserted it, the Government is left without the means of resistance. Therefore, and not wishing that any person should serve as the pretext for the shedding of Mexican blood, or for injury to the fortunes of our fellow-citizens, I have sent to the Chamber the formal resignation of the supreme command. I separate myself from it, protesting at the same time in face of the nation, against both these plans and against all others that derange constitutional order. The consequences of civil war shall not weigh against the government, as it in no manner provoked them. I leave the nation to judge of the acts of your fellow citizen.

"JOSE JOAQUIN DE HERRERA,

MEXICO, 30^th Dec. 1845."

I must not omit at the same time to give you the address published by Paredes yesterday, on taking the city. It is as follows:

"Soldiers--I congratulate you that, without effusion or blood, you have consummated the great work which your enthusiasm commenced at San Luis and I have the satisfaction to salute you in the capital of the republic.

"Soldiers--you have performed a sacred duty in uniting cordially so save the country from the evils of anarchy. The nation admires, and will so recognize the service you have done it. Your generals and officers are now arranging the political principles adopted in San Luis, in order that the vacuum indispensably left out of respect for public opinion, and due regard to the rights of the people, shall be adequately filled up.

"Mexicans--In leading the army to the capital I have no other view but the good of the country. I offer you all guarantees of society until a Junta, named in the most popular manner, shall appoint the ad interim Government, charged to watch over you r interests, and to convoke the extraordinary congress which is given to the nation to constitute and secure its facility.

"Mexicans--I entreat you to wait with that patience worthy of true republicans, and to place full confidence in the chief of any army which offers all the guarantees of order and peace."

"Mexico, Jan. 2, 1846.

"MARIANO PAREDES.

The intentions of General Paredes are well know; but some mystery hangs over those of the heads of the church and several leading personages who have been working for some time past on her behalf. It is said they are determined on converting Mexico into a monarchy, and that one of Royal family of Spain is to have the offer of the Crown. The peace of the city has not been disturbed for a moment, and so anxious are the people to give in there adhesion to Paredes, that I saw the chiefs of many noble families, senators, and deputies, who, a few days since, signed formal protests against him, this day going in grand toilette to a levee he held at his private house.

The American Minister has not yet left us, as a military escort all the way to Jalapa cannot be arranged. We are most uneasy on the subject of Mexican affairs, and I have every reason to dread an immediate blockade of the Gulf ports, if not the taking of Matamoros.

It is said that Puebla pronounces for federation, and that the people are armed.

The congress is dissolved.
[AEK]

LT London Times: Mar. 3, 1846 page 6, column e America, Oregon question

America.
The Oregon question.
Liverpool, Monday Evening.

By the packet-ship Patrick Henry we have received New York advices to the 9^th ult. Inclusive.

These advices contain the following outlying of the correspondence which has passed since the 1^st of December last between Mr. Pakenham and Mr. Buchanan, the American Secretary of State, and with Mr. M'Lane, on the Oregon question, from which it will be perceived, that the twice repeated offer of the British Minister to decide the whole question by arbitration has been rejected, and that the extreme pretensions advanced by Mr. Polk in his inaugural message are now again enunciated. The full correspondence has not yet reached us. It is however, looked for hourly, a clipper schooner, of large tonnage, having sailed in company wit the Patrick Henry for this port, supposed to bring despatches for Government.

The following is the outline referred to:--

(From the New York Express)

Washington, Feb. 7.

A message was received from the President of the United States, covering the correspondence which has transpired since August last, upon the subject of our foreign relations. The President states that the correspondence is furnished in answer to the resolutions.

The first letter is dated Dec. 13, 1845, and is addressed by Mr. Buchanan to our Ambassador at the Court of St. James. He desires Mr. M'Lane to call upon the Earl of Aberdeen, in order to procure the reasons of the warlike preparations then making by England. Mr. M'Lane is also required to give his own opinions as to these preparation.

January 3, 1846, Mr. M'Lane answers, that on the day after the receipt of Mr. Buchanan's he called upon the Earl of Aberdeen , by whom he was received with great kindness. It being difficult to obtain a categorical answer to questions upon so delicate a subject as this, Mr. M'Lane put his questions frankly, and received frank answers. Definite and precise information was not expected. The Earl of Aberdeen, however, informed him that the preparations making for defence had reference to the possibility of a rupture--that they were commenced before any difficulties between England and the United States--they, however, had no particular reference to the possibility of such a rupture--that they were commenced before any difficulties between the two countries were remotely apprehended--that they would have been made had not the difficulties between the two countries existed--they he believed the nature of these preparation shad been overstated--that they had no reference to the defence of remote places, but to all places peculiarly exposed. They were defences proper in time of peace to meet the possible dangers of war, and such as every prudent nation would make for the security of his own Government. In conclusion, he again declares that the defences made and making have no immediate reference to the United States.

For himself, Mr. M'Lane says, his opinions are that the preparations have no immediate reference to the United States. They originated, in his judgement, in the state of affairs in Europe. Mr. M'Lane says that his interview confirmed him in the unabated confidence he had before entertained in the frankness and straightforwardness of the Earl of Aberdeen. Mr. M'Lane further says that he is not prepared to state how far the United States have a right to demand a disclaimer form England in making preparations for the deviance of the country. As to the defences made, it is to us, in the even of a rupture, immaterial what their object may have been. We should feel their full force, whether made for one object of another. England will exert her utmost power, and to the utmost of her ability, to inflict injury upon us in case of war.

On the 27^th of December, 1845, Mr. Pakenham sends a letter to Mr. Buchanan, in which he says, that under instructions from his Government, he now renewably offers to refer the question of the disputed part of the territory to any Sovereign State which may be jointly agreed upon by the two Governments. It is argued that the effects of this reference will be conducive to the best interests of the two countries--that it would have been better for both had the United States previously accepted it. The fact that England consents to renew the offer affords proof to the world of the fact that she still retains the highest confidence in her own claims, and of her sincere desire to preserve the peace between both countries.

Mr. Pakenham, in the same letter, speaks of the smallness of the territory disagreed about, compared with the importance of preserving the friendly relations between two such Governments as England and the United States.

On the 3d of January, 1846, Mr. Buchanan replies, that as the proposition submitted merely names a partition of the territory in dispute, to be referred to the powers of arbitration, and not the question of title, he cannot consent to such an arbitration. The very terms of the proposition received would exclude arbitration upon the question of title to the whole territory which is here claimed by the United States. The President, he says, does not believe that arbitration would lead to a clearance of difficulties; upon the contrary, he thinks it would involve the two countries in new difficulties. In conclusion, the President expresses the hope that the present aspect of this question may not lead to a disturbance of the friendly relations so happily existing between the two countries.

Mr. Pakenham makes two answers to this letter. In the first, he says he will submit the reply of Mr. Buchanan to his Government, and in a letter, dated January 16, he says that he has reflected upon the letter of Mr. Buchanan, dated the 3d, declining, for reasons named, to accept arbitration in the form proposed. He now wishes to state to the American Secretary of State, that England has claims to the Oregon territory wholly incompatible with the exclusive claim set up by the United States. But supposing the British Government would consent to refer the entire question of title to arbitration; thus removing the form of reference objected to by Great Britain, he wished to know if it would be accepted by the United States; and if there should be objections to the reference to a crowned head, he submitted that it might be made to a mixed commission, with an umpire, or to a board of Commissioners of legal ability, and in whom there should be a mutual confidence. If such reference should result in a disagreement as to an equitable division of the territory, would the United States agree upon the division which might be recommended?

Mr. Buchanan, in a letter dated the 4^th of February, answers this letter. He says at first that the last clause named would prevent the acceptance of arbitration, if presented in the form which had been named. The United States, if it would consent to arbitrate at all, would never consent to submit to any other question than that of title. A reason is then given why the United States, will admit of such an arbitration. Our claims are referred to again, and the whole disputed territory claimed again by the President. The question is presented as offering a very different amount of importance from that between us and England. There were 13 degrees of boundary upon the Pacific, and but one good harbour, near the 49^th degree of north latitude. The territory would make many valuable states, will to England they would be a matter of small advantage. To no Power, however intelligent or respectable, nor to any body of citizens, could the United States consent to refer a claim of a character like that she possesses to the Oregon country.

The correspondence having been read, was immediately referred to the committee of the whole and ordered to be printed. The proceedings of Congress in the interval since the departure of our dispatches by the Sheridan were important. The discussion on the Navy Increase Bill had been resumed on the 5^th ultimo. Mr. Westcott advocated the measure as one peaceful in its tendencies. The Senate adjourned, on the termination of his address, to Monday, the 9^th ultimo. The Oregon debate would commence on the Tuesday. The debate would commence on the Tuesday. The debate in the House of Representatives had continued until the 5^th ult.; then, after three several divisions, it was determine that a vote should be taken on the following Monday. The speeches present no features worthy of note.

The House having called for information respecting the relations of the Union with Mexico, a message from the President may shortly be expected.

Mr. Bancroft, the Secretary of the Navy, in reply to the chairman of the committee on the naval affairs, had transmitted to the Senate, on the 6^th ult., a letter requiring larger appropriations for the navy than was contemplated, in consequence of the condition of the foreign relations of the country. He especially urges the accumulation of stores in the naval depots, and the increase of the number of steamers fit to cruise at sea.

Commercial accounts are unimportant, the operations of commerce having been violently disturbed by the publication of the Oregon correspondence.

Our Canadian accounts are unimportant.

We learn from Yucatan that the alliance with Mexico had been thrown off.

The above outline of this extraordinary correspondence having reached new York but shortly before the departure of the packet-ship, we have yet received but few comments of the American journals upon it.

"This correspondence," says the Courier and Enquirer of the 9^th ult.,--

" Is of very high importance, and diminishes very much the grounds upon which we have been hoping for a peaceful solution of pending difficulties. It will be seen by our correspondent's letter, that our Government had declined to accept an offer of arbitration, made in two different forms by Great Britain, and that, too, upon the very offensive ground that to accept it would be to admit that Great Britain had rights in Oregon, and that the British Government has informed our Minister at London, that her military preparation, though not commenced with special reference to that question. The whole matter, not only with reference to pacific settlement, but with regard to the honourable and defensible positions of this country, seems now to be in the worst possible position."

"The position of the Oregon question," says the New York Herald of the same date,--

"Has now reached a most important crisis. According to the best information, there is not doubt that negotiations, which have been re-opened at Washington by Mr. Pakenham, will result, probably in good time, upon a basis of compromise similar to the offer which had been twice made by the United States, but which had been refused by England. The position of England within the last few years has compelled the Government of that country to moderate some of the conditions on which her various negotiator planted themselves, and to meet in a more compromising spirit the propositions heretofore offered by the United States. But while England has, by the change of time and the gradual progress of affairs, been under the necessity of coming nearer to a point of settlement in the matter, the United States, from the course of public opinion and the growth of natural events, have been reducing farther form their former opinions, and limiting a greater extent of territory in that region. It is now said, on such authority as will satisfy reasonable men, that Mr. Pakenham has received full power from his Government to open negotiations, either on the old basis of the proposition which was formerly offered by Mr. Gallatin, or on nearly the same as that offered by Mr. Buchanan. It is further said, that while the British negotiator approximates the offer made by the United States, the United States are receding, and the Government actually has been deliberating to insist upon having the whole territory, down 54[degrees]40[degrees], and have, therefore, refused the offer of the British Government to arbitrate, and will take the chance of accomplishing their purposes by future events and contingencies. In the mean time, Mr. Pakenham will send the last correspondence, by express, to London, and bide his time to make perhaps another proposition, a most important and delicate crisis in the affairs of Oregon. The United States have now, through the action of our Government, reached the turning point of the century in our foreign relations. This country will have been an independent nation 70 years on the next 4^th of July. It is now a full-grown power of the civilized world, exercising a most important influence on all the Christian nations of the earth, both in peace and war--in civilization, commerce, and everything that can benefit the human race. It is important, therefore, that the Government of such a country should take such a position, and adopt such a course of conduct, as will tend to promote the happiness of the human family, and command the respect of nations. It is evident that the Oregon negotiation has now reached a crisis from which will spring the turning point in the destinies of the human family. If peace be secured by reasonable compromise between the two leading countries of the world, we may presume upon a long career of prosperity, religion, intelligence, literature, and everything that can benefit or delight civilization. In a state of peace, we are the rivals of the greatest nation of the Old World. We are also the leading spirit of the age, in all political and religious reforms. Our example will ten to produce great rational and peaceable reforms in the Old World, and, in process of time, change society, religion, and government, throughout all the nations of Europe. The conflict will be continued, but it is a conflict of peace. It is the war of mind, of morals, and of intellect--the campaign of genius; and not that of rude and barbarous arms, and the elements of death. Such is the prospect in the event of a peaceable termination of this controversy. On the other hand, if by any influence a change should occur--if the United States Government should throw themselves upon the whole of their rights, and insist upon having the whole of the Oregon territory, down to 54[degrees] 40', as they apparently seem disposed to do--then the course of things will be entirely different;--excitement in our own country--alarm abroad--everything that can provoke the two nations gradually to put themselves in a hostile attitude to each other, will be encourages by the circumstance of the time, and the estrangement of the two Governments; the consequences of which would be a tremendous political struggle throughout the country, and a complete revolution in parties. In due course of time, the example of the United States, on American and Europe, according to the inevitable laws of nature, would produce a change in Government, and a revolution in dynasties, which the reforming spirits of the age in this country would seek through war, battle, fire, and the sword. Thus, the refusal to submit to reasonable terms, and to persist in the whole of our claims to Oregon, would naturally lead to a hostile feeling in both countries, which, by little and little, would lead to war of the most desperate kind. It will be seen, therefore, that the position of the Oregon question is most important, as regards the future history of this country and of the world. If reasonable terms be offered and accepted, we may have years of peace before us, during which we may cultivate the attainment of those arts which are of the highest benefit to civilization. On the other hand, if the approaches of the British negotiator continue to be repelled, and our Government believe that the mass of the people would sustain them in insisting upon claiming up to 54[degrees]40', that mighty fact would lead to events of the most exciting character, far different from those that would grow our of peaceful relations. All eyes will be turned towards Washington during this negotiation, in order to discover from the decision what the probable history of the country and civilization for centuries hereafter may be." [AEK]

LT London Times: Mar. 4, 1846, p4/f The Oregon Question

The rejection of the renewed proposition for terminating the Oregon dispute by arbitration has not take any one by surprise; but this proceeding on the part of the English Minister at Washington has enabled him to renew the negotiation which had been suspended since his absolute refusal of Mr. Buchanan's last scheme of adjustment. It appears, indeed, from the dates of the last communications received by the packet-ship Patrick Henry, that the Oregon question had reached a most important criticism which could not fail to remove all uncertainty within a very few days. On the 29^th of January the Senate had adopted a resolution of inquiry as to the state of negotiations. No answer was given to that resolution for several days; and, in fact, the final reply of Mr. Buchanan on the subject of arbitration was not made until the 4^th of February. On the 7^th a message from the President was sent down to congress, together with the whole diplomatic correspondence which had been exchanged between the British and American Governments since last December. Meanwhile, the House of Representatives had resolved that the debate on the question of giving notice should be terminated by them before 3 p.m. on Monday, the 9^th ult.; because the senate was expected to resume the adjourned debate on that question upon the following day, and the vote of the Lower House was doubtless expected to influence their deliberations. So that within the short space of one week the diplomatic correspondence with Mr. Pakenham will have been terminated, the documents communicated to Congress, and a vote of one or both Houses, taken upon the subject.

It has clearly been the object and design of Mr. Polk to contribute as much as possible to the vote for terminating the present convention of joint occupation. Provided such a resolution be carried in a becoming form, and with a view to the final pacific adjustment of the question, the sooner such a decision is taken the better. It must be obvious to all parties, that a treaty like that of 1818 affords no security whatever for the maintenance of peace. It was of some use as a temporary expedients, though even in that respect it has had the injurious effect of postponing a settlement, until that settlement is far more difficult than at first. But since the Oregon territory has become the theatre of an active conflict between the political claims of two great nations, the truce is virtually terminated, and the notice which the Americans propose to give restores us to our real position, and at the same time imposes on both parties the necessity of a strenuous and sincere effort for putting an end to this unfortunate cause of difference.

The principle question for us to decide--the point upon which it is essential for us to arrive at a clear and correct conviction--is simply what are the bona fide intentions of the American Government. As to the views and intentions of England, we presume than not uncertainty can be alleged, even by our opponents, to exist. Adhering firmly to rights which have been recognized and confirmed by several treaties, and which are now connected with the mercantile and personal interests of British subjects, we, nevertheless, have invariably professed our readiness to submit these rights to any equitable arrangement, either as a voluntary compromise of under the award of an arbiter. The difficulty on the side of England has never been a difficulty on the side of England has never been a difficulty of principle, but of detail and application. On the side of the United States there has been a much more devious course, more undefined pretensions, and more suspicious designs. Even when the American Ministers have proposed a species of compromise, they have only done so as if it were a dereliction of public duty and a surrender of the acknowledged rights of the Union. They offered to give up what they have not got, and have never held, as if they were sacrificing a portion of New England; and they propose, a s the greatest of all imaginable concessions, a plan which would expel the agents of the Hudson's Bay Company out of territories and hunting-grounds which they alone have occupied ever since they have been trodden by civilized man. More or less openly avowed, more or less boldly asserted, the intention of all American policy on this question has been the acquisition of the whole territory in dispute. If both parties had honestly and sincerely sought a compromise, a compromise would infallibly have been effected, and may be effected yet. But, instead of that auspicious prospect, Mr. Buchanan has declared, that "if the United States would consent to arbitrate at all, they would never consent to submit to any other question than that of title." As if the very fact of arbitration, like the fact of the actual offers of partition which they have repeatedly made, was not a conclusive admission of the imperfection of title by both parties, which leaves nothing to be determined but the relative value of the conflicting claims!

We cannot persuade ourselves, therefore, that we thoroughly comprehend the intentions of the American Government, or if we comprehend them, it is in a sense which belies the occasional moderation of its language. Whilst the British government has been calmly continuing the preparations which were thought necessary to place the naval establishments of the country on a most efficient footing, contenting itself with the resolute but reserved intimation given to both Houses of Parliament last spring by the Ministers of the Crown, the extreme moderation of its language may have been as much misinterpreted upon the banks of the Potomac as upon the banks of the Sutlej, and in both cases we may pay the penalty of an excessive forbearance. To the Cabinet of Washington we have offered a compromise under forms which the haughtiest Power on the earth might and would have accepted. To the people of America we offer the advantages of a system of free-trade, not, as is suggested by one of our correspondents, within the stipulations of a commercial treaty, or as the purchase-money of a settlement of Oregon, but as the spontaneous and enlightened act of the first mercantile nation in the world. To such measures as these they have hitherto responded by a narrow, grasping policy, or by captious objections which indicate the petty motives in which they originate. We are solicitous for the maintenance of peace and the welfare of mankind; they are intent on the chances of the next Presidential election; and if war appears likely to contribute to the success of a candidate, his party would not scruple to wage war upon the human race. Happily for the chances of peace, we must still believe that war would not only be prejudicial but fatal to the party which should render it inevitable. Mr. Calhoun's meritorious exertions in the cause of peace will, we trust, not only be rewarded by success now but by higher honours and a more extended influence hereafter. But he has to deal with ungenerous rivals and insincere allies. The Government to whish he give a partial support cannot command his confidence or esteem; and Mr. Polk's conduct has certainly tended to embitter the question on the eve of the great debate, which has by this time probably terminated in the abrogation of the existing convention. [AEK]

LT London Times: Mar.5, 1846, p4/f The Oregon Question

The resolutions for the abrogation of the convention of 1827, which recognized the temporary joint occupation of the Oregon territory by Great Britain and the United States, have passes the House of Representatives by a majority of 163 to 54 votes, and there is no doubt that they have since been adopted by the Senate. The confident announcement which we made yesterday morning has thus been fulfilled within a few hours, and all doubt is removed on this part of the case. It must be borne in mind, that there is nothing, either in the nature or in the form of these resolution, which exceeds the undoubted right of either party to the convention of 1827, or violates the courtesy of nations. Thus far, the difficulties of the case are scarcely aggravated by the notice. But this resolution having been irrevocably taken, the peace of the world depends upon the next step which may be set along this slippery path. Is Mr. Polk now prepared to reopen the negotiation on an admissible basis, or must we infer from his silence that the settlement of this question is not the really object of his policy, but that he entertains very different designs, which the next twelve months will dislike to the world?

In estimating the causes which guide human conduct and govern the destinies of the world, there is unhappily a very wide distinction to be drawn between good reasons and probable motives: and the history of the follies and disasters which befall mankind is nothing more than the result of the preponderance which the worst incentives sometimes acquire over the best convictions. That form of government is undoubtedly safest and wisest which is best able to preserve the balance of a temperate and reactional policy from the accidents of passion and popular delusion. But the more a Government tends to the extreme of despotic power of democratic license, the less can we rely upon this salutary control, and the more reason have we to dread the predominance of its inane impulses over its sane reasons and its true interests. The other day, when the Governor-General of India doubted the intentions of the Sikh army, and affirmed that they would not cross the Sutlej, until he was actually apprised that their whole force had taken up a strong position on the left bank of the river, his opinion was formed on reasons which would have been conclusive if they had applied to a rational Government and prudent General, but which were false with reference to the sots and strumpets of lahore and to the Sirdars of that licentious camp. Sir Henry Hardinge miscalculated the course of event by giving the enemy credit for more self-control and for less fool-hardiness than the Sikhs really possessed. They were, no doubt mistaken in the objects and prospects of their invasion, but it required three days of frightful slaughter to convince them that they had better have stayed at home.

The same remark may be applied, matatus matandis, to the attitude which has now been assumed towards this country by the Cabinet and Congress of the United States. Excellent, innumerable, and unanswerable arguments and wickedness of a war between the United states and Great Britain--the immense disproportion between the forces of the contending Powers--the close relation of their common interests--the worthlessness of the territory in dispute--the enormous injury which war must inflict on the states engaged in it, and may possibly on the whole world--and the infamy which such a catastrophe must heap upon the heads of the accidental statesmen and the popular dupes by whom alone it is provoked. Nothing can be truer, nothing more certain; but is it ascertained that truth and reason are exclusively the guiding lights of the policy of Mr. Polk? Must we not rather argue against truth and against reason, if we would arrive at a correct calculation of his perverse career? From the portentous declaration contained in his inaugural address down to the very last act of his Government, which was to heap fuel upon an angry debate by the precipitate publication of the negotiation so lately renewed by Mr. Pakenham, every part of his conduct has evinced a direct tendency to war, which we have only treated lightly, because it seemed, in spite of himself, to be utterly incredible/ the good reasons against war are so evident to the public in this country and throughout Europe, --and the bad motives which may lead to war are so obscure, so peculiarly American, and in part so nefarious, that we have never condescended to acknowledge that the cause of peace could be sacrificed to such considerations. But, since the repeated messages and the public acts of the President have thrown off all disguise, and rejected every alternative, he must be judged of as a man actuated by the most deplorable motives, and who can only be arrested in his disastrous career by the reaction which the consequences of his policy must occasion. No doubt that reaction will occur; it is the retributive punishment of the excesses of democratic governments; but we are compelled to add, that it seldom acts with sufficient energy and opportunity to prevent them; and it is more likely to pursue Mr. Polk's Administration that to restrain it in its course. At present, the recent votes of Congress have placed the game in his hands.

An American President is raised for a limited period to the exercise of a limited power. As nothing but impeachment can shorten the duration of his term to office, whilst it may be doubled by his re-election, he has a strong inducement to play the highest stakes of ambition, to repay a hundredfold to his party the support which that party has given him, and to make all the power he enjoys, and all the interests of the state, contribute to this personal and party object. The outbreak of war, and especially of a war, and especially of a war which has been rendered popular by artful appeals to the passions of the democratic party, is the only event which can suddenly enlarge the powers of the executive Government in the United States. It places at once at the disposal of the Administration immense sums of money, loan contracts, army and navy contracts, and military and naval patronage on a great scale. The whole people are constrained to concur in strengthening and concentrating the forces of the executive power; and in the excitement of success, or the terrors of defeat, they become alike insensible to the effects of measures which would be regarded at another time as dangerous inroads on their freedom. Mr. Polk probably does not aim at any serious encroachment on the liberties of the United States; but we have no doubt that he does aim at securing, by every possible means, the unbounded ascendancy of the democratic party. If war be possible, if its horrors and disgrace are to be inflicted on the world, there is not a man in either hemisphere who will not clearly know that such a war could only be caused by the democratic party in America, and for the supposed interests of that party. that execrable motive, that false and deluded policy, may, we are told, prevail over all the higher considerations which stand forth so prominently before that he who runs may read. We disbelieve it, for we refuse to attribute to our own American descendants, in this civilized age, a conduct which was discredited even in the barbarians of the Sikh camp. But the resistance to this dangerous and alarming tendency must not be looked for in the Cabinet of Washington; it can only arise amongst the American people. upon them the hopes of peace now rest. The courage of moderation is the rarest of all courage in popular states, but the tone of the greater part of the press in the United States has of late much improved, and we trust the nation will pause to weigh the consequences of the resolution which has just been carried. The guarded and dignified expressions of the Queen's speech, the temperate language of the Government, the opinion delivered by Lord John Russell at Glasgow, the free trade measures of Sir Robert Peel, and the attitude which has been assumed by France for the maintenance of a strict neutrality in this dispute, implying her disapproval of the aggressive and warlike policy of the American Government, are all important circumstances which cannot fail to act on public opinion in America. They were not known there upon the 9^th of February. The next step upon the path of Mr. Polk has hitherto pursued must be one of active preparation for war. Congress must be prepared to give into the hands of the rashest Government which ever assembled at the White-house the means of sustaining the most formidable and the most wanton conflict the Union has ever engaged in. The real pressure of danger will then be felt; and at the same time easy and honourable means of preserving the amicable relations of the two countries will lie open to the choice of the people. If in that choice they err, the curse of all that may ensue will rest upon their country. [AEK]

LT London Times: Mar. 7, 1846 page 5, column c US Congress, Oregon debate

The latest intelligence received from the army of the Sutlej is dated January 19. No official information has been received of any action having taken place since the 22d of December between the British troops and the Sikh force.

We received yesterday, via Havre, New York papers to the 16^th ult., four days later than our last previous advices. They bring, however, little intelligence of interest. The Oregon question, having as our last accounts informed us, been decided in the House of Representatives, was discussed in the Senate on the 12gh ult. Mr. Clayton, who is in favour of giving notice to England for the terminations of the joint occupancy of that territory, was the chief speaker, and at the close of the sitting the further discussion of the subject was adjourned until the 16^th ult. The papers thus received publish at length the late correspondence between Mr. Pakenham and Mr. Buchanan: but the precis of these documents which appeared in our impression of Tuesday last was so ample and correct that it is unnecessary to inflict them upon our readers. [AEK]

LT Mar. 9, 1846 p4/d Oregon question

The Oregon Question

In the way of concession and of argument on the Oregon question, little now remains to be said or done by the British Government. The strongest desire has been repeatedly expressed on our side to terminate this controversy. Our case has been stated with such moderation, and our claims confined to such narrow limits, that nothing but extreme presumption, or rather a species of hostile infatuation, on the part of the American Democrats, could lead them to suppose we should make any further abatement of our rights. We are in actual possession of rather more of the Oregon territory than we have ever claimed as our own, because as long as the joint occupation lasts the concurrent right of both parties extend over the whole country. We have at our disposal ample means of defending our rights. We had never, at any period in the history of this country, less reason to recoil from a war, or to fear the result of a contest with any Power, but more especially with the United States. Yet we, on our side, have strenuously and sincerely labored to effect a compromise. We have not alluded to the superiority of our maritime strength; from a misplaced respect for the American Government, no use has been made of those blunt arguments to which alone they now appear to be accessible; until at length we learn with more contempt than surprise, that Mr. Polk and his advisers are embarking in a course which can only lead, if they are allowed to persevere in it, to aggressive hostilities.

In our zeal for the maintenance of peace, and our deference for a nation with which we have so much in common, we have gone so far as to admit that their claim to the Oregon territory is equal to our own, and to argue that a partition is the fairest solution of the difficulty. The Americans, however, are not to be satisfied until they convert this concession of a part into a surrender of the whole. Their claim is, to say the most of it, not better than our own, since they themselves do not dare to submit to the arbitration of a third party, knowing that the public opinion of the world has already pronounced against it. Yet from this most imperfect and controvertible claim they seek to extract twice as much as we contend for -nay, they raise their own pretensions to absolute and total sovereignty, whilst they altogether annihilate the rights we have practically enjoyed for more than half a century. Thus in fact, the question in dispute has never been brought to a true issue. The two quantities have not been reduced to a common denomination; they differ in their very nature; and whilst our position not only admits of a compromise, but suggests and requires it, theirs is utterly at variance with the first principle of such an agreement. Mr. Buchanan's last note says too much, unless indeed it says inadvertently what is the truth; for the arguments by which he endeavors to show that the United States cannot submit their claim to arbitration, are equally cogent to prove that their claim will not admit even of negotiation. Mr. Buchanan appears to forget that the United States have negotiated; that he himself, by his last proposal, for the fourth or fifth time conceded that point; that the House of Representatives, by their second resolution, have in fact sanctioned the principle of negotiation, which is, in other words, the principle of mutual concessions. When the American Secretary of State says he cannot do what the manifest interest and dignity of the two countries require, he must either mean that the Government to which he belongs will not do it, or that the Government is acting under the compulsion of the party, excited to madness on this question, which carried Mr. Polk's election. The practical question for us is to ascertain the intentions of the American Government. If Mr. Polk and his advisers are sincerely pacific, they cannot but succeed: there is no obstacle, no impediment, no difficulty in the way, except those which they have themselves created. To bring about a war with us under such circumstances, they must be the worst statesmen in the world if they do not seek it, or the most rash and unprincipled if they deliberately intend it. The time is, however, come when we are forced to judge of their real motives by their conduct; and, as they have not encouraged further argument, it may not be premature to inquire into the amount of their forces.

We are informed by the prodigious volume of American statistics recently prepared for both Houses of Parliament by the diligence of Mr. Mac Gregor, that the standing army of the United States consists of one regiment of dragoons, one regiment of riflemen, four companies of artillery, and eight regiments of infantry. The whole number of troops now in the service is 9,847, exclusive of 781 commissioned officers. An act of Congress of 1842 reduced the rank and file of the army 3,920 men; this reduction is now proceeding, and when it is completed the standing army will consist of 7,590 non-commissioned officers, musicians, artificers, and privates. It is true, that if this corps should appear rather small for the defence of the United States, and the invasion of a region situated 2,000 miles off, on the other side of the American continent, its number at least, have excited the envy of Xerxes or Bonaparte. The Army Register for 1843 contains the appalling announcement, that this multitudinous host is commanded by 627 generals, 2,670 general staff officers, 13,813 field officers, 44,9333 company officers, being in all 62,205 officers; nor are the forces under their command consist of 1,385,645 men! For the purposes of defence against a foreign invasion we have no doubt that these American citizens would exert themselves creditably. A considerable number of the younger men may even volunteer to take a part in offensive operations. But we have no hesitation in saying, that to bring an efficient army of even 30,000 men into the field, prepared to march beyond their own frontiers, is the most arduous task which has ever devolved upon the Federal Government of the United States, and with its present powers and resources we believe it to be absolutely impracticable.

The navy of the United States consists of 11 ships of the line, two of which are afloat, three are receiving ships, and six on the stocks or under repairs. The 14 first-class frigates of 44 guns are the best part of the fleet; of these four are on the stocks and three ordinary. The two 36-gun frigates are old. The smaller vessels are 17 sloops of war, 8 brigs, 9 schooner, and 6 steamers. The navy list contains 67 captains, 94 commanders, 324 lieutenants, and 133 passes midshipmen, 410 midshipmen, and 31 masters. No estimate can be formed of the real strength of the crews of the American navy, because it is well known that a considerable proportion of this fleet is manned by British seamen, who are attracted by the high pay of the American navy in time of peace. But that very circumstance shows the extreme difficulty of manning an American fleet in war, and especially in a war with England their ships are, in fact, worked to a great extent by English mercenaries, a large proportion of whom would unquestionably return to their own colours on the outbreak of hostilities.

We content ourselves with this simple enumeration of the forces of the United States by land and by sea, which we hope is correct. We know not what course Mr. Polk may intend to pursue after the notice for the abrogation of the treaty of join occupation has been duly given; and we shall await with more curiosity than alarm the enterprises which may be projected for the purpose of expelling British subjects form a district where we happen to command the coast and the interior, the Indians and the forts. The world is perfectly aware that England is not the attacking party, and that we are content to leave matters in Oregon as they now are. If the Americans mean anything, they mean to dispossess us of what we hold. At the same time, if this intention be avowed by the Cabinet of Washington, or if it be disclosed by votes of money and warlike preparations which imply a fixed determination to engage in the is absurd and flagitious contest, no state is bound to wait to be attacked. Mr. Polk has already instructed the American Minister in London to ask for an explanation of activity in our dockyards. His own conscience might have given it to him; his own language has put us upon the defensive: and although the termination of the convention of 1827 by notice is no casus belli, yet the disposition indicated by that notice, and the means which may be taken to carry that disposition into effect, may hereafter furnish ample ground of suspicion, of remonstrance, and finally hostilities. A bold and manly course on the part of the British Government will probably not be without a good effect in the United States; and it will undoubtedly command the unanimous support of the people of England. [AEK]

LT London Times: March 10, 1846, p6/c Mexico, affairs of

(From our own correspondent)

Mexico, Jan. 10.

I wrote you on the 1^st that Paredes had successfully accomplished his revolution; and on the 3d, that he entered the city with the whole of his division, and tat once commenced the good work of reform by sending to the right about several suspicious characters, some of whom were connected with the late Ministry, and others who had joined in the pronunciamento in the hope of making the military chief their instrument and dupe. I am glad to say that Paredes sill continues the same efficient and unsparing course, and that he has established a Ministry in all respects approved by the people, and well disposed to carry out the plans indicated by him. I can only observe once act of inconsistency on his part, namely, the acceptance of the ad interim Presidency; but his friends say that the dignity was forced on him, and that he had no other means of concluding the great object for which he pronounced in San Luis. This excuse may be well-founded, but Paredes should have struck out of his manifesto and correspondence those passages in which he renounced all personal elevation or advantage, or adhered to the letter and spirit of his promises and placed the Presidency in other hands; but putting aside the inconsistency, so far as the author of the revolution is concerned, it is fortunate for the country that Paredes is at the head of affairs, as there is every reason to believe that an underplot was formed in the midst of the general conspiracy for throwing him over the moment he accomplished the downfall of the late Government. Had this plot succeeded, the position of the republic would have become disastrous, and a fatal civil war commenced between the old leaders of corruption and the Federalists; but Paredes's straightforward and decided conduct has set at rest both parties, and he is now going on unfettered in all respects, apparently determined to renovate the nation.

To follow the regular order of things, I should state that a Junta of Notables was held on the 3d inst. at the Palace, and that the following additional articles to the plan of San Luis Potosi were agreed on by it:--

"1. The persons charged with the legislative and executive powers are suspended in the exercise of their functions, in consequence of not having corresponded to the wishes of the nation, and not having supported the dignity or secured the integrity of its territory, in accordance with the first and second articles of the plans of San Luis Potosi of the 14^th of December, 1845.

"2. A junta of representatives, composed of two persons from each department, named by the General-in-Chief of the army, shall immediately elect the person charged with the supreme executive power until the meeting of an extraordinary Congress, which is to be called in accordance with the 3d article of the plan of San Luis.

"3. The junta of representatives shall be dissolved as soon as the ad interim President be elected and sworn to sustain the independence of the nation, the popular representative republican system, and the existing administrative plan of the republic.

"4. The faculties of the ad interim President are determined by the actual laws, he having no power to exceed them except for the defence of the national territory, and even then they are to be subject to the guarantees established by existing laws.

"5. The Ministers of the ad interim President are responsible for their acts before the first constitutional Courts, but the acts themselves are at no period revisable.

"6. Within eight days of his acceptance of office the ad interim President shall issue warrants for the convocation of an extraordinary Congress, which is to meet in four months in the capital of the republic; and until the constitution be determined by that congress, he shall not touch or alter the principles adopted by the interim regulations of the existing Constitution.

"7. The existing Council of State shall be maintained, and the ad interim President will consult it on all important occasion.

"8. Such functionaries only of the departments who may oppose the regeneration of the republic shall be suspended, and their places be given to others, in conformity with the actual laws.

"9. The judicial power shall continue to exercise its important functions without any variation from the existing law.

"10. No person shall be persecuted for political opinions anterior to this declaration."

The day after this declaration was signed a Junta of Notables was assembled, in accordance with the second article of the above additional plan; and after some immaterial proceeding a ballot for an ad interim President took place, and Paredes, as already stated, was elected unanimously. A difficulty arose about the form of the oath which was to be administered to him, as some persons desired to incorporate in it an obligation to make war against Texas; but the majority being convinced of the impolicy of such a clause, the following oath was drawn up and taken by Paredes:--

"I swear before God to preserve the independence and integrity of the national territory against all foreign aggression, the republican system, popular and representative, and the administrative plan of the republic as determined by the act of the 2d inst."

The installation was then confirmed by a grand Te Deum and ceremony at the cathedral; and thus, without a shot being fired or a sabre drawn, in one short month after the pronunciamento at San Luis, the supreme power of the State was placed in the hands of General Paredes.

I am sorry to say that neither the Senate nor chamber or Deputies displayed any energy on this occasion. They surrendered to the mandate of dissolution without either remonstrance or protest, and made no attempt to place the new President in the false position which he must have been in, had they met in their respective Chambers, and compelled him to expel them by force. Only two persons acted with spirit--Generals Minon and Alcorte--both of whom protested against the proceedings of the Junta of Notables but so fallen is public feeling in the republic, that I hear no one praises those officers for their independence, and I fear they are left alone with their glory.

Two articles of the additional plan merits your attention--namely, the third, by which Paredes undertakes to maintain the representative republican system; and the fourth in which it is determined that the Ministers shall be responsible before the first Congress for their acts; the acts themselves shall not be revisable. In the one case, all fears of the President's attempting to convert the republic into a monarchy are removed; and in the other a great security is given to merchants contracting with the Government, as no danger now exists of their transaction being reopened, and indemnities demanded under all sorts of ridiculous pretexts. Indeed, the conduct of Paredes in that respect has given satisfaction to the moneyed interest, as he has publicly declared, that while resolved on striking at the roots of corruption, and of getting the public business done on honest terms, he would recognize all existing contracts and fulfill them to the best of his power.

I have now to give the list of the new Cabinet, and I do so with great pleasure, as I find on all sides the selection much approved:--

War, General Almonte.

Finance, Senor Luis Parres.

Foreign affairs and Interior, Senor Castillo y Lanza.

Grace and Justice, the Bishop of Chiapas.

The first is well known as late Minister to the United States and as a man of talent and courage; the second is the Aristedes of Mexico--the honestest man in the republic; and the third has natural gifts improved by an education in England. I know nothing of the fourth; but I must say for the three others, that even their enemies cannot speak in their disfavor; and that Paredes, with their aid, will find no difficulty in carrying on good government. The Cabinet will, I believe be supported by M. Castillo, the late Minster of Finance, who agrees to take the head of the Treasury, an efficient chief in that department being essential to the good working of the whole machine. I hope for great things from this Cabinet; and I shall be grievously disappointed if it does not succeed, as if even only one sound measure be enforced, one half of the public disabilities disappear--I allude to the simple plan of compelling the whole of the revenue to be paid into the Treasury, instead of having it frittered away in the collection and distributed to the different persons who have liens on it, as present. I maintain, of course, that good faith should be held with all creditors, whether honest or usurious, but the very fact of the revenue being paid directly into the Treasury would create so enormous a saving, that even in its present dilapidated state the public income would cover expenditure. As to what may be done by opening the ports to European manufactures at reasonable duties, removing inland custom-houses, and remodeling the system of customs and taxation, I cannot ascribe a limit; and I adhere to what I said in a late letter, that under a new and efficient system a surplus of five millions sterling beyond all necessary expenditure for the payment of interest on national debt could be raised without the slightest pressure on the country. From this calculation of course I exclude the chances of civil war, or a contest with the United States. I hope Mexico may be saved from the former evil by the energy of the Government, and I think I already see symptoms of wavering on the part of the President and the new Minister of Foreign Affairs on the subject of American Affairs. I find that an escort is constantly refused to the Minister of the States under one pretext of another, and I take that to be a gentle hint to him not to hasten his departure. The true state of affairs with America we cannot determine until Mr. Slidell receives fresh instructions from his Government; but I should think, from present symptoms, that if the United States yield the point of etiquette, and accredit him ad hoc, Paredes will see the propriety of abandoning Texas, and then settling the north-western and eastern frontier.

The command of the army on the Texan frontier has been taken from General Arista and given to Ampadia. It remains to be seen whether Arista will submit, or whether his troops will not prefer adhering to the pronunciamento of San Luis instead of to him. That is the only quarter from whence evil may be expected, as nearly all the departments have joined the present order of things. Civil war at this moment would be a great evil, as it would interfere with the determination taken by the President to clear all the roads of the republic from the bands of robbers that infest them. When Paredes undertook the government of the province of Guadalaxara, he found all the roads covered with banditti, who plundered and murdered at their pleasure, but before six months elapsed not a robber was to be found in the department. The plan he adopted was, to send scouring parties of cavalry, attended by a priest, and whenever a robber was taken half an hour was granted for confession, and he was shot on the spot. Paredes is now following up the same plan in this vicinity. A squadron of dragoons, attended by half a dozen friars, has been despatched on the road to Vera Cruz, with orders to shoot without mercy every culprit against whom a prima facie case can be made. A few examples will be enough to disperse the bands that at present infest that route, and by whom nearly all the dilligences, as well as muleteers charges with the transport of British goods, are plundered.

Your readers may think it strange that the correspondent of that great constitutional journal The Times should speak favourably of a revolution which commences by dissolvign the regularly organized Chambers and vesting the supreme power, even temporarily, in the hands of a military chief. It is also possible that you may reprove me for taking a course so dissimilar to that followed by The Times when public principles are at stake. But I hope your readers and yourselves will, for a short time, place confidence in me, and be convinced of the distinction that exists between sound government at home and the management of a country like this, where not a single element of a constitutional system can be found. In 20 years 24 attempts at establishing representative forms have been made, all of which have failed; and so little reliance has latterly been placed in the Senate of the Deputies, that their proceedings were never thought of, and the only quality they possessed was that of being a drag on the execution of public business. No one now complains that their sittings are at an end, and I am convinced the people will not be pleased if the National Convention, to be held next month, decide on their re-establishment. The late Chambers neither promoted reform, improved the revenue, nor cut down corruption. Their whole talent consisted in clogging the Administration and refusing supplies. How Herrera manages to creep on even for twelve months, with their weight hanging on him, is difficult to understand; but the machine could go no longer, and the revolution, if it did not come from Paredes and the army, must have appeared from the side of the Federalistas. Ruin, bankruptcy, and separation were at hand; no department obeyed the Central Government, and if the pronunciamento had not been made, a general break-up of the republic must have occurred. The evil was great, and the remedy has been necessarily violent. I have hopes that Paredes will follow up the work he has well begun for the advantage of the country and its foreign creditors; but I am aware of his defects, and will not support him if he deviates form the line he has laid down.

I understand that a Junta of Hacienda, or committee of finance, ahs been installed to-day, for the purpose of pointing out to the Minister such reforms as are necessary in that department, and how money can be raised with least injury to the public service. It is supposed that the Junta will recommend the granting of licenses of the importation of a certain quantity of raw cotton, as the manufacturers are nearly out of stocks, and a large sum can be easily raised in that manner.

4,000 troops, under the orders of General Ampadia, march towards Zacatecas to-morrow.

Puebla has submitted.

The president has declared that he will not commute the punishment of General Rangel, who, you will recollect, attempted an unsuccessful pronunciamento on the 7^th of June last.

The city of Mexico is perfectly quiet, and the new President and Ministry are very popular.
[AEK]

LT 1846, March 11, p5/a US, biblical right to Oregon Territory

The 26^th, 27^th, and 28^th verses of the 1^st chapter of Genesis are, in the opinion of Mr. John Quincy Adams, the foundation of the American title to the Oregon territory, and his case finds some additional strength from a passage in the 2d Psalm. There are moonstruck madmen both in and out of Bedlam, whose lunacy takes a colour from Holy Writ, and is the more awful and distressing from the distortion and debasement of the sublimest truths which are embodied in human language; but when we learn that the ravings of one of these fanatics were listened to with interest and excitement by one branch of the most important legislative assembly of the New World,-when we are told that the text of Scripture, which was to be polluted by this insane commentary, was read by the clerk at the table of the House of Representatives at Washington,-and when we remember that all this blasphemous extravagance is uttered as the apology or the pretext of an atrocious war, and that the promises of GOD are invoked to justify the rapacity and the lawlessness of man, we look in vain for any parallel for such an exhibition except in the midst of anarchy and revolution. A democracy intoxicated with what it mistakes for religion is the most formidable apparition which can startle the world. It defies its own excesses; its desires and its passions seem to be direct emanations from the law of GOD; its will claims a divine authority. The hypocrisy of the popular leaders feeds the enthusiasm of the multitude; and crimes are committed of which human nature itself is hardly capable until it is inflated by presumption and falsehood beyond all the bounds of reason and truth.

The speech of Mr. ADAMS, which will be found in another place, deserves to be recorded as the most recent and astounding instance of this species of popular delusion. Yet the affairs of the United States and the peace of the world are intrusted to the prudence of an assembly in which this scene could take place! Secular prudence and political integrity are bent on nothing more than an equitable and amicable termination of this controversy; but they have arrayed against them the arrogance of a Government too feeble to restrain the bad impulses which drive it along; the excitement of a populace apparently unconscious of the consequences of its acts; and, lastly, the frenzy of a religious enthusiasm which confounds the rudiments of right and wrong. Such is the aspect of the United States under their boasted forms of popular government. Their democrats are aping the crimes of despotism, and resuscitating the claims of priestcraft. The rights of neighbouring nations, the fundamental principles of public law, the common suggestions of humanity, are all sacrificed with a recklessness worthy of the worst enemies of mankind. To advocate a war on such motives for such objects as these is to preach an insurrection against the very principles on which society is based. Such a war becomes a revolution, and, if it be tinged with religious fanaticism, a revolution of the most unscrupulous kind.

We cannot believe, with one of our most esteemed correspondents, that these elements of evil exist only at the surface of this democratic society, and that the Senate of the United States is prepared and resolved "to hearken to no measure calculated to inflame the passions, and to produce a desolating war!" Can "the Senate do its duty faithfully?" Or, if that duty be now performed, and the negotiation be reopened under the auspices of the Senate, will the temperate and pacific portion of that body be able to hold its ground against the excitement of the people and the cabals of the Executive? In the hands of a man like WASHINGTON, resolutely co-operating with the Senate for the maintenance of peace, and executive power was strong enough to resist the popular impulse. But when we have a President inciting the popular part of the community to do its worst, and intriguing in and against the Senate, we have no trust in the resistance of that body. The odds of the constitution are against it; and the impediments it may oppose to the popular will would only add a fresh impetus to the agitation of the question. Such was the fate of the annexation of Texas, which was rejected by the Senate, and carried in another form by Mr. TYLER; such will be the result of the present debate on Oregon, so long as the PRESIDENT and his advisers continue openly or covertly abet extreme measures.

Whatever may be the infatuation of the people and the comparative weakness of the moderate party, and the main responsibility of the crisis rests on the members of the executive Government of the United States. With them rests the initiative of negotiation, of war, or of the preparations of war. They alone are enabled to estimate the dangers of the position in which their imprudence has placed themselves and the country. These dangers, or at least the difficulties with which they have to deal, are materially increased by the state of the relations of the United States and Mexico. In the latter republic a revolution has been successfully consummated, which has placed the temporary exercise of the supreme power in the hands of a man who is at least resolved to oppose the further encroachments of the United States on the Mexican territories, to rescue California from the projected inroad of American emigrants, and, if opportunity serve, to avenge the annexation of Texas. In Texas the United States have acquired another doubtful question of boundary, and an immense additional extent of coast and of territory, which they are bound to provide with adequate means of defence by sea and land. It would be a singular consequence of Texan annexation, if the first result of its union to the territory of its northern neighbours was to make it the theatre of war. But, in the event of hostilities between the United States and Great Britain, such an event is highly probable. The Mexican Government is evidently influenced by the probability of such a catastrophe in its own relations with the Cabinet of Washington. Mr. SLIDELL, the American Envoy, has not been received, and he awaits the further orders of his Government of Jalapa. The first indication of hostilities towards England by the American Government would be followed (if it be not preceded) by a declaration of war against the United States by Mexico. The whole continent of North America, beyond their own frontiers, would then resent the excessive pre-tensions of the democrats of the north. The whole coast of the Pacific would be closed against the vessels of the United States: that of the Atlantic Ocean would be open to the attacks of the greatest maritime power. Without an army, without a fleet, without a revenue, without credit, with a divided public opinion, a strong party opposition, a fluctuating populace, and in the southern states a slave population, Mr. POLK has thought fit to raise up difficulties which might appal the best generals, the most experienced statesmen, the mightiest states of the old world. We shall see how he surmounts them; but he will not surmount them by inducing England to stoop to conditions she has already rejected, or to engage in a fresh negotiation on any other terms than those of perfect equality of right to the Oregon territory.
[CCB]

LT 1846, March 13. 3A The Revolution In Mexico.

(FROM OUR OWN CORRESPONDENT)
MEXICO, Jan. 31.

I send you duplicates of my dispatches of the 3d and 10^th inst.,* but I hope the originals have long since reached, and put you in possession of all the leading facts connected with the revolution so peaceably accomplished by General Paredes. I have now the satisfaction to say, that every event confirms my anticipations, and that, in my opinion, Mexico has now fairer prospects of arriving at good government than she has enjoyed since she effected her independence. Such are appearances; but, warned by experience, I must be cautious in not being over sanguine as to resultes. Corruption is so engrafted in the daily habits of the people-sound principles of government are so little understood-so much apathy succeeds every unusual exertion, that I cannot venture to do more than express a strong belief that the republic has now a chance of gaining that elevation to which by position and internal wealth she is so well entitled. Paredes has begun well, and is inclined to pursue the same straightforward course. He has selected the most honest and most able men in Mexico to form a Cabinet; but he finds the army so disorganized, and the finances in so dreadful a state of disorder, that time must be allowed before a cure can be effected, and then, if he succeeds, a miracle will be accomplished.

One great good he has already done-namely, freed the roads leading from the republic from the organized bands of robbers who plundered the diligences four days out of seven, and stripped every traveler who had property to lose. Since Paredes sent forth detachments, accompanied by a chaplain, with orders to shoot, with half an hour's grace, every robber caught in the fact or with stolen goods on him, all the well-known practitioners in that line have disappeared. I have myself made the experiment, and having lately had occasion to undertake a journey of 250 miles, I traveled with full confidence in the terror of Paredes' name, and had no reason to regret what others called my temerity, in carrying a watch and a reasonable sum of money about me. This is a social reform of such practical utility that one forgives the despotic order of preceding, and well it would be for Mexico if the other great evils of the country could be cured in the same effectual manner, even at the sacrifice of the like abandonment of principle. I must of course except the measures taken with respect to the public press, as I cannot see the necessity of the interim President's reviving Santa Annna's laws of 1839 and 1843, by which all superior authorities are allowed to arrest, and imprison in the fortresses of Acapulco and San Juan de Ulloa, the proprietors and editors of newspapers containing notorious libels, submitting at the same time the libels in question for decision to the regular tribunals. This you will admit is a very Irish mode of proceeding, punishing first and trying after; and few newspapers will risk articles open to the misconstruction of some dependent of the Government, and I have only to hope that Paredes has revived the law more for the purpose of inspiring terror among the Federalist writers, than for carrying it absolutely into effect. Indeed, judging from the abundant creation of new journals within a few days, no alarm has been excited in editorial circles, and I find one paper, the Tiempo, advocating a monarchy with considerable ability in the very teeth of the programme laid down by Paredes.

The convocatoria, or warrant for the calling together a national convention charged with fixing definitively the Constitution, has just appeared. It consists of 156 articles; but I need not trouble you with more than a general abstract. The Congress is to consist of 160 deputies, 38 of whom are to be chosen by the landed interest, 20 the commercial, 14 the mineral, 14 the manufacturing, 14 the literary, 10 the public administration, 20 the church, and 20 by the army. The right of voting for deputies is limited to Mexican subjects of 24, and of being deputies to those of 30 years of age. Persons paying to the department of Mexico 150 dollars a year of direct taxes, for the districts of Puebla, Vera Cruz, Michocan, Guanjuato, Zacatecas, and Jalisco, 90 dollars a year, in all other departments 60 dollars, are eligible as deputies. The qualifications of electors vary in the several departments, but the rate of payment of taxes is fixed so high that none but the better classes of society can appear at the hastings. Each province is allotted a number of deputies from the different professions according to its extent and property. The elections are all to take place before the 1^st of May, and the Congress is to assemble within four months of that period. The Congress must determine of the Constitution within six months of its formation, with power to postpone the decision for three months more, should extraordinary circumstances require delay. All deputies to be inviolable for opinions expressed in the Congress. The Congress is based on the principle that according to the last census the population of the republic was 7,000,000 inhabitants, and that one in 70,000 shall be represented.

What the result of this national experiment may be, it is impossible to foresee, but it is evident that in the mean time, nearly for 10 months, Paredes will be absolute master, and that the fate of the country is vested in his hands. I hope for the best, but it is hard to say what use he will make of these extraordinary powers Santa Anna had the same authority with greater prestige; but he was a public robber, while the breath of suspicion has not yet soiled Paredes name. I understand that Paredes has declared he will not accept the pay of President; he lives in his private house, no in the palace; and he does no pilfer himself, he will not allow others to rob the State. Good intentions, a firm will, and a hand of iron he possesses, but his allies are the church and the jobbers in Government, negocios as they are called, and I know not how improvement can take place under the control of thousands of lazy friars, and of the habitual vultures of the Treasury. The influence of the latter has been shown lately in too decided a manner for one to neglect the warning it contains. Paredes a few days since declared he would put down the gaming tables with which Mexico abounds, and in which some of the great capitalists, general officers, and colonels of the army are partners and agents, but he was obliged to give way to the power of these people, and though he refused the large yearly contribution they offered, the order against monte has not appeared. The influence, of the former is less apparent but equally efficacious, and I am told that public institutions for improvement of science and art have been suppressed in consequence of secret intrigues, which could alone arise from that suspected quarter. Paredes' good intentions are greater than his capacity, and therefore am I slow to anticipate the future, though I cheerfully admit that all his actions, save that relative to the monte tables, up to the present hour are admirable and well-timed.

I see that all opposition to the new order of things has ceased in the army and the departments. General Arista made a show of resistance and marched on Tampico, but finding that his troops were not warm in their cause, he gave up the command, and retired to his farm, to use his own words, "because the country no longer required his services." The departments that a few weeks since spoke, by the months of their civil authorities, open defiance to the revolution, have likewise submitted to Paredes. Yucatan alone has ventured on a great game. It has declared its independence, and means to set up for itself. The connexion between Mexico and this province has been for some time past merely nominal, as it refused to contribute a soldier to the public service or a shilling to the revenue, so that little is lost but the name, and the pretext that the example holds out to other departments that hang equally loosely on the Central Government. We are afraid, for instance, of its effects on Upper California, and on New Mexico, as both provinces daily show strong symptoms of declaring independence, with a view towards annexation with the United States.

The want of money is, as you are prepared to expect, the great difficulty which the Government of Paedes is destined to meet, and I hope to overcome. It has agreed to admit an unlimited import of cotton wool on payment of 10 dollars the quintal when the license to import is taken out; but this plan does not produce the expected addition to the revenue, as speculators do not like paying so large a sun in advance with the prospect of an American war, or at least a blockade of the ports, before them. Claims have likewise been set up by private individuals, as no doubt they will be by the agents of British bondholders, for their percentage on the said revenue, as they contend that cash paid for a license to import is tantamount to customs paid on importations at Vera Cruz. This is a question which may give trouble to the British Minister at Mexico, and probably to the Foreign-office at home; but, in my opinion, the case is quite clear in favour of the British claimants, and the evasion of granting licenses instead of receiving duties is too palpable to command a moment's respect. The Mexican Minister has shown but little tact in this affair, for had he declared the port of Vera Cruz free for the importation of cotton, and then put an internal duty on its removal to any part of the interior, he would have escaped the difficulty. The Minister's object, however, is the supply of ready cash, and in trying to attain that object he overlooks the serious difficulties that interpose. Moreover, an agricultural opposition will arise from the cotton-growers, whose harvest of good prices is destroyed at the moment is should be gathered in; so that the Government has to contend with manufacturers whose works are nearly stopped for want of cotton; with the landed interest, who have just reason to complain of broken faith; and with the public editors, who are strong enough to prevent faith being broken with them.

We received only a few days since the American President's message. One passage in it relative to Mexico excites general astonishment, and the unblushing boldness of it should open the willful blindness that appears to exist in England with regard to the designs of the United States-I allude to that sentence in which Mr. Polk declares that the Union has now carried its frontier to the Rio Grande; as well might we say that the Union extended its frontier to the Isthmus of Panama, for it has just as much right to one as the other. Texas is incorporated with the United States, that is a fait accompli, and whatever Mexico may say we English have no right to question the transaction. But how does the incorporation of Texas extend the frontier to Rio Grand or Bravo el Norte-both being names of the same river? The frontier of Texas is the Nueces, and beyond that is Mexican land, as clearly as that south of the Bidassoa belongs to Spain. Many moths since I advised you of these intentions; I regret to see thus soon my anticipations realized.

Let us look for a moment at the extent of the territory thus swallowed by the insatiable maw of the States. Texas Proper contains 21,000 square leagues; the part of Chihuahua between the Rio Grande and Texas contains 8,600 square leagues; that of New Mexico, in the same condition,4,000 leagues; of Cohuilla, 1,175 leagues; and of Tamaulipas, 6,000 leagues. So that with one dash of the pen President Polk, in addition to the 21,000 square leagues of Texas, cuts off from the republic of Mexico no less than 11,075 square leagues. And this, let me persuade you, is but one step toward its final object namely, the possession of the mining districts. We may be indifferent to this plunder; but shall we be equally indifferent when the silver currency of Europe is controlled by the President of the United States, and when the States in the possession of the Mexican mines become the richest nation in the world. I have repeated this idea in almost every letter addressed you since I came here, and I shall never cease to repeat it as one of those homely truths which statesmen resist till the evil result be accomplished and beyond relief.

I now find, by late intelligence from Washington, that negotiations between England and the States are reopened with respect to the Oregon, and on the basis that the 49^th parallel from the Rocky Mountains to the sea is to be the final boundary. If such be the case, and Great Britain cedes to the United States all the Oregon south of the 49^th parallel, Mr. Polk has accomplished the great object for which his predecessors so long struggled in vain. By it the fate of Upper California, from the 36^th parallel, is decided; and in a short time we shall see another state added to the Union, embracing the Bay of San Francisco and the river Columbia, with 700 miles of the coast of the Pacific. As the policy of the United States has been to secure Texas as a stepping stone to the mining districts of Mexico, it is equally desirous to obtain any portion of the Oregon as the sole barrier between the Union and the Bay of San Francisco; and England, in agreeing to terms by which the States attain legal and undisputed possession of the land above the 43^rd parallel, or Mexican boundary, abandons the finest harbour in the world, and the command of the Northern Pacific. I hope we do so with our eyes open, and that the sacrifice is made for objects substantial in reality, though not apparent to persons unacquainted with secrets of state. The Oregon has been the pretext, but California is the end of the United States, and the noise and bluster they made about the former have been raised for the purpose of covering their real views on San Fransisco. Had we insisted on the 45^th instead of the 49^th parallel, it would have been granted. All that the States desire is to get such a footing above the Mexican frontier as will prepare the way for seizing the coveted portion of the territory of that country. Thieves take possession of an empty house for the purpose of more securely robbing the rich man's residence next door; so the United States obtain the barren lands of the Oregon, with the intention of plundering their Mexican neighbour at their ease. We must call things by their right names, and learn at last to understand that when the United States speak of Texas they mean the Mexican mines-and of Oregon, they mean the Bay of San Francisco. I suppose we shall find the President of next year announcing that the frontier of the States has been extended to the 36^th parallel, with the same unblushing boldness that Mr. Polk announces this year the extension to the Rio Grande. The next step will be the annexation of the department of New Mexico; and thus in the center, and on each flank, the Mexican territory is disposed of at the pleasure of its grasping neighbour. Indeed, I see, bye late American papers, that nothing less than the possession of the whole of Mexico will content the States. One writer, for instance, says, "Any one can see where these things will end; they will cad in the annexation of Mexico to the United States-silver mines, gold mines, cathedrals, and plantations. Hell cannot stop the rapidly approaching climacteric of the annexation of Mexico, and the compromise upon the 49^th parallel for Oregon will give us Mexico. The work of annexation is just beginning, we cannot stop short of the Isthmus of Darien. This is the realization of more than a poet's dream-the onward progress of our model republic." I believe that every man in the United States participate in these anticipations; and I venture to add that our cession of any part of the Oregon is the proximate step to their accomplishment.

The new tariff will come into operation on the 1^st of next month. It will afford some relief to British trade, but I fear the duties are still too high to bear competition with smuggling through Texas, or the wagon trade to Santa Fe. English houses are already, I understand, turning their attention to the establishment of depots at Galveston, and of passing goods through the undefended frontiers of the Rio Bravo, and I find that Englishmen are already on the prairies competing with American enterprise to Santa Fe. I understand that every year a large convoy of wagons is formed at a town called Independence, in the far west, about 3,00 miles from New York, to which goods are brought by rail and steam on the Missouri; and that the journey is accomplished from Independence to Santa Fe in 60 to 70 days over the prairies, and through the midst of hostile Indians. At Santa Fe an arrangement is made with the Mexican Custom-house-office for $750 duty on each waggon load, after which the journey is continued for 90 days more to the great fairs of San Juan de los Lagos, or of Aguas Calientes. Large profits have been made in this trade, as the duties paid at Santa Fe, and all expenses of the road, do not amount to one-fourth of those which would be charged at any seaport of entry, and as coarse goods, which are prohibited in a regular way, can thus without difficulty be introduced. This trade, which has been for some years past in the hands of natives only, is now opened by a few spirited Englishmen; and next season I have some reason to believe that all the north of Mexico will be supplied from our fabrics with goods prohibited at Tampico and Vera Cruz. A late enactment made by the United States, which entitles the importer of goods seaward to a drawback of the whole duty on receiving the certificate of the American Consul at Santa Fe, is an absolute bounty to our countrymen; and if it be continued, few American manufacturers can compete with them in the articles suited to that particular trade. Goods that are prohibited in the several Gulf seaports of Mexico are thus introduced overland into the heart of its territory, and British mantas undersell the home made at San Juan de los Lagos.

Mr. Slidell, the American Minister, continues at Jalapa, one day from Vera Cruz, waiting definitive orders from his Government. The Mexican Cabinet refuses to receive him, under pretence that it only agreed to accept a Minister ad hoc for the settlement of the Texan affair; but the correspondence between the Consul at Mexico and the Government, which I subjoin, proves that the Mexican Cabinet made no such condition, and for once the United States are in the right. Mexico may pay dearly for this duplicity, as a fleet may be hourly expected at Vera Cruz, and the Constitution frigate has arrived at Mazatlan, with orders, it is said, to seize on one of the Pacific ports, should Mr. Slidell not be received. An opinion generally prevails at Mexico that war is inevitable between England and the United States, and that idea renders the Government more difficult in acceding to the terms of the Washington Cabinet.

Late advices from the Havannah state that M. de Cyprey, the ex-French Minister at this place, continued there with his family, waiting orders from home. I m also glad to find that illicit importation of Negroes at the Havannah had altogether ceased. Santa Anna is still living at the Havannah, occupied with his favourite amusement of cock-fighting, and apparently indifferent to the march of events in Mexico. His friends here are still numerous, at least to judge by the letters which, I understand from good authority, he receives from this--one-half of the correspondence between Mexico and the Havannah being addressed to him.

The Spanish Government is intriguing here with the hope of establishing one of its princes as sovereign, should the advocates for monarchy succeed in gaining a majority in the Convention. Two agents have been lately secretly employed here under the orders of the Captain-Gerneral of Cuba, and a new journal, called the Espectador, is announced under the direction of Colonel Valdes and the son of one of the most notorious Christino partisans at Madrid, for the purpose of supporting these pretensions. The Infante Don Sebastian, who married the sister of Donna Christina, and a son of Don Francisco de Paula, are the candidates. [CCB]

LT March 13, 1846, 5b, "AMERICA"

We have received Washington advices to the 19^th ult. Inclusive by the packet-ship Rochester, Captain Britton, arrived from New York, whence she sailed on the 21^st ult.

The adjourned debated in the Senate had been resumed on the 16^th ult. in accordance with resolution; and during the interval between that date and the dispatch of our latest accounts from Washington the house had been addressed by Mr. Hannegan, Mr. Colquitt, Mr. Dix, Mr. Benton, and Mr. Dickenson.

We extract from the New York Courier and Enquirer a brief resume of the speeches delivered by the gentlemen named.

The proceedings of the House of Representatives are totally uninteresting.

The new Tariff Bill, so late as the 19^th ult., had not been reported from the Committee on Finance. Upon this subject we make the following interesting extracts from the Washington correspondence of the Courier and Enquirer: --

"WASHINGTON, FEB. 16.

"Repeated efforts were made in the House today to have the Tariff Bill, framed under the direction of Mr. Walker, and now in the possession of the committee on finance, laid before the House, but none of them were successful. The members generally know nothing of the bill, except through the correspondence from this city which has come back; and its importance, together with the fact that its provisions are directly at variance with the laboured theory of the Secretary of the Treasury, as set forth in his annual report, creates a strong desire among members to have possession of the bill. Its provisions please neither the Protectionist nor the Free trader, and unless it shall win friends to its support which it has not now got, the indications are that it cannot be enacted into a law; but its fate is so intimately connected with that of the great question of the day--that of Oregon--that it is impossible to predict with any degree of confidence what will be the action of Congress upon it.

"FEBRUARY 19.

"You will observe that there have been several unsuccessful efforts in the House to reach the Tariff Bill prepared under the supervision of the Secretary of Treasury. The reason is that it does not suit the chairman of the Committee on Finance, Mr. M'Kay, who prefers the bill reported by himself at the last Congress. It is also rumoured that he and the Secretary have had interviews on the subject which have partaken more of the character of altercations than consultations. The article in the Union of last evening headed 'A War for Oregon Preferred to a Reduction of the Tariff,' has attracted very general attention. It purports to be in reply to an article in the Baltimore Patriot, but its perusal leaves the irresistible impression on the mind that the Government have it in contemplation to sacrifice the protection of our home industry, and accommodate our tariff to British interests, for the purpose of securing the whole of Oregon. That this had been suspected from former articles in the Union, and this suspicion is, in the minds of many, verified by the article of last evening. If it is true, as intimated in the Union, that unless we sacrifice the tariff we shall have to fight for Oregon, if England thus threatens us, it is palpable that she purposes to pursue the same course towards us in relation our tariff that she did towards the Chinese as to opium--they refused to receive the drug, and she flogged them into acquiescence. The Union intimates that Great Britain may pursue towards us the same course if we refuse to receive her manufactures, and that the Oregon question is to be the pretense. This I do not believe, but regard it on the part of the Union as a very bold trick wherewith it hopes to succeed on the one hand in its free trade schemes, by which it hopes to conciliate the south, and on the other, in its pretensions to the whole of Oregon, by which the west is to be secured, and the succession be thus made certain to Mr. Polk."

The coast had been visited by terrific storms of wind and snow. The New York papers teem with accounts of the disasters received by the shipping.

The money-market was easy. Discounts were effected at 6 to 7 per cent. Exchanges were inactive, 5 28^3/4 to 5 27^1/2.

The Cambria, with the mails of the 4^th of February, had arrived at Boston on the 18^th ult., communicating the remarks made by Sir R. Peel upon Mr. Pakenham's rejection of the proposal made last autumn by Mr. Polk. The Courier and Enquirer remarks,--

"The news from England is important, as exhibiting the anxious desire of the British Government to settle the Oregon question if this country will consent to any arrangement compatible with the honour of Great Britain; and now, more than ever, the question of war or peace rests solely with this Government. We sincerely hope that the Cambria brings instructions fro the British Minister to offer to our Government the propositions rejected by him in July; because if it does not, we doubt whether the British Ministry will feel disposed to make any offer after the rejection of the proposition to arbitrate, in an offensive manner, and upon the distinct ground that to agree to an arbitration would be to admit that Great Britain has some rights is Oregon, which Mr. Buchanan in that correspondence again denies. The uncourteous character of that last correspondence is, in our judgment, the principal difficulty in the way of an early adjustment of existing difficulties between the two countries. True, the Administration may in its obstinacy and folly presume upon the pacific disposition evinced by the British Cabinet, and in the hope of getting the whole of Oregon, refuse all compromise; but this, we think, Mr. Polk dare not do without first submitting the question to the people's representatives, who will never countenance such folly. But be this as it may, we must now look solely to Washington and our own Administration for the settlement of the question, for beyond all doubt, if we renew the original proposition made by Mr. Buchanan, it will be transmitted to England for the decision of the British Government, if it should not be at once accepted by Mr. Pakenham. And why would we not renew that proposition? It was made in good faith--not to Mr. Pakenham, but to the British Government; and now that we are officially informed that it did not reach the Government before it was withdrawn, surely good faith, self-respect, and a desire to promote an honourable and equitable settlement of the question, require that it should be renewed for the specific action of those for whom it was originally intended. Such, we contend, after the manly declarations of Sir Robert Peel in the House of Commons is the course which this Government owes it to its dignity to pursue. Let them do this--and not to do it is to fail in self-respect--and there can be no doubt but the whole difficulty will be promptly and honourably arranged. This proposition to reduce the duties on Indian corn, beef, pork, &c., is only another evidence of the pacific character of the English Government, and if adopted will add largely to our export trade."

Our Canadian advices are uninteresting. No later accounts had been received from Mexico.
[CCB]

LT March 16, 1846, p4/e US, France, and the Oregon question

When the Cambria left Boston on the 1^st inst. it was known that the Senate of the United States had adjourned the debate on the abrogation of the Oregon convention to the 2d of March; but there was no doubt that Mr. Colquitt's resolutions would be carried by a large majority in that assembly. These resolutions are substantially the same as those adopted by the House of Representatives, although in a more qualified form; but they express with greater energy an "earnest desire that this long standing controversy may be settled by negotiation and compromise." In fact, they impose upon the Cabinet of the United States the duty of reopening the negotiations on such terms as may convince the American people that a sincere attempt has been made to effect a peaceful settlement of the dispute; and we sincerely hope these terms may be admissible by England. Mr. Allen, however, in the course of the debate, declared that the President's views and determination to assert his title to the whole territory up to 54 40` had undergone no change. On the part of the British Minister, Mr. Pakenham, no fresh overture has been made.

Whatever may be the motives which induce the Congress of the United States to voted the abrogation of the convention of 1827 for the joint occupancy of the Oregon territory, we are chiefly concerned to examine the effect of that measure on the relative rights of the two claimants. As soon as the Senate shall have concurred in these resolutions, and the President proceed, as he undoubtedly will, to give the notice, the whole question will assume a new shape, or rather it will revert to the condition in which it stood before ever the conventions of 1818 and of 1827 were thought of, that condition being only modified by the actual settlements in the country made under the specific protection of those very instruments. It may, we think, be demonstrated by strict reasoning that the abrogation of these conventions under the present circumstances of the two Powers in Oregon, materially weakens strengthens our own rights.

Under the agreement which the Americans are resolved to cancel, two kinds of claims have existed: the first conventional, which were on the footing of strict equality; the second claims of settlement, which depend on the relative extent of occupation by either party. If the convention be annulled, the conventional privileges of the Americans, which were equal to our own, cease and determine, as far as we are concerned; their right is reduced to a mere abstract title; whilst we stand upon the British rights of occupation, sanctioned by all the arguments in support of our claim, and especially by the treaty of

1790 with Spain. The settlements of the Hudson's Bay Company in the Oregon territory have been made under a right recognized by these conventions; but the right existed before the conventions, and the settlements, with all the rights accruing to their founders, will subsist after them. Dr. Twiss, in his most interesting and elaborate survey of the whole question, points out the passage of Vattel by which such a case must be determined. "If," says that great authority, "two or more nations at the same time discover and take possession of an island or any other desert land without an owner, they ought to agree between themselves and make an equitable partition; but, if they cannot agree, each will have the right of empire and domain in the parts in which they first settled."

In this particular case, the effect of occupation and priority of settlement as conferring sovereignty is more than usually decisive. For the right of fishing, landing for the purpose of trade with the natives, and of making settlements, having been formally secured to Spain and to England by the treaty of 1790, the settlements made in pursuance of that right by either Power became absolute possessions of the Crown. Let us now ascertain from an unquestionable witness, Mr. Greenhow himself, the champion of the American claims, what the relative importance of these settlements is. He observes that the difficulty of the negotiation undertaken in 1826 had been materially increased since 1818--

"By the great inequality which had been produced in the relative positions of the two parties as regards actual occupation. After the union of the two great North American Companies in 1821, and the establishment of civil and criminal jurisdiction throughout their territories, the Hudson's Bay Company became a powerful body; its resources were no longer wasted in disputes with a rival association; its regulations were enforced; its operations were conducted with security and efficiency; and encouragement was afforded for the extension of its posts and communications by the assurance that the honour of the Government was thereby more strongly engaged in its support. Many of these posts were fortified, and could be defended by their inmates--men inured to dangers and hardships of all kinds--against any attacks which might be apprehended; and thus, in a few years, the whole region north and north-west of the United States, from Hudson's Bay and Canada to the Pacific, particularly the portion traversed by the Columbia and its branches, was occupied, in a military sense, by British forces, although there was not a single British soldier, strictly speaking, within its limits.

Such is the American account of the state of district in 1826, when Mr. Gallatin proposed as his ultimatum the cession by England of the territory up to the 49^th parallel. Nor is it now materially altered. Two or three thousand American emigrants have formed a village on one of the southern tributaries of the Columbia; but neither their means nor their objects extend to any command of territory beyond the valley of the Willamette. They have an undoubted right to form such settlements under the convention; but they owe the means of completing their journey across the vast and rugged wilderness to the liberality and hospitality of the agents of the Hudson's Bay Company. Captain Fremont, who conducted the United States exploring expedition beyond the Rocky Mountains in 1843, attests the fact. On arriving at Fort Nez Perce, a British post situated at the confluence of the River Wallawalla and the Columbia, he observes that at this point, which is just 2,000 miles overland from the western frontier of the state of Missouri, the emigrants who arrive by the South Pass and from the valley of the Mississippi may embark on the broad stream of the west. He himself and the heads of the emigrants there at the same time were hospitably entertained by Mr. Mackinsley, the commander of the post. At Fort Vancouver, Captain Fremont was received with the greatest courtesy by Dr. M'Laughlin, the executive officer of the Hudson's Bay Company in the territory west of the Rocky Mountains, and the expedition was furnished with all necessary supplies. He adds--

"I found many American emigrants at the fort; others had already crossed into their land of premise--the Wallahmette Valley. Others were daily arriving, and all of them had been furnished with shelter, so far as it could be afforded by the buildings connected with the establishment. Necessary clothing and provisions (the latter to be afterwards returned inkind from the produce of their labour) were also furnished. This friendly assistance was of very great value to the emigrants, whose families were otherwise exposed to much suffering in the winter rains; at the same time, they were in want of all the common necessaries of life. Those who had driven their stock down the Columbia had brought them safely in, and found for them a ready market, and were already proposing to return to the States in the spring for another supply."

We quote these facts, which are given on American official authority, because it is impossible to place the relative importance of the British and American settlements in the territory in stronger contrast. In fact, if the emigrants from the United States had not been liberally and humanely assisted and protected by the British agents, they would probably have perished miserably on that bleak shore, beyond the reach of all human aid. But what is the return the instigators of the American people propose to make for these offices of humanity? What effect has this information, officially presented to Congress, upon the deliberations of the Legislature? It only incites them to endeavour to expel their benefactors from the country, and to wrest from the Hudson's Bay Company those very forts which have sheltered their own emigrants from the hardships of the wilderness.

No appeals have been made to public opinion or to Parliament by the Hudson's Bay Company, probably because that body feels sufficiently strong in its own resources and in the resolution of the Government. But a stronger case for public interest and support we have never known. A great trading company enters upon the enjoyment of certain rights secured by a treaty between the Crowns of Spain and England, with the full sanction of royal charter and acts of Parliament; it occupies a vast uninhabited region, where settlement was all that was needed to assert and establish indefeasible rights of dominion; it exercises those rights with so little jealousy, that even the emigrants from the rival state are housed within its walls and supplied from its magazines. It has organized the sole system of regular communication and traffic that the present state of the northern parts of America admits of. All this has been going on actively for the last quarter of a century, and less actively ever since 1790; when suddenly, by the mere will and pleasure of a democratic community, whose nearest possessions are distant 2,000 miles of land travel, this company and the power it represents are summoned to evacuate, surrender, and renounce their forts, their posts, their settlements, the navigation of the rivers, the possession of the country, and to retire beyond the 54^th parallel of latitude. Such a cession of territory would at once paralyze the whole operations of the Company and the North-Western coast. Yet, such is the extraordinary perversion of public opinion in America on this subject, that we are expected to abandon a title, supported by effectual occupation, in favour of another title, which rests upon no superior legal claims, and is backed by no occupation whatever!

As soon as notice of the abrogation of the treaty of 1827 is given, we trust that no mere formalities will deter the British Government from informing the Cabinet of Washington and the world what are the definitive claims of this country and what are the concessions England is prepared to make. Nothing is gained by the secrecy of diplomacy in treating with the United States, because public opinion in that country is the last arbiter of the national policy and the Government has shown itself less disposed to peace than the more enlightened part of the community. Whatever be the proposals of the American Executive, we must trust to the fairness of our own views, to our ability to defend the ground on which we stand, and to the magnitude of the alternatives. But, as we observed more than two months ago, in an article which has been much discussed in the United States, we cannot acquiesce in the surrender of positive long-enjoyed benefits; and the navigation of the Columbia, the harbour of St. Juan de Fuca, and Vancouver's Island are included in those we undoubtedly and rightfully possess.
[CCB]

LT March 16, 1846. 5E.

AMERICA

Liverpool, Saturday, March 14.

The British and North American Royal mail steam-ship Cambria arrived here this morning from Boston and Halifax, with a portion only of the usual mails of the 1^st instant.

The advices received from Washington are important. The discussion in the Senate had not been resumed until the 24^th ultimo, when Mr. Dickenson addressed the house in favour of the notice and "the whole Oregon."

We subjoin the subsequent proceedings of Congress:--

Washington, Wednesday, Feb. 25.

There was an interesting debate in the Senate to-day on the Oregon question, and the character of the late intelligence from England.

After Mr. Dickenson had concluded his speech,

Mr. Dayton moved that the further discussion of the subject he postponed to Monday fortnight. He did not think that any good could come from a discussion at this time. The character of the late intelligence had impressed him as very amicable, and it was proper to meet it in the same spirit. We could not, in a better manner, meet that amicable disposition than by showing that we were in hot haste.

Mr. Allan said,--In regard to the pacific news of which we had heard so much men might well differ in opinion. He had seen nothing in the language of Ministers or in that of the press which afforded any evidence of a change in the designs of England. The British Cabinet were too sagacious to disclose their designs in advance; and, if we were to gather any thing from their declarations, it would be the very reverse of what they professed. But the British Government had had the President's message before them for two months, and they knew what measures were proposed by us. There was no propriety in our taking counsel from the movements of Great Britain; and if we now postponed the subject it would show that we lacked nerve and heart for the work we had undertaken. This subject had now become connected with another of greater importance--our political relations with other countries. He alluded to the project of a monarchial government, under European guarantee, for Mexico.

Mr. Dayton,--The senator from Ohio may be right. The sentiments of the British Ministers and press might not be a fair exponent of the designs of the British Government. If so, he wished that a little of the same discretion could be manifested here. He did not propose a postponement with a view to shrink from the question, but with a view to more deliberate action. The Senate was not now prepared to act, and the discussion had become stale.

Mr. Cass made some remarks with a view to justify his former inferences as to the position of the British Government on this question. Nothing in the Queen's speech or in Parliament showed any pacific intention towards the United States, but the reverse. He was astonished at the remark of the Government paper (the Union) that the news from Great Britain was pacific.

Mr. Berrien was disposed to support the motion, but he agreed that our right to give the notice was indisputable.

Mr. Dayton withdrew his motion to postpone.

Mr. Colquitt wished to submit an amendment which would express the sense of the Senate that the question was a proper one for negotiation and compromise.

Mr. Calhoun said, he hoped every senator would come tomorrow prepared to vote on the amendments.

The Senate went into consideration of executive business.

Thursday, Feb. 26, Half-Past 4 O'Clock

The following is the form of the notice proposed by Mr. Colquitt yesterday, and which, it is believed, meets the views of Mr. Calhoun, Mr. Crittenden, and others of both parties.

Upon the adoption of this resolution, it is surmised that Mr. Buchanan will retire from the Cabinet, and the negotiations will be renewed.

The following are the joint resolutions:--

"That notice be given, in terms of the treaty, for abrogating the convention made between Great Britain and the United States on the 20^th of October, 1818, and continued by the convention of 1827, immediately after the close of the present session of Congress, unless the President, in his discretion, shall consider it expedient to defer it to a latter period.

Sec. 2. And be it further resolved, that it is earnestly desired that the long standing controversy respecting limits in the Oregon territory be speedily settled by negotiation and compromise, in order to tranquilize the public mind, and to preserve the friendly relations between the two countries."

Mr. Webster, after alluding to the importance of an expression of opinion on this subject, by the Senate, in reference to the interests of the business community, which were suffering by the state of suspense, inquired whether the senator from Kentucky (Mr. Crittenden) had determined to accept the proposition of the senator from Georgia (Mr. Colquitt)?

Mr. Crittenden had determined, he said, to accept the point alone; and he would accept the latter with some qualification. Mr. Crittenden went on to say, that whatever might be the occasional popular effervescence in this country, or the fervour of debates here, he trusted that it would be found that the Senate would come to a wise and temperate conclusion on this subject. There was a great desire that action should take place to-day, in order that the result might be transmitted by the steamer, but he did not see its importance.

Mr. Webster did not differ a hair's breadth in opinion from the hon. Senator from Kentucky as to the propriety of the course that he proposed. He went on to say that the exercise of the treaty right to give the notice was in just cause of offence, but the circumstances attending it were to be considered. The house accompanied the naked notice with a proposition qualifying it. Some such proposition had been offered here. It seemed to be the sense of the Senate that some qualifications ought to be adopted. It was desirable that we should know the opinion of the executive Government as to the effect and use of this notice. The President did not expect war; but how did he propose to escape it? The question must be settled, and, if so, by negotiation. But what was to be the bias of the negotiation? What were to be the terms? All that we heard from the Government was, that they claimed the whole of Oregon or none. He could not understand the position of the Government. It would not treat for anything less than the whole of Oregon, but propose negotiation. Did they expect by negotiation to persuade Great Britain to give us the whole of Oregon? He wished success to the project. There seemed to be a gross inconsistency in the positions of the Government. If they did not intend to compromise, the result often predicted by the senator from Michigan must happen. Mr. Webster, in the course of his remarks, said that a majority of the Senate would vote for the two propositions of Mr. Colquitt.

Mr. Mangum here said,--Two-thirds will vote for it.

Mr. Breese, Mr. Hannesan, and Mr. Allen opposed the amendment of Mr. Colquitt; and Mr. Breese declared that he did not wish the President to negotiate further. Mr. Allen, in the course of the debate, asserted that the President's views and determination to assert our title to the whole territory up to 54 deg., 40 min., had undergone no change.

Mr. Calhoun said it as now evident, if not before, tat the point in controversy was whether this question should be settled by arms or by negotiation and compromise. It was the most important question that had ever come before the American people since the revolution. He dwelt on the importance of an early expression of the opinion of the Senate upon it.

Mr. Cass said the resolutions could not take any thing from the constitutional power of the President.

Mr. Breese moved to adjournment.

The Senate adjourned to Monday.

The New York Herald, of the 28^th ult., rumours that Mr. Pakenham had submitted a new proposition to the American Executive. We believe this rumour to be altogether unfounded.

It was stated that a large fleet would shortly be assembled in the Gulf of Mexico.

Our Canadian advices are unimportant. The recent diplomatic correspondence on the Oregon question had been received as rendering war almost inevitable. The new commercial scheme propounded by the Premier had caused considerable excitement and alarm; and the Board of Montreal had determined to memorialize the home Government to admit Canadian corn and flour duty free, without a certificate of origin, and with other advantages.

We learn from Mexico that the hostile movement of Arista had failed.
[CCB]

LT March 17, 1846, p5/b Oregon question

The statement of the Washington correspondence of the New York Herald, that Mr. Pakenham submitted his ultimatum to the consideration of the American Government on the evening of the 26^th of February, and that a Cabinet was immediately held to deliberate upon the definitive proposal, is, we have reason to believe, wholly without foundation. It is equally false that "Mr. Crampton brought out instructions to Mr. Pakenham to re-open negotiations by an offer of the 49^th parallel, the whole of Vancouver's Island, and the navigation of the Columbia for 20 years." These statements are, however, made by certain organs of public opinion in the United States with such an air of confidence, that we are not surprised that some of our contemporaries in this country should have been imposed upon by them, in spite of the manifest absurdity of the terms suggested. The correspondent of the New York Herald even affects to know what the nature of the British Minister's proposition was, although unwonted scruples deter him from revealing it. The fact is, that no such proposition could have been made at all, especially pending the debate on the resolutions which was then actually going on in the Senate of the United States. The last attempt made by Mr. Pakenham, in pursuance of the instructions he had received from home, to re-open the negotiation by a proposal of arbitration, was abruptly frustrated by the prompt and peremptory rejection of that expedient in Mr. Buchanan's dispatch of the 5^th of February, and by the immediate publication of that correspondence. On the following day but one the debate on the resolutions for terminating the convention by notice began in the House of Representatives. A similar debate soon afterwards commenced in the Senate, and was not finished when the last advices left Washington. It is clear from the position in which the question stood after the rejection of the last overture made by the British Minister, and also from the positive injunction to negotiate which is contained in the second of the resolutions under discussion in both Houses of Congress, that the American Cabinet should make the next step towards the adjustment of the controversy. If, however, Mr. Polk and his advisers should give the notice to terminate the existing convention, without accompanying that act by a fresh proposal calculated to promote an amicable settlement, we trust that there will be no hesitation on the part of the British Government in replying to that act by a precise intimation of what our definitive claims to the Oregon territory really are. It would have been premature and ill-timed for Mr. Pakenham to anticipate the "action of Congress (as they call it in the United States) by offering an ultimatum, or any other proposal, at that particular moment. But as soon as the decision of Congress, and the course which the President is prepared to take upon it, are officially know, we have no doubt that Mr. Pakenham will be furnished with instructions to enable him to meet the emergency with conciliation and with moderation, but without the slightest surrender of the dignity or the interests of this country. At present no such final instructions have been called for by the state of the question.

We have read with regret the language of the Washington Union, the avowed organ of Mr. Polk's Government, upon the receipt of the pacific intelligence which had just reached the United States from England. The construction which that journal puts upon the pacific tone of the British press and of some of the leading men in Parliament is, that "England has been made to feel, by the stand taken by the President on the Oregon question, and so far triumphantly sustained by Congress, that the Americans are in earnest;"--in short, that our pacific demeanor and temperate language have been directly caused by the conviction that the Americans are united and firm in their resolution to deprive us of our just rights in Oregon, and that Mr. Polk is now certain to reap the fruits of his successful bluster by obtaining an immediate and satisfactory settlement of the question. The American Government imputes to the policy of the message and the notice a change in the whole face of things. No more threats of war from England: after such a demonstration "the tone of England may we be pacific."

It is unnecessary to point out to any human being in this country, capable of reading these lines, the total delusion, the perverse misconstruction, and the fatal consequences contained in these expressions of the Washington Union. It is in the highest degree dangerous to the peace of the world that such statements as these should go forth with authority in a foreign country to convey the supposed feelings and intentions of the people of England. When we see the labours of the British statesmen traduced in this manner, we could almost regret that we have not employed a rougher language and coarser arguments in the discussion of this question, as better adapted to the comprehension of trans-Atlantic controversialists. Our reluctance to irritate and embitter public feeding on this question, either at home or abroad, is misinterpreted into a doubt of our own rights and a recognition of the superior rights of the other party. We are dispassionate, therefore we are about to yield; we are calm, that is a sing that the violent policy and language of Mr. Polk are on the eve of accomplishing a signal victory.

Whoever knows anything of Englishmen and England knows how false and mischievous these views of our national conduct are. Few instances have occurred in the history of nations of a people more completely and unanimously resolved than we are not to maintain the rights we have long possessed and enjoyed; yet England has not shown the slightest indication of a brutal passion for war, but, on the contrary, an earnest desire to avoid a conflict, in which we have nothing to fear and everything to inflict on our antagonist. This full confidence in the justice of a cause, which claims no more than half the object in dispute, and actually less than the territory now in our possession--this reliance on the conciliatory disposition and on the firm resolution of the Cabinet--this consciousness of possessing the most tremendous naval resources which ever hurled destruction on an enemy--have allowed the English people to remain calm, even to apparent indifference. But the American Government which builds its hopes of a speedy triumph on this foundation, deceives the people of the United States. No such indifference, no division of opinion, no hesitation as to the course it may be necessary to pursue, exist at all in England. We are told of the unanimity of the United States in the face of debates and divisions, even on the preliminary resolutions, which indicate an extreme diversity of opinions, and great doubt on all hands as to the result. In this country and in the British Parliament we are confident that the unanimity would be absolute. It is absolute both ways. Nobody is for war if it can be avoided by an equitable partition of the territory; nobody will hesitate to give the war the whole support of our national power and our individual might, if it be forced upon us by the presumption, the exorbitant demands, and the delusions of the opposite party.

Mr. Polk stands in a fearful predicament. He has endeavored to persuade the people of America that England will yield without much further difficulty to the demands he has reiterated in so peremptory a manner; and if he has failed in intimidating us, he has succeeded in deceiving them. Hence his own organs and his own declarations have made him powerless to negotiate. How can he negotiate, who assures the country that England is about to abandon to him the sum total of his demands? What concessions can he make to avoid war, when he asserts that is by refusing all concessions that England will be brought to yield? Such policy is of the most short-sighted and perilous kind; for in the position in which he now stands, the President of the United States must either make concessions, perfectly inconsistent with all his declarations, or he must run al the risk of plunging the country into a contest, which he has pretended to avoid, but which he alone may render inevitable.
[CCB]

LT March 18, 1846, p4/d Oregon Question

The language of Lord Clarendon and Lord Aberdeen, in the short discussion which took place last night in the House of Lords, on a motion for the correspondence relating to the last Oregon negotiation, reflects hounour on the temper, judgment, and good feeling of those eminent persons. That every exertion consistent with the national honour will be made to preserve the peace, was the gracious declaration made by Her Majesty from the throne, and no one in this country has entertained the least doubt that it will be strictly adhered to. That assurance scarcely needed to be emphatically repeated, for no distrust has ever been expressed upon the subject. But we have now abundant evidence from the United States that the moderation of this sentence in the speech from the throne, and of the brief remarks made on the subject on the first night of the session , have been grossly misconstrued by the party in power in America. Their demands and their expectations have risen, because we scarcely condescended to give an answer to them, or to put in a counter plea. Incredulous of their extravagant passion for this territory of Oregon, convinced of our own right, and unable to believe in a propensity to war, we have been supposed to act as if we intended to surrender the question or to shun the contest. This excessive moderation of language has deceived the Americans more effectually than if we had employed all the arts of diplomacy. Of the members of Senate who will vote for the abrogation of the convention, a large proportion are convince that England will not only now accept the terms she rejected before, but that she will accept terms even less favourable, and they have taken up their position in consequence.

They are grossly and dangerously mistaken, Whatever reserve may be imposed upon peers of Parliament by courtesy or by official prudence, we are confident that not one of the English statesmen who spoke last night upon this subject, contemplates the abandonment of a territory in which our rights are equal to those of any Power. The time and the place might not be fitted to a more precise and emphatic declaration of the views and intentions of England, but it would be absured to suppose that they are a whit below the level which the interests and the dignity of the country prescribe. It would be foolish to overstate our just pretensions, but it is dangerous and unwise to allow them to be thought less than they are. We have offered to submit them to any fair arbitration; we are ready to assent to terms of equitable partition, on a principle of equality. But arbitration has been rejected, and partition itself is scarcely compatible with the claims advanced on the other side, since they are absolute and paramount. Nothing in fact remains for us to concede, since a divided right is all we are contending for, and the very principle of division is not yet admitted by the American Government.

The declaration which it now becomes us emphatically to repeat is, what we have "rights in the Oregon territory which we are resolved and prepared to maintain." That expression of Sir R. Peel and Lord Aberdeen was certainly to intemperate and ill-considered; and we have no doubt that subsequent events have not in the slightest degree diminished their resolution to adhere to it, and to all that it was understood to imply. We see nothing in the present posture of affairs which calls for, or can justify, a more subdued language on the part of the English Government; and we are persuaded that the false construction which has been put upon the very guarded declarations of the English Ministers is one of the circumstances most calculated to mislead public opinion in the United States, and possibly to enhance the unwarrantable presumption of the American Government.
[CCB]

LT March 19, 1846, p4/f US, preparations for war in

Preparations for War--The American Government must be in earnest about the Oregon question, for we have just heard that General Tom Thumb has received an order to return immediately to his country to take the command of the Yankee army. -Pench
[CCB]

LT April 3, 1846, p7/a Mexican bonds

Money Market and City Intelligence

The English funds were without particular variation to-day, the amount of business transacted being exceedingly small. The last quotation for Consuls was 96^1/4 to 3/8 both for money and the account. Exchequer-bills closed 26s. to 29s. pm., and India Bonds, 25s. to 20s. pm.

The foreign securities continue much the same as yesterday. Mexican supports the advance then attained both as respects the Active and the Deferred stock. The latest bargain in the one description was at 32 3/8, and in the other at 17. Chilian was done at 96 ex div.; Colombian, at 16; Peruvian, at 36; Portuguese; at 57; Spanish Five per Cents., for the account, at 25 1/2 ; Venezuela, at 43^1/4 ex div.; the Deferred, at 13; Dutch Two-and-a-Half per Cents., at 59 1/8; and the Four per Cents., Certificates, at 92 1/8 ex div.

The Government broker's purchases to-day consisted of 21,000l. Consuls for the National Debt Commissioners, and 5,000l . for the savings-banks.

The rumours current yesterday respecting the transfer of the money from the former Mexican agents to their successors prove to have been not without foundation, though much which has been confidently stated on the subject turns out to be incorrect. We have the best authority for asserting that the following is the definite settlement of the point in dispute between Messrs. Lizardi and the bondholders:--Messrs. Lizardi admit the total sum due from them to the bondholders to be 65,651l . 7s. 9d., and give bills for the amount payable in 3, 6, 9, 12, 15, and 18 months, with interest at the rate of 4 per cent from the 10^th inst. At each of the first two periods one-tenth of the sum is to be paid, and at each of the four others one-fifth. The bills are already accepted, and placed in the hands of Messrs. Schneider, the present agents.

A case has recently occurred at Liverpool which has created much interest in the commercial circles of that place. It appears a person engaged in manufactures having failed, called a meeting of his creditors, when a committee of inquiry was instituted, and a compromise of 12s. 6d. in the pound was offered. This was accepted by all the creditors excepting one, who had bought a returned acceptance of the insolvent's at the rat of about 11s. in the pound. This one creditor, it should be observed, is in the same line of business as the insolvent, and he purchased the bill from one of the parties who formed the committee of inspection. He now serves a notice of bankruptcy for the full value of the bill, and the fact (say our letter) is not concealed that "the object of the bankruptcy is solely to break up the materials of the establishment, and thus stay competition." The result is, that a large number of creditors lose the present advantage which a compromise would afford, and will have ultimately to sustain a certain loss (as no one expects 10s. in the pound under the bankruptcy), because one creditor, for some private object, refuses to take 12s. 6d. in the pound for a bill for which he gave 11s.
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LT April 6, 1846, p6/b Addresses from English cities to American citizens to advocate peace

The Boston Address.

"Esteemed Citizens of Boston, in New England.--We, the inhabitants of Boston, in Old England, assembled at a public meeting convened by our Mayor, in the Town-hall, January 26, 1846, beg leave respectfully to present you this friendly address on the subject of international peace.

Two centuries ago, the inhabitants of your city, because they had received from this place the persecuted but truly venerable minister of the gospel, Mr. John Cotton, honoured our town b changing the name of their own, and adopting that of Boston. We trust that the respect then showed will always continue to be deserved; and that friendship, along with commercial intercourse, will for all generations be perpetuated, never to be interrupted by national jealousies, or by the horrors and crimes of war.

We believe war to be an evil--a pure evil, unattended by any good in its motives, actions, or results--an evil so tremendous that no earthly consideration can justify it.

We are convinced that war is destructive to all the interests of humanity, to happiness and liberty, to commerce and wealth, to science, arts, and civilization, to learning and intelligence, to philanthropy and religion.

We regard war as unreasonable; for even should it prove which party had the most strength, it would never show on which side was the most right: and we doubt no that any good which may in some cases be supposed to have resulted from fighting, could have been secured in a greater degree, more rapidly, more effectually, more widely, more permanently, and far more cheaply, by negotiation.

We observe that any Government designing an attack on the rights, liberty, happiness, and commercial prosperity of any other nation, in all cases commence by assailing the rights, liberty, property, happiness, and commerce of their own people.

We consider war to be condemned alike by the voice of conscience and experience, by natural and revealed religion; and to be unworthy of the nature of man, and contrary to the will of God. We therefore protest against our being called out to fight either against you or any other portion of the one family of man. We hope to see the day when it will be proved that war is as needless as it is pernicious; that it may be avoided; that the friends of reason and religion are able to awaken such a public sentiment on the subject, as will render it impossible for the selfish and the ambitious to turn the hand of man against his brother.

Citizens of Boston! permit us to exhort you to cherish and to spread these pacific principles; till all nations shall repose amid all the blessings of a universal and perpetual peace."

"On behalf of the Meeting, J. NOBLE, Chairman, a Member of the Town Council of Boston, Lincolnshire, England.

B. FARRINGTON (Baptist Minister), Secretary."

The Huddersfield Address

"From the Manufacturers, Merchants, and other Inhabitants of Huddersfield and its Neighborhood, To the Citizens of the United States of North America. Friends and Fellow Christians,--Permit us to take this mode of communicating with you in a spirit of friendship and brotherhood on a subject which is at present agitating the public mind, both in this country and in yours--a subject of immeasurable importance in every point of view, to our mutual interests.

We have observed with regret in many of the public papers, on both sides of the Atlantic, the manifestation of a warlike spirit, in reference to the disputed boundaries in the Oregon territory. As it is not our business, so we have no inclination to enter upon the merits of the respective claims of the two nations: our object is to induce you to unite your efforts with ours to avert the threatened calamity.

That war under any circumstances, and especially a war between two countries bound together by innumerable ties, as are England and the United States, would be a terrible calamity, is a self-evident proposition, whether as regards the severance of the nearest domestic bonds, the disturbance of our ever-growing commercial and political relations, or the disgrace of our common Christianity.

And shall it be, that two nations so far advance in civilization and refinement must, in the middle of the 19^th century, adopt the brutish maxim of the most barbarous ages and countries, that 'might is right?'

Shall it be that two professedly Christian countries, both engaged in instructing and evangelizing the heathen, must set such an example to the Pagan world? Forbid it, humanity! Forbid it, justice! Forbid it, Christianity!

When private individuals adopt such a mode of settling their differences, and loss of life ensues, so great a crime is visited with the extreme penalty of the law. Happily, this manner of acting in private life is now chiefly confined to the most illiterate and depraved portion of the community; and why should we, in a national capacity, adhere to a barbarous practice, condemned by our own laws, in the relations of social life? If two intelligent and reasonable tradesmen differ, they settle the matter by arbitration; and why should not all international disputes be settled by arbitration also? It is not only more sensible, more humane, and more Christian, but far more likely than a resort to arms to terminate the disagreement to mutual satisfaction, and certainly with incomparably less expense to the exchequers of both countries.

We therefore appeal to you, the intelligent merchants and citizens, in all parts of the Union, to exert to the utmost your powerful influence with the public, and with the Federal Government, to prevent the occurrence of a war in which it would be the extreme of folly and wickedness to engage, whilst we are endeavoring to exercise a similar influence in this country. We feel confident that were the moral power thus possessed but exercised to its full and legitimate extent on both sides of the Atlantic, it would not fail to effect the object we have in view--the preservation of peace and prosperity, both in your country and our own.

Ardently desiring this happy result, we remain, &c. 16^th of January, 1846. [This Address has been received the signatures of most of the leading firms in Huddersfield.]

The Plymouth Address

"Friendly Appeal from the Inhabitants of Plymouth, Great Britain, to the Citizens of the United States of America, for the purpose of averting War between the two Countries.

To the Legislators and Citizens of the United States of America.

Friends and Brethren,--We are deeply concerned to perceive that there are any indications, how remote soever, of threatened hostility between your country and our own. Towards your nation we entertain, in common with the vast majority of our fellow-subjects, feelings of sincere good-will. As the friends of peace throughout the world, we desire that all those who delight in war may be scattered; but with you, to whom we are allied by community of national origin, by identity of language, by similarity in many of our laws and institutions, we earnestly and especially deprecate hostility. Moreover, by War our commercial intercourse would be seriously impeded, the progress of civilization and of science be obstructed, immense pecuniary loss be incurred, domestic ties be broken, humanity be outraged, life to a fearful extent be sacrificed, and dire offence committed against the laws of our beneficiate Creator. By war we must both lose much; and what could the victor gain that would be worth one-thousandth part of the cost of the conflict?

Again, whatever be the value of the Oregon territory, it would be a poor compensation to the owner for the blood and treasure which would be spent in acquiring it; and then, and treasure which would be spent in acquiring it; and then, too, the dispute respecting it may be easily be settled by arbitration, if other and simpler means to be ineffectual.

Let us, we entreat you, agree to exert all our influence, personal and political, on each side of the Atlantic, to frustrate the devices of those ambitious and reckless spirits, in either country, who, by precipitating us into conflict, would render us the scorn of the world; while the energies and influence of two great nations, which ought to be combined for the benefit of the entire human race, would be foolishly and wickedly employed in inflicting mutual and widely-spread injury and destruction.

Allow us, then, to hope that your cordial response to this appeal may strengthen the bonds of amity between us, and promote the interests of universal peace.

Dated Jan. 27, 1846."

[Signed by several hundreds of the inhabitants of Plymouth, headed by the mayor, and six borough and country magistrates, and two clergymen of the Establishment.]

To work upon the feelings of brotherhood between the inhabitants of the two countries, it will be observed, that when it is possible, a town in Great Britain addresses a town of the same name in America.

To the documents which have been collected in this country, in the form of a little pamphlet, we are enabled to add another--namely, an address from New York, a copy of which is inserted in the New York Journal of Commerce :--

"To the friends of peace throughout the British realm, and especially those in Manchester, Boston, Huddersfield, Plymouth, and other places, who have issued 'Friendly Addresses' to the people of the United States.

The undersigned merchants and other inhabitants of the city of New York, earnestly desiring the preservation of peace between the two countries, and the more encouraged to expect it when they find the hearts of so many in the father-land beating in unison with their own. No triumphs of brute force over moral right ever did or can command our admiration as do these peaceful overtures, coming from a nation so powerful as England, and so well prepared for a conflict of arms, and none, we are sure were ever so approved by the Prince of Peace. The effect of these 'Friendly Addresses' upon the public mind in this country will be eminently favourable, and will do much to promote that hearty good-will which ought ever to prevail between nations bound together by so many sacred ties. Go on, then, respected friends, in your labour of love and mercy. Tell your people that our noisiest men are not the best exponents of the national sentiment towards Great Britain, or in regard to war. Tell them that in the nation at large there is a vast aggregate of moral worth, which, when called into action, as it is beginning to be, by the threatened calamities of a causeless and unnecessary war, will assuredly-repress ambition, or turn it into a more peaceful channel. Tell them that this effect is already visible to a most gratifying extent, not only I your maritime cities, but throughout the land; and that it has been aided by the realization of the restrictive features of your commercial policy.

"A war of concession, compromise, mutual forbearance and good fellowship, resulting, as they necessarily must, in increasing trade, intellectual advancement, and progress in everything truly great and good, is the only war which we wish to see waged between the two nations.

As to Oregon, although from comparative proximity we naturally desire our proper share of that extensive territory, yet we will gladly concur (and we believe such is the general voice of the nation) in any fair measures of compromise, or reference, which the two Governments may see fit to adopt, for the peaceable adjustment of the question. It is clearly one which ought not, under any circumstances, to breed a war between the two countries; and we hold that without the most deplorable obstinacy and the blackest guilt on the part of one or both of the claimants, such an issue is impossible. As a matter of profit it would be infinitely better that the 'whole of Oregon should be sunk to the bottom of the ocean, than that two such nations as Great Britain and the United States should go to war about it, to the disgrace of civilization, Christianity, and rational freedom.

With a firm belief in the pacific disposition of both Governments, and that they will yet be enabled to settle the controversy in a manner at once just and honourable to all concerned, we look forward with hope to the future, and in the mean time beg leave to subscribe ourselves your friends and well-wishers."
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LT April 10, 1846, p5/b Oregon question

The United States
Liverpool, Thursday, April 9.

Important accounts from New York to the 9^th ult. inclusive, and from Washington to the 7^th ult., have been received this morning by the packet-ship Independence.

On the 4^th and 5^th ult., as will be seen from the summary annexed, the Senate had been addressed by Mr. Heywood on the Oregon question, attacking those of his own party who held up the President as pledged to the whole Oregon, and intimating the desire of the President to compromise the question on the basis of the offer previously made by him to Great Britain. The speech created great excitement, and spread consternation amongst the extreme war party. We extract the following comments from the American journals.

"Mr. Heywood," says a Washington correspondent of the New York Journal of Commerce ,

"Is supposed to be an intimate friend of the President, and the end of his speech was to prove that the President stood on 49, that he held the door open for negotiation, and that he recommended Congress to give notice for the termination of the convention, with the view and expectation of bringing the controversy to a peaceful close. He insisted that the country was committed by 40 years' negotiation to agree to the parallel of 49 degrees as the boundary; that the President felt bound to act in obedience to the opinion of the country, though in his private opinion convinced that our title was clear to 54 40, and that by what he had done, and he had omitted to do, it was evident he was desirous of adjusting the controversy on the principles of compromise and peace. He had such confidence in the President, that he would vote for giving the notice without conditions. But if it should be found (of which he had no fear) that it was sought by the President as a weapon of war, and not as a means and instrument of peace, he would oppose his Administration. While then, I presume, the notice will be given by a large majority of the Senate, it will be upon conditions expressed or implied that negotiations proceed, and that should Great Britain offer to compromise on the parallel of 49, it be accepted. Such is the present aspect of the case. But these indications, auspicious to the peaceful settlement of the Oregon controversy, may, be hidden, subtle, and at present imagined causes, be darkened and disturbed. So many elements, interests, and passions are involved in the case, that to calculate their results is hardly less difficult than to determine the future motions of the waves of the sea. The great controlling power, under Providence, is public opinion, and this itself cannot with certainly be predicted. The speech of to-day is a sign, at least, of peace."

The Washington Union remarks:--

"May we be permitted to say that we did not ourselves understand Mr. Heywood as intending to speak authoritatively in the name of the President, except from the printed documents. We say, with all respect, that no man, out of his Cabinet, is authorized to speak cathedra for him on this delicate and important question. He has expressed his opinion in his own message, or through the letters of the Secretary of State. We presume, that no one has a right to speak for him but from the documents which he has submitted to his country. His future course must be judged by his past conduct. Mr. Allen was himself interrogated the other day upon this question by the senator from Maryland, and Mr. Alllen referred to the President's documents for his answer. We can entertain no doubt that such was the meaning of the senator from North Carolina; and nothing but the extraordinary character of the passing scene probably prevented him from making a similarly prompt explanation. But the scene is over, and we have no doubt any little irritation, and all hasty remarks, have passed with it. The generous spirit of the senators will prevent their repetition. They are all the friends of the President. No evanescent remarks will swerve him from his course, nor disturb that self-balanced equanimity of spirit which graces the chief magistrate, who is determined to do his duty amid all the difficulties that beset his path, whether they proceed from political enemies or his friends at home, or from the Cabinets of foreign nations. Let us add that our true policy seems to us to be written in sunbeams. Decision of action and promptitude in carrying out the measures that the message recommends--the notice, the means necessary to protect our emigrants to Oregon, military preparations to meet any contingency, and the utmost harmony in our party, and unanimity in our public counsels. Are not these better (we frankly and respectfully inquire) than any speculations as to the precise terms on which we may settle the question--terms which should not now be communicated to foreign nations, or any remarks or hypothetical opinions which may be unauthortatively attributed to the President. Upon on e other topic we must venture one more remark. The question of the next presidency came into the debate. Were we to point out the most direct way of breaking down any man, it would be to start him now, or soon, on the presidential track. Those who try it all this early day would be sure to be defeated; for it would be an evidence of an ambitious and selfish spirit, which would be sufficient to forfeit the confidence of a great, enlightened, and free people. What is the this noble country, the like of which sun never shone upon, to be converted into a mere plaything of any man's ambition? Is this great people to be moved backwards and forwards like the pawns upon the chess-board, at the foolish and mischievous bidding of any reckless aspirant? This country belongs to the people. It is their Government--their offices to give, and theirs to take away. And it is a duty they owe to themselves, to tell all men to wait their will, and bide their time. When they want a man to serve them, they will call upon him, and not before."

"The debate in the Senate," says the Journal Commerce, on the 9^th ult.,

"Has taken a turn which must awaken through the land an interest like that which it excited in Washington. The speech of Mr. Heywood, exhibiting the subject in its present position, touching its main points with great force, and claiming distinctly and repeatedly that the President is pledged to accept the offer, should it be made, of a settlement on the basis of the 49^th parallel, might well be expected to create the sensation it did among the war members of the Senate. The interlocutory altercation respecting the President's position and pledges made some startling expositions. It would seem, from their own statements, that such men as Messrs. Allen and Hannegan still insist on 'every inch of Oregon' at al hazards, and would fain commit the President to that extreme demand, with the full expectation of its leading sooner or later to war. They go, 'neck or nought,' for the whole of Oregon; talk of the President as turning traitor (to whom or what? To his country or only to the clique of a party?) if he should compromise upon the 49^th, and in hot passion declare, 'he would be sunk in an infamy so profound, a damnation so deep, that the hand of resurrection could never draw him forth.' It is, however, an ill wind that blows no good; and even from this hurricane of disappointed wrath we gather new hope of peace. The bear, driven to the wall, growls and gnashes his teeth in sheer vexation at his own impotence; and the war spirits of the Senate, the sticklers for a claim so extravagant as to be discarded by all fair minds, betray by their extreme sensitiveness to the statements of Mr. Heywood, how fearful they are of being abandoned by the President to the recoil of their own suicidal folly. They must, if their ears are open, hear every day echoes from the people calling for peace, on such terms of fair and honourable negotiation or compromise as are still within the reach of either party to the pending dispute. Even their own West will not sustain them in the mad policy of plunging 50 millions of people into war about such a bone of contention; and, left in so small a minority of the Senate and the country, we wonder not that they should writhe under the speech of Mr. Haywood, and threaten to empty the vials of their wrath upon the President if he does not lend himself to the execution of their favourite, but fatal plans. To us it seems quite clear that these men are really bent on war. No other supposition can account for their course; because they must know that England will never yield to the exorbitant claim which they make. On looking again over the ma of Oregon, drawn by the late exploring expedition, we have just counted nearly a dozen English forts in the country north of 49, and about half as many in the regions drained by the Columbia river. If we take the number of places thus occupied as the basis of comparison, we shall find the British claim, on the score of actual possession, much better than ours; and it would seem from this very map of our own, that a compromise on the 49^th parallel would oblige England to yield far more than we should, and give us decidedly the best bargain. Indeed, we should give up nothing that is now in our possession, while she would relinquish a considerable number of places which she has occupied for a long time. No man, looking at this map, and seeing how extensively England has dotted it over with her forts, can for a moment suppose she will ever yield the whole territory to a claimant occupying not a quarter so many places as she does, and none at all between 49 and 54 40, of which tract she has had actual possession for some 40 years. We wonder at the strange demands of these men; and we feel a thrill of honest pride as co patriots, when we hear Mr. Heywood boldly avowing, in the name of our Government and our country, that 'we would not demand the whole of Oregon, even if we could obtain it without a war.' That was a noble anewal; the world will admire it; all fair-minded men through the land will cordially respond to it; and, if such a spirit were carried into renewed negotiations, we should confidently anticipate a speedy adjustment, to the substantial satisfaction of both parties. We think it clear that the question of peace or war now rests with ourselves. England has evinced a spirit decidedly pacific; but our rulers and people must take care not to calculate too much on her continued forbearance. The war passion once roused there in earnest would render a collision inevitable; and, should popular sentiment here second the demand of the war-men in our Senate for all Oregon at all hazards, then war must come. Here is the alternative; and it is time for the nation to look it full in the face; and, as they wish for peace, to rebuke the spirit and policy which would provoke war."

The secret position of the Oregon question still continued to excite many and varied rumours. The official organ at Washington remarks upon them, declaring that the Cabinet at that city had decided to submit a proposition to Great Britain for the settlement of the question upon the basis of the 49^th parallel:--

"We have no doubt that these are all visions of the imagination. No ultimatum has been sent-no offer has been made--none will probably be made, because we humbly conceive it becomes the duty of the British Government to offer one in its turn. The theatre of any negotiation has no been shifted to London. And yet the President has not abated in the slightest degree the desire which has been twice expressed by his Secretary of State, to adjust the whole question in a harmonious and peaceful manner. Certainly these rumours are not calculated to advance their object, because they deceive the people of both countries as to the views and designs of the American Government. They only tend to prevent the adoption of the measures which may consummate this desirable object."

The Journal of Commerce of the 9^th ult. contains the following interesting statement:--

"The expectations which have been formed in New York, and I may say here too, of a speedy renewal of the Oregon correspondence are too sanguine. It is true that, on Wednesday morning, the 25^th ult., Mr. Calhoun and Mr. Colquitt had an interview of two hours on this subject with the President; and all the rumours of another offer to Great Britain--of the transfer of the negotiation to London--of a renewal of the negotiation to London--of a renewal of the negotiation by Mr. Pakenham, &c., have grown out of that circumstance. It appears that the interview spoken of had some reference to Mr. Colquitt's proposition, which was that day offered, and the next day discussed. But you will see from Thursday's discussion, that Mr. Calhoun was very far from entertaining the belief that the question very near to an adjustment; and, indeed, he exhibited in his manner, as well as in his remarks, more than usual anxiety on this subject. He was exceedingly anxious Mr. Colquitt's proposition should be adopted at once, and sent out to England by the Cambria, as a sort of invitation to an overture from the British Government. He said that he was convinced that the British Government would make no further offer until the action of Congress was known. If Mr. Calhoun had been apprised that this Government will make an overture. He thinks the British Government may, when the senate have shown an 'earnest desire that the question be settled by compromise and negotiation;' and he justly infers that the President will be influenced also to accept an overture for a compromise, by so strong a majority as to show that he will be sustained by the Senate in any treaty that he may make. Nothing can be more manifest than that the initiation of the renewed negotiation belongs to the British Government. The most that Mr. Polk will do, in my opinion, is possibly to intimate, through Mr. M'Lane, that the United States Government expect another overture, inasmuch as theirs was not received not entertained by the British Minister. Unless the British Government choose to make some overture similar to that which their Minister refused to communicate to his Government, then the two Governments are much farther off from an adjustment of the question than they have ever been--as far off as they could be, even in case of the refusal of Mr. Polk to negotiate any further."

Relations with Mexico excited little attention, and remained apparently unchanged.

The domestic affairs of the Union are unworthy of note.

Money was easy, and stocks buoyant. Bills were steady at 108^1/2 to 9 premium, though with low sales since the departure of the steamer.

Twenty-Ninth Congress. Senate, March 4.

The Oregon Question.

On the motion of Mr. Servier, the Senate resumed the special order of the day, being the resolutions from the Committee on Foreign Relations, and the various amendments proposed in reference to the abrogation of the convention with Great Britain establishing the joint occupation of the Oregon territory.

Mr. Heywood took the floor, and if the Senate were startled at the bold and fearless positions he assumed, they were not less interested and attracted for upwards of two hours by the singularly fearless and unshaken spirit which characterized the senator's argument. Mr. Heywood, in the outset, said he should discuss the subject in the love of man and in the fear of God. He denounced that spirit which had sought to take the subject of our foreign relations from the authority of the Executive department--that spirit of faction which would break down great men and great measures for the elevation of very little men into great offices. He justified the patriotic motives of the President in the policy he had pursued. He disapproved of the reproduction in this debate of a certain old speech of Colonel Benton, which had been abridged, but not improved. He bore down heavily against the practice, which had become so notorious, of decrying and carping against the Treaty of Washington, for the settlement of the north-east boundary, and wondered why some one of the 39 senators voting for that treaty had not refuted the factious clamours by which they had been assailed. He did not (to use a familiar term) like this singing of old psalms over dead horses; that in this treaty we had been overreached, and cheated, and the country dishonoured. No, the President, in adopting that treaty resolved all hazards of this sort into the sense of moderation, and prudence, and national justice, that forms the higher character of this Senate. Mr. Heywood denounced the clamorous spirit of discord which had characterized the discussions in Congress upon this subject--which would urge the President to issue his mandate of defiance against all the nations of the earth. The great and patriotic question which now presented itself was, what shall we do for the country, and what is our position? On the 12^th of August, 1845, the President stood on the line of 49 degrees; he offered it; it was refused. The British Government had offered arbitration, and that had been refused by the Executive; and if this were with a view of shutting off all compromise, the Executive; and if this were with a view of shutting off all compromise, the Executive had, indeed, incurred a fearful responsibility. But the line of 49 was not now inadmissible. Mr. Heywood challenged any senator to show that 54 40 was mentioned in the President's Message. No, Sir, if the line of 49 is proposed

The Mexican-American War and the Media, 1845-1848