Mexican-American War and the Media

We have already spoken in terms of merited approbation of the courteous tone which pervades the communications of Mr. Buchanan with Mr. Pakenham on the Oregon question. Such praise is due not only to the style of his correspondence, but also to the ability by which it is characterized. But whilst we are ready to allow this generally, we see no reason for retracting the charges which we have before advanced of special pleading and verbal sophistries, against his final note to Mr. Pakenham.

It seems to us that Mr. Pakenhan's argument is a fair one. The claim of the Americans to he Oregon territory must be founded either on prior occupancy, or on the transfer by Spain. It cannot rest on both. If the occupancy were undoubted both in time and kind - if it had been accompanied by all the external symbols of property as well as all the evidences of undivided possession - then an alienation by Spain after an interval of 30 years would be worth nothing at all, for Spain would have in that case transferred what she hd no right to; and the American title would thus be good as one of prior occupancy only. But if on the other hand America founds her pretensions to the Oregon on a cession by Spain made in the year l8l9, any previous occupation can only be considered as an usurpation; and a state has no more right than an individual to fortify its title by its own wrong. The prior occupation and the after cession may be cited as distinct facts, but they cannot confer one title. Two bad titles can no more make one good one than two affirmatives can make a negative. By putting forward the cession by Spain the American Minister destroys the claim arising from an earlier right; and likewise by appealing to this antecedent right, he destroys all the validity of the Spanish cession. Instead of the two titles coalescing, they are repugnant and mutually destructive. Nor is this a question of words, but of consequences. For if America's right be founded on the early possession, it can only be of the same kind as the possession itself was. If that was divided and distributed, this right can only be divided and distributive one.

Even if that ownership were distributive - if it were, on a grand scale, a permicetpertout tenancy - the argument is not affected by it. Supposing this to have been the case, Spain could only have alienated a moiety of her proprietorship and not the exclusive possession of the whole territory; and most certainly the United States could not acquire a claim to an exclusive sovereignty by such an alienation.

In either case, then, it appears to us that the republic has no right to more than a moiety of the disputed territory upon any ground of right, whether lst prior occupancy; or 2dly a transfer from Spain be alleged in support of that right. For the first is too doubtful, as a matter of fact, to be relied on singly; and as far as it goes it tends to subvert the second; and the second, if admitted irrespectively of the first is impaired by a previous treaty between England and Spain.

But we question whether either two nations be disposed to settle the matter as one of right merely. The fact of first occupation is obscure; of first ownership nearly as obscure. Two things alone are neither obscure nor doubtful. First, that since the year l790, at any rate British subjects have been settled in the Oregon, and have had the privilege of using the river Columbia; secondly, that it is an object of equal interest both to British and American subjects to have this privilege continued to them. Let any man sense and impartiality take a broad and liberal view of the points at issue between the two countries, and what facts present themselves to his notice> Why these - That from a period antecedent to the year l790 some British settlers, and from a period posterior to the year l8l8 both British and American settlers, have cultivated the valley, and navigated the river and enjoyed the harbour of the Columbia. And now, at last, when both British and American colonists have certainly for 30 and probably for 60 years together, been tilling, buying, selling, sailing, anchoring, importing and exporting from and to the banks of the Columbia, an American Minister discovers that the Oregon territory once belonged to Spain, and was with all its rights and privileges transferred by Spain to the republic. What would any man of sense say to such a statement as this? Why, that the title of Spanish alienation, even supposing it to have been valid for 45 years ago, could not stand against the prescriptive use of 60 years; and that British subjects who had for upwards of half a century possessed with American citizens the usufruct of that great district, the easement of its capacious river, and the license of traffic with the Indians, might indeed be driven out by force, but could not be evicted by justice. But if, in addition to this, it were made to appear that long before the treat of Florida - in the year l790 - Spain had claimed that at that time a British Minister, Mr. Pitt, had described this claim as the "most absurd and exorbitant that could well be imagined - a claim which they had never heard of before, which was indefinite in its extent, had originated in no treaty nor formal establishment of a colony, nor rested on any one of those grounds on which claims of sovereignty, navigation and commerce usually rested: - that similar language was used by the peace-loving leader of the opposition, Mr. Fox - that in return to the remonstrances of the English Court the Spanish Monarch replied, that "His Most Catholic Majesty had at no time pretended to any rights in any ports, seas or places other than what properly belonged to his crown, and that the rights and immemorial possession of Spain in those parts were still not quite certain;" - that after this repudiation and a second extravagant reassertion of Spanish authority, the Spanish Minister finally consented to make reparation for the insult offered to the English crown, and restitution of property to English subjects of both states should be at liberty to carry on their trade and make settlements, as well in the places which were to be restored to the British subjects as in all other parts of the north-western coast of North America, wherever the subjects of either of the two Powers might have made settlements since April, l789; whereas in South America it was provided by the same treaty that "no settlement should be formed on the eastern or western coasts of it, either by English or Spaniards, in such parts of those coasts as were situated to the south of the territory already occupied by Spain;" - if we say that these facts were acknowledged - and acknowledged they must be, for they are matters of history - what we ask is the inference that any impartial and intelligent man would draw from such premises? Simply this, that Spain had no exclusive sovereignty in North America; that she had formed settlements on the coast on the same terms and in the same way as England had; that by the express phraseology of the Florida treaty, a contrast is stated between the "not quite"certain" rights of Spain in North America and her recognized authority in South; and that, therefore the United States could only come in as joint tenants with Great Britain, and have no earthly right to eject Great Britain from possession. Spain and Great Britain agreed to share the whole coast district between them, share and share alike. The United States are now in the place of Spain.
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LT 1846/1/3/4b Oregon Question

LONDON, Saturday, January 3, l846

We think it must be tolerably clear to the generality of unprejudiced minds, that, on the grounds of positive right, the American Republic cannot claim the Oregon territory; and we think it is equally clear that the matter cannot be determined at all on grounds of abstract right. In this respect the United States are nearly in the same predicament as Spain was in the year l789. Spain asserted a proud and unlimited claim to the whole northwest coast of America. In the belief, or assumed belie, of a just title to this vast empire, she seized on the ships, the cargoes, and the persons of British sailors, and destroyed the huts and factories of British settlers. The Spanish Minister, Florida Blanca, supported the violence of Don Esteman in a memorial which justified the pretensions urged by the former in favour of his country to a district extending as far as the 64d parallel of north latitude. But when the matter was sifted, it came out that these gigantic pretensions rested on a vague expression in the 8^th article of the Treaty of Utrecht; that no insignia of Spanish sovereignty had been exclusively displayed, no Spanish settlements exclusively founded, on that coast. That there had been Spanish settlers was true. That Spanish vessels had been in the habit of touching there was also true. True, too that those seas had in that and the preceding century were still not quite certain. What, then did England propose, under the counsels of Mr. Pitt; and what did Spain assent to, under the administration of Count Florida Blanca? The one proposed and the other accepted, conditions which every man who loves peace and justice must approve now, as they were approved then by the friends of peace and equity - condition of joint occupancy, extending over the whole of the northwest of North American hitherto claimed by Spain.
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LT 1846/1/8/5b Mexico, affairs of

AMERICA, January 8, l846

The New York Courier and Enquirer of the l0th contains the following:

A letter which we publish this morning from our Washington correspondent contains a statement which may be deemed as having an important bearing upon our relations with Great Britain, and will be found confirmatory of the opinions expressed by ourselves on that subject. An interview of some length had taken place between Mr. Buchanan and the British Minister, undoubtedly on the Oregon question, and if, as the rumour is at Washington, Lord Aberdeen has expressed the feeling imputed to him in relation to Mr. Pakenham's correspondence with our Government, it is certainly of some importance."

RUMOURS OF CABINET CHANGES:

The return of Mr. Calhoun and the elevation of Mr. Walker to the Bench continued afloat. The Oregon question was brought up in the Senate on the l7 ult as follows:

FROM THE NEW YORK HERALD

General Cass moved the adoption of the resolutions which he submitted last week to with instructions to the committee on naval affairs to inquire into the condition of the navy, and to the military committee to institute a similar inquiry into the condition of the land defences, and to the militia committee rejected its reorganization all of which inquiries were to be considered with the view of an efficient preparation by land and sea, against the dangers apprehended of a foreign invation. General Cass said it was impossible to read the annual message of the President, and the commentaries of the public press, without the apprehension that a crisis is arriving which will demand the cordial cooperation of the whole country. The President tells us in his message that negotiations are closed - that the claims of the two nations have failed to be settled by arbitration. The influence of England with the European Powers, from which an arbitrator would have had to b e chosen, had doubtless decided our authorities against the process - that we had better hold on than submit to a Royal arbitrator. Conceding his entire and cordial adhesion to the views of the President, in the present attitude of the two nations, arising from their conflicting claims, what are we to do. Shall we recede or st and still or go on? To recede was not to be thought of at this stage of the question There was nothing to be gained from national pusillanimity - we cannot purchase present peace at the expense of the national honour. It would be sowing the wind and reaping the whirlwind. No. General Cass would not repeat what he had expressed heretofore that it was better to fight for the first inch of Oregon than the last to better meet the enemy at the threshold, than await his approach to the hearthstone. And however separated now by party difference, or by space, al parties throughout the Union to its extremities, he knew would be united in defense of the national rights. Our destiny is onward - its westward movement cannot be resisted; you might as well attempt to stay the waves of the Pacific as the tide or our emigration setting in that direction. We cannot recede, we cannot stand still, our claim must be maintained or abandoned. Our hardy population of Oregon demanded the support of the Government, or they would establish a government of their own. We had an explicit and able memorial upon this very subject last week, setting forth that the memoralists were tired of waiting for you and would cast off all diplomatic chicanery and national pusillanimity, and set up for themselves. It was impossible that a people under two distinct Governments at the same, as are the people of Oregon, could under the existing state of things, long remain so. This point Government was not designed for a civilized and growing community, nor adapted to them, and if continued, could not fail to lead to bloodshed. It is hoped that England would yield, rightfully and honourably, in order to the peaceful settlement of this question. But will she? It was safest to act upon the conclusion that she will not. When did she, in any case where she had fastened upon a claim to territory or power, relinquish it of her own accord: Never had she exhibited no symptoms of relaxation of her hold upon Oregon. (Here General Cass referred to the London Morning Chronicle of the 5^th of April last, and read extracts from the debate in Parliament of the previous day, particularly from the speeches of Lord John Russell and Sir Robert Peel, bullying Brother Jonathan upon the Oregon title, the President of the United States having assumed that our title to the whole or Oregon is clear and unquestionable." Sir Robert Peel, on the contrary, roundly asserting that the British claim was clearly irresistible." General Cass, in his commentaries and congratulated our country that we secured Texas in spite of her collusions to wrest it from us. Recurring to what he esteemed as almost an inevitable alternative of the future, General Cass briefly reviewed, in the aggregate the power and dominion of Great Britain. This little narrow island, on the western frontiers of Europe, held dominion over l53,000,000 of people or nearly one-fifth of the population of the glove. She held, subject to her laws, an aggregate territory of 3,8l2,000 square miles, or nearly one-eighth of the surface of the habitable earth, all of which, from the subjugation of Ireland (saving the acquisition of Scotland, and certain discoveries in the South Seas), she had torn from the original possessors by the sword. It afforded no pleasure to review her ambitious policy; but we could not shut our eyes to the fact, that she had been prosecuting, and is now pursuing, a systematic attack upon our institutions. And yet we had been charged as an ambitious and grasping nation. To this, we can reply that we have made but three acquisitions of territory (Florida, Louisiana and Texas) all of contiguous territory, and all peacefully, and with the assent of the possessors and the inhabitants and our latest acquisition and best (Texas) was a proud example of the moral power of our Republican system. It was our latest acquisition but he hoped not our last. There was nothing to fear from the extension of our borders. If this administration could secure the peaceable acquisition of California, it would receive the lasting gratitude of the people. California, of course California, we must have that and then Cuba. We have started and must go on. We must give the twelve months' notice and if England persists in her claims, war must inevitably follow; and it will be a war in which all the strength and the prejudices of both nations will be brought into force. Let us then make adequate preparation. Le us show to the world that we are a united people, anxious for peace, yet prepared for war. The President had discharged his duty ably and fearlessly. Let us cooperate with him not by words but by deeds. The only means of preventing war is an immediate preparation for prosecuting it will all the means and energies we command. Vast portions of our country are but sparsely settled, and they are without defenses; our navy is not in a condition for active and efficient protection of our coasts. Means and materials are wanted - men are always ready. We have to do with a people who have arsenals, depots, dockyards filled to repletion, and with a Government better fitted than ours for prompt action. But let us show to our constituents that we are ready for duty; and that we meet the assumptions of England, not in a spirit of deprecation, but in a tone of firmness and self reliance. Let us show the world that republics are jealous of their rights and prepared to defend them and well as monarchies. Mr. Mangum, in a very energetic and eloquent manner, followed against the adoption of the resolutions. We regret that our time will not permit even a thread of his remarks. He argued that the resolutions and the remarks upon them by the senator from Michigan were injudicious. This matter could be more properly confided to the Executive - he could advise the Senate, with closed doors, of the means of defense required; and this would be wiser than inviting the enemy by an exposure of our weakness/ Besides the committee would inquire, of course into the subjects introduced in the resolutions, with out instruction. He opposed to plunging the country into a war; he prayed to God that this worst of all evils might be averted; but if it did come, then there would not, he believed, be an anti-war man on the continent. He believed, however, there would be no war; but that this dispute would be yet satisfactorily and amicably adjusted. If a war were to break out, it would be, not a war for Oregon, but a war between the antagonistic systems of the European monarchies and republican institutions. It would enlist every man on this continent our side, and half of Europe would revolt against it. He hoped the resolutions would be permitted to lie over. But the Senate refused.
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LT 1846/1/9/3f Real del Monte mines

January 9, l846, The Real Del Monte Mines

To the Editor of the Times:

Sir - In the letter from your correspondent in Mexico, which appears in this morning's Times, there is a paragraph relating to the Real del Monte Mines, and in that paragraph a statement which is calculated to create considerable alarm amongst the shareholders of the company. It is to the effect that that the earthquake of the 7^th of April last caused such a flood of water to be poured into the two principal veins that all the power of steam cannot keep It under." Now although the water has been troublesome and is still very abundant, it is the fact that the drainage of the mines is at this moment fully maintained by three steam engines, viz., one of 75 inch cylinder, and two of 30 inch cylinder each; while the company has unemployed an engine of 53-inch cylinder, and others of smaller size for use, in case of need, so that I think it may fairly assume that your correspondent has been misinformed on the above point. My object in writing this is to allay any fears which may be caused amongst a large body of shareholders by your correspondent's letter, and if therefore, you can find space for my communication, you will oblige, Sir.

Your very obedient servant, John Phillips, Secretary to the Real del Monte Company, 2 Duke Street, Adelphi, Jan. 8.
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LT 1846/1/14/5d France on the US annexation of Texas

Wednesday, January l4, l846: France and the Annexation of Texas.

Paris Jan 20, l844

Monsieur le Comte - Lord Cowley has read to me a dispatch, written to him by Lord Aberdeen on the project formed at Washington of preparing the annexation of Texas to the United States Confederacy. The principal Secretary for Foreign Affairs expresses in that dispatch the wish to know if the King's Government be disposed to furnish its Envoy to the United States with instructions similar to those which the Britannic envoy will receive to manifest the opposition of his Government to such a project. You may announce to Lord Aberdeen that I shall write to the same effect to Mr. Pagoot. Texas having been acknowledged as independent, by several of the great Powers, and particularly by that which now seems inclined to absorb it, it is evident that we have a right to appreciate the act which now seems inclined to absorb it, it is evident that we have a right to appreciate the act which would annihilate that independence, and to urge the objects to which it may give rise, as respects either right or interests. Those objects are numerous. It is known that even in the United States the wish for annexation in question is far from being unanimous. If the slave states are very anxious for it, in order to subject t a system of Customs' duties, by which they are bound, country whose commercial competition they dread, and above all to secure to themselves, by the acquisition of an ally a preponderance in the confederacy, the other states would, by a natural consequence, view it with extreme repugnance; and though it behooves us not to meddle with that internal contention, the consideration on which it rests is certainly not of a nature to make us lean to the side of the partisans of the annexation. Our direct information from Texas seems, besides, to prove that the majority of the Texan people are contrary to it, and that the thought of it is energetically rejected by the existing Government. It is therefore only by the aid of violence more or less avowed, or more or less disguised, that it could be accomplished; and, I repeat it, it would in no respect suit us to accept such a change.

February l0, l844

Sir - I have received without opposition the despatched you have addressed me unto No. 36, and the date of the 28^th of December last. "What President Tyler's message has disclosed, respecting the projects of the Federal Government, regarding the annexation of Texas to the United States, and what you have written to me about it, could not fail to attract my serious attention. That of the London Cabinet is not less excited as to this question, as you will find by the accompanying copy of a dispatch I addressed on the 29^th of January to Count de st. Aulaire, in consequence of a communication made to me by Lord Aberdeen through the medium of Lord Cowley. This communication referred to the opposition which the English Government proposed offering to any project of incorporating Texas with the Confederacy's territory, as well as to the instructions to be forwarded to Mr. Pakenham, Lord Aberdeen having wished to know whether we had the same intentions I have desired Count de St. Aulaire to inform him that you would receive similar instruction."The last reports from the French Legation in Texas, whilst informing me of the efforts of the Washington Government and its representatives at Amstin to forward annexation, represented President Houston as energetically opposed to any arrangement of that description, and protesting that nothing of the kind should take place so long as he should direct affairs. The language held here by M. Ashbel Smith is not less explicit. Nevertheless, it behoves us to know whether both faithfully express the opinion and wishes of Texas and whether the question of the annexation to the States of the confederacy, if agitated in the Texan Congress, would not be affirmatively resolved on there. That annexation would be lawfully justifiable, but only in the event of its being voluntary, and not the result of violence on the part of the United States - and with us, as well as with England, it is above all on the resistance of the majority of the Texan people to the accomplishment of such a project, that the opposition we should manifest would be founded. But I shall add that even should the annexation be voluntary and freely assented to on the part of Texas,consideration, both political and commercial, would not permit us to view it with indifference; and that under all circumstance, we must wish that the country remain independent.

From all these considerations we must be naturally opposed to any project tending to the absorbtion of Texas by the United States. I know not what the tenor may be of the instructions sent from London to Mr. Pakenham, and consequently how far the English Cabinet intends carrying the manifestation and consequences of its opposition; but I say enough as concerns us not to let you be mistaken as to the attitude you are to assume and the language you are to hold. We manifest our opposition to any violent and forced annexation of Texas to the United States and even should that Republic spontaneously pronounce itself , you would still have to express yourself in such way as to make it known and well recorded by the Federal Government that we cannot behold with indifference such an occurrence and that in the event of its taking place, we could not dispense with very expressly making every lawful reserve as to the alterations that would result in the position and advantages our treaty with the Texan Republic has yielded us in that country. I however confide in your judgment and experience, and you will besides be enabled to come to an understanding with Mr. Pakenham as to this object, which is common to the two legations.
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LT 1846/1/15/4c France and the annexation of Texas issue

THURSDAY, January l5, l846

The despatches which have been laid before the French Chambers with reference to the annexation of Texas, and the part taken by France and England in opposition to that transaction, are documents of great interest, and they completely demonstrate the cordial cooperation of the two Powers in this negotiation. One whole year before the correspondence of Mr. King and Mr. Calhoun, to which we called the attention of the public on the 2d of January, l845, was known in Europe, the French Government had given the most formal and precise instructions to its diplomatic agents in direct contradiction to the system of encouragement and connivance which Mr. Calhoun ascribed to it. In a dispatch from M. Guizot to the French Ambassador in London, dated the 20^th of January, l844, on the Texas question, Mr. Guizot announces, in reply to the question of the Earl of Aberdeen - "Is the French Government disposed to furnish its envoy in the United States with the same instructions as those which will be received by the British Envoy against the annexation? That he will write to Mr. Pageot in the same sense; and adds "Texas having been recognized as independent by several of the great Powers, and particularly by that which now seems desirous of absorbing it, it is evident that we have a right to take into consideration an act by which that independence would be destroyed, and to bring forward the objects to which it is liable, either as regards questions of right or interest." In the despatch to M. Pageot, dated the l0th of February, M Guizot fulfills the promise made to the Early of Aberdeen, and enters with more detail into the subject. Amongst other arguments, he says, "In a political point of view there is connected with the preservation of this independence a a real interest of equilibrium. The union of Texas, by extending the limits of the territory of the United States as far as Rio Grande would as immediate consequence, place the United States in direct contact with Mexico - that is to say in a condition to invade that country whenever it might please the Government of the United States to do so". In concluding this despatch, M.Guizot says "As France was the first of the European Powers to recognize the independence of Texas and to enter into a treaty of commerce and friendship with that republic, it is due to our dignity that what we have solemnly recognized should be preserved and respected.

In spite of the non-success of this negotiation, we see no reason to regret the part assumed by the two great European Powers. They gave the United States and the world a signal proof of their union in support of those principles of political justice and moderation which can nowhere be violated with impunity. They protested against the assumptions of the Cabinet of Washington, when it first affected to deal with the interests of its feebler neighbours on the American continent in the headstrong and arbitrary spirit of unlimited sovereignty; And although the presence of an overwhelming majority of American citizens in the province of Texas had, in fact, extirpated or crushed those parties in the new state which might have maintained its independent existence and therefore rendered our interference in their favour nugatory, the Governments of France and England would have abandoned Mexico and all America to the arrogant domination of the Anglo-American democracy if they had not consistently opposed the annexation of Texas.

The time, however, is now come when the attention of the Governments of Europe must be directed to still more important events, which are already distinctly indicated by the pretensions of Mr. Polk's message, and the whole policy of the United States towards their Spanish neighbours. General Cass's warlike speech in Congress was answered by the cry "We must have California," "We must have Cuba". To the fulfilment of these designs nothing is wanting but opportunity; and unhappily the increasing decrepitude of the native Government of Mexico seems to promise opportunities of spoliation as ample and immediate as the most insatiable aggressor could desire. The letters of our correspondent in Mexico have furnished us with an accurate and lamentable picture of the state of the country. The attempt to send a small detachment of troops into the province of California has proved a miserable failure, and they have not been able, for want of money, to leave the port of Acapulco. The Governor of the province of Sonora has pronounced against the feeble Government of the republic; and every province which is thus successively detached from the confederation may be regarded as a morsel prepared for the next meal of the United States' Government. Finally, it is not improbable that the next mails may bring us tidings of another revolution in the capital, and Herrera will probably sink before Paredes, at the head of the only body of troops which still follow the standard of a leader. In several parts of the country, the Indians and mixed population have availed themselves of this state of complete anarchy to commit acts of violence and pillage; and the European capital invested in various undertakings in Mexico is, more than ever in a situation of great peril. It is clear to demonstration that such a state of things as we now witness is rapidly preparing the whole country for subjugation, and after having asserted their independence of the Court of Madrid, the provinces of New Spain lie prostate at the feet of the Congress of Washington. There is but one solution of the difficulty. Mexico cannot remain as it is. It must either sink without a struggle under the yoke of a neighbouring republic, hostile and opposed to the whole character of its native population by race, by religion, and by institutions, or it must seek by strengthening its connexion with Europe a protection against the spirit of territorial aggrandizement and dominion which is eager to establish an universal sovereignty over the continent of America. Such a connexion with Europe can clearly have but one form and one origin - the form, monarchical; the origin, Spanish. The results of Mexican independence are before the world. The people of Mexico cannot be insensible to their own ruin, however powerless they may be to avert it. Under such circumstances, what would be the effect of the reappearance on the shores of America of that flag of Spain which was originally planted there by the great discoverers and captains of former ages, and which left indestructible traces of its pristine authority in the colonial descendants of the Spanish people? It would be as easy to accomplish the conquest of Mexico at the present moment with a handful of the troops which form the garrison of Cuba, as in the days of the aboriginal Mexican princes. Would it be impracticable to accompany such an expedition with political institution, fitted to the wants of the Mexican people and calculated to rescue them from the perils which threaten their national existence: When we threw out this suggestion some months ago, we confess that it wore an air of romance, and might be received with incredulity. But the more the world has learned of the utter weakness of Mexico and the unquestionable designs of the United States, the more urgent has the case become, and the more practicable the application of the only remedy which has been thought of. As far as Spain herself is concerned, such an enterprise would not be unworthy of the man whose military success and whose resolute character have already restored so much of the lustre of the Spanish monarchy. In Mexico, a Prince of the House of Spain, bringing with him a moderate force to restore order to the country, and the guarantees of a constitutional government for the protection of its liberties, would be hailed with enthusiasm by a considerable party, and would confer inestimable benefits on the people, whilst he would re-establish a natural and salutary conexion with the maritime and constitutional Powers of Europe. Amongst the cognate suitors of Queen Isabella it would not be difficult to point out the very individual best fitted for such an enterprise by his personal qualities and his liberal sentiments. And if the pretensions of the United States were thwarted by a measure with which they have not the most distant right to interfere, they are certainly not in a condition to oppose the united policy of the European Powers, when its sole object would be to preserve a national government in New Spain and to repair the disastrous effects of abortive revolutions upon the provinces which were once annexed to the Spanish crown.
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LT 1846/1/16/5a Oregon question

JANUARY 16, 1846 , OREGON QUESTION

ARRIVAL OF THE ACADIA, LIVERPOOL, TUESDAY

The British and North American Royal mail steamship Acadia arrived in the Mersey this morning, with the usual mails, of the lst instant, from Canada and the United States. These accounts are of great importance. The position of the Oregon question in the House of Congress is most interesting. We annex the usual excellent summary of the New York Courier and Inquirer, and also an outline of the proceedings of Congress. "The year which began so prosperously, and which in its career has, generally speaking, been one of satisfactory results to commercial enterprise, closes in gloom and uncertainty.

The political sky, overcast during the summer, by reason of the annexation of Texas, and the menaced resentment of Mexico, had scarcely become clear again, when graver and more serious concern is inspired by the aspect of our difficulties with Great Britain.

On this head, we design neither unnecessarily to alarm, nor unduly to impart confidence, which we do not ourselves feel in the ultimate preservation of peace between the two countries. Hitherto, we have expressed the belief that all might b e well, notwithstanding present adverse appearances. We are bound now to say that our confidence of such a result is somewhat diminished, not because of any change in the facts of the case, but because of the temper in which, on both sides of the Atlantic, it seems likely to be treated.

The recommendations of the Presidential message respecting Oregon were all subordinate to what might be done without any violation in letter or in spirit, of the treaty of joint occupation; but in both houses of Congress bills have been introduced which go beyond these recommendations and do infringe upon the treaty stipulations. These indeed as yet are only bills, and of course lack the sanction of laws; but that reported by Mr. Douglas, in the House of Representatives is from the Committee on Territories, and comes, therefore, with weight before the House. It proposes the immediate extension of a territorial government over the whole territory of Oregon - thus asserting, or appearing to assert, the sovereignty of the United States over the region in question, and not simply - as it might rightfully do, over citizens of the United States there resident. It also contemplates prospective grants of land to settlers, another assertion of sovereignty. These provisions may possibly be modified, so as to make them conform to the President's recommendations - but the mere proposal of them is an unfavourable indication.

The discussion on this project and others connected with this dispute will not come on in Congress till about the middle of next month; and while this is at its height will come back upon us by the steamer by the 4^th of January, the comments of the English press on the President's message. If the tone and temper of them shall be such as we apprehend, they will reach here at the very moment when exasperation will most certainly be produced thereby, and therefore mischief.

It is not, moreover, calculated to smooth the difficulties; that one hon. Senator of the United States has thrown down the gauntlet publicly for California as next in order for an annexation to the United States; nor that another proposed - though he has since withdrawn the proposal - that this Government should institute negotiations with Spain for the purchase of Cuba. Combining these manifestations with the absolute claim for all Oregon, there may be some hesitation on the part of England - even if otherwise well disposed - to renew in any shape an overture to this Government for the cession of any part of Oregon.

On the other hand, and notwithstanding, these unfavourable manifestations, there is a strong impression that if England should renew the offer made by this Government, and rejected by Mr. Pakenham, of the 49^th parallel, with the freedom of the ports in the straits of Fuca - it must be accepted by us.

In the course of a speech on the resolutions submitted by General Cass, instructing the Committees on Military and Naval Affairs to inquire and report upon the actual condition and necessities of those arms, Mr. Niles, a senator from Connecticut, and a supporter of the Administration, used this emphatic language:--

It was true the negotiation had been broken of, yet it can it probably will be resumed. Whether it was wise in our Government to have renewed the offer made on former occasions, by way of compromise to divide the territory upon the 49^th degree of north latitude, he would not pronounce an opinion, but having made that offer and withdrawn it after it had been declined, he could not see how it well could be refused, should Great Britain hereafter propose that as the basis for compromising the dispute."

This is in coincidence with the sound opinion of sound men of all parties, and it would thence seem that the decision of the question of war or peace is in the hands of the British Government. Can they, for the mere barren triangle of land which constitutes the difference between what they ask and we have offered, be willing to put at hazard the peace of the world? For a war between the United States and England would not long be confined to those two powers.

Certainly both countries have much to lose by such a war, but England most of the two; and surely it is wise on both sides to fortify the claims of peace by the consideration of enlightened self-interest. The first blows of a war between the two countries would - because England is always armed, and the United States are habitually destitute of armour - fall heavily upon us; and national hatred, if the passion exist, might be gratified by the injuries it could inflict on our commerce and on our sea-board. But these would not touch the power of the country, while they would kindle all its spirit and nerve it to efforts, which in the end would be triumphant. Meanwhile, English manufactures would be cut off from our cotton. English trade would be cut off from our consumption - while our own manufactures, increasing and multiplying in every quarter, would weaken permanently and irreparably the sources of the power of England. There is another consideration to which we advert reluctantly, but which, as we are dealing frankly with the whole subject, we think well worthy of being pondered on the other side - the amount of stock of the different states held there.

There are, it has been computed, about $260,000,000 (in round numbers) of stock of the different states now afloat. Of this amount, two thirds are, it is quite safe to assume, held in England. On many of these, the interest has been, and is regularly paid, and as the period comes round for their redemption, they are punctually redeemed." A case in point in the redemption at this moment of some $l,300,000 by the state of New York - of which almost all was held abroad. But if war should supervene between the two countries, and it should be any possibility be conducted on the part of the British, as there has been some threatening that such a war would be - by burnings and devastations, might there not be danger in a country, where the popular vote gives power and makes the law, that a stop would be put to the payment either of the interest or of principal to those, to whom it would only furnish fresh means of annoyance and injury to ourselves. We desire not to press this point, contenting ourselves with suggesting it for the deliberation of those whose influence, for peace or war is certainly not inconsiderable

Leaving their ungrateful speculations, which can only find their apology in the deep anxiety we feel for the preservation of peace, we proceed to give an account of the condition of our markets and money concerns.

There has been great fluctuations in the stock since the lst instant - partly owing to political apprehensions, partly to the large sums locked up in bread stuffs held on speculation and partly to the contraction which the position of the banks requires them to make.

In this state of expansion come rumours of war, which whether well or ill founded, affect public confidence.
[PGC]

LT 1846/1/17/4d United States affairs

JANUARY 17, 1846, LONDON, SATURDAY

The accounts brought by the Acadia from the United States are interesting; but it would, as yet, be premature to draw any positive inference either from the rumours and opinions circulated in that country, or from the legislative transactions which have produced them. Most of the latter are of a formal or preliminary nature, and hardly to be relied on as indications of definite purpose on the part of those who have brought them forward; certainly not as signs of the popular will and determination. It is perfectly natural that, pending the crisis of an indecision, words of swelling import should be uttered, and resolutions of a martial tone proposed; but it would be erroneous to infer from these easy resources of unsettled minds that war is seriously contemplated as the ultimate expedient of our difficulties and aggression desired as the necessary precedent to war.

We attach, therefore, less consequence to sundry vehement speeches and strong propositions in the two Legislative Chambers than the American press seems to claim for them. On the other hand, we feel great satisfaction at the comparative strength and energy of a party which is proverbially weak in all republics, and most obnoxious in young republics - the moderate party; the party which prefers peace to war; compromise to aggrandizement; tranquility to invasion, triumphs, and victories.

An unfavourable impression, however, has been made by the report brought up from the Committee on Territories by Mr. Douglass. It proposes an extension of the American laws and government over the whole territory of Oregon; an extension which supposes the right, and would involve the fact, of American sovereignty over a vast amount of territory which previous negotiations have uniformly and invariably allowed to belong to Great Britain. It suggests that it be considered as part of Wisconsin territory up to 54 deg. 40 min., and that military posts be established therein. Viewed by itself, this is one of the most flagrant projects of injustice which the history of nations records. Nor is it wholly to be condemned. It is not merely the scheme of one man, but the recommendation of a committee. So far it suggests grounds for alarm. But the considerations and modifications which ought to be applied to all strong proposals may safely be applied to this, especially when it is borne in mind that these resolutions must be debated in the House of Representatives before they can assume the form and have the virtue of legislative acts. And we should with very great difficulty, bring ourselves to believe that the representatives of the United States would enact, or the people of the United States ratify, a policy at once heinously unjust and unprovokedly warlike.

Meanwhile, we readily incline to the belief that the opinion of Mr. Niles is one viewed with approbation by the majority of intelligent and influential citizens in the States. He sees no reason why negotiations should not be resumed by an offer on the part of Great Britain to take the parallel of the 49^th degree as the line of boundary; and no reason why, in the event of this offer being made by Great Britain, it should be refused by the republic. We have already stated our opinion most fully on this subject and it is hardly necessary now to repeat it. We still retain our conviction that the offer made by Mr. Gallatin, in the Presidency of Mr. Ad ams, concedes no more than this country is fairly entitled to. That offer was to take the 49^th degree of north latitude as far as the sea as the boundary line, reserving to Great Britain Vancouver's Island, the harbour of St. Juan de Fuca, and the free navigation of the Columbia. We are not covetous of territory. It grieves us not to lose a few hundred miles of barren domain. We would sacrifice the costly ostentation of imperious pretensions at the altar of justice. We would surrender an undoubted right for the preservation of peace. Even something of what men call national honour we would concede, rather than plunge two kindred nations in the horrors of war. But we have duties to discharge to our countrymen on the remote shores of the Pacific. They look to us for help, protection, and support. The dwellers of the forest and the traversers of the lakes are our countrymen. We have sent them on a mission of commerce to distant and inhospital climes. It behooves us to see that their mission be fulfilled with safety; that all its purposes be carried out efficiently; and that neither the paucity of their numbers nor the insufficient of their equipments deprives them of the fruits or materials of their occupation. But of what avail will it be to possess a large superficial area of uncultivated district, from the Rocky Mountains to the sea, if we lose that which has hitherto constituted its almost sole advantage, viz., a transit to those engaged in traffic from Hudson's Bay down the southern branch of the Columbia? What is Oregon worth to us without the easement of that river? What would be the inevitable consequence of its loss? Would it not be that immediately the great carrying trade between the northern lakes or the northeast country and the sea would pass into the hands of Americans? - that what our countrymen have hitherto shared with the citizens of the United States, and would be content to share with them in future, would be monopolized entirely by the latter? Does the American Government, does the American Republic, seriously think that an English Minister would tamely yield, would be allowed to yield, benefits which have constituted the chief value of that dependency to English subjects? It is the very essence of our rights in Oregon that we should preserve the free - we do not claim the sole - navigation of the Columbia; take that away, and we lost at once our trade between our possessions in the North East of America and our growing colonies in the Pacific. Such a loss would involve the ruin of perhaps very few individuals, but it would inflict a wound on the honour, it would damage the solid interests of this country; and it would raise immeasurable disgust and unbounded distrust in the breast of every colonist in our most remote dependencies. Give up, if you will, a large strip of territory, cede as much as you like between the Rocky Mountains and the lowest bend of the Columbia; but preserve whatever solid and substantial benefit has been enjoyed by the hardy adventurers of the forest and the lake, who have gone forth in reliance on your faith, in confidence of your readiness, and without a doubt of your power to protect them. To desert them were ignominious enough. But an ignominy of such a kind is among the worst disasters that a nation can suffer. Preserve for your colonists the great and precious privileges of anchorage, navigation and coast settlement. Preserve for them the right of sharing with Americans the trade to the other settlements of their own mother country. Deprive them of this, and you make them poor, helpless and contemptible; but you dishonour yourselves when you damnify them.

We have not reverted to the question of title, because in the reports which have come to hand we have not observed an argument which affects it. But we have noticed several conjectures as to the probabilities and no few suggestions as to the means of carrying on war. We will not dwell on a subject so painful, and we hope so remote. We do not for a moment doubt that it would be in the power of either country to inflict upon the other the most serious injuries, the most dire calamities, that human nature can sustain. We do not doubt that an American war would carry devastation into a thousand districts, ruin and sorrow into families innumerable; that it would give a terrible shock to the mechanism of commercial intercourse, the stability of commercial faith; and do in a few years more evil than a century of peace could repair. We will not dispute this. We will not stay to argue which nation could inflict the greatest amount of evil. It is superfluous. We feel too keenly their mutual powers of mutual injury not to be grateful that the fairest, and most peaceful, and most statesmanlike proposal - that of an adjustment by arbitration - was advanced by an English, and declined by an American, Minister.The hope that a more speedy settlement of the question might be attained by negotiation was the motive assigned by Mr. Calhoun for rejecting this proposal; the negotiation which ensued unfortunately resulted only in an offer of compromise upon grounds which Mr. Pakensham found himself compelled to refuse and as this mode of arranging our conflicting claims to the territory has been, for the present, at least unsuccessful, we rejoice to hear that Mr. Pakenham had, shortly before the departure of the Acadia, once more urged upon the American Minister his proposal of an arbitration.
[PGC]

LT 1846/1/26/4b Oregon question

JANUARY 26, l846, LONDON, SATURDAY

The conversation which took place in the House of Commons on Friday night, respecting the Oregon question, was eminently satisfactory, as evincing the unanimous desire of all parties to maintain peace with the United States, but their no less determination that the peace so maintained should be consistent with the dignity of a great country, and rest upon the solid foundations of equity and self-respect. The regret expressed by the Premier at a seeming precipitancy on the part of Mr. Pakenham proves how sincere is the wish of the Government that no undue occasion of offense, no casual cause for war, be offered by this country to the American Republic; while the unusual heartiness of Mr. Hume, the accordant cheers of the House, and the concurrent approbation of the Opposition members, in affirming the propriety of increasing our military resources, are no less demonstrative of the tone and temper with which an unjust aggression will be confronted, and an involuntary war will be prosecuted. With regard to the alleged indiscretion of Mr. Pakenham, it seems to us that he has sinned rather against the forms of diplomatic etiquette than the spirit and interest of a diplomatic commission. It appears that the last proposal submitted to him by Mr. Buchanan - viz., a division of the territory - he rejected at once. Now it is urged that he should have communicated with the Home Government before he took so summary a course. It would require a fuller acquaintance with the circumstances of the case than is afforded by Sir. R. Peel's explanation to pronounce positively upon the propriety of his conduct. If by the term "division" be understood a division formed by a line continued from the 49^th parallel, we can understand the motives which forced him to reject the offer. This partition of territory would have deprived us of the Columbia river; in fact, of the most essential property - the only beneficial interest in the disputed country. Excluding this, it excluded not only the most important part of our claims, but that which previous conventions and previous proposals had conceded to us. It would have been impossible for an English Cabinet to accept offers so humiliating, or rights so truncated. But would it not have been more prudent to wait for the answer of the Home Government, in order that upon it future negotiations might be based? This is not self evident. If the Home Government could return but one answer to such a reference - the very answer, in fact, which was given by our Minister at Washington - we do not see, what good could have resulted from the delay. But if, in addition to this, it should be made clear that pending these negotiations, or previous to them, the President's Message to the Senate had developed the policy of the Washington Cabinet, then Mr. Pakenham's decision must, we think, be pronounced not only not precipitate, but natural, reasonable, and worthy of his position; for be it remembered, that Mr. Buchanan's proffers were on the most attenuated scale. He receded considerably from the terms of his predecessors. He offered to the British Minister far less than was rejected by a British Minister when Mr. Adams was President of the republic. And if after such an offer the latter had deliberated - if he had delayed - if he had even professed a willingness to consult his Government at home as to the expediency of accepting conditions which he must at the time have known to be derogatory to the just rights of his country, it requires little more than a knowledge of the transactions of the last few years to aver that such an hesitation would have been followed by counter-claims more ambitious and aggressive than before. If Mr. Pakenham had betrayed an undecided or doubtful mind when called upon to cede the navigation of the Columbia and the rich soil upon its banks, what would have been said by the politicians of the United States, by the mob constituencies, by the mob flatterers, by the panderers to bad passions and the suitors for popular favour? What but this? See how these English vapour and bluster how easily they can be bullied. They once scouted the notion of accepting half the territory with the notion of accepting half the territory with the Columbia and Vancouver's Island, and now their representative is half ready to yield the latter why should he have what we have offered? Why half or any of it. Strike for the whole country. The whole of Oregon or none. His Government fears to go to war. For peace she would surrender all that she has claimed. It will be our own fault if we do not get more than we once hoped for.

Such would have been the cry; it would spread like wildfire - "The whole of Oregon, or none and whilst relying on the probity of the American Government and the faith of international intercourse, diplomatic modes were exchanged , an American army might have been encamped on the Columbia, and the Oregon proclaimed a part of the Wisconsin.

We believe Mr. Pakenham as acted as he ought to have acted on such an emergency. Even if he has erred, much allowance should be made for the errors of one whose every word and deed is scrutinized with the most critical minuteness of jealousy - who has no other support than his own self reliance - and the exigencies of whose position demand from him a directness and prompt of action inconsistent with appeals to distant authority and remote counsel. Such allowance should be made for the errors of every diplomatist. It should therefore be made for any which Mr. Pakenham may have committed. But it is not clear to us that he has committed any.

It is not by the tactics of diplomacy or the wisdom of statesmanship alone that a great question like this can be settled. It is a hard thing to raise a cry for war. It is an easy thing to pique the vanity, to woud the pride and disgust the prejudices even of an enlightened people into national hatred. The time may come when an unseasonable joke, a sarcastic allusion, or any other trifle, may spur great kingdoms or republics into mad and sanguinary hostilities.
[PGC]

LT 1846/1/28/6e Oregon question

JANUARY 28, 1846 - The Oregon Question - AMERICA

We have received important advices from New York to the 8^th inst. Inclusive by the arrival of the ship, Henry Clay, Captain Nye.

The Oregon question has been taken up in the House, and warmly debated, with a warlike aspect. On the 2d inst. Mr. Adams gave his views at great length in favour of promptly giving the notice to terminate the existing joint occupancy of the Oregon territory. On the 5^th the Committee of Foreign Affairs recommended the adoption of that measure. The report was debated and adjourned on the 6^th until the first Monday in February, by a majority of l02 to 82.

Some conversation then took place as to the time fixed for the special consideration of the Oregon Bill, reported from the Committee on Territories, and on the motion of Mr. Douglas, the second Tuesday of February was substituted for the first for that purpose.

A bill was introduced on the 2d instant, by Mr. Haralson from the Committee on Military Affairs, for the organization of two regiments of riflemen, and also for increasing the infantry, artillery, and dragoons, to be at the disposal of the President for the protection of emigrants to Oregon or the defense of the frontier. After considerable discussion upon the question of making the resolution of a special order for the first Tuesday in January.

Mr. JQ Adams rose and addressed the house. He referred to the variety of bills providing for the defense of the country before Congress, and asked what reason there was for increasing their military establishment when they were at profound peace with the whole world? Three or four years ago, when the prospect of war was as great as then, they had reduced the military establishment by one third; but he said, I don not believe at all in any danger of war at this time. If there was danger, the first measure should be to give notice to Great Britain of their desire to terminate the existing joint-occupancy of the Oregon. Last session he had declared himself ready, as he did then, to give this notice. He hoped it would be given; and that then they would proceed to a real occupation of the whole territory. He was surprised the Committee on Foreign Affairs had not reported the notice in question, and he should deeply regret if a majority of that Committee should not be prepared to do so. If he hoped that a majority of the house would support him, he would press such a resolution that day. While the existing convention remained, he would vote for no resolution such as that then before them. It did not follow that if they gave notice there must of necessity be war; nor did it follow that they should then take possession. It would only be saying to Great Britain, "After negotiating 20 years about this matter, we do not choose to negotiate any longer; we shall take possession of what is our own; and then, if so settle, the question what is our own you wish to negotiate, we will negotiate as lone as you please. They might negotiate after they had taken possession. I say therefore, he continued - "That I hope the first measure adopted by Congress will be to give, in the most solemn manner, the notice to Great Britain which the treaty requires; then the coast will be clear for us to do what we please. It does not, I repeat, follow as a necessary consequence, that, because we give this notice, we must take possession, though it is my hope that we shall. It does not necessarily draw after it a war; and if Great Britain chooses to take such notice as an act of hostility on our part, and forthwith commence hostilities on hers, we have been told that we shall all be one party, and God Almighty grant that it may be so. If it shall be so, the war will have less of those very extraordinary terrors which my friend from South Carolina (Mr. Holmes) has now just discovered, notwithstanding the extreme military propensities which he manifested on this floor last year with regard to Texas. And of this I am very sure, that in that case Great Britain will not long occupy Oregon, or anything else north of the Canada line. (Great sensation, and incipient indications of applause). But if you will agree to give notice, strong as in my horror of war, and of all military establishments, if there should then be the breath of life in me, I hope I shall be willing to go so far as any in making any sacrifice to render that war successful and glorious. I can say no more. However, we may without giving notice, extend our laws and our protection to our brethren who have settled at least in that part of Oregon which is not claimed by Great Britain; but there can be no need of increasing our army and our navy to do that. I hope that such an act will not be offensive to Great Britain, and that she will not think of going to war about it. But if we are going to take actual occupation of the country, then some additional force will be needed to our army, and in that case, however unwilling I have ever been to increase our military establishment, I think I should get over my difficulties especially if a disposition should be manifested by Great Britain to take offense at the measure I have just mentioned. I believe it will not be necessary for me to refer to any other part of this subject. There have been, as I understand, two applications made to this house by fellow citizens or ours settled beyond the Rocky Mountains for the protection of this Government. The Chairman of the Committee on Foreign Affairs presented, as I think, one memorial while another from a different quarter is also before the territorial committee - possibly is a copy of the same." [PGC]

1846/1/29/6f US, preparations for war

AMERICAN PREPARATIONS FOR WAR, January 28, l846

We noticed that orders had been sent to Norfolk for estimates of the expense of fitting out all the United States ships at that port. It seems that Norfolk is not the only place where inquiries have been made, but that New York has come for a share. It is stated that a party of naval gentlemen have been in this city on a tour of examination; and, besides examining the vessels at the navy yard, have inspected the mammoth river steamers. The report of the committee in relation to these steamers, if we may judge from what we hear in conversation, will be not a little amusing as well as curious. So far as steamers are concerned, the river boats are entirely unfit for any Government service, except the transportation of troops or munitions of war on the North River. The extreme lightness of their construction, and the mass of top hamper about them all, make them totally worthless as armed vessels. They would be quite as unsafe for their own crews, from the effect of their own guns, as they would be dangerous to an enemy. If Government requires steamers they must build them at once. One of the steamers of John Bull that rejoice in the names of the heathen gods would sink as many steamers like the Colonel Harney, and such as the river boats would make, as would be built in years. We are glad the Government is looking round, and that it has found out that blows are to be received as well as given in a war with England. War or no war, it is indispensable that we have a large addition to our steam marine; and if the present state of affairs stimulate a minute inquiry into our means of defense, it will end in a little good. So far as war steamers go, we are not fit to be named as having a navy at all and the sooner the want is supplied the better - New York Evening Express.

LT 1846/1/30 5e Oregon question

JANUARY 30, 1846

The American journals brought over by the last packet are fraught with matter of the most interesting and important kind. The Oregon question is daily advancing towards a definite and positive shape, and as far as it is possible to augur the result of legislative deliberations or popular sympathies, no great length of time can be expected to elapse before some strong decision is expressed as to the occupation of the disputed territory. The first thing that strikes us in the proceedings of the American Congress is the confirmation which that Assembly stamps upon a previous assertion made by ourselves. On a former occasion we declared that, in reference to a mere question of equitable right, the data of history or of treaties were insufficient to establish the claims of either of the two nations to the contested territory and that it would be impossible to adjust the present dispute without considering the peculiar wants and interests of the two litigant parties. It is to use the words of Mr. Rhett in the House of Representatives now a question of interest and policy that we are to settle.

With some of the representatives, as Messrs. Baker and Hilliard, the claim of property as deduced from prior occupancy or from the Spanish title is still in vogue. But it is exceedingly difficult to see the force of the evidence which has convinced them that their title is good on the former ground, and we think that we have already shown that it fails on the latter. The sole evidence of prior occupancy rests on the supposed discovery by Captain Robert Gray, who as Mr. Wintrhop said, had no more idea than the man in the moon that he was discovering this or any other country; and who does not appear to have left any permanent or recognized symbol of his country's power on that coast. But if positive discovery were to be laid down as the foundation a territorial claim, the partial discovery by Captain Gray cannot weigh against that more complete one effected by Broughton, who sailed 90 miles up the Columbia. But we suspect that the statesmen of both countries feel the impossibility of adjusting the question on the authority of what an intelligent American representative acknowledges to be vague traditions

And musty histories of old voyages."

Disposing then of the question of prior occupancy and original right until the time when it shall be clearly shown that one country or the other exercised unquestioned, undivided, and universally acknowledged

Jurisdiction over the coast and northwest continent of the Oregon - which means for ever let us again recur to the validity of the title as deduced from Spain. Now, it cannot be doubted that if Spain was rightfully possessed of the territory in question, she might rightfully alienate it. But if she had it not, any professed alienation by her would not be worth the parchment which professed to convey it. Now no one American legislator professes to believe that Spain had alienated her right over the Oregon to the United States till after l790. Whatever treaty be adduced as the Spanish title - whether that of l796 or l8l8 - there is no treaty whatever of or before the year l790 which confers a claim to the United States, derived from the Spanish title. But there is a treaty on record - no ignoble or obscure treaty - but one signalized by many coincidental and consequential events of importance - a treaty dictated by an English Minister who inherited a proud sense of English honour and a firm determination to maintain it - the treaty of Nootka Sound, ratified at the fall of the year l790 - which ceded to England rights and titles, not indeed paramount nor undivided, but totally incompatible with any after alienation or disposition or demise of plenary jurisdiction to or by any other Power in the world. Whatever interpretation may be affixed to the 3d, 4^th and 5^th articles of that convention, no interpretation, however strained, however distorted, can construe them so as to make them consistent with a reserved license for Spain to transfer her right of full sovereignty in these regions to any foreign Crown or State whatever. Spain may indeed at a later period, either by a careless phraseology or al pompous assertion of non-existent rights, have spoken of her possessions even to the 52^nd of north latitude, and proposed to transfer her rights therein. But if she did this, she acted as a mortgager who sought to transfer over again an interest in property already encumbered without notice of that previous encumbrance, or as a simulated proprietor professing to sell land to which he had no title. The right of the mortgagee in the one instance, and of the vendee in the other, is just that sort of right which the United States have in this case derived from Spain, and none other.

But we are bound to admit that the terms in which the Nootka Sound convention is couched are curious, and we believe, unprecedented. As far as relates to North America, they are negative on the subject of sovereignty. They express an agreement between the two high contracting Powers that it should be lawful for their respective subjects to fish, erect huts on the coast, trade with the natives, etc. but they reserve no right of paramount sovereignty to either of the two. The only approximation to a reserved right - as far as North America is concerned - is in favour of Great Britain; for it is stipulated that compensation should be made to British settlers for injuries sustained at the hands of Spain previous to April l790, and all the land and buildings of which they were then possessed should be restored to them. Now as far as this goes, and we are not disposed to push it to any undue length, we must say it is a strong a priori testimony in favour of British rights. And when it is viewed in connection with the very high pretensions of the Spanish Minister, and his subsequent abatement of them, we must say that it approaches as nearly as negative phraseology allows to a full admission of British sovereignty in these parts. Why should British settlements be "restored" if there had been no right jure patrice auctoritatis to establish them? Why should compensation have been made to British subjects if the British Crown were not recognized in its sovereign capacity? But we will not urge these conclusions, because they are modified (rather than resisted) by some of the stipulations in the treaty. The subjects of both Powers are to fish, settle, trade with the natives, apparently on a footing of perfect equality. If a paramount jurisdiction had been contemplated in behalf of either of the Powers, such would not have been the language of the convention. Mr. Pitt was no untaught or inartificial composer of slovenly documents - no weak master of English tongue - no thoughtless, reckless assenter to the ill-digested propositions of others. Nor was it characteristic of Spanish diplomacy to leave ought to casual conjecture or indifferent construction. Mr. Pitt was a lover of accuracy; the Spanish Cabinet of formality. We may infer, then, that it was neither in heedless haste nor indifferent ignorance that the treaty was framed. It meant something, depend upon it. What, then, did it mean? We believe that it meant to leave the question of sovereignty in abeyance. The nature of the country was unexplored and unknown; its advantages and capabilities undreamed of: it was supposed to be valuable for its fisheries and harbours; useful to traders navigating the Pacific; useless for the purposes of colonization, and top contemptible for projects of ambition. Spain did not care to fight for its retention, nor England for its acquisition. All had been done that was worth doing immediately when indemnity for past violence and security for future "quiet enjoyment had been obtained. Thenceforth the English and Spanish subjects were to occupy the territory as they chose; it was open to every commercial virgin country courting the affections of each new adventurer. It was to be occupied under the joint-protection of the two Governments. It was to be a joint-tenancy on a grand scale. The conditions and incidents of a joint-tenancy were - as far as the analogy of the case would allow - to follow this occupation by subject Spaniards and Englishmen. And it was to be terminated as a joint-tenancy is terminated - by partition, at the will of either Sovereign. Wrong sustained by the subject of either crown was to referred to his own Court, and finally decided by a mixed commission under the authority of the two Courts. These we believe to have been the terms on which Spain and Great Britain occupied Northwest America, Strange, unprecedented, and informal they may be pronounced; still, if they were not of this kind, or nearly of this kind, it would be impossible to define of what kind they really were. Nor is such a definition unsupported by affairs dehors. We may suppose that it was not the intention of Mr. Pitt or Count Florida Blanca to leave matters for all time to come in this state. A partition might have been looked forward to, as likely to be enforced. But circumstances intervened to prevent it; the French Revolution broke out --Spanish power languished and died; English enterprise was diverted into other channels.

But the relative position of Spain and England at that time appears to have been just such as we have described it; and such the interest of Spain in those regions - an undivided moiety of the whole possession, not the whole of an undivided moiety - in fact a distributive and diffused possession. And such was the interest, and only such, that Spain could transfer to any other power. If therefore Spain in l796 or l8l8 pretended to alienate a plenary authority over these regions to any other state than Great Britain (which she could have done by a sort of release on a grand scale), such alienation would be as inoperative as that of Texas by Mexico after annexation to the United States. Nor is this view materially affected by any war which might have broken out after the first compact of co-equal possession. The two contracting countries might go to war; but no war could affect the rights of their subjects already established and settled by a previous treaty. Spain might have quartered her troops on the northwest coast of America, and have carried on an internecine contest with individual British settlers, and thus have reconquered the whole settlement by degrees; but the law of l8l8 pretended to alienate a plenary authority over these regions to any other state than Great Britain (which she could have done by a sort of release on a grand scale), such alienation would be as inoperative as that of Texas by Mexico after annexation to the United States.

There is reason to believe that the Senate will declare against the measures which may be voted. In the interval which will ensue, in consequence of this inevitable conflict, the British Government would do well to commence a decisive negotiation, if it wishes to escape serious complications abroad. This is the course expected on the Stock-Exchange in London and in the city; for although the public mind was excited by the tone which pervades the message, the public funds were not paralyzed by it."

Columbia River and the coast to the south of Vancouver's Island, on the authority of discoveries by Cooke, Vancouver and Mackenzie; on the authority of the Nootka Sound Convention in l790 with Spain, and of settlements, effected and maintained at different times by British subjects. The United States claim the territory on the ground of discoveries made by her citizens, Gray, Kenbrick, etc; of the cession made by Spain in l8l9, and of occupation and settlements previously, as well as afterwards, effected by American traders. It will be obvious that the right of sovereignty which attends discovery, unless backed by some decisive measures on the part of the Government by whom or by whose subjects the discovery is made, is worth very little. Did the rule prevail that every nation was entitled in perpetuity to the sovereignty of any territory discovered and claimed by any of its subjects, without any immediate act on the part of its Executive to enforce such claim, the tenure of most colonial dependencies at the present day would be one of very equivocal legality; and, indeed, there is so much doubt hanging over the history of all territorial discoveries, that it would be difficult to suggest a worse title than that which is conferred by the assertion of such a claim, unsupported by any evidence of continuation by the Government in whose behalf it is represented to have been made. In the present instance, the honours of discovery appear to be due to a Spanish navigator of the l7th century, Jean de Fuca, who has been given his name to the strait that separates Vancouver's Island from the mainland. Nor is a much better title afforded by mere occupancy unprotected by the home Government of a state ,recognized by foreign nations. The question of right is thus narrowed to the consideration of the original proprietorship, and subsequent alienation. The American Ministers assert, that not only the valley of the Columbia, but the whole of the Oregon territory, and territory as far as the 42^nd degree of north latitude - belonged to Spain, and was by Spain transferred to the United Sates at the Treaty of Florida in l8l9. They say that they have a title not only to the valley drained by the Columbia, but also to the whole of the Oregon, and they take credit to themselves for evincing no small moderation in proposing the parallel of the 40^th degree as a boundary line. The question therefore arises, which is the better claim; that which is founded on the treaty by Spain with England in l790 or that which rests on the Florida treaty with the United States in l8l9 ? By the former Spain agreed to give indemnity to British subjects dispersed of their settlements about Nootka Sound, and to guarantee the same liberty of access to the citizens of both nations as well as those parts which were to be restored to British subjects are in the other parts of North America, which then belonged to Spain. By the latter, she ceded all her authority and jurisdiction over her provinces in North America to the United States. Now, when it is recollected that in l789 Spain abandoned her settlements in Nootka Sound and that from this time she appears to have neglected this portion of her colonial empire altogether.

THE UNITED STATES

We subjoin abridged reports from the several Secretaries of State, which are extremely valuable as evidence of the efficiency of the several departments:

REPORT OF THE SECRETARY OF WAR

This document occupies five columns of the Union, but the following synopsis from that paper tells the whole of a long story:

It exhibits, in the first instance, the organization, strength and constitution of the regular army. The rank and file - embracing every arm of the service does not exceed 6500 men. At this time there is stationed but a single regiment on the whole northern frontier, from Maine to Lake Superior - an extent of 2,000 miles; and on the whole line from the Falls of St. Anthony to New Orleans (l500 miles) only one regiment of dragoons and two of infantry. The artillery regiments - reduced by detachments of four companies from each - now garrison the fortification of the seaboard from Newport to New Orleans. The remaining and larger proportion of the army is now stationed in Texas. The report gives an interesting account of the political reasons which have induced the Government to give them this destination. The secretary does not think it prudent to remove the troops from this position until our relations with Mexico have assumed a more decidedly amicable character. In the event of there being any necessity to increase the army he proposes to build upon the basis of the regiments by adding to the rank and file of each company instead of creating new regiments. This necessity may be found in the course of Mexico, or in the conduct of the Cumanches, or of the Indians that are found in Oregon, or that may interrupt the increased current of the emigrations to the Rocky Mountains. By the proposed arrangement of filling up the infantry companies to 68 men and the dragoons to 60, the privates are increased without a corresponding augmentation of the officers.

The report suggests that, besides this increase of the number of privates in the two existing regiments of dragoons, another regiment of dragoons or of mounted riflemen may be necessary in the event of extending our posts to the Rocky Mountains.

It states that, though the concentration of so large a proportion of the army on the frontier of Texas may have, in some measure, enlarged the expenditures (certainly in the article of transportation), yet it has in some degree been compensated by the improvement which has taken place in the discipline of the troops. It renews the recommendation for establishing a corps of sappers, miners, and pontoniers, to assist, among other things, in constructing bridges, in consequence of the military occupation of Texas. L00 men will be sufficient for the purpose

The report gives a rapid but interesting account of Colonel Kearney's expedition, during the last summer, to the south pass of the Rocky Mountains, the impressions it produced among the Indians, the number of emigrants which it met on their way to Oregon, to the number of 2,325 men, women and children, with 7000 head of cattle, 400 horses and mules and 460 wagons. This report of Colonel Kearney accompanies the communication of the commanding general, and will furnish, no doubt, an interesting store of extracts at a season of grater leisure. It also refers to the adventures of another detachment of the dragoons, under the command of Captain Sumner, nearly to the northern line of the United States, between Lake Superior and the Lake of the Woods. Among the Indians whom they met with on their route, and upon whom they made a due impression with their military array, was a numerous band of the half-breeds of the Red River of the North, who had come from the region of the Hudson Bay Company into our lines to hunt buffalo. They had even solicited permission to reside in the Unites States.

The Secretary refers to the considerations which had prompted General Gaines to dispatch the volunteers of Louisiana to the camp of General Taylor. Ample justice is done to their gallantry and Congress is invited to make appropriations for their compensation. General Taylor had also accepted the services of our Texan companies of mounted men for three months.

The estimates for the ensuing year do not greatly vary from those of former years. The item for aming the fortifications is increased l00,000 dollars. The attention of Congress is directed to the st ate of the forticiations - to the armories of Springfield and Harpers Ferry to the establishment of a national foundry for cannon to the preservation of the gunpowder belonging to the Government - to the condition of the mineral lands in the northwest, which the Secretary proposed to transfer from the management of the Ordnance Department to some other.

(The Presidents message suggested to the Land Office)

It calls the attention of Congress to the 48 forts in process of construction, and to the propriety of erecting new forts at other points. Among these, as suggested by the reports of the Engineers, are fortifications of the narrows at Staten Island and Sandy Hook, and the condition of the long suspended fortress at the Pea Patch; an additional work at Solles' Point, for the protection of Baltimore; and projected fortifications on the Florida reef.

The Secretary speaks with great consideration of the school at West Point, and proposes some improvements. He calls special attention to the report of the chief of the corps of Topographical Engineers, to the improvement of the harbours on the lake, which are so well calculated to furnish accommodations to steamers, that in a state of war, may be turned to the most effective purposes, and to furnish facilities to a commerce that is now estimated at $l00,000,000 annually.

The Secretary speaks with enthusiasm of expeditions under Captain Fremont, and his valuable services. He refers to other reports of the pension office, which has now returned on its books 28,92l pensioners - 237l added during the last year, and l,428 known to have died. He devotes a considerable space to the Indian agency and the Indians - the Pottawatomies, the Choctaws, and particularly the Cherokees. He lays before the President some highly interesting communications from our Indian sub-agent in the territory of Oregon.

He dedicates the conclusion of his comprehensive and very interesting report to a subject which is of so profound an importance in a free government, viz, the organization of the militia. He suggests various alterations, and amongst the rest, submits the question, whether it might not be advisable to reduce the period of service from l8 years of age to 2l, upon the ground that although citizens of l8 years of age are not too young to bear arms, they were not generally in a situation to equip themselves with arms, as the law requires.

REPORT OF THE SECRETARY OF THE NAVY

The communication of the Secretary of the Navy opens, without any preface, with the following sentence:"During the past year the usual squadrons of navy of the United States have been maintained." In the Mediterranean, Commodore Smith had command of the Cumberland the Plymouth. The Plymouth was ordered to the Brazil squadron, and the Cumberland returned home, and their places will be taken at the opening of the present season by a part of the present African squadron. The African squadron was organized under the command of Commodore Perry, who was relieved by Commodore Skinner; the Preble and the Truxtan contracted disease on board, and were sent home; the Southampton, with stores, was sent out to remain, and was followed by the Marion and Dolphin. The Boxer is destined for the same station; and in January the Cumberland, bearing the broad pennant of Commodore Read, will relieve the Jamestown and Yorktown, which will proceed to the Mediterranean.

The disposition of the remainder of the naval force is thus states:

On the Brazil station, Rosseau, the first officer of the Alleghanies ever selected to command a squadron, relieves Commodore Turner. The Raritan will return to the home squadron; the Boston is ordered to return to the United States. The Columbia, the Saratoga, Plymouth, and the Bainbridge, as for the present substitute the Brazil squadron.

Commodore Parker, after a very successful cruise, returned from the Asiatic station in September, bringing home the Brandywine, St. Louis and the Perry. At the Bay of Islands, Captain McKeever, in the St. Louis, had the happiness to render valuable service to the inhabitants of an infant British settlement

In May Commodore Bidelle sailed for the East Indies in command of the Columbus ship of the line, bearing the Minister to China and the ratified treaty between the United States and the Chinese Emperor. The health of Mr. A.H. Everett, the Minister having induced his return, the exchange of the ratification of the treaty was committed to the charge of Commodore Biddle, who will doubtless show that an able and gallant naval officer conducts satisfactorily all affairs entrusted to him. The constitution is on her return from China, after having visited different ports and islands in the Indian Seas.

The Pacific squadron, under Commodore Sloat, has consisted of the Savannah, the Levant, the Warren, and the Shark. The first three will return in l846 and will be relieved by the Congress, the Portsmouth, and the Cyane.

The home squadron has been under the command of Commodore Conner, who has distinguished himself by sound judgment in the performance of his duty. His force, which consisted of the Potomac, the Falmouth, the Vandalia, the Lawrence, and the Somers, was weakened by the return of the Vandalia, which visited Hayti, and was driven home by the yellow fever, contracted at Port-au-Prince, where she had been ordered on duty. The squadron was increased by the Princeton and Porpoise, the St. Mary's, and the Saratoga, under Commodore Stockton, and soon after by the John Adams, and the steamship Mississippi

The Secretary visited all the naval establishments but those at Pensacola and Memphis, and they are generally in excellent order.

He recommends that the Naval Asylum at Philadelphia, at which are now more than l00 sailors, be never enlarged, but that new pensioners should be placed "in some salubrious spot near the ocean, where the aged seaman can watch ships as they come and go, and have old familiar objects in sight." There is a dash of romance in this suggestion which is rather unexpected.

He condemns as a fruitless expenditure the employment of professors and instructors on board ship, and suggests that midshipmen, in the intervals of sea duty, may be collected together on shore and be suitably instructed. The instructors being provided, the idea was carried out by organizing a school at For Severn, at Annapolis, under the direction of Commander Buchanan.

He recommends that the plates of all the charts engraved by order of Congress be deposited in the National Observatory building.

The grant of a large sum for the establishment of a well-furnished and efficient navy yard at Pensacola is recommended and he disapproves of the grant for the Memphis Depot, as to large for a mere work of preparation. He thinks Congress should confine the use of the money first to the construction of a rope walk; and, next, to simple arrangements for building and equipping steamships. He justly adds that "the United States should produce all the hemp used in the navy, and that to introduce at the west the manufacture of American hemp for the navy will prove a national benefit.

The subject of the lake defenses is reserved for a special communication.

The care of the reservations and plantations of live oak, should be transferred to the Land department which has the proper means of ascertaining title.

The present contract system requires modification. The estimates for next year contemplate no increase in the force employed during the present year.

No estimates are presented for the increase of the navy. The department awaits in that matter the instruction of Congress; but he remarks, that in comparison with other nations, our own is poorly supplied with sea going steamers.

The navy is praised for its excellency and efficiency, and its able and skillful officers. He thinks the capable only should be promoted and his position is illustrated by the following remarks:

"Age alone now claims precedence, though that claim is unauthorized by the constitution, and unsustained by the law. Seniority demands promotion as its right, and the highest rank and pay are awarded to the longest life. Yet the chances are that the eldest are not the most meritorious. Excellence seeks the opportunity of displaying itself, and is selected for the most perilous and wasting service; while mediocrity fails to be employed, and obtains length of days in safe and affluent retirement. Promotion by seniority is a premium upon inactivity.

"Many of the best among the older officers received high promotion while comparatively in early life. The younger officers of today are equally full of talent and ambition; but the present system refuses to them the opportunity of command while life is in its vigour, and reserves it for the decline of their powers. In consequence the average age of captains is constantly increasing, and is already nearly 60. The average number of annual promotions is about two. The average age of commanders, from whom captains are and should be taken, is not much less than 50. From their great numbers, the little sea service to which they are called is favourable to longevity. Continue the present usage 20 years longer, and while hope will be crushed in the young men in the service, the class of commanders will itself be composted of none but aged men, and there will not be a captain under threescore years and ten.

"This custom discourages the most worthy, and leads the incapable and the indolent to cling with tenacity to their commissions".

"Those that are capable, and our service abounds in those, only should be promoted."

He argues against the probably objection that selection will degenerate into favouritism, and asserts that wherever the principle of discrimination has been carried out, it has been attended with success.

The number of midshipmen in the navy has become so reduced that new appointments begin to be made, and he suggests that it would be desirable if a system of free competition could be devised.

A remedy in the mode of paying pursers, and against the progressive amount of salary given according to service, is desirable.

A change is needed to protect the Treasury, and to secure the prompt payment of balances.

An increase of six acting boatswains, and as many acting runners in the navy, is represented as being needful. The apprentice system will soon be revived, in a simple form, in the hope of better results than heretofore.

The report closes with some general remarks upon the evils which exist in the navy, and the causes whence they have sprung.

REPORT OF THE SECRETARY OF THE TREASURY

The report of the Secretary of the Treasury (RJ Walker) states the receipts for the year ending June 30, l845, $29,769,l33 to which the balance in the Treasury of $7,857,379 may be added, making the total means $37,626,5l3. The expenditure during the same period was $28,968,206 and therefore left a balance in the Treasury of $7,658,306, July l, l845. The total means estimated to accrue up to June 30, l846 is $34,478,306, including the balance left over from the former year. The expenditures are estimated as follows:

The actual expenditures for the first quarter, ending 30^th of September 1845, amounted to $48,463,682,

The estimated expenditure for the public service during the other three quarts from lst October, l845, to the 30^th June l846, are as follows:

Civil list, foreign intercourse, and miscellaneous purposes 6,739,211

Army proper 2,584,735

Fortifications, ordnance, arming militia, etc. 2,346,778 [PGC]

LT February 2, 1846, 4b, Oregon Question

The Oregon Queston

The position which we cited on Friday from Mr. Admas's speech in the House of Representatives is, as an argument, more of use to us than to himself, as it shows that in the disputed territory the right of sovereignty has hitherto been intentionally kept in abeyance, and that the United States have no original indefeasible jus imperii therein. It leads to no inference of American rights; it supports no pretensions of American seisin. It establishes more evidently than before our own assertion, by an appeal to the actual manner in which the district has been settled, and the light in which that settlement has been regarded by a third party, viz., the aboriginal Indians.

But, however refutable any inference my be which he seeks to deduce from such premises in favour of imperial claims to the Oregon, it will require something more powerful than argument to meet declamatory exhortations to war, and exulting predictions that, in the event of such a contingency, England would lose not only Oregon, but all that she now possesses north of those latitudes. We can easily believe that of such an import, coming from one who, in addition to the inheritance of a time-honored name, may boast the recollection of long public services and the homage paid to acknowledged merits--we can easily believe that such words, from such a man, will thrill in the hears of thousands. And indeed to no other cause but an example so authoritative can we attribute the violent and belligerent language which was used by such speakers as Messrs. Ingersoll, Simms, Baker, and M'Dowell.

Now, we readily admit that in the democratic assembly of a republican state, the temptations to exaggerated or menacing language are very great at all time, and in times of international differences almost irresistible. For this reason we feel great admiration for the intrepidity and true wisdom of those men who, like Messrs. Winthrop and Rheett, have ventured to use the language of moderation and peace in the front of a majority clamorous for dissension, and a populace inflated with the visions of conquest. When, waving the question of right either as inconvenient or indifferent, legislators are found telling the people that it "is their destiny" to commit a great injustice; that they do not fear the odds of a tussle with Great Britain; that the British Lion has, ere now, quailed before the American Eagle, and may soon quail again; that as the power of the Republic has run down south-west as far as Texas and the mines of Potosi, and north-west across the Rocky Mountains to an indefinite extent, and the Columbia, adding state to state and region to region to keep up its balance of power; -- when these things are said, repeated, and applauded, the moral courage of those who scout such morality and repudiate such pretensions cannot be too highly praised or too thankfully acknowledged. They are vindicating the cause of morality and justice in the eyes of Christendom.

But, gentlemen of the House of Representatives, you must be aware that you cannot go on talking thus for ever. These big, swelling words must produce some definite and palpable issue of fact. They must either become utterly nugatory, or lese must be lead to a war. You cannot escape from this dilemma. It follows from your own speeches and protestations. The representatives of a great people cannot discharge their duty by uttering a torrent of declamations about the "destiny" of their country and the invincible strength of its arms. A continuance of such language, not followed by the most vigorous policy, exposes those who speak to some ridicule, and their country to some reproach. Are you, then, prepared to meet the only alternative which is indicated by your own words and shadowed forth by your own predications? Are you prepared for war? Have you calculated its cost, its consequences, its calamities? Have you reflected on the condition in which it must leave your country?--on the revolution which, be its result what it may, it must work in your political and social systems? Are you prepared for military aristocracy, perhaps an autocracy?--for a centralization of power round one governmental unit, and its fortification by the breastwork of a large military force? Are you prepared for the creation of a new and dominant class?--for the display of oligarchical distinctions, the thirst after courtly decorations, the overthrow of republican equality? Yet to this end, to these results, so alien from the intentions of your pilgrim fathers, so adverse to the spirit of your polity, you are driving your country by your advocacy of warlike measures. Even supposing that in the conflict which you provoke, a success greater than you expect attends your arms--that you plant your victorious standard upon the two banks of the Columbia, or advance it to the shores of Hudson's Straits--that you beat the troops of England and the volunteers of Canada or New Brunswick on every field and in every siege between the two oceans which encompass the Canaan of your vaunted "destiny"--what will you have gained? The responsibility of a great empire, the invidiousness of detected pretensions, and the domination of some military chief! But if you fail--if the armies which conquered under Wellington retain their fortune under other leaders--if the pride which has spurned at mediation is chastised in war--if New York is given to plunder, and Washington again beholds the English flag floating over her Capitol--what will you not have lost by the issue of a contest at once unfortunate and unprovoked! In neither case will you resume your former position--in neither will you be as you were before the war. You will have created new pretexts of taxation - you will have called into existence new institutions repugnant to you old ones - you will have laid the foundation of future encumbrances or future despotism. But, more than this, you will have aroused the jealousy, awakened the vigilance, and armed the hostility of foreign Powers. You will have forced them to defend themselves against your aggressive, or to punish your defeated efforts. But in the long interval that separates the commencement of a war from its conclusion, what enormities may be pracised! what calamities inflicted! Have you though on these? Have you reckoned their cost, or their guilt? You remember the scenes of 1774; will you re-enact them? You might do us great injury; but your country would suffer dreadfully in the attempt. You might invade our colonies by guerilla detachments, but we should lay our ships of war against the cities of your pride and the homesteads of your wealth. You might destroy our merchant vessels, but we should devastated your provinces and despoil your towns. We might lay Washington in ashes; but could you invade England with effect? And have you forgotten the secret danger which you nourish in your bosom? Can you forget that to the horrors of a foreign would be added the greater horrors of a servile war?--a war not of lines, columns, or camps, but a war waged against heads of families, in houses, by ambuscade, and every species of treachery complicated with every kind of cruelty that vengeance could devise and opportunity provoke? Again, do you not remember that a war with England could not be a little war, nor confined to two states; that it would up the world in its conflagration, and add to the cruelty of an unnatural contest the inconvenience of unnatural of faithless alliances? You rely on France, and forget Russia. But do you forget the traditionary fickleness of the former, and the antidemocratic mission of the later? Do you not know these things? do you not fear them? We seek not to intimidate you with vain menaces and unreal bugbears. But we bid you, as patriots who love your country, as statesmen who are legislating future times, above all, as men who profess to adore justice and to sever truth--we bid you pause, and reckon the fearful risk which you are running and the monstrous misery which you are courting.

What is your case? You lay claim to a greater amount of territory than Great Britain says is yours by right. She offers to refer the dispute to arbitration--you reject this offer. What is the obvious and fair inference suggested by such a refusal? Again, what are the facts of your claim? Make a "Case" of it--state it fairly, and lay it before the jurists of the world. It would run thus:--

"There is a vast extent of territory lying between the 43d deg. north latitude and the 52d deg. north latitude. It was settled some time towards the close of the last century. The accounts of its discovery are conflicting and ambiguous. Spain professed to be siesed of its coast by right of prior occupancy, but her rights, are extravagantly asserted at first, were afterwards modified or withdrawn. In 1789 certain British subjects were found fishing and trading on its N.W. extremity. This provoked the indignation and the aggression of Spanish naval officers then off the coast. They attacked the vessels of the English, sank them, and destroyed their huts. A representation of this outrage was forwarded to the British Court, and thence a remonstrance was sent to the Court of Spain. A diplomatic correspondence ensued, which, after showing that the territories of the litigant Powers in those regions were undefined and uncertain, was terminated by a compact which provided for the joint and several occupation of the whole district by Spanish and British subjects, under the joint protection of the Spanish and British Courts. Citizens of the two countries, encouraged by this convention, settled there. They traded and fished together. They held a joint occupation of the soil, and enjoyed a joint use of the river that flows through it. Neither of the two contracting parties stipulated for absolute sovereignty, nor for its reversion, in this district. They exercised a joint protection, and gave such of their subjects as chose a joint interest in it. Afterwards a war broke out between them; and many years after Spain made a conveyance of 'all her sovereign rights' in this country to another Power- the United States--a Power as yet in the obscurity of infancy when the first settlements were made. After this cession citizens from this new Power immigrate in to this country. Not content with holding a distributive possession, and giving to her colonists the divided tenancy of this tract, the Republic of the United States, relying on the vague phrase contained in the Spanish conveyance, claim entire sovereign dominion over it as far as 52 [degrees] north latitude, and offer, as a matter of compromise, to take the parallel of 49 [degrees] as its boundary line. But while it offers this, it obstinately claims the sole usufruct of the principal river, which for 60 years has been shared on equal terms by previous occupants--the English and Spanish at one time, the English and Americans at another--in those parts wherein alone it is navigable. It refuses the offer of Great Britain to share this river, or the harbours on the coast. It thus seeks force Great Britain into surrendering for ever the only commercial advantage-- the only benefit indispensable to a naval country--which the district affords, and which she has hitherto enjoyed; and it proposes, as a solution of the dilemma, to seize on the whole of the territory of which the limits are thus contested."

American representatives, would you submit such a case for the consideration of just men all over the world? Would you abide by their opinion? Or will you go to war to decide the righteousness of your claims? [AEK]

LT February 3, 1846, 5b, U.S. Congress, Oregon Debate

"AMERICA"

[The following appeared in the greater part of our impression of yesterday:-]

We have received New York advices to the 13^th of January inclusive, by the arrival of the packetship Stephen Whitney, Captain Popham, after a fine run of 19 days.

These accounts are important. The proceedings of Congress present, in the Senate, the introduction into that house of resolutions for giving the Oregon notice, and in the other house the continuation of the former debate.

A bill to repeal the existing tariff had been introduced into the Lower House.

The discussion upon the Oregon notice question in the House of Representatives had been reassured on the 7^th. The house having resolved itself into committee of the whole, Mr. Yancy said, he considered that peace had given them the territory of Oregon, and he believed it could only be lost by war. He was for all the Oregon--would take no line of compromise--but he could not sympathize with the cry of "Now or never." If they were not now prepared to assert by force of arms their right to Oregon, it would be well to delay it. He regarded that to give the notice would be a measure of war, and if it had been considered by previous Administrations as a measure of peace, why had it not before been given? He maintained that Mr. Adams in his speech considered it as a war measure, and that war was expected by the Administration as the result of this measure. He then considered the relative condition of the two countries to enter into war, and as regarded their own want of preparation, he charged it to the votes of western men, who were now furious for war and who had voted against all appropriations for Atlantic fortifications and for the increase and supply of the navy. He did not think there was anything offensive in the refusal of Mr. Pakenham to accept the offer made by Mr. Polk. A better offer had been repeatedly made and refused, and, as the negotiations were opened on the basis of compromise, Mr. Pakenham was justly surprised at receiving a proposition offering less than had before been refused. He thought the true course to lose Oregon was to precipitate action on this question. If they wished to preserve it, they must call time to our aid and people the territory.

Mr. Smith repelled the charge that the west were desirous of involving the country in war; but said there was a deep and absorbing feeling in the west, that the honour and interests of the nation were deeply interested in the maintenance of our rights in Oregon, and he had no fear that the United States would ever yield those rights to negotiation or to force. It was a mistake to suppose that the west would not suffer as well as other sections of the country in the event of war, as it was also that they were controlled by selfish considerations. If war should come, the west would do its duty, and would furnish its full quota of men and of treasure. He reviewed the course of the President in relation to this question, and exhibited his inconsistency in having in his inaugural address endorsed the decree of the Baltimore convention, and declared in favour of the whole of Oregon, which opinion had also been reiterated by his organ, and having then offered to compromise on 49 [degrees]. He did not disapprove the offer, but referred to it to show its inconcistency with the manifesto. He was opposed to the adoption of the resolution, regarding it as a step towards war. In respect to giving the notice, he had expressed his opinion as a minority member of the Committee on Foreign Affairs. He believed it was no part of their legislative duty to alter or put an end to any of the stipulations of a treaty, which the resolution proposed to do. It belonged exclusively to the treaty-making Power. in the present position of our affairs he was for making energetic and ample appropriation s for the defence for the defence of the country, and if war should come, he was for devoting to it all the resources and all the energies of the country.

On the 8^th the "notice" policy was supported by Mr. Cobb in a speech of great warmth, but presenting no arguments of novelty. He planted himself, he said, on the ground that it was their duty to protect their countrymen who had emigrated into the Oregon, and he would not look to the consequences. Mr. M'Clennard, or Illinois, followed on the same side, expatiating upon the greater comparative value of the upper portion of Oregon to the lower. Upwards of 30 members then endeavoured to gain the floor, but the discussion was adjourned.

In the Senate, on the same day, Mr. Allen, from the Committee on Foreign Relations, reported the joint resolution advising the President to give notice of the termination of the convention in twelve months, with an amendment abrogating the convention at once, and directing the President to issue his proclamation at the end of twelve months for taking possession of the whole territory. He said he was instructed to move an early day for its consideration. He would not make the motion now, because a senator had intimated to him that the intended to start a preliminary question, which had better be disposed of first. He would propose Monday, the 12^th, for this motion; then the preliminary question would be started; after which he should move the would be started; after which he should move the Senate to fix a day to take up the joint resolution.

On the 9^th day a bill "to organize a territorial government in the Oregon territory" was introduced; and notice was also given by Mr. M'Connell of a bill "to repeal the Tariff Act of 1842." The house then again went into committee on the resolutions for the Committee on Foreign Affairs, authorizing the President to give the Oregon notice. Mr. Giles spoke in favour of the measure, not regarding it as a provocative of war. He regretted the rejection by Great Britain of the recent offer of compromise made by the President, and argued, at great length, the right of the United States to the whole of the territory in dispute. Mr. Levin urged the expulsion of all foreign rule form Oregon, at all hazards and under any circumstances. He considered the country well prepared to meet any force Europe could despatch against it, and courage and union were their best defences.

On the following day, the 10^th, a resolution of inquiry in to the condition of the navy having been introduced and adopted, the Oregon debate was resumed by Mr. Hunter. Agreeing in the importance of retaining the whole of Oregon, up to 54 deg. 40 min., he yet desired that they should allow time to consolidate their power. if they were to give notice and not agree on the 49^th parallel, war would ensue. If the question could not be peacefully settled by negotiation, he would wish that arbitration, if again proffered, should be accepted in preference to war. If war arose, it would involve Mexico, and their fellow-citizens in the Oregon, whom gentlemen were so eager to protect, would be driven out of the territory, if not permanently, at least for a period, while more favourable terms would not be procured unless Great Britain was utterly humbled. War would change the character of their domestic institutions, and establish a military despotism. Their Government was perfect for protection, but inefficient for conquest, and its whole character would inevitably be changed in prosecuting a war of supremacy over Great Britain. If the question must now be pressed to an issue he trusted it would be arbitrated, but he much preferred that things should remain as they were. Neither their honour nor their interest suffered from letting things remain as they were. It was said Great Britain might, and probably would, give the notice. This he did not think probable, but if she did so the responsibility and the guilt of the war would rest upon her. Great Britain claimed no exclusive jurisdiction, but the right of settlement and of occupancy, and if undisturbed in these she would suffer things to move on as they were.

Mr. Kennedy did not believe that the notice was a war measure. It was a simple exercise of a right provided for in the treaty. He would not, however, consider this question; their right to Oregon was complete, and they had a right to take possession of it. He was for giving the notice and for extending jurisdiction over the whole of that territory, even if war should come. He then proceeded in a most violent an inflammatory war speed, designed to arouse feelings of hostility, but containing no argument, and exhibiting neither sense nor discretion. The Washington correspondent of the New York Courier and Enquirer writes, on the 7^th ult., that "in conversation President Polk declares himself decidedly in favour of giving the Oregon notice, and expresses his strong desire that the resolutions now before the House of Representatives should be adopted as reported from the committee."

In the Senate, on the 7^th, the bill to raise a regiment of mounted riflemen was taken up and enforced by Mr. Benton. It had nothing to do, he said, with war, or rumours of war, but was a kind of force peculiarly required on the western frontier. The appropriations are as follows, viz., $76,500 for raising and equipping the regiment; $3,000 for each military post which may be established on the route to Oregon; and $2,000 to buy the land for the site of such posts from the Indians. This last item was added by Mr. Benton at the suggestion of Mr. Calhoun. The bill was passed.

The St. Louis New Era refers to the declamation founded on the extension of British laws over subjects of the Crown in Oregon by American orators and writers, and draws attention to the fact that "two acts of Congress of 1834, under the provisions of which our laws regulating Indian intercourse, and the criminal laws which apply to places over which the United States have exclusive jurisdiction, are all extended to that country; not confined in their operation to American subjects, but extending to every case of crime, except offences committed by Indians against Indians. We refer to the act to regulate intercourse with the Indian tribes, and the act to establish the Indian Department, and under that act men have been tried for capital offences and convicted in the Circuit Court of the United States at St. Louis."

"It may be added," says the New York Courier and Enquirer, "that under the other act 'establishing the Indian Department,' and Indian sub-agent has been appointed for, and resides in Oregon - the same Dr. White who is now, or recently was, at Washington."

The following excellent letter is taken from the correspondence of the New York Courier and Enquirer:--

"Washington City, Jan. 10, 1846.

"The anxiety in New York, in regard to the question of war or peace has been so great that newspapers and their correspondents have seized upon every rumour, no matter how improbable, which appeared to offer a hope that the Oregon question would be speedily and satisfactorily adjusted. To these rumours of pending negotiations, &c., the readers of the Courier and Enquirer well know that we have given no countenance; while we have always said, and still think, that the Oregon question will be settled without a resort to war, although the whole commercial community have to a certain extent experienced, and will continue to suffer, from many of its consequences. I now desire to state, however, for the benefit of all concerned, and I do so upon the very highest authority, that from the day on which Mr. Buchanan transmitted to Mr. Pakenham his letter of, I think, the 29^th of August, in which he withdrew the proposition of our Government, and virtually suspended all negotiation on the question of Oregon,--from that day up to this time our Administration have not received directly or indirectly through Mr. M'Lan, Mr. Pakenham, or any other source whatever, either here or in London, the slightest overture or intimation of any kind or description whatsoever. This declaration is intended to cover the whole ground; and, to guard against misconstruction, he who made this declaration added, --'the administration knows nothing of the intentions, the wishes, or the expectations of the British Government wish is to equally know to the whole people of the United States.'

"Of the truth of this there is no doubt whatever; and while it is with me a subject of regret that the fact should be so, it is best that the truth should be known in order that all may form their own conclusions from this state of things. I have no doubt myself, that if Mr. Pakneham had forwarded to the British Government the correspondence up to and exclusive of the last letter from Mr. Buchanan, he would have been informed that his rejection of the offer made by our Government was premature, and that it should have been accepted. But when that rejection was followed by the withdrawal of the rejected proposition and the abrupt suspension of all negotiations, the British Government apparently arrived at the conclusion, that they had nothing more to do but to prepare for any and every contingency which might arise; and accordingly, they have observed the most studied and profound silence on the subject, while the whole energies of the nation have been devoted to preparations for war. Wellington truly said, that England could never again wage a 'little war;' and if war comes, it will be of a character far more serious than any in which she has heretofore been engaged.

"England, then is quietly awaiting the action of our Government; and, in my humble opinion, the question of peace or war depends solely and exclusively upon the fact whether we do or do not give notice of the termination of the convention for joint occupancy. I know there are those who think differently, but they are very few in number; and nine-tenths of all who hold such language believe in their inmost souls that, if we give notice, war in inevitable. Mr. Adams, whose hatred of England is only surpassed by his malignity to the south, has recently declared in the most solemn manner that the contemplated notice is a peaceful measure, and that it cannot possibly produce war. And yet this same gentleman only one year ago as solemnly, and far more honestly, proclaimed to the House of Representatives, and through it to the people of the United States, that the giving of this notice was the exercise of the war power of the house, and that the house had a right to entertain it, because war could not be declared without its sanction, and that the giving of this notice was virtually a declaration of war: that, once given, war was inevitable! Beyond all question he was honest in the expression of this opinion last January; and, whatever he may now say to the contrary, in the hope of involving us in a war with England to punish the south, not a man in this city doubts but he is still of the same opinion.

"It is to be deeply regretted that one so distinguished should thus sacrifice even the appearance of a decent respect for truth to his hatred of England and the south but his friends point to his almost second childhood as an apology for such conduct. I wish I could in charity attribute his inconsistency and want of truth to this cause; but his reply to Mr. Rhett on Wednesday conclusively proves that his mind is too vigorous to authorize such and apology being offered for him, and that he must continue to stand before the public in the very questionable position which the gratification of malignant feelings at the expense of truth and justice should ever entail upon him who ventures upon such an experiment.

"The passage of the resolution requiring the Executive to give notice of the termination of the convention of 1826 is not in itself an offensive act; and, had it been given pending negotiation last winter, very probably no injury would have resulted from it. But the whole aspect of affairs is no longer the same, and the circumstances under which the notice would be now given entirely change its pacific character. All negotiations have been abruptly suspended, and not only has our proposition for compromise been withdrawn, but the Executive in his annual message virtually apologizes for having made it. Under these circumstances, the President recommends a termination of the joint occupancy, accompanied with a declaration that we are entitled to every inch of Oregon, and that at the expiration of the year's notice we are to take possession of and govern it as a part and parcel of the territory of the United States. In addition to this, the military committee, and prominent members of both houses, proclaim from their places that at the expiration of the notice of England is to be forcibly driven from Oregon.

"Most assuredly, all these circumstances take from the notice its peaceful character, and make it (as Mr. Adams once truly said) a war measure! No man in his senses--certainly no honest man, who is capable of reasoning upon the current events of the day and exercises his reason,-- either does or can believe that the giving of the contemplated notice will not involve us in war. Many, doubtless, desire to think otherwise, and that they may do so, and have an excuse for their conduct, refuse to reason with themselves or any other person upon the subject; and it is only these, together with the fools who cannot reason, and the knaves who desire war to make money out of it, who are prepared to vote for the notice. True, there are in the House of Representatives men of both parties, so weak that.

"I ask of the honest, intelligent, and considerate members of both houses of Congress a carefully and calm consideration of this aspect of the question, and of the very decided advantages which this country plated notice. Beyond all manner of question, if we refuse to five such notice, England will be placed in a most awkward and embarrassing position, while our country will have a re-acquired that which slowly but most certainly, was securing to us all we desire. Every consideration, then, of patriotism and interest; every motive which can or should operate upon the minds of public men--of men representing alike the wishes, the feelings, and the interests of the people--of men presumed to be jealous of the honour of the nation--demands a prompt rejection of the resolutions before both houses of Congress. I say a prompt rejection of them, because we know not what intelligence the next arrival from Europe may bring us. Now we may act without fear of any, the slightest apprehension, of a misconception of the motives which guide us; but if we postpone action until after the arrival of further intelligence, it is by no means impossible that it may embarrass our actions. Our true course, then, is to act promptly; and to repudiate the ridiculous idea that England is averse to a war with the United States, or that such a war would be injurious to her interests.

"This is the great error of the age. Bullies imagine that England is not in a position to go to war with us, and therefore, resort to bullying; yet at no period in the last 100 years has a war been so necessary or desirable for her; at no previous period in her history has it been so universally demanded by her people; never before has she stood before the civilized world as the injured party; and never, since she was a nation, was she so thoroughly prepared, and so capable of bringing into action all her immense resources. War would add but little to her expenses; it would restore to her the China and South American markets for her manufactures, whence we have driven her; it would lessen her population, divert public attention, and revive a spirit of nationality, the deadening of which by 30 years of peace is threatening all those institutions upon which is based her monarchy. She will not go to war with us unless she can secure to herself the sympathies of Europe; but give her these--and they are now with her--make her the injured party by threatening to driver her out of Oregon after30 years of peaceable residence there--and she will bless the statesman who thus forces her into hostilities. But I repeat, there will be no notice; and consequently, no war.

"J.W.W."

Mexican accounts to the 8^th of December, published in the American journals, contradict he reports formerly received, that Paredes had declared against the Government. The General, it is stated, had addressed a despatch to the Secretary of War, dated San Luis Potosi, November 26, in which he says that, having learned that Colonel Barragan had circulated reports of his intention to pronounce for a dictatorship, he had ordered Barragan to be arrested, and proceedings to be taken against him.

We further find it stated, that the Diario de Gobierno of the 3d of December publishes this dispatch with an editorial paragraph, affirming that all the reports imputing to General Paredes designs hostile to the Government are utterly without foundation.

Accounts from the British Guiana to the 16^th of December, received in New York, possess no features of importance.

Our Canadian accounts are unimportant. The previous rumours of Cabinet dissensions had died away.
[AEK]

AMERICA
London Times: Liverpool, Feb. 3.

We have received important advices from New York, to the 18^th ult. Inclusive, by the arrival of the packet-ship Yorkshire, Captain Bailey, after a fine run of 15 days.

These accounts are of a more satisfactory character than those published in The Times of this morning. The excitement created by the warlike tone of the discussion in the House of Representatives had in a great measure subsided, and apparently more moderate counsels prevailed. The Senate had refused to discuss the question of giving Great Britain notice with regard to the joint occupancy of the Oregon until the 10^th of February; and in the Lower House the speeches delivered were less hostile in their character. As will be seen below, a bill of appropriation towards increasing the navy in both branches of the service had been received in reply to General Cass's resolution of inquiry; and an attempt to induce the Senate to declare their hostility against, and determination to oppose, European interference in the affairs of the western hemisphere, had failed under the opposition of Mr. Calhoun's pacific influence. The debate in the Lower House had produced no decision.

In the Senate, on the 12^th ult., Mr. Fairfield, from the Committee on naval Affairs, reported a bill appropriating the sum of $11,190,000 for the addition to the Untied States navy. On a motion that the notice to terminated the joint occupancy of the Oregon be made the special order for the 27^th of January, Mr. Calhoun and other senators urged further delay; and the question having been put to the vote, the order was delayed to Tuesday, the 10t^h of February. The votes are as follows:--

-Yeas.--Messrs. Archer, Barrow, Benton, Berrien, Calhoun, Chalmers, Thomas Clayton, John M. Clayton, Colquitt, Corwin, Crittendon, Davis, Dayton, Evas, Greene, Haywood, Jarnigan, Johnson of Maryland, Johnson of Louisiana, Lewis, M'Duffie, Mangum, Miller, Pearce, Pennybacker, Phelps, Speight, Upham, Webster, Westcott, Woodbridge, Yulee--32.

Nays.--Messrs. Allen, Ashley, Atchison, Atherton, Breese, Bright, Cameron, Cass, Dickinson, Dix, Fairfield, Hannegan, Jenness, Niles, Semple, Sevier, Sturgeon, Turney--18.

Mr. Hannegan's resolutions, deprecating a compromise on the 49^th parallel, were also postponed to the 10^th of February. Upon this vote the Washington correspondent of the New York Courier and Enquirer remarks--

"This, though not clearly indicative of the course that Senate will take on the question of notice, shows that that body is determined to proceed with proper deliberation and with the benefit of all the information that time can give them. What the final action of the Senate will be on this question cannot now be said with certainty; a majority of that body is unquestionably in favour of a but pacific course, and it is probable that a measure will yet be devised con which they can unite, and which will satisfy the hour of the country while it shall maintain our rights to Oregon, and at the same time preserve the peace of the country."

The proceedings of the 13^th were devoid of interest.

On the 14^th Mr. Allen offered the following

"JOINT RESOLUTION.

"Resolved, &c.,--That recent manifestations of a disposition, by certain Powers of Europe, to interfere in the political arrangements of this continent, with a view to the enforcement of the European principle of 'the balance of power' upon the independent nations of America, having made it, in his judgment, the duty of the President of the United States to call the attention of congress to this subject in his annual message, and to announce, on the part of the United States, the counter-principle of non-intervention, it is the judgement of Congress that the announcement thus made by the President was demanded by the manifest hazard to which such interference would inevitably expose the relations of peace now subsisting between the old world and the new.

"Resolved, -- That Congress, thus concurring with the President, and sensible that this subject has been forced upon the attention of the United States by recent events, so significant as to make it impossible for this Government longer to remain silent without appearing ready to submit to, and even to invite, the enforcement of this dangerous doctrine, do hereby solemnly declare to the civilized world the unalterable resolution of the United States to adhere to and enforce the principle that nay effort of the Powers of Europe to intermeddle in the social organization or political arrangements of the independent nations of America, or further to extend the European system of Government upon this continent, by the establishment of new colonies, would be incompatible with the independent existence of the nation, and dangerous to the liberties of the people of America, and therefore would incur, as by the right of self preservation it would justify, the prompt resistance of the United States."

Some discussion ensued. Mr. Calhoun said--

These resolutions embraced a principle of action which called for the most solemn declarations on the part of the Senate. It afforded matter for consideration how far this resolution could be efficiently acted upon, if adopted. No man could view with stronger feelings of opposition all impertinent interference of the Powers of Europe in the affairs of this continent than himself. And he would not take occasion to say, that the late extraordinary interference of Great Britain and France in the political domestic relations of Buenos Ayres was an outrage unprecedented in its character. But the great question here suggested was, were they now prepared to take this whole continent under their protection? Had they reached that state of maturity to admit of this wide and exclusive guardianship? Were they prepared to take all the consequences that must grow out of the assumption of such a policy as was there indicated? If they were determined to take the course indicated by the resolutions, if they were determined to take the course indicated by the resolution, if they indicated anything, they might as well at once call into action the whole energies of the country. They wanted time. Mr. Calhoun was of the firm opinion that at this moment the resolutions of the hon. Senator could have no good result--no good effect upon the nations of the world. The President had announced the principle--why not be content to stand upon that declaration? The concurrent declaration of Mr. Monroe had at the time been regarded as unwise, and really mischievous in its effects. What good had resulted from it? There had been frequent interference's since, on the part of the European Powers, in the affairs of the independent nations of that continent, of which they had taken no notice whatever. They were rapidly approaching to great events. They demanded their most solemn consideration. They were approaching, as it were, to that point were the broad, plain highway, parted into two roads--one to the right and the other to the left. Between the two they were left to decide. The exigency required their most solemn deliberation. For himself, he would rather not push the principle, at least for the present; but would prefer to let it remain where the president had put it.

Mr. Allen said that he had been apprehensive that even this proposition might be resisted in the senate, but he had not supposed that the bare introduction of it would encounter opposition. He would not now go into a general examination of the resolutions, but would simply remark that the President, in his official message to congress, had denounced the principle of foreign interposition in American political affairs, and without the approval of congress, he would stand, in the eyes of the world, as taking a stand unsupported by the concurrence of the balance of the Government. Never, since the declaration of Mr. Monroe against foreign interference in the domestic relations of this continent, had Mr.Allen heard the justice of the policy of this position question, nor had known it to meet with opposition from any American mind. Mr. Allen further expatiated upon the propriety of Congress confirming this position of the President. He did not ask the consideration of the resolution now; it would be referred, if received, to the Committee on Foreign Relations, who would doubtless give it that serious reflection which the case required, and would report accordingly.

Mr. Calhoun inquired if the chairman on Foreign Relations had submitted the resolution on his own individual responsibility? (Mr. Allen replied in the affirmative.) Mr. Calhoun said that he considered that an unprecedented proceeding, and entirely out of order. He was not disposed now to rush forward into any measure that would further entangle foreign relations. If they were resolved upon this measure, they ought at once to put forth the whole of their strength. They ought to declare themselves military republic, and that the whole continent was under their especial protection. Why did not the senator at once come forward with specific resolution touching the affairs of Buenos Ayres? It was the part of wisdom to look to wise ends from wise means. Mr. Calhoun positively objected to the reception of the resolutions, and called for the ayes and noes.

The notice of introduction was laid on the table by a vote of 28 to 23. Mr. Crittenden then, on leave, reported a preamble and resolution on the subject of the Oregon controversy. The preamble recapitulated treaties and the inconvenience of the existing state of things; the resolution gave discretion to any time after the expiration of the President to give the 12 months' notice, provided, however, that he should be limited in that discretion to any time after the expiration of the present session of Congress. After some remarks between Mr. Calhoun and Mr. Crittenden as to the order of this proceeding, Mr. Calhoun waved his objection; the resolution was read, ordered to be printed, and made the special order for the 10^th day of February, when the whole subject would come up for discussion.

The subsequent proceedings of the Senate are devoid of interest.

The Oregon discussion was resumed in the house on the 12^th by Mr. Toombs:--

He did not think the question before the committee on of peace or war. He deplored war but would rather have war with honour than peace with dishonor. He thought that time had arrived when the policy of "masterly inactivity" should be abandoned, and action substituted in its place. He thought it wise and proper that this question should be now, in some manner, settled. He did not consider the title of the United States good to 54 40. Their title by discovery was the only one by which they could claim to 54 40, and he knew of no rule of national law by which discovery alone gave title, without being followed by settlement. To a portion of that territory, by the discovery of the Columbia by Captain Gray, the discovery and exploration of its sources by Lewis and Clarke, and the future settlement at Astoria--they had perfected their title to the whole region drained by the Columbia. By the same rule Great Britain was entitled to those portions discovered and settled by her. He next considered the title by contiguity, which he considered as giving to the United States a title up to 49. The British had established a trading post at Frazier's River in 1807, and had thus acquired all the title to the territory drained by that river that they had, by the settlement of Astoria, to the territory drained by the Columbia. The exact line of boundary between the two title he wished to be ascertained, and for that reason he would give the notice. He was in favour of the amendment offered by Mr. Hilliard, leaving the giving of the notice to the discretion of the President. American citizens had settled in that country, and they were entitled to protection; and it was also important that the settlers should know where they were to settle, so as to prevent their not planting themselves upon the territory of Great Britain. In voting for the notice he considered himself as voting against no method of settling this question--he was in favour of any and every mode by which it could peaceably be accomplished; but if all peaceful expedients should fail, he and the people he represented were prepared to do their duty in the great conflict that would follow--Mr. J.R. Ingersoll then submitted a resolution authorizing the President to open negotiations with the Government of Great Britain, for mutually terminating the existing joint occupancy.--Mr. Hamlin argued that the democracy were the peace party, and that giving the notice would not be a measure of war. It was the duty of the Government to extend the protection of our laws over all our citizens. He consideeed our title to the Oregon perfect. He was in favour of giving the notice, and of the house taking the responsibility of giving it without transferring it to the President. As a means of military defence, he would vote for appropriations to construct a railroad from the Missouri to the Columbia.--Mr. Douglass moved that the Oregon Territorial Bill be taken from the committee of the whole, and be recommitted to the Committee on Territories.--The motion prevailed, and the house adjourned.

On the 13^th, Mr. C.J. Ingersoll submitted a resolution calling upon the Secretary of the Treasury for his plan of a Constitutional Treasury, as suggested in his report and in the message of the President, but being objected to it had to lie over.--Mr. Baker then submitted a resolution declaring it to be the sense of the house that the President of the United States has no right to offer to cede any portion of the territory of the United States, to which its title was clear and unquestionable, either by treaty or arbitration. The resolution was laid on the table. A resolution of inquiry was offered, whether any negotiations had taken place about Oregon since the President's message was delivered.

On the 14^th, the policy of giving the notice under discussion to Great Britain was argued by Messrs. Staunton, Godon, Brinckerhoff, and Wentworth, and further continued on the following day by Mr. Cooke:--

He was not prepared to say that the British nation had no rights in Oregon; if he were to deny that she had, he would thereby cast reflections upon the eminent patriots and statesmen who at various times have offered to divide that territory with Great Britain on the 49^th degree. He believed the giving of the notice was not within the competency of Congress, but was an executive function. It was not a question in which our honour was concerned, and he was in favour of settling it by negotiation; and, that failing by arbitration.

Mr. Bedinger believed their title to the whole of Oregon to be perfect, but it was their policy to remain quiet. He did not know that the would ever listen to a proposition from Great Britain to compromise the matter.--Mr. Morse was in favour of the notice, and did not believe that it would produce war.

The jealousy previously noted as being entertained in the Untied States as regards the Mormon emigrants to the borders of the Pacific, we find again started in the St. Louis Reporter. "It is quite time," says that journal--

" The United States Government had taken notice of the treasonable practices of these declared enemies of our country. There are now many respectable witnesses in St. Louis ready to make oath that, the twelve have held secret councils, in which they have concocted treasonable plans of hostility to the citizens and Government of the United States, and that they have numerous agents now among nearly all the Indian tribes, for the avowed purpose of embittering their minds against us, and preparing them ultimately to join them in a war against us. Will the United States allow 200,000 of these bitter and irreconcilable foes to take possession of any portion of the Pacific coast that is now or may hereafter by purchase become ours? The President of the United States should be authorized by a law of Congress, if he has not now the authority, to issue his proclamation, forbidding them to settle on the United State' lands or to pre-empt them, and to inform them that they will not be allowed to remain on any lands that we may acquire hereafter, while these hostile views against us continue to be cherished and taught to their people. If war should ensue between this country and England about Oregon, there is little doubt that one of England's most efficient forces will be the Mormons. Will the country supinely permit this important item to be thrown in the scale against us in the settlement of our apprehended difficulties in that quarter? The writer believes, from information that has reached him, that treasonable correspondence might now be found in Nauvoo. At all events, there is sufficient evidence now in St. Louis to warrant the immediate arrest of the twelve, and to hold them to answer to the country for treason. The proper authorities can be furnished with the names and residences of witnesses for that purpose. If the twelve are arrested and tried for treason, more of a better stamp and more pacific views towards this country are likely to become leaders in their stead, and trouble with them, as well as emigration to California, might thereby be avoided. Let the country look to it in season."

In the fears thus expressed the New York Courier and Enquirer concurs.

Washington letters contain the rumour that despatches had been received by the Government from the United States' Minister at Mexico, Mr. Slidell, and that upon these several Cabinet meetings had been held. It is added, that no intelligence confirmatory of the reputed revolutionary movement of General Paredes had been received.

Mr. Parrott had been appointed Secretary to the Mexican Legation.

The celebrated corn law announcement of The Times had arrived out at New York by the packetship Oxford, on the 14^th of January, and had created a great sensation. The Courier and Enquirer thus remarks:--

"There seems, indeed, to be no good reason to doubt the announcement of The Times, and none appears to be entertained. Assuming that it is substantially correct, the intelligence is of the utmost commercial moment, and the effect which it must necessarily produce in the United States can hardly be overrated. It is proper for us to state, at the same time, that the London Standard, understood to be the Ministerial organ, gives an apparently flat and emphatic contradiction to all the asseverations of The Times on this subject, but The Times reiterates them with an increased boldness, and submits its own statements to the decision of the country, exultingly remarking that a very short time will show which of the two journals (the Standard or itself) is most entitled credit.

"We do not see anything in the London papers to change the view we have expressed, or to shake our confidence in the important statements of that paper, for we do not see that they materially invalidate the substance of The Times article."

We learn form Indiana that bills, providing for the adjustment of the public debt of the state, had been introduced into both branches of the State Legislature from the Joint Committee appointed to consider the subject. The bills, it is stated, appeared to be formed on the plan suggested by Mr. Butler, the agent of the bondholders.

The New Orleans journals censure the recent proposition advanced to Congress by Senator Levy for the annexation of Cuba.

The New York Legislature was discussing the anti-rent question.

Canadian accounts are interesting, The journals were very generally occupied in discussing, with patriotic warmth, the doubtful state of our relations with the Untied States. To the "patriotism" of the two races of settlers, the Albany correspondent of the New York Courier and Enquirer bears the following testimony:--

"I have to-day seen a letter from a reliable an well-informed source in Canada West, and it alludes to the sentiments and feelings of the population there in reference to the question of war with this country. They are, the letter states, united firmly and warmly in loyalty to the Government, and the French part of the population especially have become convinced of the friendship of the present Government towards them, and they hold the same loyal language as their English fellow-citizens. There seemed to be a general expectation in the Canadas that war would come, and the population generally would be prepared for such an event."

The Canadian journals are also urging upon the Government the necessity of providing for a more efficient drilling of the militia, should any difficulty ensue from the Oregon question. New fortifications were about being erected at Kingston, and the Montreal Courier states, that--

"A board of officers of high rank has been sitting for some time in this city to consider the steps to be taken for the defence of the colony; and another board is engaged for the inspection of the military stores." [AEK]

LT London Times: February 9, 1846 Europe, The United States, and Mexico

From the Madrid Eco del Comercio

An article in The times, of London, written in view of the preponderance of the United States of America, and the weakness to which Mexico is reduced by her internal revolutions, appears to us a very remarkable one. The London journal--a journal of sound doctrines of government, and the most influential n the politics of that country--deplores the condition at which affairs have arrived in America, and laments because the emancipation of the ancient Spanish colonies has entailed an evil upon Europe. We have at sundry times turned our attention to this question, and some years ago we embodied our views in political pamphlet. If Europe contributed in no small degree to promote and assist the insurrection of the Spanish colonies, she did not perceive that she suicidally sacrificed her political influence in an equal ratio, even if she gained in her mercantile and industrial enterprises. It is not easy to combine everything at once. For the manufacturing interests of England, the rapid progress of the North American Union has been useful, and the emancipation of those states has been more profitable to Great Britain than if they had been maintained as an English colony. Under colonial domination, and subject to the mother-country, the states of the Union would not have attained the rank of a first-rate power; their population would no doubt not have increased in a greater proportion than has been observed in those parts for 50 years; and for a corroboration of this truth it is only necessary to turn our eyes to the English colonies in those regions.

England finds in the markets of the Untied States of America the principal outlet for her commerce and manufactures; and without doubt, the amount of the value of her exportations may be placed as the first and greatest of the commercial balance between the other nation of the world.

If, in this part, she gained in wealth, she lost in power, and from her colonies arose a colossal flag which at present curbs and restrains her.

Political economists will be able to calculate the exact value of this difference.

We have adduced this example in order to prove that the Machiavellism of foreigners, although the Spaniards contended with the great captain of the age; has been fatal to us. Instead of assisting us, and being grateful for and compensating our sacrifices, they contributed to the emancipation of our colonies; and as there was no Washington in them, neither were they customs of our colonists like those of Philadelphia, they have been torn for the last 30 years by civil discord, the fruits of which the United Stated and Brazil will gather in course of time. Behold here the grand error of European Governments, and principally that of England, which had the greatest interest in the non-separation of those countries from Spain.

This is acknowledged by The Times, and this illustrious journal would now desire to see a monarchy erected in Mexico, which would serve a centre and basis of peace, in order that, under its shadow, the wars between the republics of that extensive territory might cease; and with this motive our contemporary, after some luminous reflections, says,--

"As far as Spain herself is concerned, such an enterprise would not be unworthy of a the man* whose military success and whose resolute character have already restored so much of the lustre of the Spanish monarchy. A Prince of the House of Spain, bringing with him a force capable of restoring order to the country, and the guarantees of a constitutional Government for the protection of its liberties, would be hailed with enthusiasm by a considerable number of Mexicans, and would confer immense benefits on that people, --re-establishing its relations with the maritime and constitutional Powers of Europe. Amongst the cognate suitors (relations) of Queen Isabella, it would not be difficult to point out the individual best fitted for such an enterprise, by his personal qualities and his liberal sentiments. And even if the United States should attempt to interfere in this question in a manner for which there is not the least justification, they would not certainly be able to oppose the political march of the united Powers of Europe, when their sole object would be to preserve a national Government in New Spain, and to repair the disastrous effects of abortive revolutions upon the provinces which were once incorporated with the Spanish crown."

We approve the idea of our English contemporary; but a few amendments suggest themselves to our minds.

If the Mexicans, for example, looking to their interests, should say spontaneously--"We wish to be transformed into a constitutional monarchy; and without wars, without disasters, without opposition, we accept a Spanish prince, in the same way that the Swedes, the Belgians, and the Greeks accepted foreign princes, who must have entertained less sympathy with them than he whom we adopt,"--we at once agree that this declaration would be a blessing to Spaniards, to both the Americans, to Europe, and especially to England. But does our esteemed contemporary believe that Spain could oppose any force, if the slightest opposition were offered? Does it imagine that the United States would not use those forces which are being organized diplomatically, and without ostentation for the purpose of impeding the creation of a monarchy which might be extended to the Pacific, which might annex the Californias, and oppose, farther on, its rights in the Oregon? Would it not also secretly influence, in opposition to our idea, the ponderous sceptre which rules in South America? What will France say to this? Without an European league we deem the proposal of The Times impossible. Will this be possible without promoting a maritime war? Will Europe wish to undertake one? This is a question of much interest, and we leave to our contemporary the right of solving it with the masterly skill which we acknowledge it to possess.
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LT London Times: Feb. 10, 1846 p5/f US and France

We are very willing that our American correspondent "A 'States' man" should put the finishing stroke to the diplomatic reputation of Mr. King, the American Minister in Paris, and to the little controversy in which we happen to have found ourselves engaged with reference to that person. Our correspondent assures us, and he doubtless speaks from competent authority, that Mr. King "attached no signification at all in writing" to the words which he was transmitting to Washington. Whatever M. Guizot may have said, and whatever Mr. Calhoun may have thought, Mr. King neither said nor thought anything; and, with this assurance on the part of his champion, we take leave of him.
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LT London Times: Feb. 10, 1846 p6/c Mexico, revolution in

I expected by this packet to describe a revolution ended; but I cannot do more than announce a revolution commenced, the result of which, in the opinion of many, is all in favour of the General who has the courage to undertake a radical change in this ill-governed country. I informed you by the December steamer that General Paredes had pronounced, in San Luis Potosi, against the present Administration. The fact was communicated by express at the moment of the departure of the British courier for Vera Cruz. Since that period to the middle of the present month the further intentions of Paredes were involved in mystery, as he made no forward military step, with the exception of advancing his cavalry four days' march on the road to the capital, and it was understood that the heads of the church had induced him to remain inactive. However, the post of the 15^th from San Luis put an end to all uncertainty, as it brought us the formal pronunciamiento of all the officers of hi division, and the actual manifesto of Paredes himself. The former of these documents I subjoin, but the latter I incorporate in my correspondence, as it gives a true and well drawn picture of the unfortunate situation of this country, and explains at full length the motives that induced the General, who a twelvemonth since set up the present Government by banishing Santa Anna, not to work its destruction.

Paredes in one sense is right, for certainly the system pursued by the actual Administration must have reduced the republic in the course of a few years to the lowest stage of misery; but who has constituted Paredes an umpire in the case, and what principle gives him authority to build up and know down Governments at his pleasure? The nation at large has given him no such mission, and the representatives of the nation in Congress are openly opposed to his designs. His conduct is prima facie unconstitutional; but still such are the crying evils of the ruling system--so degraded is the country by former corruption and present weakness--that many thinking men accept the pronunciamento as a great good, believing that Paredes, as an honest and intrepid man, will, if he succeeds, root out the cause of all these evils.

There is only one fear mixed up with these favourable anticipation, and that is the dread that Paredes is but the creature of the Santa Anna Party, and that the support he now receives proceeds from those who are determined to have back that notorious character. I know not how far this apprehension be true, as Mexican intrigue is too profound for our own common-sense examination; but the fact is patent, that the heads of the conspiracy in the metropolis are Santa-Anistas. It is possible, at the same time, that Paredes may be using them, as they imagine they are cajoling him; and from all I hear of the sound headstrong resolution and honesty of Paredes I do not think it possible that he is working for such an end. Santa Anna at one time might have been saviour of his country. He had popularity, prestige, and means of success in his hands; but he lost all these by selfish and avaricious proceedings, and his return to power would be looked on by all classes as the treaties affliction that could befall the nation. More over, Paredes and the heads of the church, with whom he is identified, have, it is said, conceived a project for constitution Mexico into a monarchy, and seeking a sovereign from one of the roman Catholic Royal families of Europe. Their great difficulty is to fix from what race the monarch is to come. There are objections to Carlist and Christino, so far as Spain is concerned; and Austria and Bavaria offer no advantages; and Naples has no strength beyond her territory. France, to be sure, has scions of Royal race, but the French are radically unpopular in Mexico, and how would Great Britain like this extension of Bourbon influence and power? these speculations are uppermost in the minds of several families of wealth, who admit that republican institutions are totally unfitted for the country, and I should hope that Paredes's personal views have amore a tendency that way than in favour of Santa Anna.

With this introduction I give the manifesto of Paredes before I proceed to narrate the various circumstances that have followed his pronunciamento:--

"To the Mexican Nation.

"In undertaking the duty which the general voice of the army and the will of the people confide to me, my first care is to address the nation. A soldier of the country, elevated higher than my merits deserve, I owe to it a so solemn a moment an account of my conduct, plans and intentions.

"it is now 24 years since Mexico appeared before the world as an independent and sovereign nation. The army of the three guarantees then occupied the capital, and all Mexicans hailed with enthusiasm the promise of happiness which presented itself. The independence of the nation was then an irrevocable fact; the long and sanguinary contest of independence, ending by a fusion of all parties by the constancy, valour, and patriotism of the heroes of Iguala, destroyed the hopes of those bands who had opposes its progress, and general confidence and public satisfaction anticipated many and long years of peace to our beloved country.

"The state of the Administration justified these hopes. The tact, moderation, and prudence of the leaders of 1821 had conquered our independence in an honourable manner; and by casting an eye on our interior position, we shall see what was the brilliant inheritance they received form our former masters. The revenue was sufficient, without pressing heavily on the country, to maintain the State in all its proper splendour, as well as the magistracy and the many charges on its vast administration, to assist the defective colonies of the Philippine Islands, and to give a considerable surplus to the peninsula. The tribunals were models of integrity, and the Mexican army--that army which made the independence--was numerous, warlike, and well disciplined.

"Then, indeed, we possessed all the elements of a great nation, and in the first years o four independence the entire world believed that we were about to establish on the new continent a strong and powerful empire. The fetters of monopoly being removed, our commerce acquired importance and our agriculture consideration, and both sent to European markets productions till then unknown from the Mexican soil. Mines recovered their former splendour, and from all parts of the globe foreign capitalists hastened to give life and movement to our national industry. All American nations acknowledged our independence, some European monarchies followed their example, and we confidently hoped that all the States of both continents would speedily establish with us relations of mutual interest and reciprocal alliance.

"Nothing was wanted to justify our hopes. We had a prosperous revenue, greater than our wants, a vigorous and skillful administration, a numerous and valiant army, a laborious and obedient people, the support of the sympathy of the civilized world, and the more fully to develop the elements of prosperity given to us by Providence, we had a perfect union of all parties, public confidence, the benefits of independence, and the hopes of liberty.

"The actual state of the country will show how far these expectations have been realized and these promises fulfilled. Selfish parties, without patriotism, without faith, have followed in command, to tyrannize over and ruin the republic. Civil discord exhausted its rage; confusion entered into society. We have spent 23 years in trying every species of system and that time has been marked by continual revolutions. What fruit have these revolutions yielded? The slightest glance at our condition will show how the action has been insulted and humiliated by foreign arms or policy. The weak and thoughtless Governments that have succeeded each other have allowed Texas to be separated from the national territory: and now to conquer that rebellious department, we have to engage in war with a powerful state. Our relations with other countries are not satisfactory, and our neighbors say, and the statesmen and journals of Europe maintain, that the stars of North American shall rule over all Mexican lands, and reach the Isthmus of Panama. Such is the opinion formed by the civilized world or our division, weakness, and misery.

"If we look at what is going on in the interior, we only see chaos and anarchy. Texas is separated from the national union; the rebels of other department, speculating on the impotency of the Government, openly preach insurrection; and the Executive, ruled by party, and occupied solely by its miserable quarrels, abandons to the sanguinary incursions of savages all our frontier departments. The impoverished army is unequal to watch over the interior security and protect us from foreign war. Its patience and constancy are beyond all praise; but the soldier is naked and without food, and the military administration in the most lamentable disorder. The revenue, which in former times exceeded all demands of the State, has been frittered away by tricks and quackery. The old servants of the republic, the magistrates and the army, are in miser; while in Mexico, and in some departments, the corrupt amass colossal fortunes. Our finance is bankrupt at home and abroad; we are devoured by a debt which daily increases, and which must one day swallow up all the property of the nation. The revenues are pledged to our creditors, and the Government is seen begging from hour to hour, at exorbitant usury, the common expenses of the garrison of the capital. The balance of justice ahs been perverted in the hands of faction, and recently we have seen a solemn tribunal consecrate the impunity of sedition. Our agriculture fails for want of protection and security, and that commerce which at one period fertilized the whole country is daily abandoning our coasts.

"This wretched picture is unhappily not overcharged. It is the faithful image of that which all thinking men believe and lament. Let us compare what we are and what we were 24 years ago, and our true situation will be understood. In vain hope of improving our position daily revolutions have been got up, but these, made from personal motives, have not touched the true source of evil. Congresses and Presidents are hourly changed, but the sore has been touched; and the same scandals, and the same abuses, still consume the substance of the land.

"No movement could be more popular than that of last December. The nation rose en masse to put down a disgraceful dictatorship. But has our situation been improved? Have the evils been remedied? The Democratic party sought to fit to destroy the power of the General Santa Anna; but, not satisfied with the concession since made to it by the Government, it has preached war merely to arm its adherents, trying, at the same time, by all means in its power to lower the spirit and character of the army. Concealing beneath the pretence of a stupid federation, its well known plans of vengeance, and its instincts of revenge, this party seeks to ruin a country with which it has no common interest, and for which it feels no attachment. It has paralyzed the Government, which, either afraid or lazy, has yielded to it concession on concession. It has worked by defamation and calumny, and now, having weakened the Executive by the most treacherous means, it organizes a force for the purpose of once more imposing its shackles on the nation.

"The army, however, is determined to save the country, and terminate at once the precarious and dangerous state in which the nation has for some time been. I, who had the honour of fighting for the independence of the nation--I, who had the glory of fist raising in Salisco the standard of revolt against an odious tyranny--feel bound to secure for the people the due results of that national movement. Mexico has not risen against the despotism of a soldier to sink under the tyranny of demagogues. If such were not my proper conviction, it would have been forced on me by the prayers that have been addressed on all sides, by the entreaties I have received, the common accord of the army, and by the wailings and fears of the whole people.

"In marching on the capital to crown the great work in trusted to my care I declare, in the most solemn manner, in face of the nation, that we do not seek a revolution of persons only; we look for one more great, complete, and productive. We think not of usurping a presidency or of changing a Congress. We have in view the calling together a whole nation, in order that, undisturbed by faction, it may use its sovereign will, and erect a barrier against that ruing by which it is threatened. We prevent the supreme power falling into the hands of rebels, lest as we have often seen, the country should again be scandalized by outrage. Our object is to restore to the productive classes their long lost influence, and to give to wealth, to industry, and lavour the share due to them in all good social government. The nation, wearied by useless changes and barren revolution, will hail, after its long fatigues, the promise of order and stability. For this I have resolved--for this have the army resolved--to undertake a new revolution, determined that it shall be the last, and that the country under the shade of peace shall develop the elements of our wealth.

"I do not aspire to personal power or distinction. I seek not that dictatorship which has hitherto served to foment ruin and destruction. On this head my opinions are well known; I have proved them more than once in my difficult career. The stain of corruption or of party has never fallen on my character. My ambition is of a higher order. I despise political intrigues and irresponsible authority, but I aim at effecting a solid, a great and lasting change.

"These are not the hypocritical protestations with which ambition covers its design. The moment the army enters Mexico a national assembly shall be convoked, invested with the fullest power, and without limit to its sovereign will. This convention shall, at the very instant of this installation be invested with sovereign body. Its sole mission shall be to constitute the nation in a solemn and efficient manner; and from the moment of its meeting no other power shall exist in the country but such as may emanate from it.

"Satisfied, then, with the approval of my conscience, convinced of having performed my duty, I will retire into private life, or ask leave to march to the frontier as a private soldier to fight against the usurpers of our country and the enemies of our independence and prosperity."

"MARIANO PAREDES Y ARRILAGA.

"San Luis Potosi, Dec. 15, 1845."

This manifesto, immediately on its arrival in Mexico, was communicated by Government to the Chambers, and I must say to the credit of both houses, it was received in the most spirited term of open defiance. Several members in the lower house denounced Paredes as a violator of the constitution, as a military despot, as an usurper and a tyrant, and all without exception agreed to give the ministry the powers it might demand, to raise troops and levy money to resist his pronunciamento. The extra senate was held at night, and a little circumstance occurred which threw some doubt on the vigour and steadiness of that patriotic body. An alarm of a rising of the garrison having been spread, all the senators cut short the subject under discussion, scampered away like frightened hares, and left the Government to take care of itself. Fortunately the alarm was unfounded, and the august body had the honour, on the following day, of confirming by its votes the plenary powers conceded by the deputies. These good dispositions were encouraged by every account that came in from the several departments which the news of Paredes's movements had arrived. All declared in favor of the Government, and offered men and money to support the President. Unfortunately these were moral, not physical demonstrations, as none of their departments possessed any armed troops, and the vain promises came from corporate bodies, whose downfall would be sealed by the triumph of Paredes. To understand this, you must be informed that one of the first acts of the Government after the fall of Santa Anna, was to return to the departments the collection and control of their local revenues. This unwise measure has been one of the principal causes of the poverty of the treasury for the last six months. But it is sufficient to show that the departments have a strong interest in supporting the present system, and every reason to dread the presence of Paredes, whose ideas are all for central government, and the determined enemy of that minor species of federation established by the concessions of Herrera.

The inhabitants of the city of Mexico, as far as their opinion could be collected, also exhibited a strong distaste for the extraordinary conduct of Paredes. They declared that his plan was subversive of all order--that he offered the country no guarantees--that whatever the faults of the present Government might be, it was strictly legal and constitutional, and that public liberty was sager in its hands than it would be under the rule of military despotism. Satisfied by the vote of the Chambers, and the expression of general sympathy, the President and Minister determined to stand their ground; and General Herrera opened the campaign by the publication of the following address to the nation:--

"Fellow countrymen.--The division of reserve failing in the sacred duty it had undertaken of defending the integrity of our territory, has, after avoiding the presence of the enemy, turned its arm against the Government to which it owed obedience, and the General-in-Chief of that division, who, under various pretexts, had constantly refused to move against the usurper of Texas, is now marching on the capital.

"The same General in Penasco corrupted the good faith of an army anxious to fight the battle of its country. He then abused the credulity of a Government unconscious of the existence of treachery like his, and then, under the cloak of judicial forms, he contrived to save from punishment the partners in his criminal acts.

"A plan ill-conceived, false, and perfidious, which omits to state by whom the Congress it invokes is to be called together, which under the name of liberty disguises slavery, is the plan now offered to you by a general whose monarchial and despotic tendencies are well known--by a general author of the monstrous plans of Jalisco, and the chief actor of Tacabaya.

"Mexicans, is he who seeks to restore the position of the country to the same state that existed at the epoch of our independence--is he who regrets that Mexico formed a free republic out of the ruin of a powerful empire, the man to proclaim sound republican principles, and to establish a system consonant to the warmest wishes of your hearts? Consider that his vain and confused plan offers no guarantees and that marching, as he was ordered, to the field of battle, deceived both his Government and the army he commands. Is this the man to lead you to the Texan frontier? He who under so many false pretexts refused to send assistance to the brave and suffering fourth division.

"The good sense of the nation, the love of liberty, and of republican institutions the loyalty of the army and the firmness of the authorities, will cement a barrier against one who seeks once more to involve hi country in revolution. The ministry of the 6^th of December of last year, called on the nation, throws itself into the arms of the people, determined to follow its sovereign will whatever course events may take.

"But persuaded that several persons who follow the standard of rebellion are led astray by error and ignorance, the Government commences by offering pardon to all who recognize their faults and return to their duty, as servants of the republic and defenders of the laws.

"Fellow-citizens--Your liberties are at stake; hasten to assist me in defending them, as I swore to do on the 16^th of September last. With your aid we shall be invincible.

"Your compatriot.

"JOSE JOAQUIN DE HERRERA"

The Senate, the Chamber of Deputies, the Corporation, the Garrison, and, in short, all public bodies in the metropolis, followed the President's example , and all the walls were placarded with volumes of patriotism. I will not fatigue you with translations of the manifestos, as they are all set to the same tune, breathing defiance to Paredes, and calling on the people to unite for the preservation of the Constitution. The Congress voted extraordinary powers to the Government of the space of six months--the Civicos or National Guard were called out - the city declared in a state of siege--all men between the ages of 16 and 60 compelled to take arms, and fines of 100 dollars each inflicted on those who refused to answer the appeal. Barricades were erected at the entrances to the town, roads cut up to prevent the approach of artillery, and, in short, all due preparations were made to give Paredes a warm reception. The Government went even the length of issuing warrants of arrest against suspected person, and a few gentlemen of know respectability were put into close confinement.

These measures were approved, with the exception of the army of the Civicos, as every person recollects the sue made by such patriots of their power in the pronunciamento of 1828. On that occasion they sacked the city, plundered all shops and stores, and sold their plunder in the open market under the protection of the successful faction. The citizens are naturally apprehensive of a repetition of the same scenes, though greater care is now said to be used in the selection of the Leperos to whom these dangerous services are to be entrusted. Indeed, so much alarm did the organization of the Leperos inspire, that Mr. Bankhead, the British Minister, addressed a note to M. Pena y Pena, stating "that as he understood the Government was arming the populace of Mexico for the purpose of opposing General Paredes, who, with a large portion of the army, had pronounced against the existing order of things, he, in conformity to the treaty of 1826, thought of to notify that , in the event of collision taking place between the troops and the populace, he would hold the Government responsible for injury that might arise to the persons or property of British subjects." This menace, however, had no effect, and not only did the arming of the Leperos continue, by M. Pena y Pena answered Mr. Bankhead in a decided tone, stating "that the Mexican Government was arming the people in defence of the laws and constitution, and for the purpose of protecting the lives and properties of foreigners as well as natives, against the insurgents; and that as foreigners incurred no further risk than the natives did, they Government could not hold itself responsible for any accidental injury arising to them during the present contest."

The next step taken by the Presidents is to name General Bustamente, a former president, and who lately returned from a long exile in France, as commander-in-chief and to make temporary arrangements with some of the Mexicans capitalists to obtain temporary supplies. Excellent terms were offered to foreign bankers, but so little reliance do strangers place on any established order of things here, that none yielded to the temptation.

In the mean time, the usual festivities preceding Christmas went on among the great body of citizens--the theatres were attended as usual, and balls and parties were given every night. The streets were perfectly quiet, no agitation of any kind, save that of amusement was visible, and no one could suppose that a revolution was at hand. The support of the different departments, given freely to the Government; no doubt aided in tranquilizing the public mind and as the garrison, consisting of 3,000men, apparently remained true, and as 2,000 men more were expected from Puebla, it was supposed that Government would put down the insurrection. This confidence was increased by the failure of an attempt made by General Ampudia to ensnare a part of the garrison into a pronunciamento. This officer, who has been for some time concealed in the city, suddenly appeared a few nights since at the barracks of one of the regiments, and stating that he was sent by Bustamente to conduct them to the citadel, got the men under arms, and was marching to the place where the pronunciamento was to be made. Fortunately for the Government, Ampudia fell in with the officer of the night, attended by a strong escort, and he and his partisans taking flight, ran away leaving the men who were passive instruments to be reconnected to their quarters. The hopes of the people were likewise supported by the tardiness of Paredes operations, who, though he had pronounced on the 15^th, within 120 leagues of Mexico, was not heard of in the vicinity of the capital at the close of the month. It was said that he and the committee in Mexico had disagreed, and it was even hoped that as so many departments pronounced against him, he would see the propriety of abandoning the enterprise.

This favourable state of things continued up to Friday evening last, when the confidence of the Government was shaken by a courier from Vera Cruz, announcing that the garrisons of that important place, and of the citadel, of San Juan de Ulloa, and the crews of the flotilla in the harbour, had all pronounced in favour of Paredes and that they had been joined by the small garrison of Jalapa. It was at the same time made known that Paredes and his division had arrived at Tala, but one day's ride from Mexico. So that between the loss of Vera Cruz and the absolute approach of the insurgents, the friends of the Government began to be disheartened, and the wavers threatened to change sides. News, at the same time, came in from several of the departments where the municipalities were supporting the Government, that the people refused to answer the appeal, and it was still further stated that the inhabitants of Pueblo to whom the President particularly looked for assistance, where getting up a pronunciamento of their own, both against him and Paredes, and in favour of federation. These adverse symptoms did not, however, prevent the Chamber of Deputies doing its duty. All the forms for installing the new Congress, which is to commence its labors on the 1^st of January, were complied with, and the Congress resolved to continue its sessions until that day. The Government likewise sent off doers to suspend the march to Tampico and Mexico, lest British dollars should fall in the way of Paredes, and the temptation be too great for him or his division.

The Chambers passes a law authorizing the Government to sanction the contracts made with Santa Anna about which so much noise has lately been heard, and a sum of money was obtained from the Mint Companies and other persons interested in these affairs, which afforded a seasonable supply. On Sunday the bold step was taken of confining the archbishop with a guard of surveillance to his palace at Tacabaya, half a league from the city, and couriers were dispatched to Paredes, ordering him to surrender within four days, under pain of death.

In the meantime Paredes kept steadily advancing, and he and his vanguard arrived yesterday at a farm called the Lecheria, about three leagues from Mexico. We presume he will remain there until the whole of this division comes up, and consequently we calculate on his division comes up, and consequently we calculate on his opening a fire on the city on Wednesday or Thursday, unless a pronunciamento should take place in the interim by the garrison, when, of course, resistance by the Government would be totally useless. The Government and the people are equally apprehensive of this event, and I find that the theaters are ordered to be closed, the convent and church bells silenced, and the shops are half shut, as in time of public mourning.

The division of Paredes consists, I am told, of 5,000 foot, 2,000 cavalry, and 32 pieces of artillery. The men are the best disciplined in the Mexican army, and the artillery are highly spoken of. The Government have, in the city of Mexico, about 3,000 regular troops and 2,000 Leperos, or Civicos, as they call the scum of the people in whose hands they have placed arms.

The places that have, by their civil authorities, pronounced for the Government, are--Pueblo, Guanazato, Jalapa, Guadalaxara, and Vera Cruz. The officers who remain faithful to the Government are General Rincon, at Vera Cruz; Inclan, at Peubes; Gaona, at Perote; Arista, on the Texan frontier; and Romas, at Guanaxato.

The principal persons arrested are Senores Lombardo, Under Secretary of State to Santa Anna; Villamil, private secretary; and Sierra y Rosas, agent of the same.

The persons suspected of connection with Paredes, but against whom no steps have been taken, are General Almonte, late Minister to the United States; General Tornell, and Senores Alaman and Canera, bankers and manufacturers.

It is very strange, how the Government finds money, but its payment for the last nine days are unprecedentedly regular. The daily expense of this state of siege are 9,000 dollars, all of which are paid with unexampled punctuality. Paredes's expenses amount to 7,000 dollars a-day, and he pays his troops with the same punctuality.

At the moment of closing my dispatches for the courier of the British Legation going to Vera Cruz, I find that the revolution is nearly accomplished. The citadel pronounced last night for Paredes. The troops in the convent of San Paulo followed that example. The rest of the garrison has given in this morning, save the 4^th Foot and the one regiment of Cuirassiers, and they remain on duty at the Palace, not for the purpose of opposing the insurgents, but to guard the persons of the President and Ministers from injury. General Valencia, who has taken the command of the Pronunciados in the citadel, has offered to negotiate between the Government and Paredes. He proposes that a Junta, consisting of two members of the Supreme Court of Justice, six senators, and six deputies, elected by their respective Chambers should be named to appoint a President, and that the present organize bases should be respected. Fi the Government accede to their propositions they will be submitted to Paredes; but I do not believe that Paredes will accept them, or have anything to do with the Chambers as at present elected. Not a shot has been fired--the city is perfectly quiet--and the people pass more freely in the streets than they did yesterday. The alarm of a conflict has subsided in a great measure; but the Civicos have still muskets in hands; and until those gentry are disarmed, I do not consider the peace of the city assured.

Paredes will probably enter to-day or to-morrow. He has accomplished a bloodless, though illegal revolution. He has a noble field opened before him; for a man of honesty and intellect, with supreme power, would soon make this country one of the most flourishing in the world.

I have already informed you that the new American Minister, Mr. Slidell, arrived here about a fortnight since and a second letter would have communicated the fact that the Mexican Government refuse to acknowledge him, on the ground that they consented to receive a Minister ad hoc to regulate the affairs of Texas, and not an evenly accredited for general purposes. This decision has given much umbrage to Mr. Slidell, who has determined to leave Mexico for Jalapa, and there await the orders of his Government, and it will, most probably, give still greater offence to the Cabinet of Washington, and produce that rupture, with seeming right at its side, which it is desirous to bring on. We even think here, that it will be converted into a casus belli, or at least, into a justification for the taking of Matamoros, and occupying the line of the Rio Bravo, until the American claims against this unfortunate country are liquidated. Even if the Mexican Government be diplomatically right, it is politically wrong, for its course, well knowing the aggressive system of the States was to delay and to procrastinate until England alone, or France and England combined, could be induced to interfere on its behalf. I have written so often on the subject of American designs in Mexico, that I may be spared further reflection at a present with a revolution at our doors. Respecting, however, the point on which all my arguments turn, namely that the United States are determined to obtain the Rio Bravo as an approach towards the mining districts, and the 57^th parallel, as it bestows on them the bay of San Francisco and all the lands lying between it and the Oregon territory. While writing on this subject, I am glad to add that Lieutenant William Peel (a son of Robert Peel) of Her Majesty's frigate America, goes home in the packet, with dispatches from the Hon. Captain Gordon, commanding the American, at present at San Blas, as I have no doubt our Government will now be put in possession of some information respecting California and the Oregon, from the brother of the Earl of Aberdeen and the son of the Premier. I have endeavoured to invite public attention to the great importance to us, as a maritime power, of the coast and ports of California; and I may be permitted to hope that the policy I have proposed may now be strongly enforced by practical knowledge, and the observation made on the spot by the authorities above referred to. Indeed, the plans of the United States are as clear as the sun at noonday, as waggons are every week arriving south of the Columbia, and in California, with able-bodied emigrants, who are prepared at the suitable time, to declare for independence of for annexation to the States.

THE FOLLOWING IS THE MANIFESTO OF THE AMRY ADDRESSED TO GENERAL PAREDES .

"in the city of San Luis Potosi, on the 14^th December 1845, being assembled at the request of the general commanding this department, Don Manuel Romero, the undersigned general chiefs and officers of the army of reserve, as well as of the garrison, the beforesaid general stated to them that although, in every well constituted nation, the mission of the armed force was no other than that of sustaining the institutions and the authority derived from them, our country, by a series of misfortunes, had failed to attain the social perfection for which so many sacrifices had been made by the soundly thinking portion of the state; and as the national movement of last year produced no better results than the establishment of an administration, which commencing its existence at the auspicious moment when party spirit had disappeared, and supported by the votes and hopes of all, frustrated theses expectations by an inconceivable blindness, conduction the republic to the border of a precipice, from which it cannot be saved by those who pretend to establish the most ridiculous theories as axioms for our internal policy, evading a just and necessary war by concessions which stain our dignity and destroy the only barrier capable of opposing the ambitious pretensions of a nation equally powerful and treacherous, proposing a law of unexampled atrocity, having for its object to arm, and thereby let loose, the mob, composed of men destitute of morality, and devoid of interest in the peace and prosperity of society--endeavoring, by various artifices, to get rid of the army, whose existence was opposed to the views of a Government that destroyed its means of support--disregarding the repeated applications of the same army to march and expel from our territory the invading enemy--permitting, at the same time, the Ministerial press to calumniate the troops for a state of inaction which they were the first to lament, while admitting a commissioner with whom they were to submit to an ignominious loss of part of our territory; and finally provoking the most disastrous anarchy, exciting different factions, and attempting to carry on a Government without revenue, without force, or the support of public opinion; and the said general having further stated that these evils require a prompt and efficient remedy, which cannot be expedited from those who, attaining power under happy circumstances, behave led the nation to this present state of chaos; who, by their own confession, have no remedy to propose; and who have lost the respectability so essential to every government, when a plenipotentiary of the United States is actually resident in the capital, being there with the consent of the present Cabinet, to purchase our independence and nationality; and finally, the said general and the whole army, considering themselves in the same position as they were in t 1821, when, sustaining public opinion, they effected the independence at present endangered; and having no doubt either of the nature of the evils referred to, or on the national opinion respecting the proper remedy, as manifested by the press as well as by repeated solicitations from respectable and influential men of all parties, the said general proposes for the consideration of the meeting the following resolutions:--

"1. The army sustains the protest which the nation makes against all future acts of the present administration, and which acts from this day are null and void.

"2. As neither the actual Chambers, or executive power can continue in the exercise of their functions--their functions now cease.

"3. Immediately on the occupation of the capital by the army, an extraordinary Congress shall be convoked, with ample powers to constitute the nation, and free it from all restrictions in its august functions.

"4. In the formation of this Congress, the representation of all classes of society shall be combined.

"5. Immediately on its installation, and on entering on the exercises of its high functions, the said Congress will establish an executive power, and no authority whatever can exist without its sovereign sanction.

"6. In the Departments the existing authorities shall be continued, until replaced by those appointed by the National Congress.

"7. The army names for its chief in this political movement the Most Excellent General of Division Don Mariana Paredes y Arrillegara, who shall be invited for that purpose by a commission appointed from this meeting, the meeting remaining in session until his answer be received.

"8. Another commission shall be appointed to invite the governor and assembly of this department to adhere to these resolutions.

"9. The army protests in the most solemn manner that in no case will it purpose the personal elevation of the chief it has elected.

"10. In like manner the army declares that it will punish severely all shot who with arms oppose the present plan.

"(Signed by 300 officers of the division of Paredes.)"
[AEK]

LT London Times: Feb. 12, 1846 p7/a British commerce in Mexico

(FROM OUR OWN CORRESPONDENT.)

SAN JUAN DE LOS LAGOS, DEC. 18, 1845.

I have just closed the business that brought me to the fair of San Juan de los Lagos, and write you these lines in the hope that a few particulars may be of some interest to you.

The village of San Juan is situated in a small valley, in the state of Jalisco (or Guadalaxara), and the fair annually held there in commemoration of the feast of "La Purissima," on the 8^th of December, has risen into great importance as a general mart for all the northern departments of the republic, for all kinds of produce and manufactures, as well foreign as domestic. There was an unusually large concourse of people upon the present occasion, and I think that from 100,000 to 150,000would not be an over-estimate of the number of souls crowded together into this small spot. All the principal foreign houses of Mexico, Tampico, Guanaxuato, Zacatecas, and Guadalaxara, were represented in the fair, and the value of the foreign goods brought here for sale must have exceeded a million sterling, although it is impossible to make the calculation with any great accuracy. The competition amongst the foreign merchants was likewise greater than usual; and this may be accounted for by their anxiety to get rid of their stocks before the new tariff comes into operation.

There was a new feature in the fair this year, to which I beg to call you particular attention, as it cannot fail to be of interest to those who, like yourself, are watching with a jealous eye the perpetual encroachments of our northern neighbors--I allude to the arrival of about 100 Yankee waggons, loaded with the manufactures of the United States. They brought principally "Domestics," or white cotton goods. By an extraordinary regulation of the Mexican Custom-house, these waggons are allowed to pass the frontier upon the payment of a fixed duty, viz.,750 dollars per waggon, no matter what be their contents; and I heard it computed that this will not much exceed 10 per cent. Of the duties which, upon an average, would be levied upon the same goods imported through Vera Cruz or Tampico; and the necessary consequence of this is, that British goods of this description stand no chance whatever in the competition. The annexation of Texas must greatly tend to promote this kind of traffic; and I beg to impress upon you most strongly, therefore, the necessity of opening the eyes of the British authorities to this important fact; for should so enormous a preference be continued in force much longer, now that the opportunities for availing themselves of it are daily increasing, the Americans will soon be able to supplant European manufactures throughout all the northern departments of the republic.
[AEK]

LT London Times: Feb. 12, 1846 page 9, column d, Mexico, affairs of

THE AFFAIRS OF MEXICO.

The following resolutions, arrived at by the Mexican Congress before it so tranquilly submitted to the General they so energetically denounce, are a fine specimen of bluster, and might serve as a model for some of those to be proposed by an equally fierce but equally impotent party nearer home:--

RESOLUTIONS OF CONGRESS.

"1. The powers of the Executive are enlarged, with the privilege of exercising them in all the republic for the term of six months, in conformity to the 198^th article of the Base Organicas.

"2. The pronunciamento made by the army reserve, adopted and proclaimed by its General-in-Chief, and seconded by the Assembly of San Luis Potosi, is declared subversive to the laws of the realm and the authorities established by them.

"3. The rank held bye the General-in-chief and other officers of the army of reserve previous to the said pronunciamento, shall be insured to them if, within the space of one month from the date of this decree, they place themselves in the capital at the disposal of the Government.

"4. It is likewise decreed that no officer shall continue to belong to the Mexican army who does not present himself to support and obey the legitimate Government.

"5. The nation is called on to sustain the actual order of things, and the power of ameliorating our institutions in a legal manner, to support the Government and free the republic from the new dictatorship by which it is menaced.

"6. It is resolved that pecuniary assistance given to the revolted forces shall in no case be considered as a national debt.

"7. All acts of civil or military authorities adhering to the plan pronounced by the revolted forces, shall be null and void.

"Mexico, Dec. 22, 1845."

"ADDRESS OF SENOR PENA Y PENA, MINISTER OF THE INTERIOR AND FOREIGN RELATIONS, TO THE GOVERNOR OF DEPARTMENTS.

"By an express received this morning, the Governor of the Department of Queretaro has communicated to the supreme Government a plan proclaimed by General D.M. Paredes, having for its object the upsetting the established order of things and the removal of the supreme powers of the nation, affecting to consider that society has returned to its primitive state, and proposing the convocation of a convention to constitute the nation as it may judge convenient without any restriction, and establishing in the interval a dictatorship nearly similar to that of the execrable decree of the 29^th of November of last year.*

"The pretences alleged for this movement are--that the war of Texas has not been commenced; the favourable disposition shown by the government to hear the proposals which the United States have evinced a desire to make in order that this question may have a pacific solution; the arrival of a commissioner from the United States; they extension given to the superior powers of the departments; and others which your Excellency will see in the accompanying documents. So extravagant a pronunciameinto has caused profound grief to the President of the Republic, who sees thus frustrated his noble and constant efforts for the preservation of peace, the consolidation of order, the gradual and legal reform of the constitution, the correction of old abuses, and the improvement of every branch of administration.

"The President, however relying on the good sense of the nation and the justice of his cause, and firm in his determination to sustain, at every cost, the popular representative system and the basis of the political organization of the republic, with such reforms as the supreme legislative power may think necessary, will, since he is obliged to do so, oppose force by force; and the result is not doubtful.

"But as in the question now raised the departments are mainly interested, hi Excellency the President desires that each of them, through the medium of their superior authorities, should manifest publicly their decided reprobation of this new germ of anarchy with the expedition which the case demands.

"The Supreme Government, compelled to sustain with arms a contest which it has not provoked, will put in action the whole force at its disposal, and expects that the Governor, in the mean time, will attend to the tranquility and security of the inhabitants of the departments both in the town and on the roads.

"God and liberty.
"PENA Y PENA.
"Mexico, Dec. 20, 1845."

[AEK]

LT London Times: Feb 18, 1846 page 5, column b Oregon question

It would be as yet premature to assume a speedy and satisfactory settlement of the Oregon question as certain, or the disposition of the American congress as decidedly pacific. But at the same time the recent advices from the United States are of such characters to dispel all fears of a hasty resort to warlike counsels, and to encourage a hope that a question of international right--a great question, and one almost without a precedent--may be adjusted without injury to the interests or detraction from the honour of the two contending parties. We acknowledge, indeed, that in the discussion to which this matter has given rise, many irritating words have been uttered, many offensive and aggressive schemes have been recommended, against Great Britain. But we are too conscious of the personal motives which often sway legislative assemblies, we are too well aware of the diverse interests by which the different states of the Transatlantic republic are distracted, and of the influence which these exercise on the conduct of individual representatives, to feel undue uneasiness at bombastic threats or turgid declamations. We know that the American republic has many parties; the American states many debts. We are not surprised, therefore, that some orators should encourage the clamor for war to earn a cheap popularity; nor that others should hail it as the most effectual sponge for the absorption of claims which cannot otherwise be discharged. But we trust that there are other men I n the Congress of the republic besides the panderers to a sanguinary passion, or the advocates of a dishonourable insolvency. And if we be disappointed in the opinion we have formed of her senators and her representatives, we believe that America contains men of thought, of judgment, of honesty, and ability, who, knowing the substance of the matter in dispute, and the value of the interests depending on its termination, reject the notion of embroiling two kindred nations in a frightful conflict, as at once unnatural and unnecessary. We trust that the proper influence of such men will, even if not felt with in the walls of Congress, be recognized throughout the country by the agency of that powerful and extra-legislative instrument, the American press. We have good reason for believing that the great mass of the wealth and intelligent citizens will be rather induced by the reasoning of such men as Mr. Everett and Mr. Gallatin to study the elements of the question with impartiality, than be inflamed by the ad captandum invectives of interested politicians into a hostile jealousy or an aggressive policy.

It is well for the republic that she ahs citizens honest enough OT examine and bold enough to assert the truth. Otherwise she would be urged into the commission of a great crime. We should, doubtless, see the honest advice of General Cass carried out--an advice which we would vain hope was received with other than the reported feelings of mirth--and the whole Oregon would be occupied by an American army, and severed from the British Crown, pending negotiations of professed amity between the American and the British Governments. We would be loath to underrate the influence of honest statesmen or the eventual preponderance of a moral sense in the American mind; and we reflect with just pride, that the press, no less than the Government of this country, had done all in its power to pave the way for an honorable and pacific settlement.

The question has been considerably narrowed by the admissions of American jurists and diplomatists. The round of prior occupancy is virtually surrendered by nearly all. The coalition of different titles is repudiated by some, the title grounded on the war between Spain and England by others. The merits of first discovery are contested with equal reason on both sides; and, as far as the principles of Th jus gentium apply, or inferences deduced from it avail, it is confessed, at the very least, to be impossible to make out a better tittle for the United States than for Great Britain. If it were worth while to argue the point of discovery, the voyages of Meares might be pitted against that of Gray; and the objection that the former was sailing under foreign colours might be met by a counter-objection, that the latter was sailing in a private vessel; whilst the very appeal to priority of discovery by the United States must be held fatal to an assertion of their title grounded on Spanish cession. Again, if the prior entrance into the inlet of the Columbia be cited in favour of the American title, the more complete exploration of its banks by Vancouver and Broughton may be cited in favour of ours, to say nothing of a more recent claimant in behalf of the British Crown. And should the extravagant claim made to the whole of the Oregon be supported by the title derived from the possession of Louisiana, than on the same principle--viz., that discoveries make on the coast give a title to the whole breadth of the contiguous continent--on this principle the possessions of the Hudson's Bay Company to the north of the parallel 49 [degrees] would give us precisedly the same title to the whole continent above that parallel which some Americans now arrogate to the whole continent below it.

We mention these things, not as new arguments for us, but as admissions made by our opponents. They reduce the question to narrower limits. They do away with the necessity of re-enacting an old farce, and reiterating the old forms of diplomacy. They show us and the world that sensible and honest men in America are conscious of the difficult and debatable points which beset the dispute. They indicate the impossibility of adjusting it on principles of abstract right, and the necessity of having recourse to a more obvious and easy solution. It then become a question, what are the circumstances which ought to regulate the future demarcation to the territory, and what are the considerations which it is the duty of both countries to act upon? Upon this head it will be sufficient to say, that two opinions have been expressed--the one, that a partition of a region like the Oregon is not desirable; the other, that supposing it to be decided on, it can be made in such a way as not to be derogatory to America, nor prejudicial to Great Britain. There are many considerations of a prospective kind--considerations of the character of this district--its capacity for being colonized--its great extent -not less than of the necessity which may hereafter be acknowledged of organizing some new state on the north-west coast of America--which give importance to this suggestion of Mr. Gallatin, and will induce us to recur to it. But we cannot dismiss the subject for the present without laying it before our readers, not as a proposal to be definitely accepted or rejected at once, but as a sign of the temper and spirit with which a respectable diplomatist of America is disposed to conduct negotiations between his country and ours. Mr. Gallatin's offer is this, --to draw the line of partition through the middle of Fuca' straits from the entrance to a point on the main situate south of the mouth of Frazer's River, which should leave to the Untied States all the shores and harbours lying south, and to Great Britain all those north of the line, including Quadra and Vancouver's Island. This would be along the parallel 48^1/2 [degrees]. The great cause of objection to such a division -namely, the reservation to the United States of the River Columbia--and the feasibility of surmounting this, and retaining the joint use of that river, without traduce to American interests, will form the subject matter of a future article.
[AEK]

LT London Times: Feb. 26, 1846 page 4, column d Oregon question

The great importance of the present debate, and other matters of domestic interest, have hitherto prevented us from recurring, as we had intended, to Mr. Gallatin's proposal. It is of a twofold character. It first intimates a doubt whether the Oregon territory should be partitioned at all. Secondly, it proposes that any partition made should give to Great Britain all the region north of the parallel 48^1/2 north latitude from the sea, through the Straits, including Quadra and Vancouver's Island, leaving to the Untied States the country south of that line, and the sole possession of the Columbia River, and the harbours in the south of the Straits. Both these suggestions are worthy of being weighed, not only on account of the position and character of the person from whom they emanate, but of the various and prospective interests which the adoption of either of them must affect. Now we will, in justice to Mr. Gallatin, suppose that the first suggestion is made bona fide. The consequence, then, of its being carried out would be this,--both England and the United States would either continue in precisely the same relation as that in which they now stand towards each other in Oregon, that is, the sovereignty of both states would remain in abeyance; they would each be joint tenants in the use rather than in the Seikan of the Oregon; or else the Oregon would be recognized as an independent state, guaranteed in its rights, and protected by the joint guardianship of the American Republic and the British Crown. It is to the latter contingency, rather than to the former, that our attention should, for the present, be confine, inasmuch as the tone of American politicians hardly encourages the notion that the joint occupancy of the contested country is possible for any length of time, and the character of the possible for any length of time, and the character of the present dispute must ah warned the statesmen of both countries that to leave the question of sovereignty open can only complicate the difficulties of the ease, and increase the embarrassment of their successors. Recurring, then, to the alternative left by the first suggestion, let us ask what must be the inevitable consequences of erecting Oregon into an independent state? In the fist place, it is almost impossible not to foresee that its government would be democratic. It is almost equally certain that its tendencies would be anti-Anglican. This result necessarily flows from the anterior condition of its settlement. Its contiguity to the republic of the United States has within a few years caused a migratory influx of citizens from the latter, and hold out the prospect of a continual immigration for some years to come. Those who understand the feelings of all emigrants, and particularly of American emigrants, will at once agree that the new Government thus constituted must have prejudices and sympathies of an anti-British nature. Nor would any counterpoise to this general prejudice be supplied by a co extensive influx of British subjects. The colonization of the Oregon has for the last two or three years been almost entirely conducted by Americans; whilst the settlement of our own people has been considerably thwarted, if not wholly prevented, bye the exclusive privileges of the Hudson's Bay Company. Their servants have been settled and their forts and huts erected on different sites throughout the territory in dispute; but no extensive colonization has been carried on by other subjects of the Crown. This circumstance alone, apart from all others, would operate to our prejudice, if the Oregon became an independent state; but, when it is viewed in conjunction with the vicinity of a great republican Government, it is impossible not o foresee that British interests would be swamped, even if they were not openly disregarded or wantonly insulted, by the hostility of American prejudice, and the collision of democratic influence. It would be impossible for the British Government to urge as a precedent stipulation, that the traditionary rights of British subjects or the former privileges of a British company should be respected in a new republic. And, even if such a stipulation received the assent of the other contracting parties, it would be impossible for the British Crown to insure its fulfillment, without recourse to a conflict which duty and humanity enjoin it to avoid or to defer. However adapted, there fore, the Oregon may be for extensive colonization, --however its magnitude and extent may entitle it to the rank of a separate state, --no English Minister who cares for the interests of English subjects can propose or accept a proposal for a scheme which, at the outset, would injure the interests of the latter, and hereafter sacrifice them, by aggressive violation or collusive intrigue, to American ambition. No one who has attended to the recent debates of Congress, and remarked the sentiments which are most popular in the United States, can be ignorant that the American Government contemplate the extension of their great empire from the shores of the Atlantic to those of the Pacific, and that the American people look forward to the time when no European Power shall dare to interfere with the mutual policy of the numerous states spread over the great continent of the west. How far such a consummation is desirable for the peace and happiness of nations it is not for us to say. It is sufficiently apparent that it is not the interest of the English people nor the duty of an English Minister to play into the hands of the United States by assenting to the organization of new Governments, which must either become merged in the growing dominions of their powerful neighbours or subsidiary to their designs. It were wiser to wait the time when the conflicting interests of the separate states and the encroachments of the Federal Government shall dissolve an union incompatible with intestine jealousy or foreign dears. The proximity of British possessions and the establishment of British principles in North America will always afford a resort and a protection to those who fear the growth of popular license, and seek an escape from popular turbulence. For this reason, no less than for the preservation of national honour, it is the duty of our Government to see that we secure for our subjects a firm footing, for our laws a permanent validity, on that continent which has been peopled by our countrymen, and governed by the maxims of our constitution. It is not extent, so much as certainty an definitiveness of dominion, that we ought to care for. It is not our object to advance any new claim, so much as to abide by an old and just one. The project for giving a new constitution to Oregon would be a merger of our present right,; but it would eventually prove to be a surrender, a capitulation, and a disgrace.

Let us now turn to Mr. Gallatin's second proposal. He would give us all north of 48^1/2 degrees north latitude, in a line running east from Fuca's Straits to the present recognized line of division. He would reserve for his own country Admiralty Inlet and its sounds, and the sole possession of the Columbia River. Now, the very first thing that strikes us is this:-- It has been urged that it would be anomalous or inconvenient to divide Th use of the Columbia River between English and Americans. Supposing (that Americans say) that we retain possession of both banks of the Columbia, how can English vessels pass and repass without danger of collision between the sailors the two Powers? Now, we ask, is there not the same chance of collision between them when the two Powers have an equal right to the navigation of Da Fuca's Straits? To concede an equally divided possession in the straits, and to make such a partition of the adjacent land as shall exclude either of the possessor nations from the harbour of the other, is at least as like to breed frauds and contests as the equal right of navigation in a river. The navigation of the coast is difficult, the threading of the bay is intricate, and it is easy to conceive that in rough weather disputes may arise between American and British seamen as to the right of their respective countries. Each of them have been accustomed to enjoy equal privileges, and to regard themselves equally as masters on these seas and this coast; it will hardly, therefore, be wondered at that they should reciprocally feel exclusion and resistance to be arbitrary and offensive. So that, in truth, the argument against the division of the Columbia would apply with equal strength to the division of the straits and partition of the harbours, with this difference--that if the harbours, with this difference--that if the harbours of Admiralty Inlet, &c., are the best, exclusion from them grounds a greater grievance on our side. But the fact is this,-- partition and division are now matters of expediency. Both parties are sensible that the claims founded on discovery and occupancy are very debatable, and admit of being cited on both sides alike. It is, therefore, the object of both parties to effect such a compromise as shall damnify neither party. now, if we only get one half the harbours in Da Fuca's Straits, and are wholly excluded from the Columbia, a great injury will be done to those of our countrymen who have thereto enjoyed the use of both. But if the harbours which are given to us be the worst, then we are both injured and insulted at once by the arrangement. Our object, we repeat, is not extent of territory. We wish to have our territory accurately defined, in order to prevent heartburnings and quarrels between the colonists of the two nations. But we contend only for the joint use of those privileges which have always been enjoyed in common by both nations, and the exclusive possession of which we feel that we have as much right to as our competitors, and are more able to enforce, if we so choose. But we are unwilling to provoke a war which we know would be unnatural, and hope may be unnecessary. We are willing to cede the title of sovereignty and dominion over the greater part of the Oregon. We only require that the commercial advantages of the country be continued to us. We will not give up to the United States places "restored" to us by Spain. We will not renounce our right to participate in the navigation of that great river which, if not discovered first, was certainly traced furthest by our own people. The joint navigation of the Columbia-and the right of traffic for the Hudson's Bay servants on one band of the river, are, we think, demands neither unjust nor extravagant. Nor do we think that their concession would be incompatible with the reserved sovereignty of the United States in the districts which are washed by the waters of the Columbia. [AEK]

LT London Times: Feb 27, 1846 page 6, column e Mexico, revolution in

Sir George Clerk, it is stated, will proceed immediately to Calcutta. Major-General Sir George Pollock retires from the Council on account of his health.

The Revolution in Mexico.--In reference to this subject, the news of which had just reached Madrid, El Universal observes, "Now that General Parades represents, according to al appearance, the monarchical feeling indispensable to the restoration o f New Spain, our Government is bound to use every effort that the sceptre shall not be seized by any hand but that of a Spanish Prince. The glorious conquest of Mexico in the 16^th century was that of Spain; and they were her sons who, for the space of three centuries, ruled that country. The natives of Mexico owe to us the customs and habits which distinguish them, the language they speak, and the Deity they adore. They are our descendants, and they honour themselves with our names. They have always called us brothers. If the fortune of war emancipated them from our rule, the voice of nature has preserved the sympathies they feel towards the nation to which they owe their existence. Let us not doubt it; if in the city of Mexico a throne be raised, and a Spanish Prince occupy it, no other will rival him in authority and influence. For the present, we shall content ourselves with merely offering a suggestion on a question of such importance. We shall at a future period again refer to it, and at greater length."
AEK]

LT London Times: Feb 28, 1846 page 5, column f America

AMERICA.
Liverpool. Feb. 27.

The packet-ship Sheridan, Captain Cornish, arrived in the Mersey this morning from New York, bringing advices from that city to the 5^th inst. inclusive.

With regard to the Oregon question, these advices indicate further improvement in the feelings and opinions of the citizens in and out of Congress. Rumours were prevalent that Mr. Pakenham had resumed correspondence with Mr. Buchanan, and had been received with great favour. The democracy entertained more pacific views, and an impression gained ground that a compromise on the basis of the 49^th parallel would be effected. In the senate the question had remained in abeyance, but the proceedings of the House of Representatives are highly interesting. On the 2d instant the following resolution s were introduced by Mr. Dargan:--

"That the differences existing between the Government of the United States and the Government of Great Britain, in relation to the Oregon territory, are still the subject of honourable negotiation and compromise, and should be so adjusted."

And,

"That the lines separating the British provinces of Canada from the United States should be extended due west to the coast south of Fraser's river, and thence through the centre of the Straits of Fuca to the Pacific ocean, giving to the United States that portion of the territory south, and to the Government of Great Britain that portion of the territory north of said line."

By Mr. Tibbalt's,

"1. That the President forthwith cause notice to be given to the Government of Great Britain, and that the President of the United States accompany said notice with an assurance of the sincere desire of the Government of the United States for a speedy and amicable settlement of all disputes between the two Governments in relation to the territory of Oregon, and of the earnest desire by which this Government is animated, of maintaining the peace of the world, and of consolidating the relations of good understanding which so happily exist between the two Governments"

2. That the President is authorized to repel any and all aggressions upon the commerce of the United States; to resist any attempt which may be made to exercise exclusive jurisdiction over any part of the territory claimed by the United States, and to repel invasions of the same; and , for these purposes, to imply such portions of the militia of the United States as he may deem advisable, agreeably to the provisions of the second and third section of an act entitle 'An Act giving to the president of the United States additional Powers for the Defence of the United States, in certain cases, against Invasion, and for other purposes,' approved the 3d of March, 1839; to accept the services of any number of volunteers, not exceeding, to serve during the war, or for any less period, in the manner provided for by an act entitled 'An Act authorizing the President of the United States to accept the Services of Volunteers, and to raise an additional regiment of dragoons or mounted riflemen," approved the 23d of May, 1836; to employ the regular military forced of the United States, and to expand and increase the same to any number not exceeding men; to complete the public armed vessels now authorized by law, and to equip, man, and employ, in actual service, all the naval force of the United States; and to build, purchase, or charter, arm, equip, and man such vessels and steam-boats as he shall deem necessary for the purposes aforesaid.'

And 3d,

"That the sum of millions of dollars is hereby appropriated and placed at the disposal of the President of the Untied States, for the purpose of executing the provision before said; to provide for with, the Secretary of the Treasury is authorized to borrow money on the credit of the United States, and to cause certificates to be issued therefore, agreeably to the provisions of the fifth section of the fact aforesaid, approved March 3, 1839."

By Mr. Peltat--

"That the President of the Untied States forthwith cause notice to be given to the Government of Great Britain, that the convention between the United States of America and Great Britain, that the convention between the United States of American and Great Britain, concerning the territory on the north-west coast of American, west of the Stony or Rocky Mountains, of the 6^th day of August, 1827, signed at London, shall be annulled and abrogated 12 months after giving said notice."

And by Mr. G. W. Brown,--

"That, whereas the friendly relation s now existing between the United States and Great Britain are in danger of begin interrupted, in consequence of the unsettled claims of the respective countries to the territory lying on the north-west coast of America, west of the Stony Mountains; therefore, with a view to a speedy and amicable settlement of their differences, the President of the United States cause notice to be given to the Government of Great Britain."

A resolution was then offered to terminate the debate on the 9^th of February. This was rejected; and the ordinary Oregon debate was resumed by Mr. Thompson.

On the 3d instant, Mr. Black, of South Carolina, introduced a series of resolutions in relation to Oregon, which were referred to the Committee of the Whole on the State of the Union. Mr. Dromgoole on leave reported the following bill:--

"Whereas by the convention concluded on the 20^th day of October, 1818, between the United States of America and the King of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland, it was, in the 3d article thereof, agreed that any country that may be claimed by either party to the northwest coast of America, westward of the Stony Mountains, shall, together with its harbours, bays and creeks, and the navigation of all rivers within the same, be free and open for the term of 1 years from the dated of the signature of the present convention, to the vessels, citizens, and subjects of the two powers, it being well understood that this agreement is not to be construed to the prejudice of any claim with either of the two high contraction parties may have to any part of the said country; the only object of the high contracting parties in that respect being to prevent disputes and differences among themselves: whereas by a convention between the same partied, concluded on the 6^th of August, 1827, it was agreed to continue in force for an indefinite period the provision of the 3d article of the convention of the 20^th of October, 1818, and was also further agreed and provided that it shall be competent, however, to either of the contracting parties, in case either shall think fit at any time after the 20^th October, 1818 and was also further agreed and provided that is shall be competent, however, to either of the contracting parties, in case either shall think fit at any time after the 20^th October, 1828, on giving due notice of twelve months tot he other contracting party, to annul abrogate this convention; and it shall in such case be entirely and abrogated after the expiration of said tem notice; and whereas is thought fit on the part of the United States to annul and abrogate said convention--

"Be it therefore enacted bye the Senate and House of representatives of the United States of America in Congress assembled, that the said convention shall be annulled and abrogated at the expiration of 12 months after the date of delivery to the Government of Great Britain of the due notice required to be given:

"Be it further enacted, That the President of the United States is hereby authorized and required, in such solemn and respectful mode as he may deem proper, to cause the said due notice to be given in the name of the United States, one of the contracting parties, to the Government of Great Britain, the other contracting parties, to the Government of Great Britain, the other contracting party:

"Be it further enacted, that for the purpose of enabling the President to comply herewith, at as early a day as he may think advisable, there be appropriated a sum not exceeding--dollars, to be used, if necessary, and to be paid out of any money in the Treasury not otherwise appropriated; but nothing in this act is intended to interfere with the right and discretion of the proper authorities of the two contracting parties to renew or pursue negotiations for an amicable settlement of the controversy respecting the Oregon Territory."

The house then went into committee of the whole, and resumed the consideration of the Oregon question.

Mr. Collamer, of Vermont, submitted a resolution, requesting the President to communicate to the house copies of all correspondence that have passed between this Government and that of Great Britain since the date of his last annual message, which was received. The resolution was adopted, and the house adjourned.

The domestic affairs of the Union present no feature worthy of note.

Foreign exchanges were dull. The quotations were, on London 108 to 108^1/2; on Paris, 5.27 to 5.26^1/2. The money-market was easy, and the banks were discounting freely.

The interest on the Pennsylvanian debt had been paid on the 2d inst., but three-fourths in depreciated securities, one quarter only in specie. This policy had given rise to strong complaints.

Freights were scarce, and the rates very low.

There were some indications of the opening of the spring trade.

Canadian accounts report that an increase of 55,000l. will be exhibited in the revenue return of the province for 1845, as compared with the previous year.

Important accounts from the city of Mexico to the 8^th., and from Vera Cruz to the 13^th of January; had been received, via New Orleans. These advices announce the elevation of Paredes to the Presidency of the republic, and the formation of a Cabinet headed by Almonte. We have no further accounts respecting Mr. Slidell.
[AEK]

LT London Times: Mar. 2, 1846 page 5 column e Mexico, affairs of

AFFAIRS OF MEXICO.
(From our won Correspondent.)

Mexico, Jan. 3.

General Paredes and his division entered Mexico yesterday, and at once took possession of the citadel and the principal points of the city. He was not received with the enthusiasm I expected; indeed, I did not hear a single viva; but I believe that active demonstrations of joy are not consonant to the habits of the people, and that successful revolutions are of too common occurrence in this country to cause excitement of any kind. If we can get over the staring facto f the illegality of Paredes' pronunciamento against a Constitutional Government, we must admit that his conduct in this affair is perfectly irreproachable. Instead of occupying the apartments of the Palace, which any other conqueror would have done, he retired to his private house, and at once set about the convocation of notables charged with the formation of a provisional Government. He showed a great deal of pluck in getting rid of the clique of notorious public robbers, who aided the pronunciamento in Mexico for their own corrupt purposes. He told them in plain words that he did not make a revolution to place them at the head of the Government, and applied expressions which cannot be translated for "ears polite."

The public were delighted on hearing his unceremonious treatment of these designing men, as from the readiness with which they had seized on the chief off ices of state, and parceled out the best lots among the band, it was feared that Paredes would not have the means or the power of dislodging them. You must, therefore, consider all lists of Ministers or appointments sent home by the last packet as non avenues, and that up to the present moment Paredes held the supreme power in his hands. He is in hourly communication with the Junta charged with the nomination of an interim President, and though the fact is not yet quite positive, I understand their choice is fixed on General Almonte. Paredes himself declines the Presidency, and as Almonte is a moan of the world, of superior intellect, I must consider the selection as the best that could be made.

The provisional Government is to last four months, by which time the National Convention, which they are to convoke, will have elected a President and established a permanent form of Government.

Such has been the result of the San Luis pronunciamento, that the whole army has given in its adherence; but it remains to be seen to be seen if the civil authorities in the departments at large be equally obedient. On this point opinions are much divided--as, on the one hand, the people are apathetic and indifferent as to how or by whom they are ruled, while, on the other, the interest of the departments is federation, and the country, if it can be moved by any thing, it will be by the desire of obtaining that. Some well-informed persons, therefore, contend that the revolution is not yet over, and that though Paredes may hold the capital, his power is but nominal in the departments. It is also hinted that the persons who assisted the movement in Mexico, and whom he has sent to the right-about, are quite capable of calling back Santa Anna, and opposing the influence of that once popular name to the prestige of Paredes. I place very little reliance of the valour of the departments, or of the power of the Santa Anna party, but I give these statements for the purpose of showing the many difficulties that lie in the way of the would-be regenerator of his country.

The probability of a war between Mexico and the United States is also a serious impediment to Paredes. Unfortunately for him he ahs made the willingness to treat with the States a main cause of complaint against the Government of Herrera, and he is almost pledged to commence hostilities; but if he does so, what will be the result? Why--without speaking of the long odds against Mexico in such a contest--the very General who may be placed at the head of a sufficient army marching on Texas will probably pronounce against the Government, as almost every general officer in the Republic does who commands a large body of troops; and if Paredes weakens the capital, the Federalists will take advantage of the fact to getup what they call a popular movement. War with the States is the stumbling-block of Mexico, against which even Paredes has contrived to run hi head. In his address to the army he insists on the necessity of at once marching against the usurpers of Texas; and General Valencia, the ad interim President of a day, by way of giving his helping hand to mischief, declares that the presence of the American Minister, Mr. Slidell, in the capital, is an insult to the republic. I am greatly mistaken if the Cabinet of Washington will hear with patience the refusal to receive it s minister, the avowed purpose of Paredes to march on Texas, and the insulting language of General Valencia; so that I look upon war as imminent, and I hourly expect to hear of the declaration of a blockade, and the occupation of Matamoros.

The great blunder committed by Paredes is this anti-American manifestation, as time and tranquility are essential to him for the rectification of the enormous and numerous abuses that prevail here in every department of state. I am told he is bent on the task, and none but a bold and honest man like him can effect it. I am not able to specify all the abuses that exist, or the various shifts by which the public revenue is turned away form the public service; but I can give a short statement, to show how easily a good result can be obtained by a man determined to secure it. For instance, the whole revenue of Mexico, customs, Excise, and taxation, amounts net to 4,500,00l. to meet the interest of the home and foreign debt. I take the revenue as it now stands, but a reduction of prohibitory duties, the doing away with inland custom-houses, and breaking down monopolies, would give 3,500,00l. more and augment the net revenue to 8,000,000l., from which, if we deduct the 3,000,000l., all sufficient for the ordinary expenditure, we shall have an absolute surplus of 5,000,000l. sterling.

Will it be believed in the face of these figures, which by the wary are not in the least exaggerated, that out of the revenue at present raised, not 2,600,000l. reach the Treasury, the rest being consumed by robbers, money agents, usury, and every species of corruption, and that the estimate of the standing army alone is 4,000,000l.? Yes, for the Mexican army, which counts 30,000 officers to 20,000 soldiers, and in which, of general officers alone, there are, I believe, 500.

The fact is so pain in Mexican finance, stript of the various disguises which corruption has raised about it, that an honest Commander-in-Chief, and a good bank clerk as Minister of Finance would make it one of the most flourishing treasures of the world. President Herrera had not the courage to venture on the broad road of reform, and, therefore, it is fortunate that his mile-and-water Government is at an end, --but Paredes is the man to do it; and, if he be not outmaneuvered by the intriguers of Mexico, he will. It is with the hope of seeing a result so faourable to British holders of Mexico stock, that I have evinced--perhaps for a Briton--too great an inclination to the unconstitutional proceedings of Paredes. But, of what use are forms when the substance is rotten, and what great moral revolution has ever been effected without the prominent agency of one distinguished man? I do not know Paredes personally, and I hear many faults attributed to him which are inconsistent with true greatness, but I am struck by his integrity, which is unimpeachable, and his abnegation of power at a moment when he is the master of the whole country and may dispose of its wealth and dominion as he pleases.

Herrera, the late Ministers, and the Commander-in-Chief made a most ignoble termination of their career. It is true they had treason in the camp, and that their apparently most violent partisans were wishing secretly for Paredes; but their inefficient measures almost invited treason, and I cannot learn anything they did during the 15 days of preparation but expend money on ridiculous fortification that would not have held out five minutes. Had they one smart man among them, they might cut off Paredes, when he advanced within ten leagues of the city with only 400 horse, leaving even the most advanced of his troops two days' march behind him. The Senate and the Chamber of Deputies gave up the ghost in the same manner. After all their protests, not a member was to be found at the hour of danger. In truth, the apathy of the Government invited defection, and no one seemed inclined to help those who would not help themselves. It is truly ridiculous to see the walls of Mexico still barricaded with enthusiastic manifestos against Paredes, and to observe the men who signed them foremost in the conqueror's suite. But here there is no feeling when politics are concerned, and every one applauds the man who turns round at the proper moment. The officer sent by Herrera to summon Paredes to an immediate surrender under pain of death, traveled with Paredes in his carriage one or two stages, and I have no doubt he would bear a similar message to the former president from his new mast to-morrow. Heaven help the country where this is no political principle, and no political shame!

I must say that Herrera maintained his personal dignity to the last, and that, though fallen, he is as much respected as before. The following is the address he published on abdicating the presidency:--

"Fellow countrymen--Raised to the supreme magistracy of the republic by the free and unanimous vote of the people. I have fulfilled the programme of administration exhibited by me solemnly before the Congress on the 16^th of September last. Persuaded that the observance of constitutional order is the only means of securing the peace and felicity of a nation, I have invariably performed that duty; and true to my oaths, I have followed no other guide in my administration, but the exact fulfillment of the laws. I promoted all the useful reforms which I submitted to congress for examination. I enforced economy, and a careful collection of the public revenue. I respected the independence of judicial authority; and, in a word, I bestowed on all classes of society the same protection. Al the acts of my administration are before you, and I am satisfied that the nation will not accuse them of injustice or illegality.

"The army of reserve, commanded by General Paredes, proclaimed in San Luis Potosi a plan destructive of our national institutions. He as been seconded by fractions of the army in other places whence accounts have been received, with the exception of San Luis, have declared solemnly against him, and adhered to the established order of things. the Government lost no time in taking measures to place the capital in a state of defence; but this morning the garrison of Mexico has proclaimed a plan somewhat different form that of General Paredes, and all having deserted it, the Government is left without the means of resistance. Therefore, and not wishing that any person should serve as the pretext for the shedding of Mexican blood, or for injury to the fortunes of our fellow-citizens, I have sent to the Chamber the formal resignation of the supreme command. I separate myself from it, protesting at the same time in face of the nation, against both these plans and against all others that derange constitutional order. The consequences of civil war shall not weigh against the government, as it in no manner provoked them. I leave the nation to judge of the acts of your fellow citizen.

"JOSE JOAQUIN DE HERRERA,

MEXICO, 30^th Dec. 1845."

I must not omit at the same time to give you the address published by Paredes yesterday, on taking the city. It is as follows:

"Soldiers--I congratulate you that, without effusion or blood, you have consummated the great work which your enthusiasm commenced at San Luis and I have the satisfaction to salute you in the capital of the republic.

"Soldiers--you have performed a sacred duty in uniting cordially so save the country from the evils of anarchy. The nation admires, and will so recognize the service you have done it. Your generals and officers are now arranging the political principles adopted in San Luis, in order that the vacuum indispensably left out of respect for public opinion, and due regard to the rights of the people, shall be adequately filled up.

"Mexicans--In leading the army to the capital I have no other view but the good of the country. I offer you all guarantees of society until a Junta, named in the most popular manner, shall appoint the ad interim Government, charged to watch over you r interests, and to convoke the extraordinary congress which is given to the nation to constitute and secure its facility.

"Mexicans--I entreat you to wait with that patience worthy of true republicans, and to place full confidence in the chief of any army which offers all the guarantees of order and peace."

"Mexico, Jan. 2, 1846.

"MARIANO PAREDES.

The intentions of General Paredes are well know; but some mystery hangs over those of the heads of the church and several leading personages who have been working for some time past on her behalf. It is said they are determined on converting Mexico into a monarchy, and that one of Royal family of Spain is to have the offer of the Crown. The peace of the city has not been disturbed for a moment, and so anxious are the people to give in there adhesion to Paredes, that I saw the chiefs of many noble families, senators, and deputies, who, a few days since, signed formal protests against him, this day going in grand toilette to a levee he held at his private house.

The American Minister has not yet left us, as a military escort all the way to Jalapa cannot be arranged. We are most uneasy on the subject of Mexican affairs, and I have every reason to dread an immediate blockade of the Gulf ports, if not the taking of Matamoros.

It is said that Puebla pronounces for federation, and that the people are armed.

The congress is dissolved.
[AEK]

LT London Times: Mar. 3, 1846 page 6, column e America, Oregon question

America.
The Oregon question.
Liverpool, Monday Evening.

By the packet-ship Patrick Henry we have received New York advices to the 9^th ult. Inclusive.

These advices contain the following outlying of the correspondence which has passed since the 1^st of December last between Mr. Pakenham and Mr. Buchanan, the American Secretary of State, and with Mr. M'Lane, on the Oregon question, from which it will be perceived, that the twice repeated offer of the British Minister to decide the whole question by arbitration has been rejected, and that the extreme pretensions advanced by Mr. Polk in his inaugural message are now again enunciated. The full correspondence has not yet reached us. It is however, looked for hourly, a clipper schooner, of large tonnage, having sailed in company wit the Patrick Henry for this port, supposed to bring despatches for Government.

The following is the outline referred to:--

(From the New York Express)

Washington, Feb. 7.

A message was received from the President of the United States, covering the correspondence which has transpired since August last, upon the subject of our foreign relations. The President states that the correspondence is furnished in answer to the resolutions.

The first letter is dated Dec. 13, 1845, and is addressed by Mr. Buchanan to our Ambassador at the Court of St. James. He desires Mr. M'Lane to call upon the Earl of Aberdeen, in order to procure the reasons of the warlike preparations then making by England. Mr. M'Lane is also required to give his own opinions as to these preparation.

January 3, 1846, Mr. M'Lane answers, that on the day after the receipt of Mr. Buchanan's he called upon the Earl of Aberdeen , by whom he was received with great kindness. It being difficult to obtain a categorical answer to questions upon so delicate a subject as this, Mr. M'Lane put his questions frankly, and received frank answers. Definite and precise information was not expected. The Earl of Aberdeen, however, informed him that the preparations making for defence had reference to the possibility of a rupture--that they were commenced before any difficulties between England and the United States--they, however, had no particular reference to the possibility of such a rupture--that they were commenced before any difficulties between the two countries were remotely apprehended--that they would have been made had not the difficulties between the two countries existed--they he believed the nature of these preparation shad been overstated--that they had no reference to the defence of remote places, but to all places peculiarly exposed. They were defences proper in time of peace to meet the possible dangers of war, and such as every prudent nation would make for the security of his own Government. In conclusion, he again declares that the defences made and making have no immediate reference to the United States.

For himself, Mr. M'Lane says, his opinions are that the preparations have no immediate reference to the United States. They originated, in his judgement, in the state of affairs in Europe. Mr. M'Lane says that his interview confirmed him in the unabated confidence he had before entertained in the frankness and straightforwardness of the Earl of Aberdeen. Mr. M'Lane further says that he is not prepared to state how far the United States have a right to demand a disclaimer form England in making preparations for the deviance of the country. As to the defences made, it is to us, in the even of a rupture, immaterial what their object may have been. We should feel their full force, whether made for one object of another. England will exert her utmost power, and to the utmost of her ability, to inflict injury upon us in case of war.

On the 27^th of December, 1845, Mr. Pakenham sends a letter to Mr. Buchanan, in which he says, that under instructions from his Government, he now renewably offers to refer the question of the disputed part of the territory to any Sovereign State which may be jointly agreed upon by the two Governments. It is argued that the effects of this reference will be conducive to the best interests of the two countries--that it would have been better for both had the United States previously accepted it. The fact that England consents to renew the offer affords proof to the world of the fact that she still retains the highest confidence in her own claims, and of her sincere desire to preserve the peace between both countries.

Mr. Pakenham, in the same letter, speaks of the smallness of the territory disagreed about, compared with the importance of preserving the friendly relations between two such Governments as England and the United States.

On the 3d of January, 1846, Mr. Buchanan replies, that as the proposition submitted merely names a partition of the territory in dispute, to be referred to the powers of arbitration, and not the question of title, he cannot consent to such an arbitration. The very terms of the proposition received would exclude arbitration upon the question of title to the whole territory which is here claimed by the United States. The President, he says, does not believe that arbitration would lead to a clearance of difficulties; upon the contrary, he thinks it would involve the two countries in new difficulties. In conclusion, the President expresses the hope that the present aspect of this question may not lead to a disturbance of the friendly relations so happily existing between the two countries.

Mr. Pakenham makes two answers to this letter. In the first, he says he will submit the reply of Mr. Buchanan to his Government, and in a letter, dated January 16, he says that he has reflected upon the letter of Mr. Buchanan, dated the 3d, declining, for reasons named, to accept arbitration in the form proposed. He now wishes to state to the American Secretary of State, that England has claims to the Oregon territory wholly incompatible with the exclusive claim set up by the United States. But supposing the British Government would consent to refer the entire question of title to arbitration; thus removing the form of reference objected to by Great Britain, he wished to know if it would be accepted by the United States; and if there should be objections to the reference to a crowned head, he submitted that it might be made to a mixed commission, with an umpire, or to a board of Commissioners of legal ability, and in whom there should be a mutual confidence. If such reference should result in a disagreement as to an equitable division of the territory, would the United States agree upon the division which might be recommended?

Mr. Buchanan, in a letter dated the 4^th of February, answers this letter. He says at first that the last clause named would prevent the acceptance of arbitration, if presented in the form which had been named. The United States, if it would consent to arbitrate at all, would never consent to submit to any other question than that of title. A reason is then given why the United States, will admit of such an arbitration. Our claims are referred to again, and the whole disputed territory claimed again by the President. The question is presented as offering a very different amount of importance from that between us and England. There were 13 degrees of boundary upon the Pacific, and but one good harbour, near the 49^th degree of north latitude. The territory would make many valuable states, will to England they would be a matter of small advantage. To no Power, however intelligent or respectable, nor to any body of citizens, could the United States consent to refer a claim of a character like that she possesses to the Oregon country.

The correspondence having been read, was immediately referred to the committee of the whole and ordered to be printed. The proceedings of Congress in the interval since the departure of our dispatches by the Sheridan were important. The discussion on the Navy Increase Bill had been resumed on the 5^th ultimo. Mr. Westcott advocated the measure as one peaceful in its tendencies. The Senate adjourned, on the termination of his address, to Monday, the 9^th ultimo. The Oregon debate would commence on the Tuesday. The debate would commence on the Tuesday. The debate in the House of Representatives had continued until the 5^th ult.; then, after three several divisions, it was determine that a vote should be taken on the following Monday. The speeches present no features worthy of note.

The House having called for information respecting the relations of the Union with Mexico, a message from the President may shortly be expected.

Mr. Bancroft, the Secretary of the Navy, in reply to the chairman of the committee on the naval affairs, had transmitted to the Senate, on the 6^th ult., a letter requiring larger appropriations for the navy than was contemplated, in consequence of the condition of the foreign relations of the country. He especially urges the accumulation of stores in the naval depots, and the increase of the number of steamers fit to cruise at sea.

Commercial accounts are unimportant, the operations of commerce having been violently disturbed by the publication of the Oregon correspondence.

Our Canadian accounts are unimportant.

We learn from Yucatan that the alliance with Mexico had been thrown off.

The above outline of this extraordinary correspondence having reached new York but shortly before the departure of the packet-ship, we have yet received but few comments of the American journals upon it.

"This correspondence," says the Courier and Enquirer of the 9^th ult.,--

" Is of very high importance, and diminishes very much the grounds upon which we have been hoping for a peaceful solution of pending difficulties. It will be seen by our correspondent's letter, that our Government had declined to accept an offer of arbitration, made in two different forms by Great Britain, and that, too, upon the very offensive ground that to accept it would be to admit that Great Britain had rights in Oregon, and that the British Government has informed our Minister at London, that her military preparation, though not commenced with special reference to that question. The whole matter, not only with reference to pacific settlement, but with regard to the honourable and defensible positions of this country, seems now to be in the worst possible position."

"The position of the Oregon question," says the New York Herald of the same date,--

"Has now reached a most important crisis. According to the best information, there is not doubt that negotiations, which have been re-opened at Washington by Mr. Pakenham, will result, probably in good time, upon a basis of compromise similar to the offer which had been twice made by the United States, but which had been refused by England. The position of England within the last few years has compelled the Government of that country to moderate some of the conditions on which her various negotiator planted themselves, and to meet in a more compromising spirit the propositions heretofore offered by the United States. But while England has, by the change of time and the gradual progress of affairs, been under the necessity of coming nearer to a point of settlement in the matter, the United States, from the course of public opinion and the growth of natural events, have been reducing farther form their former opinions, and limiting a greater extent of territory in that region. It is now said, on such authority as will satisfy reasonable men, that Mr. Pakenham has received full power from his Government to open negotiations, either on the old basis of the proposition which was formerly offered by Mr. Gallatin, or on nearly the same as that offered by Mr. Buchanan. It is further said, that while the British negotiator approximates the offer made by the United States, the United States are receding, and the Government actually has been deliberating to insist upon having the whole territory, down 54[degrees]40[degrees], and have, therefore, refused the offer of the British Government to arbitrate, and will take the chance of accomplishing their purposes by future events and contingencies. In the mean time, Mr. Pakenham will send the last correspondence, by express, to London, and bide his time to make perhaps another proposition, a most important and delicate crisis in the affairs of Oregon. The United States have now, through the action of our Government, reached the turning point of the century in our foreign relations. This country will have been an independent nation 70 years on the next 4^th of July. It is now a full-grown power of the civilized world, exercising a most important influence on all the Christian nations of the earth, both in peace and war--in civilization, commerce, and everything that can benefit the human race. It is important, therefore, that the Government of such a country should take such a position, and adopt such a course of conduct, as will tend to promote the happiness of the human family, and command the respect of nations. It is evident that the Oregon negotiation has now reached a crisis from which will spring the turning point in the destinies of the human family. If peace be secured by reasonable compromise between the two leading countries of the world, we may presume upon a long career of prosperity, religion, intelligence, literature, and everything that can benefit or delight civilization. In a state of peace, we are the rivals of the greatest nation of the Old World. We are also the leading spirit of the age, in all political and religious reforms. Our example will ten to produce great rational and peaceable reforms in the Old World, and, in process of time, change society, religion, and government, throughout all the nations of Europe. The conflict will be continued, but it is a conflict of peace. It is the war of mind, of morals, and of intellect--the campaign of genius; and not that of rude and barbarous arms, and the elements of death. Such is the prospect in the event of a peaceable termination of this controversy. On the other hand, if by any influence a change should occur--if the United States Government should throw themselves upon the whole of their rights, and insist upon having the whole of the Oregon territory, down to 54[degrees] 40', as they apparently seem disposed to do--then the course of things will be entirely different;--excitement in our own country--alarm abroad--everything that can provoke the two nations gradually to put themselves in a hostile attitude to each other, will be encourages by the circumstance of the time, and the estrangement of the two Governments; the consequences of which would be a tremendous political struggle throughout the country, and a complete revolution in parties. In due course of time, the example of the United States, on American and Europe, according to the inevitable laws of nature, would produce a change in Government, and a revolution in dynasties, which the reforming spirits of the age in this country would seek through war, battle, fire, and the sword. Thus, the refusal to submit to reasonable terms, and to persist in the whole of our claims to Oregon, would naturally lead to a hostile feeling in both countries, which, by little and little, would lead to war of the most desperate kind. It will be seen, therefore, that the position of the Oregon question is most important, as regards the future history of this country and of the world. If reasonable terms be offered and accepted, we may have years of peace before us, during which we may cultivate the attainment of those arts which are of the highest benefit to civilization. On the other hand, if the approaches of the British negotiator continue to be repelled, and our Government believe that the mass of the people would sustain them in insisting upon claiming up to 54[degrees]40', that mighty fact would lead to events of the most exciting character, far different from those that would grow our of peaceful relations. All eyes will be turned towards Washington during this negotiation, in order to discover from the decision what the probable history of the country and civilization for centuries hereafter may be." [AEK]

LT London Times: Mar. 4, 1846, p4/f The Oregon Question

The rejection of the renewed proposition for terminating the Oregon dispute by arbitration has not take any one by surprise; but this proceeding on the part of the English Minister at Washington has enabled him to renew the negotiation which had been suspended since his absolute refusal of Mr. Buchanan's last scheme of adjustment. It appears, indeed, from the dates of the last communications received by the packet-ship Patrick Henry, that the Oregon question had reached a most important criticism which could not fail to remove all uncertainty within a very few days. On the 29^th of January the Senate had adopted a resolution of inquiry as to the state of negotiations. No answer was given to that resolution for several days; and, in fact, the final reply of Mr. Buchanan on the subject of arbitration was not made until the 4^th of February. On the 7^th a message from the President was sent down to congress, together with the whole diplomatic correspondence which had been exchanged between the British and American Governments since last December. Meanwhile, the House of Representatives had resolved that the debate on the question of giving notice should be terminated by them before 3 p.m. on Monday, the 9^th ult.; because the senate was expected to resume the adjourned debate on that question upon the following day, and the vote of the Lower House was doubtless expected to influence their deliberations. So that within the short space of one week the diplomatic correspondence with Mr. Pakenham will have been terminated, the documents communicated to Congress, and a vote of one or both Houses, taken upon the subject.

It has clearly been the object and design of Mr. Polk to contribute as much as possible to the vote for terminating the present convention of joint occupation. Provided such a resolution be carried in a becoming form, and with a view to the final pacific adjustment of the question, the sooner such a decision is taken the better. It must be obvious to all parties, that a treaty like that of 1818 affords no security whatever for the maintenance of peace. It was of some use as a temporary expedients, though even in that respect it has had the injurious effect of postponing a settlement, until that settlement is far more difficult than at first. But since the Oregon territory has become the theatre of an active conflict between the political claims of two great nations, the truce is virtually terminated, and the notice which the Americans propose to give restores us to our real position, and at the same time imposes on both parties the necessity of a strenuous and sincere effort for putting an end to this unfortunate cause of difference.

The principle question for us to decide--the point upon which it is essential for us to arrive at a clear and correct conviction--is simply what are the bona fide intentions of the American Government. As to the views and intentions of England, we presume than not uncertainty can be alleged, even by our opponents, to exist. Adhering firmly to rights which have been recognized and confirmed by several treaties, and which are now connected with the mercantile and personal interests of British subjects, we, nevertheless, have invariably professed our readiness to submit these rights to any equitable arrangement, either as a voluntary compromise of under the award of an arbiter. The difficulty on the side of England has never been a difficulty on the side of England has never been a difficulty of principle, but of detail and application. On the side of the United States there has been a much more devious course, more undefined pretensions, and more suspicious designs. Even when the American Ministers have proposed a species of compromise, they have only done so as if it were a dereliction of public duty and a surrender of the acknowledged rights of the Union. They offered to give up what they have not got, and have never held, as if they were sacrificing a portion of New England; and they propose, a s the greatest of all imaginable concessions, a plan which would expel the agents of the Hudson's Bay Company out of territories and hunting-grounds which they alone have occupied ever since they have been trodden by civilized man. More or less openly avowed, more or less boldly asserted, the intention of all American policy on this question has been the acquisition of the whole territory in dispute. If both parties had honestly and sincerely sought a compromise, a compromise would infallibly have been effected, and may be effected yet. But, instead of that auspicious prospect, Mr. Buchanan has declared, that "if the United States would consent to arbitrate at all, they would never consent to submit to any other question than that of title." As if the very fact of arbitration, like the fact of the actual offers of partition which they have repeatedly made, was not a conclusive admission of the imperfection of title by both parties, which leaves nothing to be determined but the relative value of the conflicting claims!

We cannot persuade ourselves, therefore, that we thoroughly comprehend the intentions of the American Government, or if we comprehend them, it is in a sense which belies the occasional moderation of its language. Whilst the British government has been calmly continuing the preparations which were thought necessary to place the naval establishments of the country on a most efficient footing, contenting itself with the resolute but reserved intimation given to both Houses of Parliament last spring by the Ministers of the Crown, the extreme moderation of its language may have been as much misinterpreted upon the banks of the Potomac as upon the banks of the Sutlej, and in both cases we may pay the penalty of an excessive forbearance. To the Cabinet of Washington we have offered a compromise under forms which the haughtiest Power on the earth might and would have accepted. To the people of America we offer the advantages of a system of free-trade, not, as is suggested by one of our correspondents, within the stipulations of a commercial treaty, or as the purchase-money of a settlement of Oregon, but as the spontaneous and enlightened act of the first mercantile nation in the world. To such measures as these they have hitherto responded by a narrow, grasping policy, or by captious objections which indicate the petty motives in which they originate. We are solicitous for the maintenance of peace and the welfare of mankind; they are intent on the chances of the next Presidential election; and if war appears likely to contribute to the success of a candidate, his party would not scruple to wage war upon the human race. Happily for the chances of peace, we must still believe that war would not only be prejudicial but fatal to the party which should render it inevitable. Mr. Calhoun's meritorious exertions in the cause of peace will, we trust, not only be rewarded by success now but by higher honours and a more extended influence hereafter. But he has to deal with ungenerous rivals and insincere allies. The Government to whish he give a partial support cannot command his confidence or esteem; and Mr. Polk's conduct has certainly tended to embitter the question on the eve of the great debate, which has by this time probably terminated in the abrogation of the existing convention. [AEK]

LT London Times: Mar.5, 1846, p4/f The Oregon Question

The resolutions for the abrogation of the convention of 1827, which recognized the temporary joint occupation of the Oregon territory by Great Britain and the United States, have passes the House of Representatives by a majority of 163 to 54 votes, and there is no doubt that they have since been adopted by the Senate. The confident announcement which we made yesterday morning has thus been fulfilled within a few hours, and all doubt is removed on this part of the case. It must be borne in mind, that there is nothing, either in the nature or in the form of these resolution, which exceeds the undoubted right of either party to the convention of 1827, or violates the courtesy of nations. Thus far, the difficulties of the case are scarcely aggravated by the notice. But this resolution having been irrevocably taken, the peace of the world depends upon the next step which may be set along this slippery path. Is Mr. Polk now prepared to reopen the negotiation on an admissible basis, or must we infer from his silence that the settlement of this question is not the really object of his policy, but that he entertains very different designs, which the next twelve months will dislike to the world?

In estimating the causes which guide human conduct and govern the destinies of the world, there is unhappily a very wide distinction to be drawn between good reasons and probable motives: and the history of the follies and disasters which befall mankind is nothing more than the result of the preponderance which the worst incentives sometimes acquire over the best convictions. That form of government is undoubtedly safest and wisest which is best able to preserve the balance of a temperate and reactional policy from the accidents of passion and popular delusion. But the more a Government tends to the extreme of despotic power of democratic license, the less can we rely upon this salutary control, and the more reason have we to dread the predominance of its inane impulses over its sane reasons and its true interests. The other day, when the Governor-General of India doubted the intentions of the Sikh army, and affirmed that they would not cross the Sutlej, until he was actually apprised that their whole force had taken up a strong position on the left bank of the river, his opinion was formed on reasons which would have been conclusive if they had applied to a rational Government and prudent General, but which were false with reference to the sots and strumpets of lahore and to the Sirdars of that licentious camp. Sir Henry Hardinge miscalculated the course of event by giving the enemy credit for more self-control and for less fool-hardiness than the Sikhs really possessed. They were, no doubt mistaken in the objects and prospects of their invasion, but it required three days of frightful slaughter to convince them that they had better have stayed at home.

The same remark may be applied, matatus matandis, to the attitude which has now been assumed towards this country by the Cabinet and Congress of the United States. Excellent, innumerable, and unanswerable arguments and wickedness of a war between the United states and Great Britain--the immense disproportion between the forces of the contending Powers--the close relation of their common interests--the worthlessness of the territory in dispute--the enormous injury which war must inflict on the states engaged in it, and may possibly on the whole world--and the infamy which such a catastrophe must heap upon the heads of the accidental statesmen and the popular dupes by whom alone it is provoked. Nothing can be truer, nothing more certain; but is it ascertained that truth and reason are exclusively the guiding lights of the policy of Mr. Polk? Must we not rather argue against truth and against reason, if we would arrive at a correct calculation of his perverse career? From the portentous declaration contained in his inaugural address down to the very last act of his Government, which was to heap fuel upon an angry debate by the precipitate publication of the negotiation so lately renewed by Mr. Pakenham, every part of his conduct has evinced a direct tendency to war, which we have only treated lightly, because it seemed, in spite of himself, to be utterly incredible/ the good reasons against war are so evident to the public in this country and throughout Europe, --and the bad motives which may lead to war are so obscure, so peculiarly American, and in part so nefarious, that we have never condescended to acknowledge that the cause of peace could be sacrificed to such considerations. But, since the repeated messages and the public acts of the President have thrown off all disguise, and rejected every alternative, he must be judged of as a man actuated by the most deplorable motives, and who can only be arrested in his disastrous career by the reaction which the consequences of his policy must occasion. No doubt that reaction will occur; it is the retributive punishment of the excesses of democratic governments; but we are compelled to add, that it seldom acts with sufficient energy and opportunity to prevent them; and it is more likely to pursue Mr. Polk's Administration that to restrain it in its course. At present, the recent votes of Congress have placed the game in his hands.

An American President is raised for a limited period to the exercise of a limited power. As nothing but impeachment can shorten the duration of his term to office, whilst it may be doubled by his re-election, he has a strong inducement to play the highest stakes of ambition, to repay a hundredfold to his party the support which that party has given him, and to make all the power he enjoys, and all the interests of the state, contribute to this personal and party object. The outbreak of war, and especially of a war, and especially of a war which has been rendered popular by artful appeals to the passions of the democratic party, is the only event which can suddenly enlarge the powers of the executive Government in the United States. It places at once at the disposal of the Administration immense sums of money, loan contracts, army and navy contracts, and military and naval patronage on a great scale. The whole people are constrained to concur in strengthening and concentrating the forces of the executive power; and in the excitement of success, or the terrors of defeat, they become alike insensible to the effects of measures which would be regarded at another time as dangerous inroads on their freedom. Mr. Polk probably does not aim at any serious encroachment on the liberties of the United States; but we have no doubt that he does aim at securing, by every possible means, the unbounded ascendancy of the democratic party. If war be possible, if its horrors and disgrace are to be inflicted on the world, there is not a man in either hemisphere who will not clearly know that such a war could only be caused by the democratic party in America, and for the supposed interests of that party. that execrable motive, that false and deluded policy, may, we are told, prevail over all the higher considerations which stand forth so prominently before that he who runs may read. We disbelieve it, for we refuse to attribute to our own American descendants, in this civilized age, a conduct which was discredited even in the barbarians of the Sikh camp. But the resistance to this dangerous and alarming tendency must not be looked for in the Cabinet of Washington; it can only arise amongst the American people. upon them the hopes of peace now rest. The courage of moderation is the rarest of all courage in popular states, but the tone of the greater part of the press in the United States has of late much improved, and we trust the nation will pause to weigh the consequences of the resolution which has just been carried. The guarded and dignified expressions of the Queen's speech, the temperate language of the Government, the opinion delivered by Lord John Russell at Glasgow, the free trade measures of Sir Robert Peel, and the attitude which has been assumed by France for the maintenance of a strict neutrality in this dispute, implying her disapproval of the aggressive and warlike policy of the American Government, are all important circumstances which cannot fail to act on public opinion in America. They were not known there upon the 9^th of February. The next step upon the path of Mr. Polk has hitherto pursued must be one of active preparation for war. Congress must be prepared to give into the hands of the rashest Government which ever assembled at the White-house the means of sustaining the most formidable and the most wanton conflict the Union has ever engaged in. The real pressure of danger will then be felt; and at the same time easy and honourable means of preserving the amicable relations of the two countries will lie open to the choice of the people. If in that choice they err, the curse of all that may ensue will rest upon their country. [AEK]

LT London Times: Mar. 7, 1846 page 5, column c US Congress, Oregon debate

The latest intelligence received from the army of the Sutlej is dated January 19. No official information has been received of any action having taken place since the 22d of December between the British troops and the Sikh force.

We received yesterday, via Havre, New York papers to the 16^th ult., four days later than our last previous advices. They bring, however, little intelligence of interest. The Oregon question, having as our last accounts informed us, been decided in the House of Representatives, was discussed in the Senate on the 12gh ult. Mr. Clayton, who is in favour of giving notice to England for the terminations of the joint occupancy of that territory, was the chief speaker, and at the close of the sitting the further discussion of the subject was adjourned until the 16^th ult. The papers thus received publish at length the late correspondence between Mr. Pakenham and Mr. Buchanan: but the precis of these documents which appeared in our impression of Tuesday last was so ample and correct that it is unnecessary to inflict them upon our readers. [AEK]

LT Mar. 9, 1846 p4/d Oregon question

The Oregon Question

In the way of concession and of argument on the Oregon question, little now remains to be said or done by the British Government. The strongest desire has been repeatedly expressed on our side to terminate this controversy. Our case has been stated with such moderation, and our claims confined to such narrow limits, that nothing but extreme presumption, or rather a species of hostile infatuation, on the part of the American Democrats, could lead them to suppose we should make any further abatement of our rights. We are in actual possession of rather more of the Oregon territory than we have ever claimed as our own, because as long as the joint occupation lasts the concurrent right of both parties extend over the whole country. We have at our disposal ample means of defending our rights. We had never, at any period in the history of this country, less reason to recoil from a war, or to fear the result of a contest with any Power, but more especially with the United States. Yet we, on our side, have strenuously and sincerely labored to effect a compromise. We have not alluded to the superiority of our maritime strength; from a misplaced respect for the American Government, no use has been made of those blunt arguments to which alone they now appear to be accessible; until at length we learn with more contempt than surprise, that Mr. Polk and his advisers are embarking in a course which can only lead, if they are allowed to persevere in it, to aggressive hostilities.

In our zeal for the maintenance of peace, and our deference for a nation with which we have so much in common, we have gone so far as to admit that their claim to the Oregon territory is equal to our own, and to argue that a partition is the fairest solution of the difficulty. The Americans, however, are not to be satisfied until they convert this concession of a part into a surrender of the whole. Their claim is, to say the most of it, not better than our own, since they themselves do not dare to submit to the arbitration of a third party, knowing that the public opinion of the world has already pronounced against it. Yet from this most imperfect and controvertible claim they seek to extract twice as much as we contend for -nay, they raise their own pretensions to absolute and total sovereignty, whilst they altogether annihilate the rights we have practically enjoyed for more than half a century. Thus in fact, the question in dispute has never been brought to a true issue. The two quantities have not been reduced to a common denomination; they differ in their very nature; and whilst our position not only admits of a compromise, but suggests and requires it, theirs is utterly at variance with the first principle of such an agreement. Mr. Buchanan's last note says too much, unless indeed it says inadvertently what is the truth; for the arguments by which he endeavors to show that the United States cannot submit their claim to arbitration, are equally cogent to prove that their claim will not admit even of negotiation. Mr. Buchanan appears to forget that the United States have negotiated; that he himself, by his last proposal, for the fourth or fifth time conceded that point; that the House of Representatives, by their second resolution, have in fact sanctioned the principle of negotiation, which is, in other words, the principle of mutual concessions. When the American Secretary of State says he cannot do what the manifest interest and dignity of the two countries require, he must either mean that the Government to which he belongs will not do it, or that the Government is acting under the compulsion of the party, excited to madness on this question, which carried Mr. Polk's election. The practical question for us is to ascertain the intentions of the American Government. If Mr. Polk and his advisers are sincerely pacific, they cannot but succeed: there is no obstacle, no impediment, no difficulty in the way, except those which they have themselves created. To bring about a war with us under such circumstances, they must be the worst statesmen in the world if they do not seek it, or the most rash and unprincipled if they deliberately intend it. The time is, however, come when we are forced to judge of their real motives by their conduct; and, as they have not encouraged further argument, it may not be premature to inquire into the amount of their forces.

We are informed by the prodigious volume of American statistics recently prepared for both Houses of Parliament by the diligence of Mr. Mac Gregor, that the standing army of the United States consists of one regiment of dragoons, one regiment of riflemen, four companies of artillery, and eight regiments of infantry. The whole number of troops now in the service is 9,847, exclusive of 781 commissioned officers. An act of Congress of 1842 reduced the rank and file of the army 3,920 men; this reduction is now proceeding, and when it is completed the standing army will consist of 7,590 non-commissioned officers, musicians, artificers, and privates. It is true, that if this corps should appear rather small for the defence of the United States, and the invasion of a region situated 2,000 miles off, on the other side of the American continent, its number at least, have excited the envy of Xerxes or Bonaparte. The Army Register for 1843 contains the appalling announcement, that this multitudinous host is commanded by 627 generals, 2,670 general staff officers, 13,813 field officers, 44,9333 company officers, being in all 62,205 officers; nor are the forces under their command consist of 1,385,645 men! For the purposes of defence against a foreign invasion we have no doubt that these American citizens would exert themselves creditably. A considerable number of the younger men may even volunteer to take a part in offensive operations. But we have no hesitation in saying, that to bring an efficient army of even 30,000 men into the field, prepared to march beyond their own frontiers, is the most arduous task which has ever devolved upon the Federal Government of the United States, and with its present powers and resources we believe it to be absolutely impracticable.

The navy of the United States consists of 11 ships of the line, two of which are afloat, three are receiving ships, and six on the stocks or under repairs. The 14 first-class frigates of 44 guns are the best part of the fleet; of these four are on the stocks and three ordinary. The two 36-gun frigates are old. The smaller vessels are 17 sloops of war, 8 brigs, 9 schooner, and 6 steamers. The navy list contains 67 captains, 94 commanders, 324 lieutenants, and 133 passes midshipmen, 410 midshipmen, and 31 masters. No estimate can be formed of the real strength of the crews of the American navy, because it is well known that a considerable proportion of this fleet is manned by British seamen, who are attracted by the high pay of the American navy in time of peace. But that very circumstance shows the extreme difficulty of manning an American fleet in war, and especially in a war with England their ships are, in fact, worked to a great extent by English mercenaries, a large proportion of whom would unquestionably return to their own colours on the outbreak of hostilities.

We content ourselves with this simple enumeration of the forces of the United States by land and by sea, which we hope is correct. We know not what course Mr. Polk may intend to pursue after the notice for the abrogation of the treaty of join occupation has been duly given; and we shall await with more curiosity than alarm the enterprises which may be projected for the purpose of expelling British subjects form a district where we happen to command the coast and the interior, the Indians and the forts. The world is perfectly aware that England is not the attacking party, and that we are content to leave matters in Oregon as they now are. If the Americans mean anything, they mean to dispossess us of what we hold. At the same time, if this intention be avowed by the Cabinet of Washington, or if it be disclosed by votes of money and warlike preparations which imply a fixed determination to engage in the is absurd and flagitious contest, no state is bound to wait to be attacked. Mr. Polk has already instructed the American Minister in London to ask for an explanation of activity in our dockyards. His own conscience might have given it to him; his own language has put us upon the defensive: and although the termination of the convention of 1827 by notice is no casus belli, yet the disposition indicated by that notice, and the means which may be taken to carry that disposition into effect, may hereafter furnish ample ground of suspicion, of remonstrance, and finally hostilities. A bold and manly course on the part of the British Government will probably not be without a good effect in the United States; and it will undoubtedly command the unanimous support of the people of England. [AEK]

LT London Times: March 10, 1846, p6/c Mexico, affairs of

(From our own correspondent)

Mexico, Jan. 10.

I wrote you on the 1^st that Paredes had successfully accomplished his revolution; and on the 3d, that he entered the city with the whole of his division, and tat once commenced the good work of reform by sending to the right about several suspicious characters, some of whom were connected with the late Ministry, and others who had joined in the pronunciamento in the hope of making the military chief their instrument and dupe. I am glad to say that Paredes sill continues the same efficient and unsparing course, and that he has established a Ministry in all respects approved by the people, and well disposed to carry out the plans indicated by him. I can only observe once act of inconsistency on his part, namely, the acceptance of the ad interim Presidency; but his friends say that the dignity was forced on him, and that he had no other means of concluding the great object for which he pronounced in San Luis. This excuse may be well-founded, but Paredes should have struck out of his manifesto and correspondence those passages in which he renounced all personal elevation or advantage, or adhered to the letter and spirit of his promises and placed the Presidency in other hands; but putting aside the inconsistency, so far as the author of the revolution is concerned, it is fortunate for the country that Paredes is at the head of affairs, as there is every reason to believe that an underplot was formed in the midst of the general conspiracy for throwing him over the moment he accomplished the downfall of the late Government. Had this plot succeeded, the position of the republic would have become disastrous, and a fatal civil war commenced between the old leaders of corruption and the Federalists; but Paredes's straightforward and decided conduct has set at rest both parties, and he is now going on unfettered in all respects, apparently determined to renovate the nation.

To follow the regular order of things, I should state that a Junta of Notables was held on the 3d inst. at the Palace, and that the following additional articles to the plan of San Luis Potosi were agreed on by it:--

"1. The persons charged with the legislative and executive powers are suspended in the exercise of their functions, in consequence of not having corresponded to the wishes of the nation, and not having supported the dignity or secured the integrity of its territory, in accordance with the first and second articles of the plans of San Luis Potosi of the 14^th of December, 1845.

"2. A junta of representatives, composed of two persons from each department, named by the General-in-Chief of the army, shall immediately elect the person charged with the supreme executive power until the meeting of an extraordinary Congress, which is to be called in accordance with the 3d article of the plan of San Luis.

"3. The junta of representatives shall be dissolved as soon as the ad interim President be elected and sworn to sustain the independence of the nation, the popular representative republican system, and the existing administrative plan of the republic.

"4. The faculties of the ad interim President are determined by the actual laws, he having no power to exceed them except for the defence of the national territory, and even then they are to be subject to the guarantees established by existing laws.

"5. The Ministers of the ad interim President are responsible for their acts before the first constitutional Courts, but the acts themselves are at no period revisable.

"6. Within eight days of his acceptance of office the ad interim President shall issue warrants for the convocation of an extraordinary Congress, which is to meet in four months in the capital of the republic; and until the constitution be determined by that congress, he shall not touch or alter the principles adopted by the interim regulations of the existing Constitution.

"7. The existing Council of State shall be maintained, and the ad interim President will consult it on all important occasion.

"8. Such functionaries only of the departments who may oppose the regeneration of the republic shall be suspended, and their places be given to others, in conformity with the actual laws.

"9. The judicial power shall continue to exercise its important functions without any variation from the existing law.

"10. No person shall be persecuted for political opinions anterior to this declaration."

The day after this declaration was signed a Junta of Notables was assembled, in accordance with the second article of the above additional plan; and after some immaterial proceeding a ballot for an ad interim President took place, and Paredes, as already stated, was elected unanimously. A difficulty arose about the form of the oath which was to be administered to him, as some persons desired to incorporate in it an obligation to make war against Texas; but the majority being convinced of the impolicy of such a clause, the following oath was drawn up and taken by Paredes:--

"I swear before God to preserve the independence and integrity of the national territory against all foreign aggression, the republican system, popular and representative, and the administrative plan of the republic as determined by the act of the 2d inst."

The installation was then confirmed by a grand Te Deum and ceremony at the cathedral; and thus, without a shot being fired or a sabre drawn, in one short month after the pronunciamento at San Luis, the supreme power of the State was placed in the hands of General Paredes.

I am sorry to say that neither the Senate nor chamber or Deputies displayed any energy on this occasion. They surrendered to the mandate of dissolution without either remonstrance or protest, and made no attempt to place the new President in the false position which he must have been in, had they met in their respective Chambers, and compelled him to expel them by force. Only two persons acted with spirit--Generals Minon and Alcorte--both of whom protested against the proceedings of the Junta of Notables but so fallen is public feeling in the republic, that I hear no one praises those officers for their independence, and I fear they are left alone with their glory.

Two articles of the additional plan merits your attention--namely, the third, by which Paredes undertakes to maintain the representative republican system; and the fourth in which it is determined that the Ministers shall be responsible before the first Congress for their acts; the acts themselves shall not be revisable. In the one case, all fears of the President's attempting to convert the republic into a monarchy are removed; and in the other a great security is given to merchants contracting with the Government, as no danger now exists of their transaction being reopened, and indemnities demanded under all sorts of ridiculous pretexts. Indeed, the conduct of Paredes in that respect has given satisfaction to the moneyed interest, as he has publicly declared, that while resolved on striking at the roots of corruption, and of getting the public business done on honest terms, he would recognize all existing contracts and fulfill them to the best of his power.

I have now to give the list of the new Cabinet, and I do so with great pleasure, as I find on all sides the selection much approved:--

War, General Almonte.

Finance, Senor Luis Parres.

Foreign affairs and Interior, Senor Castillo y Lanza.

Grace and Justice, the Bishop of Chiapas.

The first is well known as late Minister to the United States and as a man of talent and courage; the second is the Aristedes of Mexico--the honestest man in the republic; and the third has natural gifts improved by an education in England. I know nothing of the fourth; but I must say for the three others, that even their enemies cannot speak in their disfavor; and that Paredes, with their aid, will find no difficulty in carrying on good government. The Cabinet will, I believe be supported by M. Castillo, the late Minster of Finance, who agrees to take the head of the Treasury, an efficient chief in that department being essential to the good working of the whole machine. I hope for great things from this Cabinet; and I shall be grievously disappointed if it does not succeed, as if even only one sound measure be enforced, one half of the public disabilities disappear--I allude to the simple plan of compelling the whole of the revenue to be paid into the Treasury, instead of having it frittered away in the collection and distributed to the different persons who have liens on it, as present. I maintain, of course, that good faith should be held with all creditors, whether honest or usurious, but the very fact of the revenue being paid directly into the Treasury would create so enormous a saving, that even in its present dilapidated state the public income would cover expenditure. As to what may be done by opening the ports to European manufactures at reasonable duties, removing inland custom-houses, and remodeling the system of customs and taxation, I cannot ascribe a limit; and I adhere to what I said in a late letter, that under a new and efficient system a surplus of five millions sterling beyond all necessary expenditure for the payment of interest on national debt could be raised without the slightest pressure on the country. From this calculation of course I exclude the chances of civil war, or a contest with the United States. I hope Mexico may be saved from the former evil by the energy of the Government, and I think I already see symptoms of wavering on the part of the President and the new Minister of Foreign Affairs on the subject of American Affairs. I find that an escort is constantly refused to the Minister of the States under one pretext of another, and I take that to be a gentle hint to him not to hasten his departure. The true state of affairs with America we cannot determine until Mr. Slidell receives fresh instructions from his Government; but I should think, from present symptoms, that if the United States yield the point of etiquette, and accredit him ad hoc, Paredes will see the propriety of abandoning Texas, and then settling the north-western and eastern frontier.

The command of the army on the Texan frontier has been taken from General Arista and given to Ampadia. It remains to be seen whether Arista will submit, or whether his troops will not prefer adhering to the pronunciamento of San Luis instead of to him. That is the only quarter from whence evil may be expected, as nearly all the departments have joined the present order of things. Civil war at this moment would be a great evil, as it would interfere with the determination taken by the President to clear all the roads of the republic from the bands of robbers that infest them. When Paredes undertook the government of the province of Guadalaxara, he found all the roads covered with banditti, who plundered and murdered at their pleasure, but before six months elapsed not a robber was to be found in the department. The plan he adopted was, to send scouring parties of cavalry, attended by a priest, and whenever a robber was taken half an hour was granted for confession, and he was shot on the spot. Paredes is now following up the same plan in this vicinity. A squadron of dragoons, attended by half a dozen friars, has been despatched on the road to Vera Cruz, with orders to shoot without mercy every culprit against whom a prima facie case can be made. A few examples will be enough to disperse the bands that at present infest that route, and by whom nearly all the dilligences, as well as muleteers charges with the transport of British goods, are plundered.

Your readers may think it strange that the correspondent of that great constitutional journal The Times should speak favourably of a revolution which commences by dissolvign the regularly organized Chambers and vesting the supreme power, even temporarily, in the hands of a military chief. It is also possible that you may reprove me for taking a course so dissimilar to that followed by The Times when public principles are at stake. But I hope your readers and yourselves will, for a short time, place confidence in me, and be convinced of the distinction that exists between sound government at home and the management of a country like this, where not a single element of a constitutional system can be found. In 20 years 24 attempts at establishing representative forms have been made, all of which have failed; and so little reliance has latterly been placed in the Senate of the Deputies, that their proceedings were never thought of, and the only quality they possessed was that of being a drag on the execution of public business. No one now complains that their sittings are at an end, and I am convinced the people will not be pleased if the National Convention, to be held next month, decide on their re-establishment. The late Chambers neither promoted reform, improved the revenue, nor cut down corruption. Their whole talent consisted in clogging the Administration and refusing supplies. How Herrera manages to creep on even for twelve months, with their weight hanging on him, is difficult to understand; but the machine could go no longer, and the revolution, if it did not come from Paredes and the army, must have appeared from the side of the Federalistas. Ruin, bankruptcy, and separation were at hand; no department obeyed the Central Government, and if the pronunciamento had not been made, a general break-up of the republic must have occurred. The evil was great, and the remedy has been necessarily violent. I have hopes that Paredes will follow up the work he has well begun for the advantage of the country and its foreign creditors; but I am aware of his defects, and will not support him if he deviates form the line he has laid down.

I understand that a Junta of Hacienda, or committee of finance, ahs been installed to-day, for the purpose of pointing out to the Minister such reforms as are necessary in that department, and how money can be raised with least injury to the public service. It is supposed that the Junta will recommend the granting of licenses of the importation of a certain quantity of raw cotton, as the manufacturers are nearly out of stocks, and a large sum can be easily raised in that manner.

4,000 troops, under the orders of General Ampadia, march towards Zacatecas to-morrow.

Puebla has submitted.

The president has declared that he will not commute the punishment of General Rangel, who, you will recollect, attempted an unsuccessful pronunciamento on the 7^th of June last.

The city of Mexico is perfectly quiet, and the new President and Ministry are very popular.
[AEK]

LT 1846, March 11, p5/a US, biblical right to Oregon Territory

The 26^th, 27^th, and 28^th verses of the 1^st chapter of Genesis are, in the opinion of Mr. John Quincy Adams, the foundation of the American title to the Oregon territory, and his case finds some additional strength from a passage in the 2d Psalm. There are moonstruck madmen both in and out of Bedlam, whose lunacy takes a colour from Holy Writ, and is the more awful and distressing from the distortion and debasement of the sublimest truths which are embodied in human language; but when we learn that the ravings of one of these fanatics were listened to with interest and excitement by one branch of the most important legislative assembly of the New World,-when we are told that the text of Scripture, which was to be polluted by this insane commentary, was read by the clerk at the table of the House of Representatives at Washington,-and when we remember that all this blasphemous extravagance is uttered as the apology or the pretext of an atrocious war, and that the promises of GOD are invoked to justify the rapacity and the lawlessness of man, we look in vain for any parallel for such an exhibition except in the midst of anarchy and revolution. A democracy intoxicated with what it mistakes for religion is the most formidable apparition which can startle the world. It defies its own excesses; its desires and its passions seem to be direct emanations from the law of GOD; its will claims a divine authority. The hypocrisy of the popular leaders feeds the enthusiasm of the multitude; and crimes are committed of which human nature itself is hardly capable until it is inflated by presumption and falsehood beyond all the bounds of reason and truth.

The speech of Mr. ADAMS, which will be found in another place, deserves to be recorded as the most recent and astounding instance of this species of popular delusion. Yet the affairs of the United States and the peace of the world are intrusted to the prudence of an assembly in which this scene could take place! Secular prudence and political integrity are bent on nothing more than an equitable and amicable termination of this controversy; but they have arrayed against them the arrogance of a Government too feeble to restrain the bad impulses which drive it along; the excitement of a populace apparently unconscious of the consequences of its acts; and, lastly, the frenzy of a religious enthusiasm which confounds the rudiments of right and wrong. Such is the aspect of the United States under their boasted forms of popular government. Their democrats are aping the crimes of despotism, and resuscitating the claims of priestcraft. The rights of neighbouring nations, the fundamental principles of public law, the common suggestions of humanity, are all sacrificed with a recklessness worthy of the worst enemies of mankind. To advocate a war on such motives for such objects as these is to preach an insurrection against the very principles on which society is based. Such a war becomes a revolution, and, if it be tinged with religious fanaticism, a revolution of the most unscrupulous kind.

We cannot believe, with one of our most esteemed correspondents, that these elements of evil exist only at the surface of this democratic society, and that the Senate of the United States is prepared and resolved "to hearken to no measure calculated to inflame the passions, and to produce a desolating war!" Can "the Senate do its duty faithfully?" Or, if that duty be now performed, and the negotiation be reopened under the auspices of the Senate, will the temperate and pacific portion of that body be able to hold its ground against the excitement of the people and the cabals of the Executive? In the hands of a man like WASHINGTON, resolutely co-operating with the Senate for the maintenance of peace, and executive power was strong enough to resist the popular impulse. But when we have a President inciting the popular part of the community to do its worst, and intriguing in and against the Senate, we have no trust in the resistance of that body. The odds of the constitution are against it; and the impediments it may oppose to the popular will would only add a fresh impetus to the agitation of the question. Such was the fate of the annexation of Texas, which was rejected by the Senate, and carried in another form by Mr. TYLER; such will be the result of the present debate on Oregon, so long as the PRESIDENT and his advisers continue openly or covertly abet extreme measures.

Whatever may be the infatuation of the people and the comparative weakness of the moderate party, and the main responsibility of the crisis rests on the members of the executive Government of the United States. With them rests the initiative of negotiation, of war, or of the preparations of war. They alone are enabled to estimate the dangers of the position in which their imprudence has placed themselves and the country. These dangers, or at least the difficulties with which they have to deal, are materially increased by the state of the relations of the United States and Mexico. In the latter republic a revolution has been successfully consummated, which has placed the temporary exercise of the supreme power in the hands of a man who is at least resolved to oppose the further encroachments of the United States on the Mexican territories, to rescue California from the projected inroad of American emigrants, and, if opportunity serve, to avenge the annexation of Texas. In Texas the United States have acquired another doubtful question of boundary, and an immense additional extent of coast and of territory, which they are bound to provide with adequate means of defence by sea and land. It would be a singular consequence of Texan annexation, if the first result of its union to the territory of its northern neighbours was to make it the theatre of war. But, in the event of hostilities between the United States and Great Britain, such an event is highly probable. The Mexican Government is evidently influenced by the probability of such a catastrophe in its own relations with the Cabinet of Washington. Mr. SLIDELL, the American Envoy, has not been received, and he awaits the further orders of his Government of Jalapa. The first indication of hostilities towards England by the American Government would be followed (if it be not preceded) by a declaration of war against the United States by Mexico. The whole continent of North America, beyond their own frontiers, would then resent the excessive pre-tensions of the democrats of the north. The whole coast of the Pacific would be closed against the vessels of the United States: that of the Atlantic Ocean would be open to the attacks of the greatest maritime power. Without an army, without a fleet, without a revenue, without credit, with a divided public opinion, a strong party opposition, a fluctuating populace, and in the southern states a slave population, Mr. POLK has thought fit to raise up difficulties which might appal the best generals, the most experienced statesmen, the mightiest states of the old world. We shall see how he surmounts them; but he will not surmount them by inducing England to stoop to conditions she has already rejected, or to engage in a fresh negotiation on any other terms than those of perfect equality of right to the Oregon territory.
[CCB]

LT 1846, March 13. 3A The Revolution In Mexico.

(FROM OUR OWN CORRESPONDENT)
MEXICO, Jan. 31.

I send you duplicates of my dispatches of the 3d and 10^th inst.,* but I hope the originals have long since reached, and put you in possession of all the leading facts connected with the revolution so peaceably accomplished by General Paredes. I have now the satisfaction to say, that every event confirms my anticipations, and that, in my opinion, Mexico has now fairer prospects of arriving at good government than she has enjoyed since she effected her independence. Such are appearances; but, warned by experience, I must be cautious in not being over sanguine as to resultes. Corruption is so engrafted in the daily habits of the people-sound principles of government are so little understood-so much apathy succeeds every unusual exertion, that I cannot venture to do more than express a strong belief that the republic has now a chance of gaining that elevation to which by position and internal wealth she is so well entitled. Paredes has begun well, and is inclined to pursue the same straightforward course. He has selected the most honest and most able men in Mexico to form a Cabinet; but he finds the army so disorganized, and the finances in so dreadful a state of disorder, that time must be allowed before a cure can be effected, and then, if he succeeds, a miracle will be accomplished.

One great good he has already done-namely, freed the roads leading from the republic from the organized bands of robbers who plundered the diligences four days out of seven, and stripped every traveler who had property to lose. Since Paredes sent forth detachments, accompanied by a chaplain, with orders to shoot, with half an hour's grace, every robber caught in the fact or with stolen goods on him, all the well-known practitioners in that line have disappeared. I have myself made the experiment, and having lately had occasion to undertake a journey of 250 miles, I traveled with full confidence in the terror of Paredes' name, and had no reason to regret what others called my temerity, in carrying a watch and a reasonable sum of money about me. This is a social reform of such practical utility that one forgives the despotic order of preceding, and well it would be for Mexico if the other great evils of the country could be cured in the same effectual manner, even at the sacrifice of the like abandonment of principle. I must of course except the measures taken with respect to the public press, as I cannot see the necessity of the interim President's reviving Santa Annna's laws of 1839 and 1843, by which all superior authorities are allowed to arrest, and imprison in the fortresses of Acapulco and San Juan de Ulloa, the proprietors and editors of newspapers containing notorious libels, submitting at the same time the libels in question for decision to the regular tribunals. This you will admit is a very Irish mode of proceeding, punishing first and trying after; and few newspapers will risk articles open to the misconstruction of some dependent of the Government, and I have only to hope that Paredes has revived the law more for the purpose of inspiring terror among the Federalist writers, than for carrying it absolutely into effect. Indeed, judging from the abundant creation of new journals within a few days, no alarm has been excited in editorial circles, and I find one paper, the Tiempo, advocating a monarchy with considerable ability in the very teeth of the programme laid down by Paredes.

The convocatoria, or warrant for the calling together a national convention charged with fixing definitively the Constitution, has just appeared. It consists of 156 articles; but I need not trouble you with more than a general abstract. The Congress is to consist of 160 deputies, 38 of whom are to be chosen by the landed interest, 20 the commercial, 14 the mineral, 14 the manufacturing, 14 the literary, 10 the public administration, 20 the church, and 20 by the army. The right of voting for deputies is limited to Mexican subjects of 24, and of being deputies to those of 30 years of age. Persons paying to the department of Mexico 150 dollars a year of direct taxes, for the districts of Puebla, Vera Cruz, Michocan, Guanjuato, Zacatecas, and Jalisco, 90 dollars a year, in all other departments 60 dollars, are eligible as deputies. The qualifications of electors vary in the several departments, but the rate of payment of taxes is fixed so high that none but the better classes of society can appear at the hastings. Each province is allotted a number of deputies from the different professions according to its extent and property. The elections are all to take place before the 1^st of May, and the Congress is to assemble within four months of that period. The Congress must determine of the Constitution within six months of its formation, with power to postpone the decision for three months more, should extraordinary circumstances require delay. All deputies to be inviolable for opinions expressed in the Congress. The Congress is based on the principle that according to the last census the population of the republic was 7,000,000 inhabitants, and that one in 70,000 shall be represented.

What the result of this national experiment may be, it is impossible to foresee, but it is evident that in the mean time, nearly for 10 months, Paredes will be absolute master, and that the fate of the country is vested in his hands. I hope for the best, but it is hard to say what use he will make of these extraordinary powers Santa Anna had the same authority with greater prestige; but he was a public robber, while the breath of suspicion has not yet soiled Paredes name. I understand that Paredes has declared he will not accept the pay of President; he lives in his private house, no in the palace; and he does no pilfer himself, he will not allow others to rob the State. Good intentions, a firm will, and a hand of iron he possesses, but his allies are the church and the jobbers in Government, negocios as they are called, and I know not how improvement can take place under the control of thousands of lazy friars, and of the habitual vultures of the Treasury. The influence of the latter has been shown lately in too decided a manner for one to neglect the warning it contains. Paredes a few days since declared he would put down the gaming tables with which Mexico abounds, and in which some of the great capitalists, general officers, and colonels of the army are partners and agents, but he was obliged to give way to the power of these people, and though he refused the large yearly contribution they offered, the order against monte has not appeared. The influence, of the former is less apparent but equally efficacious, and I am told that public institutions for improvement of science and art have been suppressed in consequence of secret intrigues, which could alone arise from that suspected quarter. Paredes' good intentions are greater than his capacity, and therefore am I slow to anticipate the future, though I cheerfully admit that all his actions, save that relative to the monte tables, up to the present hour are admirable and well-timed.

I see that all opposition to the new order of things has ceased in the army and the departments. General Arista made a show of resistance and marched on Tampico, but finding that his troops were not warm in their cause, he gave up the command, and retired to his farm, to use his own words, "because the country no longer required his services." The departments that a few weeks since spoke, by the months of their civil authorities, open defiance to the revolution, have likewise submitted to Paredes. Yucatan alone has ventured on a great game. It has declared its independence, and means to set up for itself. The connexion between Mexico and this province has been for some time past merely nominal, as it refused to contribute a soldier to the public service or a shilling to the revenue, so that little is lost but the name, and the pretext that the example holds out to other departments that hang equally loosely on the Central Government. We are afraid, for instance, of its effects on Upper California, and on New Mexico, as both provinces daily show strong symptoms of declaring independence, with a view towards annexation with the United States.

The want of money is, as you are prepared to expect, the great difficulty which the Government of Paedes is destined to meet, and I hope to overcome. It has agreed to admit an unlimited import of cotton wool on payment of 10 dollars the quintal when the license to import is taken out; but this plan does not produce the expected addition to the revenue, as speculators do not like paying so large a sun in advance with the prospect of an American war, or at least a blockade of the ports, before them. Claims have likewise been set up by private individuals, as no doubt they will be by the agents of British bondholders, for their percentage on the said revenue, as they contend that cash paid for a license to import is tantamount to customs paid on importations at Vera Cruz. This is a question which may give trouble to the British Minister at Mexico, and probably to the Foreign-office at home; but, in my opinion, the case is quite clear in favour of the British claimants, and the evasion of granting licenses instead of receiving duties is too palpable to command a moment's respect. The Mexican Minister has shown but little tact in this affair, for had he declared the port of Vera Cruz free for the importation of cotton, and then put an internal duty on its removal to any part of the interior, he would have escaped the difficulty. The Minister's object, however, is the supply of ready cash, and in trying to attain that object he overlooks the serious difficulties that interpose. Moreover, an agricultural opposition will arise from the cotton-growers, whose harvest of good prices is destroyed at the moment is should be gathered in; so that the Government has to contend with manufacturers whose works are nearly stopped for want of cotton; with the landed interest, who have just reason to complain of broken faith; and with the public editors, who are strong enough to prevent faith being broken with them.

We received only a few days since the American President's message. One passage in it relative to Mexico excites general astonishment, and the unblushing boldness of it should open the willful blindness that appears to exist in England with regard to the designs of the United States-I allude to that sentence in which Mr. Polk declares that the Union has now carried its frontier to the Rio Grande; as well might we say that the Union extended its frontier to the Isthmus of Panama, for it has just as much right to one as the other. Texas is incorporated with the United States, that is a fait accompli, and whatever Mexico may say we English have no right to question the transaction. But how does the incorporation of Texas extend the frontier to Rio Grand or Bravo el Norte-both being names of the same river? The frontier of Texas is the Nueces, and beyond that is Mexican land, as clearly as that south of the Bidassoa belongs to Spain. Many moths since I advised you of these intentions; I regret to see thus soon my anticipations realized.

Let us look for a moment at the extent of the territory thus swallowed by the insatiable maw of the States. Texas Proper contains 21,000 square leagues; the part of Chihuahua between the Rio Grande and Texas contains 8,600 square leagues; that of New Mexico, in the same condition,4,000 leagues; of Cohuilla, 1,175 leagues; and of Tamaulipas, 6,000 leagues. So that with one dash of the pen President Polk, in addition to the 21,000 square leagues of Texas, cuts off from the republic of Mexico no less than 11,075 square leagues. And this, let me persuade you, is but one step toward its final object namely, the possession of the mining districts. We may be indifferent to this plunder; but shall we be equally indifferent when the silver currency of Europe is controlled by the President of the United States, and when the States in the possession of the Mexican mines become the richest nation in the world. I have repeated this idea in almost every letter addressed you since I came here, and I shall never cease to repeat it as one of those homely truths which statesmen resist till the evil result be accomplished and beyond relief.

I now find, by late intelligence from Washington, that negotiations between England and the States are reopened with respect to the Oregon, and on the basis that the 49^th parallel from the Rocky Mountains to the sea is to be the final boundary. If such be the case, and Great Britain cedes to the United States all the Oregon south of the 49^th parallel, Mr. Polk has accomplished the great object for which his predecessors so long struggled in vain. By it the fate of Upper California, from the 36^th parallel, is decided; and in a short time we shall see another state added to the Union, embracing the Bay of San Francisco and the river Columbia, with 700 miles of the coast of the Pacific. As the policy of the United States has been to secure Texas as a stepping stone to the mining districts of Mexico, it is equally desirous to obtain any portion of the Oregon as the sole barrier between the Union and the Bay of San Francisco; and England, in agreeing to terms by which the States attain legal and undisputed possession of the land above the 43^rd parallel, or Mexican boundary, abandons the finest harbour in the world, and the command of the Northern Pacific. I hope we do so with our eyes open, and that the sacrifice is made for objects substantial in reality, though not apparent to persons unacquainted with secrets of state. The Oregon has been the pretext, but California is the end of the United States, and the noise and bluster they made about the former have been raised for the purpose of covering their real views on San Fransisco. Had we insisted on the 45^th instead of the 49^th parallel, it would have been granted. All that the States desire is to get such a footing above the Mexican frontier as will prepare the way for seizing the coveted portion of the territory of that country. Thieves take possession of an empty house for the purpose of more securely robbing the rich man's residence next door; so the United States obtain the barren lands of the Oregon, with the intention of plundering their Mexican neighbour at their ease. We must call things by their right names, and learn at last to understand that when the United States speak of Texas they mean the Mexican mines-and of Oregon, they mean the Bay of San Francisco. I suppose we shall find the President of next year announcing that the frontier of the States has been extended to the 36^th parallel, with the same unblushing boldness that Mr. Polk announces this year the extension to the Rio Grande. The next step will be the annexation of the department of New Mexico; and thus in the center, and on each flank, the Mexican territory is disposed of at the pleasure of its grasping neighbour. Indeed, I see, bye late American papers, that nothing less than the possession of the whole of Mexico will content the States. One writer, for instance, says, "Any one can see where these things will end; they will cad in the annexation of Mexico to the United States-silver mines, gold mines, cathedrals, and plantations. Hell cannot stop the rapidly approaching climacteric of the annexation of Mexico, and the compromise upon the 49^th parallel for Oregon will give us Mexico. The work of annexation is just beginning, we cannot stop short of the Isthmus of Darien. This is the realization of more than a poet's dream-the onward progress of our model republic." I believe that every man in the United States participate in these anticipations; and I venture to add that our cession of any part of the Oregon is the proximate step to their accomplishment.

The new tariff will come into operation on the 1^st of next month. It will afford some relief to British trade, but I fear the duties are still too high to bear competition with smuggling through Texas, or the wagon trade to Santa Fe. English houses are already, I understand, turning their attention to the establishment of depots at Galveston, and of passing goods through the undefended frontiers of the Rio Bravo, and I find that Englishmen are already on the prairies competing with American enterprise to Santa Fe. I understand that every year a large convoy of wagons is formed at a town called Independence, in the far west, about 3,00 miles from New York, to which goods are brought by rail and steam on the Missouri; and that the journey is accomplished from Independence to Santa Fe in 60 to 70 days over the prairies, and through the midst of hostile Indians. At Santa Fe an arrangement is made with the Mexican Custom-house-office for $750 duty on each waggon load, after which the journey is continued for 90 days more to the great fairs of San Juan de los Lagos, or of Aguas Calientes. Large profits have been made in this trade, as the duties paid at Santa Fe, and all expenses of the road, do not amount to one-fourth of those which would be charged at any seaport of entry, and as coarse goods, which are prohibited in a regular way, can thus without difficulty be introduced. This trade, which has been for some years past in the hands of natives only, is now opened by a few spirited Englishmen; and next season I have some reason to believe that all the north of Mexico will be supplied from our fabrics with goods prohibited at Tampico and Vera Cruz. A late enactment made by the United States, which entitles the importer of goods seaward to a drawback of the whole duty on receiving the certificate of the American Consul at Santa Fe, is an absolute bounty to our countrymen; and if it be continued, few American manufacturers can compete with them in the articles suited to that particular trade. Goods that are prohibited in the several Gulf seaports of Mexico are thus introduced overland into the heart of its territory, and British mantas undersell the home made at San Juan de los Lagos.

Mr. Slidell, the American Minister, continues at Jalapa, one day from Vera Cruz, waiting definitive orders from his Government. The Mexican Cabinet refuses to receive him, under pretence that it only agreed to accept a Minister ad hoc for the settlement of the Texan affair; but the correspondence between the Consul at Mexico and the Government, which I subjoin, proves that the Mexican Cabinet made no such condition, and for once the United States are in the right. Mexico may pay dearly for this duplicity, as a fleet may be hourly expected at Vera Cruz, and the Constitution frigate has arrived at Mazatlan, with orders, it is said, to seize on one of the Pacific ports, should Mr. Slidell not be received. An opinion generally prevails at Mexico that war is inevitable between England and the United States, and that idea renders the Government more difficult in acceding to the terms of the Washington Cabinet.

Late advices from the Havannah state that M. de Cyprey, the ex-French Minister at this place, continued there with his family, waiting orders from home. I m also glad to find that illicit importation of Negroes at the Havannah had altogether ceased. Santa Anna is still living at the Havannah, occupied with his favourite amusement of cock-fighting, and apparently indifferent to the march of events in Mexico. His friends here are still numerous, at least to judge by the letters which, I understand from good authority, he receives from this--one-half of the correspondence between Mexico and the Havannah being addressed to him.

The Spanish Government is intriguing here with the hope of establishing one of its princes as sovereign, should the advocates for monarchy succeed in gaining a majority in the Convention. Two agents have been lately secretly employed here under the orders of the Captain-Gerneral of Cuba, and a new journal, called the Espectador, is announced under the direction of Colonel Valdes and the son of one of the most notorious Christino partisans at Madrid, for the purpose of supporting these pretensions. The Infante Don Sebastian, who married the sister of Donna Christina, and a son of Don Francisco de Paula, are the candidates. [CCB]

LT March 13, 1846, 5b, "AMERICA"

We have received Washington advices to the 19^th ult. Inclusive by the packet-ship Rochester, Captain Britton, arrived from New York, whence she sailed on the 21^st ult.

The adjourned debated in the Senate had been resumed on the 16^th ult. in accordance with resolution; and during the interval between that date and the dispatch of our latest accounts from Washington the house had been addressed by Mr. Hannegan, Mr. Colquitt, Mr. Dix, Mr. Benton, and Mr. Dickenson.

We extract from the New York Courier and Enquirer a brief resume of the speeches delivered by the gentlemen named.

The proceedings of the House of Representatives are totally uninteresting.

The new Tariff Bill, so late as the 19^th ult., had not been reported from the Committee on Finance. Upon this subject we make the following interesting extracts from the Washington correspondence of the Courier and Enquirer: --

"WASHINGTON, FEB. 16.

"Repeated efforts were made in the House today to have the Tariff Bill, framed under the direction of Mr. Walker, and now in the possession of the committee on finance, laid before the House, but none of them were successful. The members generally know nothing of the bill, except through the correspondence from this city which has come back; and its importance, together with the fact that its provisions are directly at variance with the laboured theory of the Secretary of the Treasury, as set forth in his annual report, creates a strong desire among members to have possession of the bill. Its provisions please neither the Protectionist nor the Free trader, and unless it shall win friends to its support which it has not now got, the indications are that it cannot be enacted into a law; but its fate is so intimately connected with that of the great question of the day--that of Oregon--that it is impossible to predict with any degree of confidence what will be the action of Congress upon it.

"FEBRUARY 19.

"You will observe that there have been several unsuccessful efforts in the House to reach the Tariff Bill prepared under the supervision of the Secretary of Treasury. The reason is that it does not suit the chairman of the Committee on Finance, Mr. M'Kay, who prefers the bill reported by himself at the last Congress. It is also rumoured that he and the Secretary have had interviews on the subject which have partaken more of the character of altercations than consultations. The article in the Union of last evening headed 'A War for Oregon Preferred to a Reduction of the Tariff,' has attracted very general attention. It purports to be in reply to an article in the Baltimore Patriot, but its perusal leaves the irresistible impression on the mind that the Government have it in contemplation to sacrifice the protection of our home industry, and accommodate our tariff to British interests, for the purpose of securing the whole of Oregon. That this had been suspected from former articles in the Union, and this suspicion is, in the minds of many, verified by the article of last evening. If it is true, as intimated in the Union, that unless we sacrifice the tariff we shall have to fight for Oregon, if England thus threatens us, it is palpable that she purposes to pursue the same course towards us in relation our tariff that she did towards the Chinese as to opium--they refused to receive the drug, and she flogged them into acquiescence. The Union intimates that Great Britain may pursue towards us the same course if we refuse to receive her manufactures, and that the Oregon question is to be the pretense. This I do not believe, but regard it on the part of the Union as a very bold trick wherewith it hopes to succeed on the one hand in its free trade schemes, by which it hopes to conciliate the south, and on the other, in its pretensions to the whole of Oregon, by which the west is to be secured, and the succession be thus made certain to Mr. Polk."

The coast had been visited by terrific storms of wind and snow. The New York papers teem with accounts of the disasters received by the shipping.

The money-market was easy. Discounts were effected at 6 to 7 per cent. Exchanges were inactive, 5 28^3/4 to 5 27^1/2.

The Cambria, with the mails of the 4^th of February, had arrived at Boston on the 18^th ult., communicating the remarks made by Sir R. Peel upon Mr. Pakenham's rejection of the proposal made last autumn by Mr. Polk. The Courier and Enquirer remarks,--

"The news from England is important, as exhibiting the anxious desire of the British Government to settle the Oregon question if this country will consent to any arrangement compatible with the honour of Great Britain; and now, more than ever, the question of war or peace rests solely with this Government. We sincerely hope that the Cambria brings instructions fro the British Minister to offer to our Government the propositions rejected by him in July; because if it does not, we doubt whether the British Ministry will feel disposed to make any offer after the rejection of the proposition to arbitrate, in an offensive manner, and upon the distinct ground that to agree to an arbitration would be to admit that Great Britain has some rights is Oregon, which Mr. Buchanan in that correspondence again denies. The uncourteous character of that last correspondence is, in our judgment, the principal difficulty in the way of an early adjustment of existing difficulties between the two countries. True, the Administration may in its obstinacy and folly presume upon the pacific disposition evinced by the British Cabinet, and in the hope of getting the whole of Oregon, refuse all compromise; but this, we think, Mr. Polk dare not do without first submitting the question to the people's representatives, who will never countenance such folly. But be this as it may, we must now look solely to Washington and our own Administration for the settlement of the question, for beyond all doubt, if we renew the original proposition made by Mr. Buchanan, it will be transmitted to England for the decision of the British Government, if it should not be at once accepted by Mr. Pakenham. And why would we not renew that proposition? It was made in good faith--not to Mr. Pakenham, but to the British Government; and now that we are officially informed that it did not reach the Government before it was withdrawn, surely good faith, self-respect, and a desire to promote an honourable and equitable settlement of the question, require that it should be renewed for the specific action of those for whom it was originally intended. Such, we contend, after the manly declarations of Sir Robert Peel in the House of Commons is the course which this Government owes it to its dignity to pursue. Let them do this--and not to do it is to fail in self-respect--and there can be no doubt but the whole difficulty will be promptly and honourably arranged. This proposition to reduce the duties on Indian corn, beef, pork, &c., is only another evidence of the pacific character of the English Government, and if adopted will add largely to our export trade."

Our Canadian advices are uninteresting. No later accounts had been received from Mexico.
[CCB]

LT March 16, 1846, p4/e US, France, and the Oregon question

When the Cambria left Boston on the 1^st inst. it was known that the Senate of the United States had adjourned the debate on the abrogation of the Oregon convention to the 2d of March; but there was no doubt that Mr. Colquitt's resolutions would be carried by a large majority in that assembly. These resolutions are substantially the same as those adopted by the House of Representatives, although in a more qualified form; but they express with greater energy an "earnest desire that this long standing controversy may be settled by negotiation and compromise." In fact, they impose upon the Cabinet of the United States the duty of reopening the negotiations on such terms as may convince the American people that a sincere attempt has been made to effect a peaceful settlement of the dispute; and we sincerely hope these terms may be admissible by England. Mr. Allen, however, in the course of the debate, declared that the President's views and determination to assert his title to the whole territory up to 54 40` had undergone no change. On the part of the British Minister, Mr. Pakenham, no fresh overture has been made.

Whatever may be the motives which induce the Congress of the United States to voted the abrogation of the convention of 1827 for the joint occupancy of the Oregon territory, we are chiefly concerned to examine the effect of that measure on the relative rights of the two claimants. As soon as the Senate shall have concurred in these resolutions, and the President proceed, as he undoubtedly will, to give the notice, the whole question will assume a new shape, or rather it will revert to the condition in which it stood before ever the conventions of 1818 and of 1827 were thought of, that condition being only modified by the actual settlements in the country made under the specific protection of those very instruments. It may, we think, be demonstrated by strict reasoning that the abrogation of these conventions under the present circumstances of the two Powers in Oregon, materially weakens strengthens our own rights.

Under the agreement which the Americans are resolved to cancel, two kinds of claims have existed: the first conventional, which were on the footing of strict equality; the second claims of settlement, which depend on the relative extent of occupation by either party. If the convention be annulled, the conventional privileges of the Americans, which were equal to our own, cease and determine, as far as we are concerned; their right is reduced to a mere abstract title; whilst we stand upon the British rights of occupation, sanctioned by all the arguments in support of our claim, and especially by the treaty of

1790 with Spain. The settlements of the Hudson's Bay Company in the Oregon territory have been made under a right recognized by these conventions; but the right existed before the conventions, and the settlements, with all the rights accruing to their founders, will subsist after them. Dr. Twiss, in his most interesting and elaborate survey of the whole question, points out the passage of Vattel by which such a case must be determined. "If," says that great authority, "two or more nations at the same time discover and take possession of an island or any other desert land without an owner, they ought to agree between themselves and make an equitable partition; but, if they cannot agree, each will have the right of empire and domain in the parts in which they first settled."

In this particular case, the effect of occupation and priority of settlement as conferring sovereignty is more than usually decisive. For the right of fishing, landing for the purpose of trade with the natives, and of making settlements, having been formally secured to Spain and to England by the treaty of 1790, the settlements made in pursuance of that right by either Power became absolute possessions of the Crown. Let us now ascertain from an unquestionable witness, Mr. Greenhow himself, the champion of the American claims, what the relative importance of these settlements is. He observes that the difficulty of the negotiation undertaken in 1826 had been materially increased since 1818--

"By the great inequality which had been produced in the relative positions of the two parties as regards actual occupation. After the union of the two great North American Companies in 1821, and the establishment of civil and criminal jurisdiction throughout their territories, the Hudson's Bay Company became a powerful body; its resources were no longer wasted in disputes with a rival association; its regulations were enforced; its operations were conducted with security and efficiency; and encouragement was afforded for the extension of its posts and communications by the assurance that the honour of the Government was thereby more strongly engaged in its support. Many of these posts were fortified, and could be defended by their inmates--men inured to dangers and hardships of all kinds--against any attacks which might be apprehended; and thus, in a few years, the whole region north and north-west of the United States, from Hudson's Bay and Canada to the Pacific, particularly the portion traversed by the Columbia and its branches, was occupied, in a military sense, by British forces, although there was not a single British soldier, strictly speaking, within its limits.

Such is the American account of the state of district in 1826, when Mr. Gallatin proposed as his ultimatum the cession by England of the territory up to the 49^th parallel. Nor is it now materially altered. Two or three thousand American emigrants have formed a village on one of the southern tributaries of the Columbia; but neither their means nor their objects extend to any command of territory beyond the valley of the Willamette. They have an undoubted right to form such settlements under the convention; but they owe the means of completing their journey across the vast and rugged wilderness to the liberality and hospitality of the agents of the Hudson's Bay Company. Captain Fremont, who conducted the United States exploring expedition beyond the Rocky Mountains in 1843, attests the fact. On arriving at Fort Nez Perce, a British post situated at the confluence of the River Wallawalla and the Columbia, he observes that at this point, which is just 2,000 miles overland from the western frontier of the state of Missouri, the emigrants who arrive by the South Pass and from the valley of the Mississippi may embark on the broad stream of the west. He himself and the heads of the emigrants there at the same time were hospitably entertained by Mr. Mackinsley, the commander of the post. At Fort Vancouver, Captain Fremont was received with the greatest courtesy by Dr. M'Laughlin, the executive officer of the Hudson's Bay Company in the territory west of the Rocky Mountains, and the expedition was furnished with all necessary supplies. He adds--

"I found many American emigrants at the fort; others had already crossed into their land of premise--the Wallahmette Valley. Others were daily arriving, and all of them had been furnished with shelter, so far as it could be afforded by the buildings connected with the establishment. Necessary clothing and provisions (the latter to be afterwards returned inkind from the produce of their labour) were also furnished. This friendly assistance was of very great value to the emigrants, whose families were otherwise exposed to much suffering in the winter rains; at the same time, they were in want of all the common necessaries of life. Those who had driven their stock down the Columbia had brought them safely in, and found for them a ready market, and were already proposing to return to the States in the spring for another supply."

We quote these facts, which are given on American official authority, because it is impossible to place the relative importance of the British and American settlements in the territory in stronger contrast. In fact, if the emigrants from the United States had not been liberally and humanely assisted and protected by the British agents, they would probably have perished miserably on that bleak shore, beyond the reach of all human aid. But what is the return the instigators of the American people propose to make for these offices of humanity? What effect has this information, officially presented to Congress, upon the deliberations of the Legislature? It only incites them to endeavour to expel their benefactors from the country, and to wrest from the Hudson's Bay Company those very forts which have sheltered their own emigrants from the hardships of the wilderness.

No appeals have been made to public opinion or to Parliament by the Hudson's Bay Company, probably because that body feels sufficiently strong in its own resources and in the resolution of the Government. But a stronger case for public interest and support we have never known. A great trading company enters upon the enjoyment of certain rights secured by a treaty between the Crowns of Spain and England, with the full sanction of royal charter and acts of Parliament; it occupies a vast uninhabited region, where settlement was all that was needed to assert and establish indefeasible rights of dominion; it exercises those rights with so little jealousy, that even the emigrants from the rival state are housed within its walls and supplied from its magazines. It has organized the sole system of regular communication and traffic that the present state of the northern parts of America admits of. All this has been going on actively for the last quarter of a century, and less actively ever since 1790; when suddenly, by the mere will and pleasure of a democratic community, whose nearest possessions are distant 2,000 miles of land travel, this company and the power it represents are summoned to evacuate, surrender, and renounce their forts, their posts, their settlements, the navigation of the rivers, the possession of the country, and to retire beyond the 54^th parallel of latitude. Such a cession of territory would at once paralyze the whole operations of the Company and the North-Western coast. Yet, such is the extraordinary perversion of public opinion in America on this subject, that we are expected to abandon a title, supported by effectual occupation, in favour of another title, which rests upon no superior legal claims, and is backed by no occupation whatever!

As soon as notice of the abrogation of the treaty of 1827 is given, we trust that no mere formalities will deter the British Government from informing the Cabinet of Washington and the world what are the definitive claims of this country and what are the concessions England is prepared to make. Nothing is gained by the secrecy of diplomacy in treating with the United States, because public opinion in that country is the last arbiter of the national policy and the Government has shown itself less disposed to peace than the more enlightened part of the community. Whatever be the proposals of the American Executive, we must trust to the fairness of our own views, to our ability to defend the ground on which we stand, and to the magnitude of the alternatives. But, as we observed more than two months ago, in an article which has been much discussed in the United States, we cannot acquiesce in the surrender of positive long-enjoyed benefits; and the navigation of the Columbia, the harbour of St. Juan de Fuca, and Vancouver's Island are included in those we undoubtedly and rightfully possess.
[CCB]

LT March 16, 1846. 5E.

AMERICA

Liverpool, Saturday, March 14.

The British and North American Royal mail steam-ship Cambria arrived here this morning from Boston and Halifax, with a portion only of the usual mails of the 1^st instant.

The advices received from Washington are important. The discussion in the Senate had not been resumed until the 24^th ultimo, when Mr. Dickenson addressed the house in favour of the notice and "the whole Oregon."

We subjoin the subsequent proceedings of Congress:--

Washington, Wednesday, Feb. 25.

There was an interesting debate in the Senate to-day on the Oregon question, and the character of the late intelligence from England.

After Mr. Dickenson had concluded his speech,

Mr. Dayton moved that the further discussion of the subject he postponed to Monday fortnight. He did not think that any good could come from a discussion at this time. The character of the late intelligence had impressed him as very amicable, and it was proper to meet it in the same spirit. We could not, in a better manner, meet that amicable disposition than by showing that we were in hot haste.

Mr. Allan said,--In regard to the pacific news of which we had heard so much men might well differ in opinion. He had seen nothing in the language of Ministers or in that of the press which afforded any evidence of a change in the designs of England. The British Cabinet were too sagacious to disclose their designs in advance; and, if we were to gather any thing from their declarations, it would be the very reverse of what they professed. But the British Government had had the President's message before them for two months, and they knew what measures were proposed by us. There was no propriety in our taking counsel from the movements of Great Britain; and if we now postponed the subject it would show that we lacked nerve and heart for the work we had undertaken. This subject had now become connected with another of greater importance--our political relations with other countries. He alluded to the project of a monarchial government, under European guarantee, for Mexico.

Mr. Dayton,--The senator from Ohio may be right. The sentiments of the British Ministers and press might not be a fair exponent of the designs of the British Government. If so, he wished that a little of the same discretion could be manifested here. He did not propose a postponement with a view to shrink from the question, but with a view to more deliberate action. The Senate was not now prepared to act, and the discussion had become stale.

Mr. Cass made some remarks with a view to justify his former inferences as to the position of the British Government on this question. Nothing in the Queen's speech or in Parliament showed any pacific intention towards the United States, but the reverse. He was astonished at the remark of the Government paper (the Union) that the news from Great Britain was pacific.

Mr. Berrien was disposed to support the motion, but he agreed that our right to give the notice was indisputable.

Mr. Dayton withdrew his motion to postpone.

Mr. Colquitt wished to submit an amendment which would express the sense of the Senate that the question was a proper one for negotiation and compromise.

Mr. Calhoun said, he hoped every senator would come tomorrow prepared to vote on the amendments.

The Senate went into consideration of executive business.

Thursday, Feb. 26, Half-Past 4 O'Clock

The following is the form of the notice proposed by Mr. Colquitt yesterday, and which, it is believed, meets the views of Mr. Calhoun, Mr. Crittenden, and others of both parties.

Upon the adoption of this resolution, it is surmised that Mr. Buchanan will retire from the Cabinet, and the negotiations will be renewed.

The following are the joint resolutions:--

"That notice be given, in terms of the treaty, for abrogating the convention made between Great Britain and the United States on the 20^th of October, 1818, and continued by the convention of 1827, immediately after the close of the present session of Congress, unless the President, in his discretion, shall consider it expedient to defer it to a latter period.

Sec. 2. And be it further resolved, that it is earnestly desired that the long standing controversy respecting limits in the Oregon territory be speedily settled by negotiation and compromise, in order to tranquilize the public mind, and to preserve the friendly relations between the two countries."

Mr. Webster, after alluding to the importance of an expression of opinion on this subject, by the Senate, in reference to the interests of the business community, which were suffering by the state of suspense, inquired whether the senator from Kentucky (Mr. Crittenden) had determined to accept the proposition of the senator from Georgia (Mr. Colquitt)?

Mr. Crittenden had determined, he said, to accept the point alone; and he would accept the latter with some qualification. Mr. Crittenden went on to say, that whatever might be the occasional popular effervescence in this country, or the fervour of debates here, he trusted that it would be found that the Senate would come to a wise and temperate conclusion on this subject. There was a great desire that action should take place to-day, in order that the result might be transmitted by the steamer, but he did not see its importance.

Mr. Webster did not differ a hair's breadth in opinion from the hon. Senator from Kentucky as to the propriety of the course that he proposed. He went on to say that the exercise of the treaty right to give the notice was in just cause of offence, but the circumstances attending it were to be considered. The house accompanied the naked notice with a proposition qualifying it. Some such proposition had been offered here. It seemed to be the sense of the Senate that some qualifications ought to be adopted. It was desirable that we should know the opinion of the executive Government as to the effect and use of this notice. The President did not expect war; but how did he propose to escape it? The question must be settled, and, if so, by negotiation. But what was to be the bias of the negotiation? What were to be the terms? All that we heard from the Government was, that they claimed the whole of Oregon or none. He could not understand the position of the Government. It would not treat for anything less than the whole of Oregon, but propose negotiation. Did they expect by negotiation to persuade Great Britain to give us the whole of Oregon? He wished success to the project. There seemed to be a gross inconsistency in the positions of the Government. If they did not intend to compromise, the result often predicted by the senator from Michigan must happen. Mr. Webster, in the course of his remarks, said that a majority of the Senate would vote for the two propositions of Mr. Colquitt.

Mr. Mangum here said,--Two-thirds will vote for it.

Mr. Breese, Mr. Hannesan, and Mr. Allen opposed the amendment of Mr. Colquitt; and Mr. Breese declared that he did not wish the President to negotiate further. Mr. Allen, in the course of the debate, asserted that the President's views and determination to assert our title to the whole territory up to 54 deg., 40 min., had undergone no change.

Mr. Calhoun said it as now evident, if not before, tat the point in controversy was whether this question should be settled by arms or by negotiation and compromise. It was the most important question that had ever come before the American people since the revolution. He dwelt on the importance of an early expression of the opinion of the Senate upon it.

Mr. Cass said the resolutions could not take any thing from the constitutional power of the President.

Mr. Breese moved to adjournment.

The Senate adjourned to Monday.

The New York Herald, of the 28^th ult., rumours that Mr. Pakenham had submitted a new proposition to the American Executive. We believe this rumour to be altogether unfounded.

It was stated that a large fleet would shortly be assembled in the Gulf of Mexico.

Our Canadian advices are unimportant. The recent diplomatic correspondence on the Oregon question had been received as rendering war almost inevitable. The new commercial scheme propounded by the Premier had caused considerable excitement and alarm; and the Board of Montreal had determined to memorialize the home Government to admit Canadian corn and flour duty free, without a certificate of origin, and with other advantages.

We learn from Mexico that the hostile movement of Arista had failed.
[CCB]

LT March 17, 1846, p5/b Oregon question

The statement of the Washington correspondence of the New York Herald, that Mr. Pakenham submitted his ultimatum to the consideration of the American Government on the evening of the 26^th of February, and that a Cabinet was immediately held to deliberate upon the definitive proposal, is, we have reason to believe, wholly without foundation. It is equally false that "Mr. Crampton brought out instructions to Mr. Pakenham to re-open negotiations by an offer of the 49^th parallel, the whole of Vancouver's Island, and the navigation of the Columbia for 20 years." These statements are, however, made by certain organs of public opinion in the United States with such an air of confidence, that we are not surprised that some of our contemporaries in this country should have been imposed upon by them, in spite of the manifest absurdity of the terms suggested. The correspondent of the New York Herald even affects to know what the nature of the British Minister's proposition was, although unwonted scruples deter him from revealing it. The fact is, that no such proposition could have been made at all, especially pending the debate on the resolutions which was then actually going on in the Senate of the United States. The last attempt made by Mr. Pakenham, in pursuance of the instructions he had received from home, to re-open the negotiation by a proposal of arbitration, was abruptly frustrated by the prompt and peremptory rejection of that expedient in Mr. Buchanan's dispatch of the 5^th of February, and by the immediate publication of that correspondence. On the following day but one the debate on the resolutions for terminating the convention by notice began in the House of Representatives. A similar debate soon afterwards commenced in the Senate, and was not finished when the last advices left Washington. It is clear from the position in which the question stood after the rejection of the last overture made by the British Minister, and also from the positive injunction to negotiate which is contained in the second of the resolutions under discussion in both Houses of Congress, that the American Cabinet should make the next step towards the adjustment of the controversy. If, however, Mr. Polk and his advisers should give the notice to terminate the existing convention, without accompanying that act by a fresh proposal calculated to promote an amicable settlement, we trust that there will be no hesitation on the part of the British Government in replying to that act by a precise intimation of what our definitive claims to the Oregon territory really are. It would have been premature and ill-timed for Mr. Pakenham to anticipate the "action of Congress (as they call it in the United States) by offering an ultimatum, or any other proposal, at that particular moment. But as soon as the decision of Congress, and the course which the President is prepared to take upon it, are officially know, we have no doubt that Mr. Pakenham will be furnished with instructions to enable him to meet the emergency with conciliation and with moderation, but without the slightest surrender of the dignity or the interests of this country. At present no such final instructions have been called for by the state of the question.

We have read with regret the language of the Washington Union, the avowed organ of Mr. Polk's Government, upon the receipt of the pacific intelligence which had just reached the United States from England. The construction which that journal puts upon the pacific tone of the British press and of some of the leading men in Parliament is, that "England has been made to feel, by the stand taken by the President on the Oregon question, and so far triumphantly sustained by Congress, that the Americans are in earnest;"--in short, that our pacific demeanor and temperate language have been directly caused by the conviction that the Americans are united and firm in their resolution to deprive us of our just rights in Oregon, and that Mr. Polk is now certain to reap the fruits of his successful bluster by obtaining an immediate and satisfactory settlement of the question. The American Government imputes to the policy of the message and the notice a change in the whole face of things. No more threats of war from England: after such a demonstration "the tone of England may we be pacific."

It is unnecessary to point out to any human being in this country, capable of reading these lines, the total delusion, the perverse misconstruction, and the fatal consequences contained in these expressions of the Washington Union. It is in the highest degree dangerous to the peace of the world that such statements as these should go forth with authority in a foreign country to convey the supposed feelings and intentions of the people of England. When we see the labours of the British statesmen traduced in this manner, we could almost regret that we have not employed a rougher language and coarser arguments in the discussion of this question, as better adapted to the comprehension of trans-Atlantic controversialists. Our reluctance to irritate and embitter public feeding on this question, either at home or abroad, is misinterpreted into a doubt of our own rights and a recognition of the superior rights of the other party. We are dispassionate, therefore we are about to yield; we are calm, that is a sing that the violent policy and language of Mr. Polk are on the eve of accomplishing a signal victory.

Whoever knows anything of Englishmen and England knows how false and mischievous these views of our national conduct are. Few instances have occurred in the history of nations of a people more completely and unanimously resolved than we are not to maintain the rights we have long possessed and enjoyed; yet England has not shown the slightest indication of a brutal passion for war, but, on the contrary, an earnest desire to avoid a conflict, in which we have nothing to fear and everything to inflict on our antagonist. This full confidence in the justice of a cause, which claims no more than half the object in dispute, and actually less than the territory now in our possession--this reliance on the conciliatory disposition and on the firm resolution of the Cabinet--this consciousness of possessing the most tremendous naval resources which ever hurled destruction on an enemy--have allowed the English people to remain calm, even to apparent indifference. But the American Government which builds its hopes of a speedy triumph on this foundation, deceives the people of the United States. No such indifference, no division of opinion, no hesitation as to the course it may be necessary to pursue, exist at all in England. We are told of the unanimity of the United States in the face of debates and divisions, even on the preliminary resolutions, which indicate an extreme diversity of opinions, and great doubt on all hands as to the result. In this country and in the British Parliament we are confident that the unanimity would be absolute. It is absolute both ways. Nobody is for war if it can be avoided by an equitable partition of the territory; nobody will hesitate to give the war the whole support of our national power and our individual might, if it be forced upon us by the presumption, the exorbitant demands, and the delusions of the opposite party.

Mr. Polk stands in a fearful predicament. He has endeavored to persuade the people of America that England will yield without much further difficulty to the demands he has reiterated in so peremptory a manner; and if he has failed in intimidating us, he has succeeded in deceiving them. Hence his own organs and his own declarations have made him powerless to negotiate. How can he negotiate, who assures the country that England is about to abandon to him the sum total of his demands? What concessions can he make to avoid war, when he asserts that is by refusing all concessions that England will be brought to yield? Such policy is of the most short-sighted and perilous kind; for in the position in which he now stands, the President of the United States must either make concessions, perfectly inconsistent with all his declarations, or he must run al the risk of plunging the country into a contest, which he has pretended to avoid, but which he alone may render inevitable.
[CCB]

LT March 18, 1846, p4/d Oregon Question

The language of Lord Clarendon and Lord Aberdeen, in the short discussion which took place last night in the House of Lords, on a motion for the correspondence relating to the last Oregon negotiation, reflects hounour on the temper, judgment, and good feeling of those eminent persons. That every exertion consistent with the national honour will be made to preserve the peace, was the gracious declaration made by Her Majesty from the throne, and no one in this country has entertained the least doubt that it will be strictly adhered to. That assurance scarcely needed to be emphatically repeated, for no distrust has ever been expressed upon the subject. But we have now abundant evidence from the United States that the moderation of this sentence in the speech from the throne, and of the brief remarks made on the subject on the first night of the session , have been grossly misconstrued by the party in power in America. Their demands and their expectations have risen, because we scarcely condescended to give an answer to them, or to put in a counter plea. Incredulous of their extravagant passion for this territory of Oregon, convinced of our own right, and unable to believe in a propensity to war, we have been supposed to act as if we intended to surrender the question or to shun the contest. This excessive moderation of language has deceived the Americans more effectually than if we had employed all the arts of diplomacy. Of the members of Senate who will vote for the abrogation of the convention, a large proportion are convince that England will not only now accept the terms she rejected before, but that she will accept terms even less favourable, and they have taken up their position in consequence.

They are grossly and dangerously mistaken, Whatever reserve may be imposed upon peers of Parliament by courtesy or by official prudence, we are confident that not one of the English statesmen who spoke last night upon this subject, contemplates the abandonment of a territory in which our rights are equal to those of any Power. The time and the place might not be fitted to a more precise and emphatic declaration of the views and intentions of England, but it would be absured to suppose that they are a whit below the level which the interests and the dignity of the country prescribe. It would be foolish to overstate our just pretensions, but it is dangerous and unwise to allow them to be thought less than they are. We have offered to submit them to any fair arbitration; we are ready to assent to terms of equitable partition, on a principle of equality. But arbitration has been rejected, and partition itself is scarcely compatible with the claims advanced on the other side, since they are absolute and paramount. Nothing in fact remains for us to concede, since a divided right is all we are contending for, and the very principle of division is not yet admitted by the American Government.

The declaration which it now becomes us emphatically to repeat is, what we have "rights in the Oregon territory which we are resolved and prepared to maintain." That expression of Sir R. Peel and Lord Aberdeen was certainly to intemperate and ill-considered; and we have no doubt that subsequent events have not in the slightest degree diminished their resolution to adhere to it, and to all that it was understood to imply. We see nothing in the present posture of affairs which calls for, or can justify, a more subdued language on the part of the English Government; and we are persuaded that the false construction which has been put upon the very guarded declarations of the English Ministers is one of the circumstances most calculated to mislead public opinion in the United States, and possibly to enhance the unwarrantable presumption of the American Government.
[CCB]

LT March 19, 1846, p4/f US, preparations for war in

Preparations for War--The American Government must be in earnest about the Oregon question, for we have just heard that General Tom Thumb has received an order to return immediately to his country to take the command of the Yankee army. -Pench
[CCB]

LT April 3, 1846, p7/a Mexican bonds

Money Market and City Intelligence

The English funds were without particular variation to-day, the amount of business transacted being exceedingly small. The last quotation for Consuls was 96^1/4 to 3/8 both for money and the account. Exchequer-bills closed 26s. to 29s. pm., and India Bonds, 25s. to 20s. pm.

The foreign securities continue much the same as yesterday. Mexican supports the advance then attained both as respects the Active and the Deferred stock. The latest bargain in the one description was at 32 3/8, and in the other at 17. Chilian was done at 96 ex div.; Colombian, at 16; Peruvian, at 36; Portuguese; at 57; Spanish Five per Cents., for the account, at 25 1/2 ; Venezuela, at 43^1/4 ex div.; the Deferred, at 13; Dutch Two-and-a-Half per Cents., at 59 1/8; and the Four per Cents., Certificates, at 92 1/8 ex div.

The Government broker's purchases to-day consisted of 21,000l. Consuls for the National Debt Commissioners, and 5,000l . for the savings-banks.

The rumours current yesterday respecting the transfer of the money from the former Mexican agents to their successors prove to have been not without foundation, though much which has been confidently stated on the subject turns out to be incorrect. We have the best authority for asserting that the following is the definite settlement of the point in dispute between Messrs. Lizardi and the bondholders:--Messrs. Lizardi admit the total sum due from them to the bondholders to be 65,651l . 7s. 9d., and give bills for the amount payable in 3, 6, 9, 12, 15, and 18 months, with interest at the rate of 4 per cent from the 10^th inst. At each of the first two periods one-tenth of the sum is to be paid, and at each of the four others one-fifth. The bills are already accepted, and placed in the hands of Messrs. Schneider, the present agents.

A case has recently occurred at Liverpool which has created much interest in the commercial circles of that place. It appears a person engaged in manufactures having failed, called a meeting of his creditors, when a committee of inquiry was instituted, and a compromise of 12s. 6d. in the pound was offered. This was accepted by all the creditors excepting one, who had bought a returned acceptance of the insolvent's at the rat of about 11s. in the pound. This one creditor, it should be observed, is in the same line of business as the insolvent, and he purchased the bill from one of the parties who formed the committee of inspection. He now serves a notice of bankruptcy for the full value of the bill, and the fact (say our letter) is not concealed that "the object of the bankruptcy is solely to break up the materials of the establishment, and thus stay competition." The result is, that a large number of creditors lose the present advantage which a compromise would afford, and will have ultimately to sustain a certain loss (as no one expects 10s. in the pound under the bankruptcy), because one creditor, for some private object, refuses to take 12s. 6d. in the pound for a bill for which he gave 11s.
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LT April 6, 1846, p6/b Addresses from English cities to American citizens to advocate peace

The Boston Address.

"Esteemed Citizens of Boston, in New England.--We, the inhabitants of Boston, in Old England, assembled at a public meeting convened by our Mayor, in the Town-hall, January 26, 1846, beg leave respectfully to present you this friendly address on the subject of international peace.

Two centuries ago, the inhabitants of your city, because they had received from this place the persecuted but truly venerable minister of the gospel, Mr. John Cotton, honoured our town b changing the name of their own, and adopting that of Boston. We trust that the respect then showed will always continue to be deserved; and that friendship, along with commercial intercourse, will for all generations be perpetuated, never to be interrupted by national jealousies, or by the horrors and crimes of war.

We believe war to be an evil--a pure evil, unattended by any good in its motives, actions, or results--an evil so tremendous that no earthly consideration can justify it.

We are convinced that war is destructive to all the interests of humanity, to happiness and liberty, to commerce and wealth, to science, arts, and civilization, to learning and intelligence, to philanthropy and religion.

We regard war as unreasonable; for even should it prove which party had the most strength, it would never show on which side was the most right: and we doubt no that any good which may in some cases be supposed to have resulted from fighting, could have been secured in a greater degree, more rapidly, more effectually, more widely, more permanently, and far more cheaply, by negotiation.

We observe that any Government designing an attack on the rights, liberty, happiness, and commercial prosperity of any other nation, in all cases commence by assailing the rights, liberty, property, happiness, and commerce of their own people.

We consider war to be condemned alike by the voice of conscience and experience, by natural and revealed religion; and to be unworthy of the nature of man, and contrary to the will of God. We therefore protest against our being called out to fight either against you or any other portion of the one family of man. We hope to see the day when it will be proved that war is as needless as it is pernicious; that it may be avoided; that the friends of reason and religion are able to awaken such a public sentiment on the subject, as will render it impossible for the selfish and the ambitious to turn the hand of man against his brother.

Citizens of Boston! permit us to exhort you to cherish and to spread these pacific principles; till all nations shall repose amid all the blessings of a universal and perpetual peace."

"On behalf of the Meeting, J. NOBLE, Chairman, a Member of the Town Council of Boston, Lincolnshire, England.

B. FARRINGTON (Baptist Minister), Secretary."

The Huddersfield Address

"From the Manufacturers, Merchants, and other Inhabitants of Huddersfield and its Neighborhood, To the Citizens of the United States of North America. Friends and Fellow Christians,--Permit us to take this mode of communicating with you in a spirit of friendship and brotherhood on a subject which is at present agitating the public mind, both in this country and in yours--a subject of immeasurable importance in every point of view, to our mutual interests.

We have observed with regret in many of the public papers, on both sides of the Atlantic, the manifestation of a warlike spirit, in reference to the disputed boundaries in the Oregon territory. As it is not our business, so we have no inclination to enter upon the merits of the respective claims of the two nations: our object is to induce you to unite your efforts with ours to avert the threatened calamity.

That war under any circumstances, and especially a war between two countries bound together by innumerable ties, as are England and the United States, would be a terrible calamity, is a self-evident proposition, whether as regards the severance of the nearest domestic bonds, the disturbance of our ever-growing commercial and political relations, or the disgrace of our common Christianity.

And shall it be, that two nations so far advance in civilization and refinement must, in the middle of the 19^th century, adopt the brutish maxim of the most barbarous ages and countries, that 'might is right?'

Shall it be that two professedly Christian countries, both engaged in instructing and evangelizing the heathen, must set such an example to the Pagan world? Forbid it, humanity! Forbid it, justice! Forbid it, Christianity!

When private individuals adopt such a mode of settling their differences, and loss of life ensues, so great a crime is visited with the extreme penalty of the law. Happily, this manner of acting in private life is now chiefly confined to the most illiterate and depraved portion of the community; and why should we, in a national capacity, adhere to a barbarous practice, condemned by our own laws, in the relations of social life? If two intelligent and reasonable tradesmen differ, they settle the matter by arbitration; and why should not all international disputes be settled by arbitration also? It is not only more sensible, more humane, and more Christian, but far more likely than a resort to arms to terminate the disagreement to mutual satisfaction, and certainly with incomparably less expense to the exchequers of both countries.

We therefore appeal to you, the intelligent merchants and citizens, in all parts of the Union, to exert to the utmost your powerful influence with the public, and with the Federal Government, to prevent the occurrence of a war in which it would be the extreme of folly and wickedness to engage, whilst we are endeavoring to exercise a similar influence in this country. We feel confident that were the moral power thus possessed but exercised to its full and legitimate extent on both sides of the Atlantic, it would not fail to effect the object we have in view--the preservation of peace and prosperity, both in your country and our own.

Ardently desiring this happy result, we remain, &c. 16^th of January, 1846. [This Address has been received the signatures of most of the leading firms in Huddersfield.]

The Plymouth Address

"Friendly Appeal from the Inhabitants of Plymouth, Great Britain, to the Citizens of the United States of America, for the purpose of averting War between the two Countries.

To the Legislators and Citizens of the United States of America.

Friends and Brethren,--We are deeply concerned to perceive that there are any indications, how remote soever, of threatened hostility between your country and our own. Towards your nation we entertain, in common with the vast majority of our fellow-subjects, feelings of sincere good-will. As the friends of peace throughout the world, we desire that all those who delight in war may be scattered; but with you, to whom we are allied by community of national origin, by identity of language, by similarity in many of our laws and institutions, we earnestly and especially deprecate hostility. Moreover, by War our commercial intercourse would be seriously impeded, the progress of civilization and of science be obstructed, immense pecuniary loss be incurred, domestic ties be broken, humanity be outraged, life to a fearful extent be sacrificed, and dire offence committed against the laws of our beneficiate Creator. By war we must both lose much; and what could the victor gain that would be worth one-thousandth part of the cost of the conflict?

Again, whatever be the value of the Oregon territory, it would be a poor compensation to the owner for the blood and treasure which would be spent in acquiring it; and then, and treasure which would be spent in acquiring it; and then, too, the dispute respecting it may be easily be settled by arbitration, if other and simpler means to be ineffectual.

Let us, we entreat you, agree to exert all our influence, personal and political, on each side of the Atlantic, to frustrate the devices of those ambitious and reckless spirits, in either country, who, by precipitating us into conflict, would render us the scorn of the world; while the energies and influence of two great nations, which ought to be combined for the benefit of the entire human race, would be foolishly and wickedly employed in inflicting mutual and widely-spread injury and destruction.

Allow us, then, to hope that your cordial response to this appeal may strengthen the bonds of amity between us, and promote the interests of universal peace.

Dated Jan. 27, 1846."

[Signed by several hundreds of the inhabitants of Plymouth, headed by the mayor, and six borough and country magistrates, and two clergymen of the Establishment.]

To work upon the feelings of brotherhood between the inhabitants of the two countries, it will be observed, that when it is possible, a town in Great Britain addresses a town of the same name in America.

To the documents which have been collected in this country, in the form of a little pamphlet, we are enabled to add another--namely, an address from New York, a copy of which is inserted in the New York Journal of Commerce :--

"To the friends of peace throughout the British realm, and especially those in Manchester, Boston, Huddersfield, Plymouth, and other places, who have issued 'Friendly Addresses' to the people of the United States.

The undersigned merchants and other inhabitants of the city of New York, earnestly desiring the preservation of peace between the two countries, and the more encouraged to expect it when they find the hearts of so many in the father-land beating in unison with their own. No triumphs of brute force over moral right ever did or can command our admiration as do these peaceful overtures, coming from a nation so powerful as England, and so well prepared for a conflict of arms, and none, we are sure were ever so approved by the Prince of Peace. The effect of these 'Friendly Addresses' upon the public mind in this country will be eminently favourable, and will do much to promote that hearty good-will which ought ever to prevail between nations bound together by so many sacred ties. Go on, then, respected friends, in your labour of love and mercy. Tell your people that our noisiest men are not the best exponents of the national sentiment towards Great Britain, or in regard to war. Tell them that in the nation at large there is a vast aggregate of moral worth, which, when called into action, as it is beginning to be, by the threatened calamities of a causeless and unnecessary war, will assuredly-repress ambition, or turn it into a more peaceful channel. Tell them that this effect is already visible to a most gratifying extent, not only I your maritime cities, but throughout the land; and that it has been aided by the realization of the restrictive features of your commercial policy.

"A war of concession, compromise, mutual forbearance and good fellowship, resulting, as they necessarily must, in increasing trade, intellectual advancement, and progress in everything truly great and good, is the only war which we wish to see waged between the two nations.

As to Oregon, although from comparative proximity we naturally desire our proper share of that extensive territory, yet we will gladly concur (and we believe such is the general voice of the nation) in any fair measures of compromise, or reference, which the two Governments may see fit to adopt, for the peaceable adjustment of the question. It is clearly one which ought not, under any circumstances, to breed a war between the two countries; and we hold that without the most deplorable obstinacy and the blackest guilt on the part of one or both of the claimants, such an issue is impossible. As a matter of profit it would be infinitely better that the 'whole of Oregon should be sunk to the bottom of the ocean, than that two such nations as Great Britain and the United States should go to war about it, to the disgrace of civilization, Christianity, and rational freedom.

With a firm belief in the pacific disposition of both Governments, and that they will yet be enabled to settle the controversy in a manner at once just and honourable to all concerned, we look forward with hope to the future, and in the mean time beg leave to subscribe ourselves your friends and well-wishers."
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LT April 10, 1846, p5/b Oregon question

The United States
Liverpool, Thursday, April 9.

Important accounts from New York to the 9^th ult. inclusive, and from Washington to the 7^th ult., have been received this morning by the packet-ship Independence.

On the 4^th and 5^th ult., as will be seen from the summary annexed, the Senate had been addressed by Mr. Heywood on the Oregon question, attacking those of his own party who held up the President as pledged to the whole Oregon, and intimating the desire of the President to compromise the question on the basis of the offer previously made by him to Great Britain. The speech created great excitement, and spread consternation amongst the extreme war party. We extract the following comments from the American journals.

"Mr. Heywood," says a Washington correspondent of the New York Journal of Commerce ,

"Is supposed to be an intimate friend of the President, and the end of his speech was to prove that the President stood on 49, that he held the door open for negotiation, and that he recommended Congress to give notice for the termination of the convention, with the view and expectation of bringing the controversy to a peaceful close. He insisted that the country was committed by 40 years' negotiation to agree to the parallel of 49 degrees as the boundary; that the President felt bound to act in obedience to the opinion of the country, though in his private opinion convinced that our title was clear to 54 40, and that by what he had done, and he had omitted to do, it was evident he was desirous of adjusting the controversy on the principles of compromise and peace. He had such confidence in the President, that he would vote for giving the notice without conditions. But if it should be found (of which he had no fear) that it was sought by the President as a weapon of war, and not as a means and instrument of peace, he would oppose his Administration. While then, I presume, the notice will be given by a large majority of the Senate, it will be upon conditions expressed or implied that negotiations proceed, and that should Great Britain offer to compromise on the parallel of 49, it be accepted. Such is the present aspect of the case. But these indications, auspicious to the peaceful settlement of the Oregon controversy, may, be hidden, subtle, and at present imagined causes, be darkened and disturbed. So many elements, interests, and passions are involved in the case, that to calculate their results is hardly less difficult than to determine the future motions of the waves of the sea. The great controlling power, under Providence, is public opinion, and this itself cannot with certainly be predicted. The speech of to-day is a sign, at least, of peace."

The Washington Union remarks:--

"May we be permitted to say that we did not ourselves understand Mr. Heywood as intending to speak authoritatively in the name of the President, except from the printed documents. We say, with all respect, that no man, out of his Cabinet, is authorized to speak cathedra for him on this delicate and important question. He has expressed his opinion in his own message, or through the letters of the Secretary of State. We presume, that no one has a right to speak for him but from the documents which he has submitted to his country. His future course must be judged by his past conduct. Mr. Allen was himself interrogated the other day upon this question by the senator from Maryland, and Mr. Alllen referred to the President's documents for his answer. We can entertain no doubt that such was the meaning of the senator from North Carolina; and nothing but the extraordinary character of the passing scene probably prevented him from making a similarly prompt explanation. But the scene is over, and we have no doubt any little irritation, and all hasty remarks, have passed with it. The generous spirit of the senators will prevent their repetition. They are all the friends of the President. No evanescent remarks will swerve him from his course, nor disturb that self-balanced equanimity of spirit which graces the chief magistrate, who is determined to do his duty amid all the difficulties that beset his path, whether they proceed from political enemies or his friends at home, or from the Cabinets of foreign nations. Let us add that our true policy seems to us to be written in sunbeams. Decision of action and promptitude in carrying out the measures that the message recommends--the notice, the means necessary to protect our emigrants to Oregon, military preparations to meet any contingency, and the utmost harmony in our party, and unanimity in our public counsels. Are not these better (we frankly and respectfully inquire) than any speculations as to the precise terms on which we may settle the question--terms which should not now be communicated to foreign nations, or any remarks or hypothetical opinions which may be unauthortatively attributed to the President. Upon on e other topic we must venture one more remark. The question of the next presidency came into the debate. Were we to point out the most direct way of breaking down any man, it would be to start him now, or soon, on the presidential track. Those who try it all this early day would be sure to be defeated; for it would be an evidence of an ambitious and selfish spirit, which would be sufficient to forfeit the confidence of a great, enlightened, and free people. What is the this noble country, the like of which sun never shone upon, to be converted into a mere plaything of any man's ambition? Is this great people to be moved backwards and forwards like the pawns upon the chess-board, at the foolish and mischievous bidding of any reckless aspirant? This country belongs to the people. It is their Government--their offices to give, and theirs to take away. And it is a duty they owe to themselves, to tell all men to wait their will, and bide their time. When they want a man to serve them, they will call upon him, and not before."

"The debate in the Senate," says the Journal Commerce, on the 9^th ult.,

"Has taken a turn which must awaken through the land an interest like that which it excited in Washington. The speech of Mr. Heywood, exhibiting the subject in its present position, touching its main points with great force, and claiming distinctly and repeatedly that the President is pledged to accept the offer, should it be made, of a settlement on the basis of the 49^th parallel, might well be expected to create the sensation it did among the war members of the Senate. The interlocutory altercation respecting the President's position and pledges made some startling expositions. It would seem, from their own statements, that such men as Messrs. Allen and Hannegan still insist on 'every inch of Oregon' at al hazards, and would fain commit the President to that extreme demand, with the full expectation of its leading sooner or later to war. They go, 'neck or nought,' for the whole of Oregon; talk of the President as turning traitor (to whom or what? To his country or only to the clique of a party?) if he should compromise upon the 49^th, and in hot passion declare, 'he would be sunk in an infamy so profound, a damnation so deep, that the hand of resurrection could never draw him forth.' It is, however, an ill wind that blows no good; and even from this hurricane of disappointed wrath we gather new hope of peace. The bear, driven to the wall, growls and gnashes his teeth in sheer vexation at his own impotence; and the war spirits of the Senate, the sticklers for a claim so extravagant as to be discarded by all fair minds, betray by their extreme sensitiveness to the statements of Mr. Heywood, how fearful they are of being abandoned by the President to the recoil of their own suicidal folly. They must, if their ears are open, hear every day echoes from the people calling for peace, on such terms of fair and honourable negotiation or compromise as are still within the reach of either party to the pending dispute. Even their own West will not sustain them in the mad policy of plunging 50 millions of people into war about such a bone of contention; and, left in so small a minority of the Senate and the country, we wonder not that they should writhe under the speech of Mr. Haywood, and threaten to empty the vials of their wrath upon the President if he does not lend himself to the execution of their favourite, but fatal plans. To us it seems quite clear that these men are really bent on war. No other supposition can account for their course; because they must know that England will never yield to the exorbitant claim which they make. On looking again over the ma of Oregon, drawn by the late exploring expedition, we have just counted nearly a dozen English forts in the country north of 49, and about half as many in the regions drained by the Columbia river. If we take the number of places thus occupied as the basis of comparison, we shall find the British claim, on the score of actual possession, much better than ours; and it would seem from this very map of our own, that a compromise on the 49^th parallel would oblige England to yield far more than we should, and give us decidedly the best bargain. Indeed, we should give up nothing that is now in our possession, while she would relinquish a considerable number of places which she has occupied for a long time. No man, looking at this map, and seeing how extensively England has dotted it over with her forts, can for a moment suppose she will ever yield the whole territory to a claimant occupying not a quarter so many places as she does, and none at all between 49 and 54 40, of which tract she has had actual possession for some 40 years. We wonder at the strange demands of these men; and we feel a thrill of honest pride as co patriots, when we hear Mr. Heywood boldly avowing, in the name of our Government and our country, that 'we would not demand the whole of Oregon, even if we could obtain it without a war.' That was a noble anewal; the world will admire it; all fair-minded men through the land will cordially respond to it; and, if such a spirit were carried into renewed negotiations, we should confidently anticipate a speedy adjustment, to the substantial satisfaction of both parties. We think it clear that the question of peace or war now rests with ourselves. England has evinced a spirit decidedly pacific; but our rulers and people must take care not to calculate too much on her continued forbearance. The war passion once roused there in earnest would render a collision inevitable; and, should popular sentiment here second the demand of the war-men in our Senate for all Oregon at all hazards, then war must come. Here is the alternative; and it is time for the nation to look it full in the face; and, as they wish for peace, to rebuke the spirit and policy which would provoke war."

The secret position of the Oregon question still continued to excite many and varied rumours. The official organ at Washington remarks upon them, declaring that the Cabinet at that city had decided to submit a proposition to Great Britain for the settlement of the question upon the basis of the 49^th parallel:--

"We have no doubt that these are all visions of the imagination. No ultimatum has been sent-no offer has been made--none will probably be made, because we humbly conceive it becomes the duty of the British Government to offer one in its turn. The theatre of any negotiation has no been shifted to London. And yet the President has not abated in the slightest degree the desire which has been twice expressed by his Secretary of State, to adjust the whole question in a harmonious and peaceful manner. Certainly these rumours are not calculated to advance their object, because they deceive the people of both countries as to the views and designs of the American Government. They only tend to prevent the adoption of the measures which may consummate this desirable object."

The Journal of Commerce of the 9^th ult. contains the following interesting statement:--

"The expectations which have been formed in New York, and I may say here too, of a speedy renewal of the Oregon correspondence are too sanguine. It is true that, on Wednesday morning, the 25^th ult., Mr. Calhoun and Mr. Colquitt had an interview of two hours on this subject with the President; and all the rumours of another offer to Great Britain--of the transfer of the negotiation to London--of a renewal of the negotiation to London--of a renewal of the negotiation by Mr. Pakenham, &c., have grown out of that circumstance. It appears that the interview spoken of had some reference to Mr. Colquitt's proposition, which was that day offered, and the next day discussed. But you will see from Thursday's discussion, that Mr. Calhoun was very far from entertaining the belief that the question very near to an adjustment; and, indeed, he exhibited in his manner, as well as in his remarks, more than usual anxiety on this subject. He was exceedingly anxious Mr. Colquitt's proposition should be adopted at once, and sent out to England by the Cambria, as a sort of invitation to an overture from the British Government. He said that he was convinced that the British Government would make no further offer until the action of Congress was known. If Mr. Calhoun had been apprised that this Government will make an overture. He thinks the British Government may, when the senate have shown an 'earnest desire that the question be settled by compromise and negotiation;' and he justly infers that the President will be influenced also to accept an overture for a compromise, by so strong a majority as to show that he will be sustained by the Senate in any treaty that he may make. Nothing can be more manifest than that the initiation of the renewed negotiation belongs to the British Government. The most that Mr. Polk will do, in my opinion, is possibly to intimate, through Mr. M'Lane, that the United States Government expect another overture, inasmuch as theirs was not received not entertained by the British Minister. Unless the British Government choose to make some overture similar to that which their Minister refused to communicate to his Government, then the two Governments are much farther off from an adjustment of the question than they have ever been--as far off as they could be, even in case of the refusal of Mr. Polk to negotiate any further."

Relations with Mexico excited little attention, and remained apparently unchanged.

The domestic affairs of the Union are unworthy of note.

Money was easy, and stocks buoyant. Bills were steady at 108^1/2 to 9 premium, though with low sales since the departure of the steamer.

Twenty-Ninth Congress. Senate, March 4.

The Oregon Question.

On the motion of Mr. Servier, the Senate resumed the special order of the day, being the resolutions from the Committee on Foreign Relations, and the various amendments proposed in reference to the abrogation of the convention with Great Britain establishing the joint occupation of the Oregon territory.

Mr. Heywood took the floor, and if the Senate were startled at the bold and fearless positions he assumed, they were not less interested and attracted for upwards of two hours by the singularly fearless and unshaken spirit which characterized the senator's argument. Mr. Heywood, in the outset, said he should discuss the subject in the love of man and in the fear of God. He denounced that spirit which had sought to take the subject of our foreign relations from the authority of the Executive department--that spirit of faction which would break down great men and great measures for the elevation of very little men into great offices. He justified the patriotic motives of the President in the policy he had pursued. He disapproved of the reproduction in this debate of a certain old speech of Colonel Benton, which had been abridged, but not improved. He bore down heavily against the practice, which had become so notorious, of decrying and carping against the Treaty of Washington, for the settlement of the north-east boundary, and wondered why some one of the 39 senators voting for that treaty had not refuted the factious clamours by which they had been assailed. He did not (to use a familiar term) like this singing of old psalms over dead horses; that in this treaty we had been overreached, and cheated, and the country dishonoured. No, the President, in adopting that treaty resolved all hazards of this sort into the sense of moderation, and prudence, and national justice, that forms the higher character of this Senate. Mr. Heywood denounced the clamorous spirit of discord which had characterized the discussions in Congress upon this subject--which would urge the President to issue his mandate of defiance against all the nations of the earth. The great and patriotic question which now presented itself was, what shall we do for the country, and what is our position? On the 12^th of August, 1845, the President stood on the line of 49 degrees; he offered it; it was refused. The British Government had offered arbitration, and that had been refused by the Executive; and if this were with a view of shutting off all compromise, the Executive; and if this were with a view of shutting off all compromise, the Executive had, indeed, incurred a fearful responsibility. But the line of 49 was not now inadmissible. Mr. Heywood challenged any senator to show that 54 40 was mentioned in the President's Message. No, Sir, if the line of 49 is proposed to him, he is bound to accept it; a different policy would provoke certain differences, a national dishonour and irremediable war. The door of negotiations was still open. Mr. Heywood had said so at the opening of the session; he said so now. He was prepared for a compromise at 49 without disputing about inches. He was prepared, then, to go for the notice, with a view to the facilitating a pacific adjustment. He wanted no finesses in this matter; he believed there would be none; that there was none on the part of the Administration. Our title, however "clear and unquestionable," was not unquestioned. It had been in dispute for 40 years. 40 years ago, we had offered that line as the boundary westward, as it was eastward to the Rocky Mountains. The convention of 1818 had been approved by a vote of 38 to 1, and yet, in the opinion of gentlemen, all but the one man were traitors to their country. This was the necessary conclusion from their opinions of the treaty. The convention with Russia was held with an especial design to negotiate Great Britain to the concession of the 49^th degree; and in the very treaty with Russia settling the northern boundary of the territory at 54 40, which under the Spanish claims should have been at the 61^st degree, our ancestors had sanctioned a dismemberment of the union; we had been bullied, so to speak, by Russia, out of our national rights. And yet that treaty passed by a vote of 41 to 1. (Voices--"Who was he? Who was that one, pray?") Mr. De. Wolf. (A laugh.) He was from Rhode Island, and was therefore, perhaps, infavour of large states. In 1826 our Minister at London renewed the efforts of our Government for a settlement upon the line of 49--he almost implored that settlement. Had he threatened, he might, for all we know, have had better success. The treaty of 1818 was adopted by the Senate by a full, a very full two-thirds, notwithstanding the opposition and the prophecies of the Senator from Missouri (Colonel Benton), and under that convention we have been living ever since. When was the discovery made that all these proceedings, so often renewed by our predecessors, involved a surrender of national soil, of the national honour, and the rights of the people? Where was the warning voice against Mr. Jefferson, Mr. Monroe, and Mr. Adams? Are all these lofty precedents to be overruled by the dictation of the Baltimore Convention? And are we to assume that the Government is now released from its policy and concessions of 40 years? The President was right in his offer of 49. He felt that his official character was of greater moment than the declarations of James K. Polk. The President and James K. Polk were two different personages. And if the President was right in offering the line of 49, he was right in holding himself in readiness to meet that offer. The President was not released by the pitiful appeal to the Baltimore Convention. Mr. Heywood took occasion to say, that "if the Administration, as assumed, after all that has transpired to a contrary conclusion, be inexorably fixed it 54 40, the, God knows, I'll turn away from it." Mr. Heywood then said, in opposition to the Radicals, that if truth was logic--if there was faith in public servants, and meaning in the English language, he should demonstrate that the administration was open to all compromise on the Oregon question. If there was an Englishman here, if you were an Englishman (looking to a senator), and it was proposed to kick you out of a territory (north of 49), which you had occupied exclusively for 40 years--would you not fight, Sir? It was useless to talk about it. President Tyler had negotiated for the line of 49, and there had been no complaint. Mr. Heywood continued by an examination of the President's message, his acts of omission and commission, in the prosecution of his argument. One of the omissions of the President was a failure to recommend preparations for war. The estimates were even less than usual. And yet while Mr. Heywood knew that a treaty of compromise would meet the concurrence of the Senate by a vote of two-thirds or three-fourths, there were gentlemen who would make an after-use of their clamours, by saying "if my advice had been followed, there would have been no surrender of a foot south of 53 40." In a most scathing strain of criticism upon the position of the advocates of the northern extreme of 54 40, Mr. Heywood came down to the remark of Mr. Allen in his last speech, that in the formal occupation of the whole territory we had nothing to fear--that upon the Oregon question, single-handed, England dare not fight.

Mr. Allen explained his remark. England would not dare to go to war upon the Oregon question alone; but that, if she did go to war, there would be other state questions embraced in the issue.

Mr. Heywood replied, that as Chairman on Foreign Relations, the hon. Senator might have information in his possession not accessible to the Senate, in reference to those other causes of war. He had understood the senator to say, however, that England dare not go to war about Oregon, and Oregon was the question now under discussion.

Mr. Allen desired the senator should report truly what he had said.

Mr. Heywood said he was very much in the habit of doing so. He was not, however, in the habit of carrying printed speeches about him, and he believed the senator had not reported his yet. They were told by the papers, too, not to rely on what had been reported as the senator's speech, so that they were left at a loss what to do.

Some further remarks, of no particular moment, passed between Mr. Heywood and the Chairman on Foreign Relations, and the former was again about resuming the thread of his argument, when, upon suggestion, he suspended till to-morrow, and the Senate adjourned.

March 5.

The adjourned debate was resumed by Mr. Heywood. He said, at the close of his remarks yesterday, that in the acts of omission and commission, which were charged on part of the President of the United States, it was manifest that his object was pacific, and not such as one (looking at Mr. Allen) would have the Senate believe. The President had not closed the doors of negotiation, nor had he an intention to trap us into war. He would ask, what was there in the President's message to justify the conclusions drawn by some senators, to justify these opinions in relation to war? Mr. Heywood here cited that portion of the President's message, commencing at page 10, having reference to the question of Oregon, and then went on to say that the President had not closed the doors of the Executive department against negotiation, which was abundantly evident from the tenor of his remarks in the message. These very passages in the message were yet the passages which a certain senator held up as tending to close all negotiation. In addition to this the President expressed a "hope" in his message, that "some further proposals" shall be made to settle this question. What other proposal that was, or whether it was or was not offered, was another question. He (Mr. Heywood) was defending the President and the Administration against the inference drawn by certain senators which gave so warlike a character to his message. The message spoke of the "wholly inadmissible demands of the British Government;" but nothing could be inferred to show that negotiation had closed. The President had marched up to 49; but as regards 59 40, the ground was yet open. If there was any senator in the Chamber who would stand up and say that he believed the President was abusing the trust reposed to him, by the introduction of this notice, he should wish to see him. The President was, by withdrawing his proposition as to the 49^th parallel, did not close the doors of negotiation. He (Mr. Haywood) would give way this moment, to shut the doors, and dispose of the question; but there was a difference between making a speech, and giving a vote. (Laughter). Some members could make a speech one way, and voted another. (Laughter). When asked how he thought upon the subject he had discussed, he could, if he chose, say to one party. "Look at my vote," and to another, "Look at my speech." (Renewed shouts of laughter.) It reminded him of an advice which a member had received, "never to vote with the majority;" for, if he did, and the law happened to be a bad one, the people would condemn him--if a good one, they would then give him credit for great sagacity. (Loud laughter.) His (Mr. Heywood's) first appearance in public life was in compliance with a call from his political friends to attend a meeting for the purpose of adopting measures to alter the constitution. He attended, but gave them an intimidation that they were wrong. At a subsequent period they met, and there were 100 in favour of the change, and 1,200 against it. Since that time he had acted pretty much for himself. Mr.Heywood next adverted to the Baltimore Convention, where, in fact, two conventions were held.

Mr. Johnson.--Three, if you please.

Mr. Heywood--Yes, the "Tyler Convention" was the third. (Loud laughter.) As to the charge of "Punic faith" against the south, which it was stated had been bound by the Baltimore Convention, he repudiated that charge. He should be glad to know if the President himself knew the terms of the Baltimore convention when he accepted the nomination? He had not known the terms, for he had only time to respond to the nomination. He was merely asked, "Will you accept the nomination?" and he answered as quick as the magnetic telegraph, "I will, to be sure; and I wish you may elect me." (Loud laughter). Much declamation had been used, much discussion in distrusting political opponents-some saying it was a western question--others damning the British, (laughter)--some saying it was an American question, others turning it into a question of party politics and President-making among the people. Mr. Heywood deprecated the idea of allowing the people to have a share in the treaty-making power, which was reserved by the constitution exclusively for the Executive department of the Government. This was southern democracy; and if it were "Punic faith," they might make the most of it. He denied that the people, organized by factions and instructed by demagogues, had a right to instruct the Senate in the discharge of its public duties. If this was democracy--as was held by some to be--it was that democracy that grows at the root, like the potato, and not at the blossom; it was going backward. If it were, however, to be viewed as a national question, he, in common with the Senate, would be found by the side of his country. But according to the terms of the Baltimore Convention--they went by the terms of the Convention, for the "reannexation of Texas," and for the "reoccupation of Oregon." The 49^th parallel was the highest degree to which any American foot ever went in Oregon. The south would go for that; and if that was "Punic faith" in going for the "reoccupation of Oregon," let them make the most of it. He was in favour of the simple "notice," but would not vote in favour of the resolution of the house. He also objected to the propositions contained in the resolutions of some senators in the Chamber, and had a particular objection to the word "forthwith," which accompanied the resolutions from the Committee on Foreign Relations. He was willing to give the President legislative aid, if he required it; but if not, and he preferred to manage it himself, he would allow him to do so, for he had a right to do so if he pleased, under the clauses of the constitution. Mr. Heywood, after expounding his objections to the amendment of Mr. Colquitt, recommending negotiations and a compromise, advocated the adoption of the house resolutions as covering an all-sufficient ground. He wished no interference or advice with the duties of the executive, until the case should imperatively demand it. He then extended his thanks to the Senate for their indulgence; and said that if he had, perhaps, wearied the Senate, his heart felt lighter and his conscience easy. He deprecated the consequences which would result from a rash or precipitate, or unwise, or irregular action in any shape, and expressed his faith in the controlling supervision of Providence.

Mr. Calhoun wished to correct a misapprehension of the 6^th protocol, as quoted by Mr. Heywood. It was simply a part of a letter of Mr. Pakenham, and not of the protocol paper. It related to the Oregon boundary.

Mr. Hannegan apologized to the Senate that his remarks should be limited. Before he proceeded, he wished to ask of the senator from North Carolina whoever had authority, direct or indirect, for saying that the President was desirous of settling the question upon the line of 49?

Mr. Heywood replied, that what he had said he had written down beforehand, that he might not make a mistake; and that was, that it would be indecent and impolite for the President to communicate the progress of negotiations.

Mr. Allen then said he should construe the reply of the senator to mean that he had no authority form the President for his declarations.

Mr. Heywood said that he had already endeavoured to prove that the senator was erroneous in his constructions.

Mr. Allen demanded it as a right, that the senator should answer his question. If not, he should deny that he had any authority.

Mr. Heywood said, that if he were a chairman of a committee, say, for instance, the Committee on Commerce, and he were not accessible to the executive confidence, eh would quit.

Mr. Westcott--I call the senator to order.

Mr. Heywood--Don't be alarmed. There is no harm done. He did not recognize the right of any body to make demands upon him upon that floor. Out of doors he was disposed to accommodate a gentleman in anything reasonable; and for the sake of order he had submitted to circumstances which were humiliating. He repeated what he had said, and he would print it afterwards.

Mr. Allen did not demand his answer of the senator as a personal, but as a public right. The senator from North Carolina had assumed to be the exponent of the President; and he desired to know--

Mr. Westcott called the senator to order.

Mr. Heywood contended that he had denied the right of any senator to catechize him, and refusing to answer such demand, the senator was out of order in persisting in it.

Mr. Allen--Then the senator takes back his speech.

Mr. Heywood--No Sir, but I am glad to see the speech takes. (Laughter.)

Mr. Allen exclaimed, amid the excitement, "Its British, British."

Mr. Hannegan did not see the senator's (Mr. Heywood's) speech in print, in any of the papers, &c. He (Mr. Hannegan) assumed that the President's position at 54 40, was as clear as proofs from Holy Writ--clear as the Bible--and that he would be a recreant to his pledges and his party if he deserted this stand. Referred to the Baltimore Convention Oregon resolution, and thought the senator had misapplied it.

Mr. Heywood said he saw it in the speech of Mr. Breese, the only place, perhaps, where ever he did see it, and read it, and again commented upon the re-occupation of Oregon.

Mr. Hannegan read the resolution, and contended that the interpretation stood at 54 40; and spoke at some length under evident excitement in denunciation of the speech of Mr. Heywood. He said that if the President did desert, the 54 40 standard, he would become a traitor to his faith, and would meet with an infamy so profound, a damnation so deep, that the resurrection trumpet would not wake him. (General laughter and some applause.) Mr. Hannegan was proceeding to some commentary upon the constructions put upon the President's message by Mr. Heywood, when

Mr. Mangum called the senator to order.

Mr. Hannegan thanked the senator, and resumed his retaliation. He referred to Mr. Heywood's declaration that there was a movement on this question to elevate very small men into very large offices. He had heard such talk before to day--"Glass houses," &c.., old maxim, but true, But Mr. Hannegan would prefer to be one of these small men to the mere tool of power, courting its becks and nods. If the President was in the position in which the senator from North Carolina had placed him, then had he spoken the works of falsehood with the tongue of a serpent.

On the motion of Mr. Evans, at ten minutes past 4, the Senate adjourned.

There is a split, and there will be the deuce to pay.
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LT April 11, 1846, p4/b Oregon question

We acknowledge our inability to follow the devious and interminable course of the American debate on the resolutions for the abrogation of the Oregon Convention, for it bids defiance to all the ordinary limitations of space and time. On the 4^th of March we find that the Senate resumed the special order of the day upon this subject, and Mr. Heywood, the senator for North Carolina, took possession of the floor for that and the following day, and delivered a speech which was understood to convey a very mitigated version of the President's own opinions and intentions. Upon the announcement of this gentleman that the President was by no means indisposed to renew the negotiation for a compromise upon the 49^th parallel, Mr. Hannegan, a member of the "whole of Oregon faction," declared, with that felicity of expression which belongs to Transatlantic Parliamentary eloquence, that "if the President did desert the 54 40' "standard, he would become a traitor to his faith, and meet with an infamy so profound, a damnation so deep, that the resurrection trumpet would not wake him." The excitement produced by this memorable sitting and this awful announcement appears to have disturbed the wanted composure of even the reporters' gallery; for the account of the proceedings of the day concludes with as much portentous information as could be crammed into a single line,--"There is a split, and there will be the deuce to pay;" and in that condition the American newspapers of that date barbarously leave us.

It happens, however, that some loose papers of the 18^th of March have since been received through Havre, and from them we learn that on the 16^th ult., nine days after Mr. Heywood's speech and Mr. Hannegan's adjuration, the debate was going on with unabated activity, though we have fortunately escaped the flood of eloquence which must haven been poured forth between Mr. Heywood and Mr. Calhoun; and we may pass at once to the consideration of the speech of the latter eminent politician. Mr. Calhoun's declaration were eminently pacific and courageous. He did not flinch from telling the people of America those wholesome but unwelcome truths which can alone restrain them from plunging their country into a disastrous war. Under a popular form of government there is no greater danger than that the multitude should be amused by pleasing delusions, and the no one should have the courage to address them in the stern language of truth. Louis XIV., surrounded by his mistresses and his courtiers, was not more unlikely to learn unwelcome and disparaging fact, than the American people in the pride of their democratic power; but men are apt to palliate this species of deception under the name of loyalty, or of patriotism, and the more so as it seems dangerous to disclose to the world at large a weakness which is so imperfectly known at home. Such disclosures, however, teach nothing new to foreign Governments, whatever they may do to the people of America. Every fact brought forward by Mr. Calhoun in his last speech has long been familiar to the more impartial observer of Europe. We ourselves have repeatedly argued, almost in the words of the American senator, the "war would involve the United States in a n inextricable national debt--lead to the establishment of a rotten paper system--concentrate all the powers of the state into a federal Government, and terminate in a central military despotism." We have also predicted, as Mr. Calhoun now intimates, that "in the event of war upon this question, Mexico would at once act upon the offensive; and by Mexico on the south, under the discipline of British officers, and by British steamers along the seaboard, the Canadians on the north, a British fleet upon the lakes, and the Indians on the west, the United States would be enfiladed on every side." Mr. Calhoun's language is plainer and less courteous than that in which we have asserted the same truths; but in Europe they need no vigour of expression of subtlety of argument to enforce them, whilst in America the statesman who would save his country by these means must drive them home to men's minds in sheer opposition to the vanity, and ignorance, and presumption of a whole community. In other states the Government may be silent on its own weak points, provided it has the address to avoid those occasions and collisions which expose them to the light of day. But the weakness as well as the strength of the United States must, to use one of their own metaphors, be "written in the sunbeams," and asserted with all the known patriotism and experience of Mr. Calhoun, before the people can be brought to descend from the preposterous and inflated claims which have been made in their name to the reality of their rights and their situation.

But we rejoice to find that a stout resistance is at length offered, by men who may be ranked, with Mr. Calhoun, amongst the most distinguished of American citizens, to the mischievous delusions and pretensions which have been so industriously propagated and upheld in the United States. Nothing so able, so just, or so strong has been written upon this controversy on our side of the Atlantic as a pamphlet entitled Tracts on the Oregon Question, by an American, which has just reached us from New York. The writer has dealt with the fallacies of the American Secretary of State with signal justice and severity. He has reduced the whole question to those general propositions upon which alone it can ultimately be decided, without sinking the argument into that labyrinth of minute and irrelevant detail from which American sophistry has endeavored to extract a claim, and into which the congenial spirit of a Quarterly reviewer has recently pursued it. We hope this excellent pamphlet may be republished without delay in this country, and in the meanwhile our readers will not be sorry to peruse the observations with which it concludes: --

"we have no hesitation in saying that England has made our Government a liberal offer;--the offer to relinquish to us all those parts of the country of which she is not already the first occupant, under a fair and reasonable, or at any rat, not extravagant application of the doctrines of constructive possession an deconstructive sovereignty. She has even offered to share with us the navigation of the Columbia river, of which she is without doubt the first occupant, the pretences of the United States to the contrary no withstanding. To say that we will not accept this offer, nor submit the question to arbitration, is unequalled infatuation;--it is taking a stand in which the people of this country, we predict with confidence, will not sustain the Administration. You may depend upon, Mr. Polk, this thing will never do. They will cheerfully go all lengths in vindicating the clear and just rights of the country, either against England, or against the world, if needful; but if you persist in urging your mistaken views of their right, and causelessly assume an aggressive attitude towards foreign nations, you may rest assured that you will soon feel the weight of popular resentment. It is a great national controversy, on which the attention of the whole world is fixed. There is scarcely a lawyer on earth who will not rigidly scrutinize every word which you and your secretary have uttered; and we will venture to affirm, that an immense majority of the profession will condemn your pretensions, will ridicule your arguments, an reprobate your folly. They will tell you that you are wrong altogether wrong; that the United States are shut up by the convention of 1818 to an equitable partition of the country; that such was, no doubt, the meaning of the statesmen and diplomatists who acted on behalf of the United States in framing that convention, whatever any of them may now say, that such is the legal import, the fair construction of the instrument, and that after a quarter of a century of acquiescence in such an arrangement you cannot now evade it. They will tell you, that if the negotiators of the United States on that occasion had considered the exclusive claim of the United States to be 'clear and questionable,' and had intended to keep the question open, they might and ought to have protested against any use or occupation of the country by England in any shape; that the reason why they did not do this was, that the question manifestly depended upon the first occupancy of the country; and it was clearly seen by them, that they should allow England, without any conventional arrangement, to become the first occupant, as she was then likely to become, and has since in fact become, of a large proportion of the country, the claim of the United States, even under a protest, would be foreclosed; that they were therefore willing to make sure of an equal undivided moiety of the country, subject only to the claims of other nation; and to the condition that the arrangement should not be construed to prevent either party, so long as it continued in force, and until it should be superseded by a partition, from asserting any claim to the country, or making any use or appropriation of its soil or its waters, which should not necessarily involve the exercise of exclusive sovereignty. They will tell you that this was the meaning of the subordinate saving clause above discussed--nothing more; and that all your late proceedings are a violation of the spirit of that convention, an insult to the common sense of the world."

The chief valued of these remarks is, that they are essentially American, and that they are dictated by a sound and enlightened view of the American interests which are engaged on the side of peace and good faith. Mr. Polk and his adherents have excited and abetted the warlike declarations of the party which has declared for the whole of Oregon, chiefly with a view to popularity, indirectly perhaps with a view to the effects of military patronage and influence on the community. Reasonable hopes may now be entertained that their policy and their designs will be frustrated and rejected. That popularity which they have dared to seek in false, incentives to war would bring them, in less than six months of hostilities, within the grasp of an impeachment: and the evils they may draw down upon the United States as a nation could fall with tenfold weight upon their own heads as a party. As far as we can judge from the tone of this debate in the Senate, from the press, and from our won correspondence, the reaction has now commenced, and the disposition of the American people is pacific. If that be the case, the termination of the convention of 1827 will not actually take place before the whole question has been equitably adjusted. Mr. Polk will have the rare good fortune of being defeated by a people less rash than the men who govern it; and he will retire from his office unregretted indeed by any one, but free, at least, from the lasting disgrace of having broken the peace of the world.
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LT April 11, 1846, p6/b Mexico, affairs of

"The Affairs of Mexico" (From our own correspondent.) Mexico, Feb. 27.

The arrival of the January packet from England was looked forward to by most persons here with considerable anxiety, as some strong manifestation was expected from the English press on the subject of the President's message, and hopes were entertained that its warlike tone would be more than re-echoed from your side of the water. The Mexican Government, anxious not to humble itself to its powerful neighbour, hoped to make some advantageous terms in case of a rupture; and, although they make the "grasping policy of England"--its designs on the Californias, a pretended fear of its intervention in the affairs of this country--a constant theme of declamation and complaint, they cannot shut their eyes to the fact that England has always been her steadiest friend.

They cannot forget that England was the first Power to recognize, their independence, the first to lend their infant republic immense sums on more that doubtful security, and to send out large capital to work their mining district. Later in the day England stepped in to offer her mediation with France; and even the Texas question would have been honourably arranged by her for them if the absurd pretensions and wavering policy of the Mexican Government had not frustrated endeavors.

Thus, in the event of war, they trusted again to the same influence in their favour, although their conduct to England has ever been the reverse of meriting it. Their whole fiscal regulations have been directed against the introduction of British manufactures; and their obnoxious duties on the export of silver, and their manner of enforcing them, have been directed to paralyse British operations. The result may be seen in the effects produced. After 20 years of an open market, British imports have not increased. The exports from England annually to all the ports of this country fall for short of a million sterling, and instead of British mercantile houses, extending themselves over the country, even in the capital the number is yearly diminishing, and I am within the mark when I assert that the number of British houses in all parts of the republic do not exceed 30.

Whatever politically might be the effect of American aggression on this country, commercially speaking, it would be beneficial to the interests of Great Britain. By giving a security to property in the suppression of annual revolutions, by the construction of roads, and rendering their transit free from the now constant attacks of bandits, by giving tolerance in religion, and restraining the benumbing influence of the priesthood, this country, blessed with a splendid climate and fertile soil, now sunk in apathy and degradation, would put forth its dormant energies, would raise bread-stuffs enough to feed the world and cotton to clothe it, and its vast crops of sugar, coffee, tobacco, and other valuable tropical products, would give employment to a vast mercantile marine. An increase of communication and intelligence would create an appetite for the wants of civilization; and that period arriving, Mexico would be a market worthy of the attention of British commerce, and not, as now, only left to those who entered it when the prospects were alluring, and only remain from the difficulty of diverting capital from a channel where it has been once invested.

Speculating thus, if America from no goodwill to us, but following up her grasping policy at the modern Carthage, were permitted by European Powers to plant at any future day her eagles in the city of Mexico, the preponderance of the Southern States would be so great, the slaveholders and cotton growers so much brought into collision of interest with the Northern, that more than probably a dissolution of the Union would violently take place, and two great republics spring out of the disruption. The Northern Republic, having New York for its commercial port and emporium, and the Southern New Orleans, would thus form, when railroads and steam-boats induce a rapid communication, compact republics of what are now disjointed and barely communicable provinces. Suppose this were to occur 20 or 50 years hence? What would Great Britain lose by it? I confess I see on the contrary a positive gain. She would hold the balance between two republics, whose very jealousy would soon convert them into rival and implacable enemies; she would have created for her a vast new market for her ever-progressing commerce, and she would command a choice for raw material, for which she is now mainly depended on one source. Years may elapse--must elapse--before the semblance of what I have written may come to pass; but the march of events tends onwards to this consummation, and the parallel events of the former history of nations confirms it. And then Oregon--when grand events have increased its value, in whose hands will it be found? The English Cabinet policy has ever been to look with a provident eye to the future. No legislate for posterity--is this a point on which to forego it?

With respect to the present state of this country, the recent revolution does not seem to present greater securities or advancement and permanence than the former ones. General Almonte has resigned his post as Minister of War, and has been succeeded by General Tornel; and these changes, occurring so shortly after the formation of the Cabinet, have given rise to distrust and speculation.

The law for calling together the new Congress, or the Convocation as it is called, has been published: it provides for the election of 160 deputies, of which the clergy, commerce, and military each send 20 members. Its further provisions would not be interesting, more especially as it is an extremely verbose document. It seems to have given satisfaction; all events it has been received with the usual apathy, and will be carried out until some newer plan is struck or by some new adventure.

Among the singular features presented by the late revolution is the appearance of a monarchial party here, whose cause is sustained by a new paper established for that purpose, called the Tiempo, Its articles have been written with singular vigour and ability, and are attributed to Don Lucas Alaman, a name known to many in Europe, and formerly a member of the Government. But in the speculations of this party on the advantage s of a monarchy and the choice of a foreign Prince to rule over them, they forget that there must be two parties to a bargain. Few Princes would accept so precarious a crown as Mexico would be, unless Europe, in spite of the blustering of the United States, should at once in this disturbed republic adopt and maintain the policy of armed intervention, and send 40,000 bayonets to maintain him.

It is supposed that General Paredes favours this consolidation of affairs, and his opinion will have great weight; he is a well-meaning man, and although not supposed to be a man of talent, his integrity and honest intentions have never been questioned.

That he has influence, the quick result of his late political movement is a proof; but to captivate these sons of Spanish origin so much verbiage is obliged to be used in professions of faith previously, that expectations are raised that some important changes and improvement are immediately to follow a revolution; then comes disappointment and dissatisfaction, and already unquiet spirits are beginning to foment new projects. I do not think we shall have an outbreak soon, but it will arrive, and it will be a contest for principles; formerly it has merely been a struggle for military successions, but a growing spirit is springing up of inquiry and discussion, which must bring into collision matter and mind.

The new tariff came into operation on the 1^st inst. Its reduction of duties weight lightly on woolen and linen goods, but on cottons there is a relief of from 20to25 per cent., which must tend to increase consumption. We advance slowly here in the first principles of free trade, and have yet to learn that low duties increase both the demand and the revenue, giving protection by their nature to the fair trader, and an increased income to the Treasury.

The mining accounts are generally favourable, and new mines are commencing to be worked. I believe, on a rough estimate, the produce of the whole mines in the republic last year was nearly 25,000,000 of collars, the greater part finding its way into the bullion market of Europe.

The Exchange by this packet, 43d.

Postscript.--The American Minister, Mr. Slidell, is still in Jalapa, watching the progress of events, and it is rumoured that shortly some American claims will be forced on this Government.

This Government have granted licenses for the importation of American cotton into the port of Vera Cru on the payment of $10 per quintal, and several houses have taken them out for large quantities.

The Minister of Finance has contracted with a commercial house here for 1,800,000, half in cash and the other half in bonds of the 26 per cent., giving to the contractors securities of various kinds, among which is the Vera Cruz Custom house; the part already appropriated for the English dividends and other funds is, of course, requested.

In exchange, or sales of goods, the operations have been very trifling.
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LT April 15, 1846, p5/a Mexico, affairs of

"Mexican Affairs."

The Government of General Paredes, having everywhere received the support of the military, has been submitted to by the people in the departments, and is, for the present, fully established. Even the plan for electing a new Congress to constitute the nation, though based on novel and highly unpopular principles, has failed to provoke any open opposition. This plan, by which great weight will be given to the clergy and military in the formation of anew constitution, is attributed to Don Lucas Alaman, whose attachment to the clerical order is well known. As a man of education and refinement, Senor Alaman is superior to most of his countrymen, but he has never been popular, and his share in the intrigue by which the unfortunate Guerrrero was entrapped and executed, has not been forgotten or forgiven by the Liberals. His influence with the present Government bodes ill to foreign commerce, for he has long been the most strenuous advocate of native manufacturers. His own attempts as a manufacturer, however, terminated, some years ago, in a way not at all satisfactory to his creditors.

El Tempo, a daily paper established here since the last revolution, and regarded as official, advocates without reserve the establishment of a monarchy in Mexico, with a Spanish Bourbon on the throne--the plan originally proclaimed by Iturbide in Iguala. A Protectorate is perhaps the form of government best suited to his country under present circumstances; and a leader enjoying the popularity which Santa Anna sacrificed to gold would have no great difficulty in establishing such a system, preserving the name and some of the forms of a republic. Paredes may do as much, but without foreign aid the monarchial project is impracticable, and even with such of doubtful success. Young Mexico is altogether republican, and of the old stock there remain no elements from which to form an aristocracy. In a country where the broad distinction of colour has ceased to be regarded, the pride of lineage is, of course, unknown. A few counts and marquises do indeed exist, whose titles (abolished when the republic was established) are still occasionally conceded by courtesy; but no influence is attached to mere rank, no do the habits of those noble personages elevate them in any degree above the rest of the community. At this moment the wealthiest noble of Mexico, owner of vast estates and highly productive mines, is at the same time an eminent wholesale butcher, deeply versed in the mysteries of the slaughter house, though ill-adapted to adorn a court. But while El Tiempo is supposed to speak the sentiments of General Paredes on this question, his Ministers are not all believed to entertain the same views. General Almonte, Minister-at-War, has just resigned, it is said, on the ground. He has lived much in the United States, and is considered a stanch Republican, though not without ambition; he probably speculates on deriving greater advantage from "coming events" out of office, than if attached to the Cabinet of Parades. General Tornel has been named his successor. This versatile personage, though identified with the late, as 'with most preceding revolutions, had been rather coldly treated by Paredes, and was understood to be occupied in the composition of a work demonstrating the superiority of republican over monarchial Governments, when the retirement of Almonte corrected his opinions by opening to him the doors of his old office at the War Department. If anything could give Santa Anna a chance of recovering his influence in this country, it would be this monarchial scheme, and his re-appearance on the scene as the champion of republican institutions would be quite consistent with some of his former exploits.

In financial matters General Paredes is disposed to proceed with the utmost economy consistent with the maintenance of the army, on whose support his power rests; but so small a portion of the revenue is unencumbered that he has been obliged to solicit assistance from the same parties who have been in the habit of dealing with former Governments here, and whose terms (always severe) are not likely to be relaxed in favour of one who has himself shown the facility with which a Government may be overthrown. He has obtained some funds by granting licenses for the introduction of raw cotton from the United States on payment, by anticipation, of a duty of 10 per quintal (100lb. Spanish); but his right to the exclusive appropriation of this duty has been disputed and I am of opinion that the British creditors are as fully entitled to their share of it as of that on any other article of merchandise introduced from abroad. The subject has, I believe, been brought under the notice of the Earl of Aberdeen by Mr. Bankhead.

From the want of the sinews of war the expedition to California has not yet moved, and those fine provinces remain abandoned to their fate, which, in the absence of European intervention, must be annexation to the colossus of the north. No settlement of the difficult affair of Texas has yet been made, nor, as far as the public are aware, attempted, by this Government. In proclaiming the presence here of Mr. Slidell, the American Envoy, as one reason for displacing the late Government, Paredes appears to have raised a barrier to his own reception of that gentleman, though he is doubtless well aware that the matter must ultimately be arranged by negotiation. Mexico has everything to apprehend, and nothing to hope, from war single-handed with her powerful neighbour; but hopes have been entertained here (perhaps still are) that Great Britain may be involved in war with "the common enemy" on the Oregon question, and so cause a powerful diversion in favour of fallen Anahhuae. Mr. Slidell remains at Jalapa, waiting instructions from his Government, and Mr. Polk is taking measures to support those instructions, and retain his "peaceful conquest," by replacing the American squadron in the waters of Vera Cruz. Four or five United States vessels of war (one of them with a commodore's pendant) are now at anchor at Sacrificios.

The restoration of the chapel of Santa Teresa, in this city, of which the dome was thrown down by the severe earthquake of last year, is proceeding rapidly. An image standing in the chapel, and denominated Nuestro scour de Santa Teresa, was grievously injured on that occasion (earthquakes having no respect for persons), but having been since repaired and beautified, it was carried in procession two days ago through the city, and lodged provisionally in the cathedral, to the great delight of the inhabitants of all classes, who thronged the streets in dense numbers. This image enjoys a well establish reputation for miracles performed in other days, on which it would have been well to rest its fame, but the indiscreet zeal of its adorers would now attribute to it other more recent and more astonishing performances; however, on these subjects Mexican credulity knows no limits.

MIRON.

[CCB]

LT April 15, 1846, p5/d "The United States and Mexico."

We have received the following, dated February 25, from Tampico:--

"We had an express to-day bringing the intelligence that the American troops had taken possession of the Fronton de Santa Isabel, situated near to Matamoras--so near that it is considered Matamoras is already taken by the Americans, for what can the Americans do with such customers? The Fronton de Santa Isabel was taken without a fight, and there were only some Mexican Custom-house officers and pilots, who were made prisoners." [CCB]

LT April 15, 1846, p6/f "Mexican Outrage on British Shipping."

To the Editor of the Times

Sir, --Knowing your readiness to expose a gross injustice, and give publicity to any outrage committed on British shipping by foreigners, I take the liberty of making the following statement, which I doubt not you will insert in the columns of your widely-spread and influential paper:--

The schooner Lord Anson, of Jersey, commanded by me, was chartered to carry a cargo of logwood from Tabasco, in the republic of Mexico, to Liverpool, with liberty to discharge a cargo at Barbados, and from thence to proceed to Tabasco. On my arrival at the Bar of Tabasco, I delivered to the boarding officer my clearances from Jersey and Barbados, containing the articles I had on board-viz., 55tons of coals, 1,500 bricks, and 9 casks of lime; and which were indispensably necessary to ballast my vessel, she drawing 13 feet, when loaded, and with the above ballast only 8 feet.

To my surprise the hatches of my vessel were sealed, and the Lord Anson was ordered to sail 25 leagues up the tortuous river to the city of Tabasco, which is quite unusual, my cargo of logwood being ready at the bar, the ordinary loading place for vessels arriving in ballast. It took my 15 days to perform the voyage up to the city of Tabasco, myself and crew being exposed to the deleterious effects of a pestilential climate, and the bite of numerous and venomous insects; the many windings of the river and the strong current render the navigation not only tedious but even dangerous. To all these hardships and dangers my vessel and crew were wantonly exposed; and if it be asked for what purpose, I must answer, in order to be notified by the Collector of Customs, Don Manuel Escoffie, and first officer Ramon Pasquel, that my vessel, the schooner Lord Anson, and everything belonging to her, was seized. I appealed, of course, from this unlawful decision to the tribunal of the country, the judge of which condemned me to pay a fine of 550, and to forfeit the 1,500 bricks and 9 casks of lime, however; declaring the 55 tons of coal free, as this article pays no duty on importation. I submitted to this decision under protest, and requested my consignees to forward the judiciary proceedings to the British Minister resident in the city of Mexico.

It is evident that fiscal laws are enacted to prevent fraud and protect the public revenue; no criminal intention could be alleged against me, as I delivered to the boarding officer the clearances of the articles which I had on board to ballast my vessel. It was found on discharging that the bricks and lime were so entirely valueless that the greater part were thrown into the river, by order from the Custom-house, and certainly no better proof than this was wanting to refute the argument of the collector that brickbats and spoiled lime constitute cargo. Besides, coals and bricks have been considered as ballast in other parts of Mexico, and American as well as French vessels have been permitted to carry them as ballast to Vera Cruz and Tampico.

I am confident that had I offered a bribe, I should have been saved all this annoyance as well as the 550 fine. As the Custom-house officers at Tabasco seldom receive their fully pay, owing to the scarcity of funds, it is the interest of the said officers to levy fines upon foreign vessels on the slightest pretence, as such penalties are divided amongst them.

It is to be hoped that the representation of the British Minister, Mr. Bankhead, will convince the Mexican Government of the arbitrary and illegal treatment I have met with from the Custom-house at Tabasco, and that my owners will be indemnified for the heavy loss inflicted on them.

I have the honour to remain, Sir.
Your most obedient servant,
Charles John Benouf,
Master of Schooner Lord Anson, of Jersey.

[CCB]

LT April 16, 1846, p4/a "America. The Oregon Question."

[The following appeared in part of our yesterday's impression:--]

Liverpool, April 14, 6 P.M.

The British and North American Royal mail steamer Hibernia, Captain Ryrie, arrived in the Mersey this afternoon, from Boston and Halifax, bringing intelligence from the United States to the 1^st inst., from Canada to the 3d inst., and late accounts from Texas, Mexico, &c. She has brought 148 passengers.

We note briefly the proceedings of the Senate.

On the 16^th ult. the committee appointed to inquire into certain charges of collusion with Mr. Pakenham on the part of several senators on the Oregon question, advanced by the Washington Times, which were to the effect that "there was corrupt conversation and collusion with the British Minister at his table," reported to the House, and much discussion ensued.

Mr. Calhoun then rose and addressed the Senate on the question of notice.

On the 17^th Mr. Berrien occupied the floor, supporting the views and policy of Messrs. Allen, &c.

On the 18^th a resolution inquiring for the latest correspondence with regard to the Oregon had been offered, and another resolution instructing the Committee on Militia to inquire into the propriety of organizing the militia of the United States.

Mr. Archer then spoke upon the Oregon question in hostility to the notice, and on the binding power of the Baltimore resolutions. Mr. Allen, as on former days, had to re-explain the texoup of his remarks.

On the 19^th Mr. Miles addressed the Senate against a "party war," but in favour of the notice, as tending to a quick compromise, and referring to "the prospect of annexation at the southward."

The Senate resumed, after adjournment, on the 23d. Mr. Webster called for correspondence regarding the old boundary question, to defend himself from aspersions.

Mr. Allen then rose and endeavoured to fix the termination of the debate unsuccessfully.

After a few words,

A resolution from the Legislature of Louisiana demanding proper defences for New Orleans was read.

The Oregon debate was then resumed by Mr. Chalmers, in a just and liberal speech in which he accorded warm eulogy to the free trade movement of Great Britain. The following President's message was then read:--

"The Special Message.

To The Senate of the United States.

In answer to the inquiry of the Senate, contained in their resolution of the 17^th inst., whether, in my 'judgment, any circumstances connected with or growing out of the foreign relations of this country require at this time an increase of our naval or military force;' and if so, 'what those circumstances are,' I have to express the opinion that a wise precaution demands such increase.

In my annual message of the 2d of December last I recommended to the favourable consideration of Congress an increase of our naval force, especially of our steam navy, and the raising of an adequate military force to guard and protect such of our citizens as might think proper to emigrate to Oregon. Since that period I have seen no cause to recall or modify those recommendations. On the contrary, reasons exist which, in my judgment, render it proper not only that they should be promptly carried into effect, but that additional provision should be made for the public defence.

The consideration of such additional provision was brought before appropriate committees of the two houses of Congress, in answer to calls made by them, in reports prepared, with my sanction, by the Secretary of War and the Secretary of the Navy, on the 29^th of December and the 8^th of January last; a mode of communication with Congress not unusual, and, under existing circumstances, believed to be most eligible. Subsequent events have confirmed me in the opinion that these recommendations were proper as precautionary measures.

It was a wise maxim of the father of his country, that 'to be prepared for war is one of the most efficient means of preserving peace;' and that, 'avoiding occasions of expense by cultivating peace,' we should 'remember, also, that timely disbursements to repel it.' The general obligation to perform this duty is greatly strengthened by facts known to the whole world. A controversy respecting the Oregon territory now exists between the United States and Great Britain; and while, as far as we know, the relations of the latter with all the European nations are of the most pacific character, she is making unusual and extraordinary armaments and warlike preparations, naval and military, both at home and in her North American possessions.

It cannot be disguised that, however sincere may be the desire of peace, in the event of a rupture these armaments and preparations would be used against our country. Whatever may have been the original purpose of the preparations, the fact is undoubted that they are now proceeding, in part at least, with the view to the contingent possibility of a war with the United States. The general policy of making additional warlike preparations was distinctly announced in the speech from the Throne, as late as January last, and has since been reiterated by the Ministers of the Crown in both houses of Parliament. Under this aspect of our relations with Great Britain, I cannot doubt the propriety of increasing our means of defence both by land and sea. This can give Great Britain no cause of offence, nor increase the danger of a rupture. If, on the contrary, we should fold our arms in security, and at last be suddenly involved in hostilities for the maintenance of our just rights, without any adequate preparation, our responsibility to the country would be of the gravest character. Should collision between the two countries be avoided, as I sincerely trust it may be, the additional charge upon the Treasury in making the necessary preparations will not be lost, while in the event of such a collision, they would be indispensable for the maintenance of our national rights and national honour.

I have seen no reason to change or modify the recommendations of my annual message in regard to the Oregon question. The notice to abrogate the treaty of the 6th of August, 1827, is authorized by the treaty itself, and cannot be regarded as a warlike measure; and I cannot withhold my strong conviction that it should be promptly given. The other recommendations are in conformity with the existing treaty, and would afford to American citizens in Oregon no more than the same measure of protection which has long since been extended to British subjects in that territory.

The state of our relations with Mexico is still in an unsettled condition. Since the meeting of Congress another revolution has taken place in that country, by which the government has passed into the hands of new rulers. This event has procrastinated, and may possibly defeat, the settlement of the differences between the United States and that country. The Minister of the United States to Mexico, at the date of the last advices, had not been received by the existing authorities. Demonstrations of a character hostile to the United States continue to be made in Mexico, which has rendered it proper, in my judgment, to keep nearly two-thirds of our army on our southwestern frontier. In doing this, many of the regular military posts have been reduced to a small force, inadequate to their defence, should an emergency arise.

In view of these 'circumstances' it is my 'judgment' that 'an increase of our naval and military force is at the time required,' to place the country in a suitable state of defence. At the same time, it is my settled purpose to pursue such a course of policy as may be best calculated to preserve, both with Great Britain and Mexico, an honourable peace; which nothing will so effectually promote as unanimity in our councils, and a firm maintenance of all our just rights.

James K. Polk

Washington, March 24, 1846.

It was ordered to be printed for the use of the Senate.

Mr. Webster rose to inquire into the matters referred to in the message, without any comment or remark upon it whatever. We perceive from the reading that in the judgment of the Executive it is necessary to increase our means of defence, military and naval, from increasing necessities. The amount or extent of this necessary increase is not stated in the message. What does the President suppose will be the estimates required? What the extent of the necessities of increase of the military and the navy? Have these estimates emanated from the appropriate committee of this or the other house of Congress, is it highly important to know how and from what authority they do arise. The document before us explains that the practice pursued in this instance is not unusual. Recently it is not unusual; but in my judgment it appears to have commenced with the existing Administration. I do not know whether any member of the Senate has been commissioned to lay these estimates before the body. I would ask the Senator from Missouri (Chairman on Military Affairs) to state what communication has been made to his committee, and why it has not been laid before the Senate? I appeal to the hon. Gentleman from Missouri.

Colonel Benton.--It is proper in the outset that I should state how it happened, in the first instance, that these communications were made to the committee. Colonel Benton then referred to General Cass's resolutions, passed at the beginning of the session, instructing, among others, the Committee on Military Affairs to inquire into the expediency of increasing that branch of the service, &c. The committee, in pursuance of instructions, had addressed an inquiry to the Secretary of War, who had returned an answer, many parts of which it was appropriate to make public, and some not, but it was all in their hands. The committee did not think the present the time to take notice of it.

Mr. Fairfield stated, as chairman of the Committee on Naval Affairs, a similar course of proceeding, and the bill for the 10 war steamers was based upon the secretary's published recommendations.

Mr. J.M. Clayton was understood to ask if there was communicated to the committee any other official information not reported to the Senate?

Mr. Fairfield replied, that there were estimates from the heads of the Naval Bureau, who had reported to the Secretary the data of the recommendations. But these papers were voluminous, and it was deemed in other respects not necessary to bring them before the Senate.

Mr. Webster would pursue the subject a single remark further. He would ask the chairman of the Naval Committee whether the Secretary of the Navy, who had furnished these estimates for the information of the committee, had received the sanction of their recommendation from the President of the United States? Second, why the committee had failed to state to the Senate the sanction of the President?

Mr. Fairfield said that the sanction of the President was verbal--it was not communicated in writing.

Mr. Webster asked if the verbal communication to the Secretary of the Navy was regarded as of the same effect as if in writing? If not equal, why was it communicated to the Committee of the Senate? We now see the posture of things. I hope the chairman on military affairs will, as soon as convenient, state whether he has received his information of the direction or sanction of the President in the same way? I desire him to communicate this information to the Senate as far as is proper, and no further. What are those communications before the committee?

Mr. Benton said, he should answer fully as soon as the sense of the committee could be ascertained. No Secretary at War would, however, recommend so large a measure as this, unless as the organ of the President.

General Cass desired a part of the message from the President to be read again (and accordingly that part was read in which the President declared he sanctioned the recommendations made to the Military and Naval Committees). General Cass congratulated himself on the resuscitation of his resolutions, which he had feared were sleeping the sleep of death.

And with some passing conversation, on the motion of Mr. Berrien, the Senate went into executive session to talk the matter over more explicitly.

On the 25^th,--

Mr. Berrien submitted a resolution requiring the heads of the Committees on Military and on Naval Affairs, respectively, to communicate to the Senate the estimates furnished them by the War and Navy Departments, under the sanction of the President, as referred to in his message transmitted to the Senate.

Mr. Fairfield said that the estimates from the heads of bureaux had been returned to the Navy Department from the Naval Committee.

Mr. Benton said that the Military Committee had all the papers in their possession from the War Department, and were ready to communicate them to the Senate. A portion of the papers, however, it was not appropriate to publish; and it was not necessary to do so, as the report of the Secretary at War embodied all the estimates.

[The estimates relate to the organization of the militia, and the purchase of munitions for the several military stations.]

Mr. Yulee hoped the resolution would be so amended as to require the Secretary of the Navy to return the Senate the papers transmitted back from the Naval Committee. They would be useful to the Senate. They would certainly be useful to him.

Mr. Fairfield opposed the furnishing of these documents, and the suggestion, also, to that effect.

Mr. Westcott, with his usual earnestness, protested that the estimates should not be detained from the Senate, because, if unfit for publication, they could be communicated confidentially. The resolution was adopted, by 25 to 11.

Mr. Benton delivered up the papers in his possession.

A motion was made to print these papers for the use of the Senate.

Mr. Allen suggested, as some portions of these papers were not properly subject matter for publication, that thus far they should be excluded from printing.

Mr. Benton explained that the report of the Secretary at War embraced, substantially, all the information of the other papers.

Mr. Berrien then moved, that the order to print be confined to the Secretary's letter to the committee, which was agreed to.

Mr. Sevier then resumed the notice question. He would not vote for a "compromise" resolution; but would accept a treaty. He would leave it in the hands of the President.

The House Bill, for increasing the rank and file of the United States army, was then read a first time.

Mr. Allen again endeavoured to fix a termination for the debate. Considerable discussion ensued. No result.

Mr. Clayton's resolution of inquiry as to the Oregon correspondence was read. Mr. Allen wished for postponement. Mr. Crittenden and Mr. Morehead supported. No result.

Mr. Miller resumed the debate.

The Senate adjourned to Monday, the 30^th.

The House proceedings were unimportant until the 23d, the Harbour and River Bill having engrossed attention. No movement on the Tariff or Sub-Treasury scheme.

On the 23d a discussion arose on a bill for the augmentation of the army. The house resolved itself into a committee of the whole on the state of the Union, and took up for consideration the bill to raise two regiments of riflemen, and for other purposes.

The bill was read. It proposes--1. That, in addition to the present military establishment of the United States, there be raised, by voluntary enlistment, two reminents of riflemen, citizens of the United States, to serve for the term of three years, unless sooner disbanded. 2. That each regiment shall consist of one colonel, on lieutenant-colonel, one major, one adjutant wit the rank of first lieutenant, &c. 3. The President and the Senate to appoint all officers proper to be appointed under this act. 4. The President is authorized, by voluntary enlistment, to add 10 privates to the present number in each company of the existing regiments of Dragoons, Infantry, and Artillery, whenever, in his opinion, the exigencies of the public service may require the same. 5. An appropriation of money, sum not stated.

Much discussion arose.

On the 24^th the subject was resumed, and towards the close of a lengthened discussion--

Mr. Adams rose and remarked, that he had been informed that in another part of the Capitol an important message had been received from the President of the United States and which would have a very great effect on this house with reference to the bill before them. If good and substantial reasons, after a perusal of this message, should exist for its passage, it should have his hearty concurrence. If not, he would vote against it. He moved the reconsideration of the resolution to which he referred, in committee, to enable the house to delay action on the bill, and ascertain what effect the message should have upon their action. However, a motion was made to adjourn, which prevailed.

On the 25^th the bill was again resumed in committee. After much discussion the bill was adopted. Yeas, 164; nays, 15. Adjourned.

The committee of the Senate appointed to consider the expediency of a month mail to Oregon had reported in favour of that measure.
[CCB]

LT 4/18/1846, 5/c Oregon question

We publish in another place an extract from the speech delivered by Mr. Calhoun, on the 16^th of March, in the Senate of the United States, which reflects the greatest credit on that eminent statesman, and does honour to the assembly in which it was delivered. The progress made by the Oregon question within the last two years has convinced Mr. Calhoun himself of preserving in that silent and inactive course of policy which he had hitherto recommended as the surest method of establishing the ultimate sovereignty of the United states in that territory. He has been driven from that ground to the alternative of supporting a compromise, or of declaring for a forcible occupation of the country; and whilst he cordially adopts the principle of compromise, he votes for the abrogation of the existing convention, in order to bring the discussion to a speedy termination. Thus far we are perfectly agreed with Mr. Calhoun. We are happy to adopt as our own every one of the pacific sentiments and the sensible opinions he has so eloquently expressed; and although in his warning of the disastrous consequences of war is especially addressed to the American states, his advocacy of the cause of peace will nowhere be read with more sincere admiration than in this country. Thus far the spirit of the great majority of the Americans is favourable to a peaceful settlement of this difference. We may assume that Mr. Polk's message and declarations, in which there is not the slightest intimation that any compromise is expected, or the slightest expectation that any admissible offer will be made, do not contain the opinion of the most influential American statesmen. Even Mr. Polk's personal friends give very different accounts of his own views; and, if we look to the men out of office, who, as senators, are members of a branch of the executive Government and exercise a portion of the treaty-making power, the preponderance of numbers and of political authority is unquestionable in favor of a compromise. This step, then, may be considered as virtually gained; but ti is only the first step towards the solution of the difficulty, and Mr. Polk's pretensions were less formidable when they were carried to an excessive and ridiculous extent than when they are reduced within those limits which have, throughout this protracted negotiations, formed the true basis of the American claim. For though there are differences of opinion between compromise and no compromise, notice or no notice, there is a singular unanimity in all the opinions which have reached us from the United States as to the extent of the only compromise which is regarded as at all admissible. The word "compromise" is synonymous in the mouths of the Americans with the 49^th parallel of north latitude. Mr. Calhoun says, -

"The past history of the affair, the fact that it had been frequently offered by us substantially as an ultimatum, added to the fact that 49˚ was the boundary on this side of the Rocky Mountains, left no doubt on my mind that, if settled by compromise, it must be on that basis. It is true that our offer heretofore on that basis had been rejected, and that it might thence be inferred that Great Britain could not accede to it consistently with her honour. I am not of that impression. Things have greatly changed since our offer were made and rejected by her. Then the advantages under the convention were all in her favour; but now they have turned in favour of us"

Mr. Haywood, in a speech intended to be of a pacific character said: -

"I am come to the conclusion, as a senator of the United States, that we cannot, ought not, must not, compromise this controversy in any manner very materially different from that of which the President, as I understand his position and these records, stands committed, and rightly committed; and I shall, therefore, vote to give him the notice, and with it all the moral weight of an American Senate's settled opinion, that if Great Britain will not, or if she cannot, consent to do justice, by yielding her pretensions of dominion over the territory below the line of 49˚ as a compromise, then we will fight. I repeat, we must then fight for it. In a word, we ought to refuse the notice unless there is a solemn determination to make the compromise line of 49˚ our FIGHTING LINE- if it must be so."

After these public and peremptory declarations on the part of men who are comparatively moderate in their tone upon this subject, the Cabinet of Washington may, and probably will, intimate, in the event of the negotiation being re-opened after the notice has been given, that its hands are tied beforehand. There is no diplomacy left in the question. The game is to be played with the cards on the table; and the 49^th parallel must be regarded as the ultimatum of the Senate rather than the President and his immediate advisers. We believe this to be a matter of fact; and whither the Americans be right or wrong, prudent or foolish, is beside the question, since it is evident that when all the leading statesmen of a country have deliberately pledged themselves to a particular position, they will rather go to war than abandon it. They have chosen, therefore, to assume for the purposes of their justification that this concession (as they term it) is a sufficient sacrifice for the maintenance of peace, and that although England positively rejected that offer 20 years ago, and on many subsequent occasions, she will accept it now. We are really at a loss to conceive to what circumstances Mr. Calhoun attributes this supposed change, or what imaginable circumstances could release us from the duty of upholding territorial right. But the fact is, that the valley of the Columbia is as much and as exclusively occupied by the British agents of the Hudson's-bay Company as it ever has been, and to suppose that our rights to the country are weakened is a childish invention. They are precisely what they have ever been since 1790.

In the whole course of these negotiations that which has changed most completely is the claim set up by the Americans. In 1818 and in 1826 the territory in dispute was expressly asserted and clearly understood to be comprised between the 42˚ and 40˚ parallels of latitude. As for the more northern tract between 49˚ and 54˚ 40', we are not aware that the paramount claims of Britain to that part of it were then called in question. The proposals for partition ranged between the mouth of the Columbia and 49˚, but not beyond; and the American plenipotentiaries unsuccessfully claimed the whole of that region, but no more. Since that time, and in the more recent discussions, they have raised their demands; they have laid claim to the whole country; and then, as if it were the furthest limits of condescension and concussion, they revert to their original offer, the very same which was before rejected. A man bargaining with another offers to sell him a horse for 80%. The buyer says it's too much, and goes away. Some time afterwards the seller asks him for 100% for the same horse, and, after and elaborate attempt to outwit his costumer, he ends by offering him the horse at 80% as a great bargain. That is precisely the course of the American dealing. They have raised the claim to the whole of Oregon, not with any expectation of acquiring the entire province, but in order to reconcile us to the terms we have before declared to be inadmissible. But the truth is, that the bare 49^th parallel is to all intents and purposes the same thing that it was twenty years ago.

We intimated an opinion some time ago that the 49^th parallel might conveniently serve as the basis of an arrangement; but it is clear that such a proposal must be accompanied with more extensive conditions than those heretofore annexed to it by the Americans. It must leave us the whole of Vancouver's Island, the navigation and harbour of the straits of Fuca, the free use of the Columbia and its northern branches down to the sea, and an indemnity or compensation to the Hudson-bay Company for the posts they would be called upon to surrender. We do not pretend to point out all the stipulations which it would be the part of a prudent and just policy to require as an equivalent for a concession so much below our original claims, and, as we firmly believe, our just rights. But the cession of the vacant soil might be politic and endurable, provided the private rights already long acquired and enjoyed by British subjects were duly respected; and they must, beyond all question, be protected by the ultimatum of England.

Between these two proposals lies the question of peace and war- narrowed, as these controversies always are, to a small issue; but, nevertheless, broad enough to swallow up the peace of the world. The moderate members of the Senate make the 49^th parallel their "fighting line." President Polk is evidently more disposed to lean to the side of resistance than of concession; and, on our side, we can really discover no motive or argument to justify us in any farther departure from the position assumed long ago by the British Government, and confirmed by the emphatic declarations of the Ministers of the Crown.
[SCM]

LT 4/22/1946 8f Monarch In Mexico

(From the New York Courier and Enquirer, March 18)

The establishment of a paper in Mexico, apparently for the express purpose of advocating the substitution of monarchy for the existing government of that country, as we have already remarked, must be regarded as a very significant indication of the probable future. Nor does the rumor, which we published yesterday, of the extreme unpopularity of the suggestion, diminish its importance. On the contrary, it makes still more probable the suspicion, that foreign powers are the prime movers in this whole project-that it neither originates nor is accordant with the wishes of the people- that public opinion there, to make it acceptable, must be greatly modified- and that the establishment of the paper referred to is the first step, taken by those interested in the movement, to effect the necessary change. We have watched the development of this scheme from its first public appearance; and it may be well to revert to the several steps which thus far have been taken.

When it was finally ascertained that the hostility of England and France to the annexation of Texas would be unavailing, attention was drawn to the condition and prospects of Mexico. The weakness of the Government, the anarchy which has become the only established order in the country, the poverty of the treasury, the lack of attachment on the part of the people to the institutions of the country, and the general and rapid decay of the whole system, led these European powers to regard as highly probable the future annexation of the whole country, one department after another, to the American Union. The overwhelming importance which such a result would give to the United States, as one of the leading nations of the earth, excited their alarm; and suggestions were made as to the most effectual and most feasible means of preventing it.

The first public suggestion was made by The Times, which had just then dispatched a special correspondent to the city of Mexico. In a leading editorial, that paper set forth very clearly and strongly the conditions of the country, the probability of its future absorption in the American Union, the effect of such a result upon European powers, and especially England, and the necessity of some prompt action by which it might be prevented. The Times closed its article by saying that no more fortunate event for Europe and the world could possibly occur than the reconquest of Mexico by Spain; and the assurance was ventured, that whatever means, in force or money, for so bold an undertaking, Spain might lack, would be furnished by those powers of Europe which had the deepest interest in its consummation. We copied a large part of this article at the time it appeared, and spoke of it then as a sufficient indication of designs likely to be entertained in the highest quarters. Next came the letters from the Mexican correspondent of The Times, from which we have repeatedly given copious extracts, and which constantly urged upon the attention of the English public the necessity of some speedy action to prevent the result so much deprecated by England and France, and the feasibility of the plan suggested by the Times itself. In several of these letters it was represented that the people of Mexico would acquire in such a movement,-that they felt the weakness and inadequacy of their existing Government- that they were thoroughly sick of their political institutions, which had given them nothing but disquiet, and that they would welcome the advent of an European prince. These representations were kept for some months. And the manner in which they were put forward, the familiarity evinced by the writer with diplomatic official documents, not only of England and Mexico, but of the United States clearly showed that he was writing, if not at the dictation, at least with the knowledge and aid of the British Minister at the Mexican capital.

The next step in this development was still more significant, being a simultaneous declaration, on the part of The Times and the Journal des Debats, the organs respectively of the Governments of England and France, so far at least as foreign relations are concerned that a foreign Prince, of the Bourbon family and from the Spanish branch, should be placed at the head of the Mexican Government, and his authority supported and guaranteed, against other nations and especially the United States, by the two European powers already named. These announcements were accompanied, in each paper by manifold details of the plan proposed, and very strong and earnest representations of its necessity and feasibility. Nothing else, it was urged by both, could possibly prevent all Mexico from becoming a portion of the American Union; and such an accession to the power and wealth and greatness of the United States, it was confessed, would destroy the supremacy of England and France among the nations of the earth.

Following close upon this joint declaration of the two organs of the English and French Governments was the establishment in the city of Mexico- as it appears against the popular wish and without encouragement of any party in Mexico- of El Tiempo) the Mexican Times, for the express purpose of proposing and urging the adoptions of precise measure suggested in Europe. The Tiempo declares boldly for a monarchy as the only form of Government adapted to the condition and wants of the Mexican people; scouts the Republican institutions of the United States; and thus indicates the precise form in which it would wish to see the change effected: -

"To establish a monarchy, we must choose a foreign Prince, and he must be of the Spanish branch of the Bourbon family. We want a king to strengthen our alliance with the European powers; to restore us order by their respectability and influence; to govern us by their wise measures, and save us from our own foolish and backward policy."

This, even to its details, is the scheme first broached by The Times; and it seems to us difficult to avoid the belief, that the whole project, from its inception, has been that of the Governments of England and France, and that the newspapers by which it has been urged, have acted not so much upon their own responsibilities as upon suggestions from those of either country who are in authority. And on that account, as we have repeatedly stated hitherto, we regard the subject as one of the gravest interests. That the movement is contemplated, and will be attempted, we have little doubt. What effect it will have upon this country with regards to it, and how far their hostility to its consummation may be carried, are questions as yet for simple speculation; but, whenever action upon them shall become necessary, they will become the graves, most important, and perchance, the most difficult of solution, which our Government thus far in history has ever encountered.
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LT 4/28/1846 6a AMERICA

(The substance of the following appeared in part only of our impressions yesterday:-)

We have received accounts from New York to the 5^th inst inclusive, and from Washington to the 2d, by the arrival in the Mersey of the packet ship Roscius, Captain Eldridge.

The Oregon discussion still remained undecided at the date of our Washington letters. On the 30^th ult the "compromise" policy was advocated with great ability by Messrs. Webster and Barrow. The navy estimates were produced. On the 31^st General Cass delivered a second speech, designed "to prepare the hearts of the people for war," and in which he took especial care to dwell upon those topics which were calculated to excite national antipathies and to exasperate the public mind of the two countries. On the 1^st inst Mr. Benton advocated a compromise on the 49^th parallel. The 2d was occupied with explanations.

The Journal of Commerce comments with much approbation upon the speech delivered by Mr. Benton, as follows: -

"Thanks to Mr. Benton for his straightforward manly speech! A friend in need is a friend indeed. Has his great influence been exerted in favour of extreme measures, there might have been some doubt of the result, even in the Senate; but now that he has taken his position alongside of Calhoun, Webster, Haywood, Berrien, Colquitt, Crittenden, and their compeers, what hope is there for the 54˚40' men, the Allens, cases, Hannegans, Breeses, &c.? They are left in vocative wanting. They are defeated and the country is safe. There has not for a long time been such a triumph of principle over party dictation, or attempted dictation, in any public body as this in the Senate where democrat, after democrat, to the number, we should judge, of at least one half of the whole, has declared in favour of moderation, compromise, peace, and against the enforcement of claims which can be sustained neither by argument nor arms. Indeed this whole discussion is a delightful comment on the power of truth, and safety of republican institutions. At the first go-off, it seemed as if the whole country, Congress and all, were demented. "Fifty-four forty" was the watchword, and "fifty-four forty" echoed back from all directions. But the examination which the subject had since received in Congress and out, has brought nine-tenths of the people, if not 99-100ths, to the conviction that not 54˚40', but 49˚, is the proper boundary, with such variations as the mutual interests of the parties, and a mutual regard to each other's convenience, may suggest. Upon this basis, substantially, we have strong expectations that England will meet us. The bugbear of the free navigation of the Columbia ought to be no impediment; for we defy any man to show that the interests of our citizens would suffer in consequences of such freedom."

The period which we vote would be taken upon the question of notice still remained undecided. "There appears to be a disposition in the Senate," writes the Herald of the 2^nd inst.-

"To put off coming to vote on the notice resolutions as long as possible. It was once understood the Friday the 3^rd inst.. was set apart as the day to end all debate and settle the question at issue, but from certain indications we settle the question at issue, but from certain indications we judge that a further postponement will take place. It is evidential the intention of many senators to defer taking the vote until after the arrival of the April steamer from Liverpool, that they may be better able to form some opinion, if possible, of the intentions of the British Government in the premises, and govern themselves accordingly."

A meeting in favor of the "whole or none" policy had been convened with much display in Philadelphia, but notwithstanding, the means used to get up an excitement on the subject, it was a complete failure.

The proceedings of the lower branch of Congress are interesting. The Sub-Treasury scheme had, on the 2^nd inst, passed by a strict party vote. An amendment we adopted exacting that all payments and disbursements from and to the United States shall be made in coin on and after the 30^th of June next, instead of one-third thereof, as provided originally in the bill. No movement had been made with the tariff.

Advices received from Mexico are most important, if true. "We are indebted," says the New York Evening Gazette, "to a gentleman who arrived here to-day from Havannah, via Charleston, in the short passage of eight days, for the following important intelligence: -

"The Juanita arrived at Havannah on the evening of the 22^nd, from Vera Cruz, from which place she sailed on the 16^th, bringing advices up to that day, and by the Captain we learn that a great change had taken place in the state of our relationship with Mexico. It appears that Paredes has been induced to alter his tone, owing to strong manifestations exhibited against a war with the United States, and that Mr. Slidell, our Minister, had been duly notified that the Government were ready to consider the propositions he had to make on behalf of out Government, and that there existed no doubt but that the matter would be speedily adjusted. Arista and the "troops" under his command had pronounced against Paredes and the war party"

The truth of this report is to be doubted.

Accounts from this port to the 5^th March had been received in New York, on the 1^st instant, by the packet ship Yorkshire. The advices being un-important excited no comment.

The importations into New York during March had exhibited a large increase. The duties received in the present, as compared with the past years were as follows:

	1845.	1846
February	$1,347,534.33	$1,266,663. 61
March	1,602,302.94	2,572,959.00

The exchange in London is quoted at 109^1/2 to 110.

Accounts from Texas to the 21^st ult so not furnish any further intelligence relative to the movement of the United States army under General Taylor towards Mexico. General Houston, previously to his departure for Washington, had announced his determination to support the Administration of President Polk. A new tribe of Indians, the Canges, are reported to have joined the Camanches in the hostilities of that nation to Mexico. The corn crop in Texas was rapidly advancing in growth.

"Accounts from Yucatan," says the New York Enquirer-

"Have been received by the New Orleans Picayune, confirming the intelligence respecting the willingness of the present government of Mexico to concede everything to the demands of Yucatan, and ratify those treaties the violation of which led to the alienation of that department. Mexico is pressing if her eagerness to win back Yucatan; but sensible men are fearful of the stability of the administration of Paredes, and they would have Yucatan disentangled from Mexico, in case the latter country should become yet more involved with foreign Powers. It is added that they think of sending commissioners to the United States-for what purposes is not agreed. Their Congress meets on the 23^rd of the present month."
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LT 4/30/1846 Oregon Question

In the whole course of the Oregon negotiation, and the protracted debate to which it has give rise upon the other side of the Atlantic, nothing has been advanced by any side to equal the absurdity of Mr. Benton's peremptory assertion that the whole question was settled more than 130 years ago by the Treaty of Utrecht. The American public was evidently unprepared for so far a deep plunge into the history of European treaties. Several of the newspapers appear to have a vague notion that the Treaty of Utrecht was signed about the year 1803 or 1813. Mr. Benton,, however, resolutely goes back to the Duchess of Marlborough and Mrs. Masham, though he subsequently averred that he had not looked into the English history for 40 years; and it is upon the labours of the Commissioners appointed by France and England under the 10^th article of the Treaty of Utrecht, that he claims the 49^th parallel as the established frontier between the two States to the Pacific. The following passage from the fourth edition of Mr. Greenhow's work may supply, in a brief form, the proposition which Mr. Benton laboured to establish, though Mr. Greenhow himself rejects it: -

"Mr. Monroe, Minister Plenipotentiary of the United States in London, in his letter of September 5, 1804, to Lord Harroby, the British Secretary for Foreign Affairs, makes the following statement with regard to the adoption of the 49^th parallel of latitude, as the northern boundary of Louisiana.

"By the 10^th article of the Treaty of Utrecht it is agreed that 'France shall restore to Great Britain the bay and straits of Hudson, together with all the lands, seas, seacoasts, rivers, and places situated on the said bay and straits, which belong thereto; and it is also agreed, on both sides, to determine within a year, by commissaries to be forthwith named by each party, the limits which are to be fixed between the said bay of Hudson and the places appertaining to the French, which limits both the British and French subjects shall be wholly forbid to pass over, or thereby to go to each other by sea or by land. The same commissaries shall also have orders to describe and settle in like manner the boundaries between the other British and French colonies in those parts.' Commissaries were accordingly appointed by each Power, who executed the stipulations of the treaty in establishing the boundaries proposed by it. They fixed the northern boundary of Canada and Louisiana by a line beginning on the Atlantic, at a cape or promontory in 58 degrees 30 minutes north latitude, thence southwestwardly to the Lake Misrissin, thence farther southwest to the latitude line of 49 degrees north from the equator, and along that line indefinitely. This statement was made agreeably to the instructions of Mr. Madison, the Secretary of State, contained in his letter of February 14^th, 1804, in which he refers to an accompanying paper as showing 'the authority on which the decision of the commissioners under the Treaty of Utrecht rests.' This paper was not printed with the other documents, and no copy of it can now be found, so that the authority for the statement is not known.

"Mr. Madison, however, seems to have derived his opinion chiefly from the Summary, Historical and Political, of the British Settlements in North America,' by William Douglas, published at Boston in 1794, which contains the assertion in the words used by Mr. Monroe; and Douglas probably derived it from the 31^st column of the Modern Universal History, by Salmon, 1738, Salmon, however, in his Geographical and Historical Grammar, published in 1758, says expressly with regard to these provisions of the Treaty of Utrecht, 'these limits are not settled to this day.'"

In point of fact the statement was utterly unfounded. Nothing whatever is known or recorded of any act or decision of commissaries appointed under the Treaty of Utrecht to settle the line of separation between the Hudson's Bay territories and the French possessions, or the northern boundary of Canada and Louisiana; and the whole argument rests upon a very questionable foundation. But even if such a boundau had been drawn at that earl period, and drawn even beyond the Rocky Mountains to the then nknown coast of the Pacific, there is still a complete answer to the argument, though none of the American orators have been so ingenious as to use it. They have chosen to assume for the purposes of their claim that when mention is made of discussions with reference to the territories of the Hudson's Bay Company and the French possessions in North America, Louisiana is the province designate by the latter appellation; and as Louisiana was transferred to the United States by the sale of 1803, they infer that all the standing claims of the French possessions in North America were included in that excellent bargain. The misrepresentation is so gross that no amount of mere ignorance can be supposed to cover it. At the time of the Treaty of Utrecht, and throughout the first half of the 18^th century, France was mistress of two great provinces in North America- Canada and Louisiana. Repeated discussions had arisen during the preceding reigns of Charles II, and William III, as to the proper limits of the Hudson's Bay territories and the French colony of Canada, in consequences of the alleged hostile invasion of the lands of the British company in 1686. The French company established in 1627 held under the letters of patent of Louis XIII granted in 1628, "the fort plantation of Quebec, and all the country of New France called 'Canada, up to the Arctic Circle in latitude, and in longitude from the island of Newfoundland westward to the lake called the 'Fresh sea' and beyond, together with the lands and coasts of the rivers which fall into the St. Lawrence." But throughout these discussions it was never alleged on the part of the French that Louisiana was at all affected by the question. They were defending the limits of Canada, and no more. The Treat of Utrecht provided for a final settlement of that controversy, and the labours of the commissioners to be appointed under the 10^th article must have been confined to the Canadian claims against the Hudson's Bay territories. Louisiana nowhere came into contact with them.

In 1793, however, the position of England and France in North America was wholly changed. Canada and its dependencies were ceded by the latter Power; Louisiana was retained. The French Government was certainly able and willing to defend its just rights, but from that hour we hear no more of French claims on the territories of the Hudson's Bay Company, until half a century afterwards these pretended claims are resuscitated by the Americans, as part of their purchase of Louisiana. The claims, whatever they might be worth, were clearly attached to, and included in , the ceded dependencies of Canada; and if any Power can rely upon them at the present day it is England, as the representative of France in Canada and the north-west, not the United States, representing France by the purchase on the Mississippi and in the interior. The whole argument of Mr. Benton rests on a juggle, by which he first endeavors to establish his proposition in favour of "the French possessions," and then applies to Louisiana exclusively to Canada; so that, in truth, his argument not only does not make for him, but makes directly against him.

We have never attached much importance to the attempt to sttle the Oregon question by an appeal to the wisdom of our forefathers. The continent of North America was, during the last century, the scene of several fierce contests between European Powers, which laid claim to dominions the have now, with the exception of England, wholly lost. But in all these disputes, in the negotiations for peace, and in the treaties by which they were terminated, not an allusion is to by traced to the north-west country, to the coast of the Pacific Ocean, or even to the Rocky Mountains. Whatever rights may before have exsisted in a general and indefinite form, it was the treaty of 1790 whuch first brought those regions within the public law of Europe. In 1763 the French had the strongest interests in extending as much as possible the boundairies of the province they were to retain; but we are confident that at that time no French Minister would have contended that Louisiana was to be taken to extend westward to the Rocky Mountains and to the Pacific beyond them. No European Power raised any formal pretensions to those territories. It was hardly known whether Lower California was an island or peninsula. The coast was unexplored till Cook and Vancouver visited it for the purpose of scientific inquiry; and occupation or sovereignty were still more remote. If France had chanced to have retained Louisiana to the present day, we should like to know what the United States would think of a claim advanced by her to hold the Oregon territory up to latitude 49 by virtue of the original charters of that province and the Treaty of Utrecht.

These questions must be settled in our day upon the great principles of policy and justice, not by quibbles on the construction of an old treaty, or by artifices which can impose nothing but the grossest ignorance. It is, however, of little importance for what reasons American spokesmen recommend a compromise, provided a rational compromise be adopted; but we confess that we grudge the time wasted in negotiation; and, however we may deplore the sluggish and reluctant progress of corn and coercion at home, these representative nuisances are even more intolerable when they lay hold to foreign affairs of a great nation.
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LT 5/7/1846 4b Oregon question

The inordinate prolixity of the American debate on the resolution for terminating the joint occupation of the Oregon territory is the surest proof of the empty and factious character of the cry by which the American claims have been supported.If the honour of the country were deeply engaged- if the title to the territory were as "unquestionable" as Mr. Polk maintained it to be in his inaugural address- if the interests of American citizens were injured by the existing state of things- the preliminary resolution would have been carried in as many minutes as it has already consumed hours, and all parties would concur in the necessity of bringing these uncertainties to a prompt termination.But, to judge by the length of the debate, the Senate of the United States is to a man converted to Mr. Calhoun's policy of a "masterly inactivity," and the discussion is to be carried on long enough to enable an army of pioneers to cross the continent of North America, or another generation of American citizens to grow into manhood and civil rights on the banks of the Willamette.The worst consequence of this absurd verbiage is that it suspends all negotiation; and consequently inflicts upon the mercantile and general interests of both countries some of the inconveniences of anticipated hostilities.Promptitude, secrecy, and resolution are never more required from an executive government than in the conduct of affairs of this nature; and in submitting to the Senate in its legislative capacity a question which necessarily involves the whole subject, upon which that body will hereafter pronounce an opinion in the exercise of its treaty-making power, President Polk has introduced an awkward precedent, and has caused a very mischievous and troublesome delay.

Meanwhile some incidents of a novel and peculiar character have diverted the attention of the Senate from the artificial excitement created about the Oregon resolutions; and we hope the lassitude displayed by the orators on thus threadbare topic is favorable omen for the ultimate adjustments of that difficulty.In the midst of the failing attractions of the peace-and-war question, Mr. INGERSOLL has given a powerful stimulus to the passions of the Senate by personal charges of the gravest character against Mr. WEBSTER--charges which either inflict indelible disgrace on the politicians who can resort to such means of party warfare, if they are disproved, or which, if they are brought home to Mr. WEBSTER, must ignominiously terminate his political career.Mr. INGERSOLL has alleged with the greatest formality in his place in the Senate, that certain papers for which he moved would furnish "proofs of Mr. Secretary WEBSTER'S misdemeanoursin office, his fraudulent application and personal use of the public funds, and corrupting party presses with money appropriated by law for the contingent expenses of foreign intercourse."And he adds, that when Mr. WEBSTER "was discharged from the department of State he was a delinquent, a public defaulter :" implying the he did not account for various sums of what we should term the secret service money; that some of this money was applied to his own uses, some to the release of M'LEOD; and hinting that as Mr. WEBSTER'S talents have hitherto placed him amongst the wisest and greatest of the citizens of the Union, so the turpitude and corruption of his official conduct makes him a match for the disgraces as well as the honours of Lord BACON.These extraordinary observations terminated by the adoption of a resolution for the production of the accounts fo the contingent expenses of foreign intercourse from the 4^th March, 1841, to the retirement of Mr. WEBSTER, and a variety of correspondence relating to the negotiations in which that gentleman was successfully engaged.

These accusations have been stoutly resisted by Mr. WEBSTER'S friends, though not as yet personally contested by himself; and a counter motion has been made for the production of the secret service money accounts from a much earlier period, in order to establish the fact that Mr. WESTER'S conduct is sanctionedby precedent from the time of Mr. ADAM'S Administration.

We have no hesitation in saying that, until these charges are established by irrefragable evidence, we shall continue to hold Mr. WEBSTER to be a man of honour, and vehemently to suspect his accusers of a base design to destroy his political reputation and influence by the arts of calumny.At this time more especially, it is not difficult to detect strong bad motives amongst a certain party in America for an attempt to defame the negotiator of the treaty of Washington, and the most conspicuous leader of the Whig party in Congress.To that party and to that man we in great measure owe the maintenance of peace upon terms equally honourable to both countries, and the settlement of controversies far more irritating and perplexed than that of Oregon.We repeat, that until the contrary be solemnly proved, we shall refuse to believe that the hands of Mr. WEBSTER have been contaminated by the mean and dishonest acts imputed to him.We are rather struck and disgusted with the air of levity and party triumph with which these ignoble accusations are brought forward.It is only the other day that the editor of a libelous and worthless American paper was brought under the solemn notice of the Senate, for having asserted that corrupt bargains with American senators had been made at Mr. PAKENHAM'S house, and that the whole strength of the compromise party was counted and ascertained at the British Minister's dinner-table.This absurd invention was at once confuted; the journalist was expelled from the gallery of Congress, and his paper ceased to appear.But what is such a charge as this compared to the attack now made upon Mr. WEBSTER?To hear a man who but lately filled the highest office but one in the commonwealth, and who still takes an active part in the present debates of the Senate, publicly called a defaulter, makes the blood boil in any country in which the general notions of the connextion between common honesty and political integrity have not been strangely relaxed.If such a charge can really be sustained against Mr. WEBSTER, the day of his conviction ought to be a day of mourning in the country which his frailty would have in part disgraced.But we trust rather that his adversaries will be brought to shame, and that the result of this inquiry will only expose the detestable practices and the unscrupulous inventions of which the Democratic party are capable.
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LT 5/7/1846 4f, Mexico, affairs of, proclamation by Paredes

THE WEST INDIAN MAILS.

The Medway, Royal West Indian mail-packet, arrived at Southampton yesterday.She brought 78 saloon passengers, 20 children, and 8 servants. Among the passengers is Colonel Yturregui, Minister from Peru to this Court.

The Medway has on freight 289,581 dollars (of which 46,003 are on account of the Mexican dividends), and other coin and gold of the value of 30,000 l .Her cargo consists of 59 serons of cochineal, 138 bales of tobacco, 24 bales of jalap root, 115 cases of cigars, 38 cases of preserved turtle, and 94 turtle alive, in fine condition.

The mails brought by the Medway, in charge of Lieutenant Percival, Admiralty agent, are of the following dates:-

From Tampico,	March 22.	From Martinique,	April 11.
-Vera Cruz,	April 1.	Dominica,	April 11.
-Havanah,	April 10.	Guadaloupe,	April 11.
-Nassau,	April 13.	Antigua,	April 12.
-Bermuda,	April 21.	Montserrat,	April 12.
-Honduras,	March 20.	Nevis,	April 12.
-Demerara,	April 3.	St. Kitts's,	April 12.
-Tobago,	April 5.	Tertola,	April 13.
-Triaidad,	April 5.	St. Thomas,	April 14.
-Puerto Cabello,	April 5.	St. Jago de Cuba,	Ap 6.
-Laguayra,	April 7.	Jamaica,	April 8.
-Grenada,	April 9.	Jacmel,	April 9.
-St. Vencent,	April 10.	Porto Rico,	April 13.
-St. Lucia,	April 10.

Throughout the West India Islands the crops were deficient.The want of rain had been much felt, and especially in Demerara.Very little had fallen up to the 3^rd of April, but there was every appearance of its setting in in the Windward Islands, where they had already been visited with many refreshing showers.All the islands were healthy.

The Royal Mail Company's steamer Forth sailed from Bermuda for Nassau on the 21^st of April; the Tay was at St. Thomas's on the 14^th, bound to Porto Rico; the Thames was at Jamaica on the 8^th; the Trent sailed from Havannah on the 9^th, for the Gulf of Mexico.

The Medway left at Tampico, inside the bar, two Mexican gunboats; at Sacrificios, Her Majesty's ship Rose, Captain Pelly; the French covettes Perouse, 20 guns, and Mercure, 16 guns; the Spanish corvette Habanera, 18 guns, and the American frigates Cumberland and Potomac, 50 guns each, and corvettes St. Mary, Falmouth, and John Adams, 22 guns each.The American steamer Mississippi arrived at Vera Cruz on the 30^th of March, and sailed again on the 31^st, with Mr. Slidell, the American Minister, on board.Off Havannah on the 10^th of April, the Medway met Her Majesty's ship Canopus, on her way to Halifax, New Brunswick, from Jamaica.There was at Havannah on the 10^th of April, the Spanish ship Solonora, 74; corvette Fernanda, 24; brig Patriota, 20; and two schooners; at Bermuda on the 18^th, Her Majesty's ships Vindictive, Admiral Sir F. Austen; Alarm, Endymion, Hyacinth, Persian, schooner Viper, and the steamer Hermes.The Endymion sailed on the 21^st for Barbadoes.

We have, by the Medway, letters from our correspondent in the city of Mexico dated 30^th of March, which we publish elsewhere.The Mexican Government had refused to receive Mr. Slidell, the American Minister, who had in consequence demanded and received his passports to leave the country.

General Paredes avowed his intention to adhere to the defensive system, and not to be provoked to declare war against the United States.

A new revolution was thought to be at hand, and the recall if General Santa Anna was openly talked of.

General Almonte had been appointed Envoy Extraordinary to the Court of France, and had arrived at Havannah on the 10^th of April, where he remained in close communication with Santa Anna.

Senor Parres had retired from the Ministry of Finance, and was succeeded by Senor Gorostiza.

The following proclamation had been addressed by General Paredes to the Mexican nation:-

"At this critical moment, when the nation is perhaps on the brink of war with the United States, in consequence of one of the most unjust usurpations of which history make mention, it becomes my duty to detail to my fellow-citizens the circumstances in which we are placed, the dangers which threaten us, and the sacrifices which may be necessary in order to sustain with valour, enthusiasm, and decision, rights which should be defended at whatever cost, and with and energy corresponding to the extent of the offence received.The dignity of the nation, the march of an American army to the river Bravo, where the headquarters of our troops are stationed, the threatening presence of the American squadrons in both seas, and the previous occurrences known to the civilized world, obliged me to refuse to receive the Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary of the United States, in order not to sanction by an act of debility a usurpation that, unsupported by any plausible reason or motive , is sustained through the hope of intimidating us by force.The American Minister, whose mission was nor limited to the question of Texas in the terms agreed to with the former Mexican Government, has demanded his passports, and I have not hesitated in ordering them to be give to him.I confess that war is one of the greatest evils opposed to the civilization of the are, which suggests rather the progress of industry, commerce and the most intimate relations under the auspices of a universal peace.But this peace must be consistent with the prerogatives and independence of nations, who are called on to repel force by force, when all the means of conciliation are exhausted.

"The Mexican republic having been stripped of the rich and extensive territory of Texas, which has always belonged to it, by acts emanating directly from the supreme authority of the neihgbouring republic, whose designs to posses themselves of some other of our frontier provinces have also been discovered, the Mexican nation was bound to protest, has protested, and I now in its name protest, not to acknowledge the American flag on the soil of Texas; that we will defend our invaded property, and never permit new conquests or aggressions by the Government of the United States of America.It does not pertain to me to declare war.The august Congress of the nation, when assembled, will take into consideration everything concerning the conflict in which we are placed, and which this magnanimous and enduring people has in no way provoked.But as in the mean time, an attack may be made by the United States on our maritime departments, or those bordering on Texas, it will be necessary to repel force by force, and, the initiative being once taken by the invaders, cast on them the immense responsibility of having disturbed the repose of the world.I will be even more explicit.Mexico will commit no aggression, as it has never committed any, against the people of the United States of America, but that which may be committed against us shall be repelled to the utmost extent of our power, for defense is but the exercise of the right of self-preservation.

"The Mexican Republic being compelled to struggle for its existence and its rights, amidst great difficulties, the union of allits sons can alone save us; and we shall be saved, for Mexico will not present to the world the scandal of internal dissensions, which would complete the triumph of the enemy.I do not apprehend such, though I am aware of the intrigues in operation tooverthrow the Government, which only while supported by the confidence of the people can direct the national affairs to a prosperous issue.This confidence my Government deserves, and I deserve; for, since I undertook the salvation of the country at San Luis Potosi, my promises have not been falsified by my acts.I offered to convoke an extraordinary Congress to constitute the nation definitively, and I have done soI promised to vindicate the outraged honour of the nation, and I neither acquiesce in ancient injuries nor tolerate the commission of new ones.The reigning object of my Government has been to maintain the entire complete, and unlimited liberty of the nation to constitute itself, and to prepare with ceaseless activity for its defense against every class of foes, external and internal.

"As a consequence of existing circumstances, and without expressing any opinions, I tolerated for a time to the discussion respecting forms of government, because it belongs to the future Congress to decide this vital question, and the opinions of the humblest citizens on it are entitled to be heard, not blindly to follow, but to ascertain them.But the angry character which the debate assumed, and the alarm caused by the exaggerated fears of the enemies of order and internal peace that I would tolerate the ignominious sacrifice of the sovereign rights of the nation, violating the oath to which God and the people were witness, decided me on terminating this irritating discussion, in which the contending parties forgot the course dictated by the prudence and moderation.

"My own delicacy, and a sense of the injustice done to a citizen of firm convictions and loyal character, prevented me from renewing promises and publishing declarations which could only repeat that I had solemnly sworn.Can it be forgotten that it was I who, at the general meeting in this capital on the 2^nd of December, proposed that the President should swear to sustain the popular representative, republican system?Did not the representatives of the people hear my vows?And did they not observe that my feelings corresponded to my clear and explicit words?Why then do me the injustice to suppose that at the close of a career loyal and patriotic, if not glorious, I should discredit the wounds which I have received in defense of the sacred rights of my country?The nation shall maintain, while it desires to do so, the republican system which it adopted with pleasure and which I will support as I have offered; and I supplicate Providence to assist our designs, and to permit us to construct the social edifice on the basis of liberty and order, and that the exercise of our rights may be unstained by injustice or crime.I desire to establish for ever the principle that of man, papery, or faction, shall be superior to the will of the republic , and that the first duty of Government is to consult national wishes.

"Desirous of depriving our external enemies of the sources of discord of which they wished to avail themselves, I have hastened to explain my political faith, in order to strengthen public confidence in my Government, all whose acts have, however, been as pure as their intentions.Let all alarm, then, cease; and my Government, supported by the people whom they invoke, will maintain public order against every aggressor, and will defend , or perish, the liberty and independence of the nation, and the integrity of its territory against enemies that wish to usurp it.I, who limited the powers of the Executive in the triumph of the resolution, and fixed a term for the exercise of that power, cannot be suspected of imprudent innovations; and I protest that, adhering to the 4^th article of the General Act of the Army, I will only use the faculties necessary for the preservation of eminently national objects.My ambition points to the purest glory, and if my fellow citizens do justice to my intentions, while my country preserves my rights , and under every circumstance augments the luster of her name, I shall acquire the only reward to which I aspire- the gratitude of my countrymen.Here then is the plan of my administration: - fortitude and constancy to sustain the nation against foreign attacks - liberty to constitute itself - union and reciprocal confidence between the Government and the people- the maintenance of internal order, without any sacrifice but those indispensable for the preservation of such blessings.The army will combat wheredestiny may call it, the people will support its efforts, and I trust the sovereign Arbiter of nations will extend His protection to ours, and permit its elevation to power and glory.

"MARIANO PAREDES Y ANILLAGA.
"Mexico, March 26, 1846."

A letter from San Luis, dated 12^th of March, states: - "General Ampudia entered the town on the 8^th inst with 8,000 men, en route for Texas; on the 11^th, the first division was ordered to march, when defection was manifested by the 4^th Infantry; the General immediately seized the colours and placed himself at the head of the column, and the troops followed him until they reached the outskirts of the town, when, being encouraged by the populace, they again refused to march.The General then made a retrograde movement, and took possession of the church tower and other strong positions, when order was restored.On the 12th (this day), the mutineers took their departure for San Miguel Allende (this, instead of being the road to Texas, is the road to Mexico).The others will be directed to march tomorrow, and a repetition of the scene is anticipated." [SCM]

LT 5/7/1846 5b Mexico, affairs of

THE AFFAIRS OF MEXICO

One the 1^st of this month Mr. Slidell, the American Minister, addressed a letter from Jalapa to the Minister for Foreign Affairs here, referring to his communications with the former Mexican Government, and desiring to know whether he would be received by the present one in his capacity of Minister Plenipotentiary from the United States, intimating at the same time in tolerably plain terms that a refusal would be followed by a demand for his passports, and an open rupture between the two countries.On the 12^th Senor Castillo y Lanzas replied to Mr. Slidell, that the Mexican Government would not receive him as Minister Plenipotentiary from the Government of the United States, that the former Government had agreed to receive a commissioner for the question of Texas only, and had objected to his reception, when it was perceived that, under this pretence, it was attempted to fix a plenipotentiary here, as if the diplomatic relations of the two countries had never been interrupted; and that the present Government adopted to the fullest extent the same objection to his credentials.Senor Castillo took advantage of this opportunity to reargue the whole question of Texas in terms by no means complimentary to the Untied States.On the 17^th Mr. Slidell demanded his passports, and replied at length to the arguments of Senor Castillo, "not from any novelty which they contained, but lest his silence should be erroneously interpreted as acquiescence in their justice;" finally, on the 21^st, Senor Castillo, in a brief note, transmitted to Mr. Slidell his passports, as required.At the close of this correspondence each Minister congratulates himself on having completely refuted the arguments of the other, and renews to his opponent the assurances of his distinguished consideration.However, the affair has become serious.Mr. Slidell is by this time on board one of the American vessels of war at Sacrificios, and Mr. Polk stands pledged by all that is sacred in democratic sovereignty to exact an exemplary satisfaction.

Intelligence having been received here that a party of the United States troops in Texas had moved to, or towards, the Brazos de Santiago, which is the real port of Matamoras (the bar at the mouth of the Rio Bravo, excluding all but vessels a small burden), about 2,000 men under General Ampudia (the butcher of Tobasco) were ordered to reinforce the garrison at Matamoras.On reaching San Luis Potosi a majority of those troops refused to proceed, alleging, with some show of reason, that Paredes himself had preferred coming here to undertaking the same expedition, though with a larger force.The affair has been kept as quiet as possible, and is not known by what means the meeting was quelled; but the troops are again on the march, consoled, probably, but the reflection that an enormous distance still separates them from the country.

General Paredes, assailed with violence by the Opposition press for his supposed acquiescence in the monarchial doctrines of El Tiempo , publishes a decree forbidding all discussion respecting forms of government, and recently a proclamation, explaining the state of affairs with the United States, and vindicating his own conduct with respect to the monarchial question.The proclamation contains the usual quantity of bombast, and in substance is rather republican, but it bears the Jesuit's mark, and betrays conscious weakness.He avows that the presence of the American troops on the left bank of the Bravo will not provoke him to any act of hostility against the United States, affecting to consider the right of declaring war as a prerogative of the future Congress.This hypocrisy has disgusted every one, and the Opposition press criticizes the proclamation with unsparing severity; indeed, one paper, La Reforma, goes the length of declaring that Santa Anna should be immediately invited to return here and assume the reigns of government.IF this advice be followed, and that it will be seems not improbable, what a picture of versatility and weakness will Mexico exhibit to the world!

Since Almonte's separation from the Cabinet he has been looked on by Paredes with distrust, and in consequence has just been named Envoy Extraordinary to France, a species of honourable exile, which Almonte's republicanism does not prevent him from accepting.Two well known writers in the Opposition papers are attached to the mission as secretaries!

Senor Parres has just retired from the Ministry of Finance.He is a man of old school, -honest, ignorant, and obstinate.He claimed the right of revising the contracts, made by Santa Anna's Government, and on his own sole authority declared many of them null, some as, "usurious" and others as "burdensome to the Treasury," directing the contractors to refund the money they and received, under pain of embargo, which in one case (that of an American house) he actually made effective.This step excited general reprobation, and is said to have contributed to his fall.While in office, he borrowed 1,800,00 dollars (half money, half bonds of the 26 per cent.fund) on terms quite as bad as any of his predecessors, and in the last days of his Ministry granted a license for the exportation of 2,000 bars of silver (equal to 2,000,000 dollars) at an unusually low rate.The exportation of silver in bars in prohibited, but various Governments have had recourse to this expedient in order to raise money. When the circulation and expert duties on dollars were five and a half per cent., the Real del Monte Company paid eight per cent for a license to export silver in bars.The duty on dollars is now 10 per cent., yet the present contractors pay only 9^1/2 per cent for their license.The Mint of this city will, of course,be injured by the loss of the of the coinage of this sum, but that establishment has long been in a declining condition; and a deficit is known to exist in its funds, which occasioned serious alarm to persons sending silver there.The concern will probably pass ere long into the hands of the Anglo-Mexican Mint Company.

The new Minister of Finance is Don Manuel Eduardo Gorostiza, a gentleman known in Europe and the United States, and who is, in many respects, the opposite of his predecessor.

At the moment of closing this, the mail from Vera Cruz has not arrived, from which the friends of Santa Anna draw an inference unfavourable to the stability of Government, while the adherents of Paredes attribute the delay to the breaking down of the mail-cart.
[SCM]

LT 5/7/1846 7b US, preparations for war

PREPARATION FOR WAR.--Every vessel built, every soldier armed, by our Government is a preparation for war.No nation, however infinitesimal its proportions, is wholly without the protection which nature gives to the elephant and the insect.It is passing strange that our Government, our statesmen, and our journals should consider it necessary to beg the world's pardon for daring to add a few ships to our marine, or a few thousands to our army.All this may be done without the sky falling.Mr. President Polk is in the right in assuming that no foreign Power has reason to take exception to our adding to our army and navy an increase which will leave them of less force than the municipal and revenue police of England.Should this deference to foreign opinion in small matters be cultivated, we must ask Europe for permission that our militia should substitute guns for corn stalks, and powder for pea nuts.This apprehension of foreign jealousy is the means of vanity--the fear that we are so magnificently great that the world trembles before us, and that if we condescend to blow our republican noses the earth will shudder with the reverberations.What folly!Our military and naval force increased tenfold would, in comparison with the relative force of a German principality, be nothing to boast of; and the proposition to defend a territory so extended, a population so vast, by increasing our military police--by some 5,000 or 10,000 men, and our navy by some ten or a dozen vessels, is more likely to excite ridicule than resentment abroad.After having left our fortifications destitute of defenders, we boast an army of 5,000 men.Double it, and the world is in danger!Were our future halcyon, prudence dictates an increase of our means of defence.But, encompassed with storms, and contemplating a deadly issue with the foremost Power of the world, to neglect the means of defence is to invite ruin.A false security is ever boastful; it is easy to defy a danger supposed to be distant; but those who think at all must know that the course of our administration involves imminent danger of a collision with Great Britain, and that such a contest, unless every energy of the Republic be at once put forth, must leave our country to raise its laurels from the ashes of its prosperity.There is nothing in the relations of the two countries to justify to history or to heaven a war.Yet, with the passions excited by the administration through its organs, and which now, when the Executive has kindled the blood of the people to fever heat, rise in opposition to a compromise, it is idle to regard our country as safe without protection.An error, an act of passion or folly on either side, may precipitate the calamity and our people, with the torch at their doors and the sword at their throats, would have reason to complain of the imbecility of the Governmant that had betrayed them.The diplomacy of armed power is ever more auspicious than that which begs the grudged right that it is not prepared to enforce.It is as necessary for our country to be strong as to be in the right.-- Philadelphia North American. [SCM]

LT 5/8/1846 4c Oregon question

LONDON, FRIDAY, MAY 8, 1846.

The resolutions authorizing the PRESIDENT of the United States to give notice for the termination of the Oregon Convention of 1827, have now, as we announced yesterday, received the sanction of the Senate by a majority of 40 to 14 votes.Nine weeks of continuous debate may be supposed to have exhausted the most sturdy powers of Parliamentary endurance; and, from the senators of Massachusetts to the newly-arrived representative of the state of Texas, not a member of the sedate assembly seems to have let this important topic pass in silence.The doubts and difficulties which are commonly confined to a Cabinet on questions of this nature have here been extended to a species of popular assembly, and aggravated by publicity and party spirit.But the result has been the same as if the resolutions had been introduced by Mr. POLK; and public opinion throughout the Union has been informed and invigorated by the debate.In spite of the length of time during which we have contemplated the approach of this notice-the clear certainty of the result of the discussion-the unanimity which we may be said to have arrived at in both countries as to the expediency and necessity of putting an end to the doubtful condition of the question-and the impatience with which we desired that this preliminary step should be taken, in order that the definitive negotiation might be promptly resumed, it cannot be doubted that the solemn act of the American Government, which is about to assign a term to one of the most important territorial conventions existing between Great Britain and the United States, must be a considerable, and may become momentous, event.In America the debates on this subject have almost exclusively monopolized the time of the Legislature and the attention of the public since the commencement of the session of Congress.In this country, Parliament and the nation have been content to wait the course of the events, and to leave untouched by premature controversy one of the most important functions of the executive Government, and one of the highest prerogatives of the Crown.But, in spite of the excessive discussion to which the Oregon territory has given rise on the other side of the Atlantic, and the extreme reserve which has hitherto been maintained on this, there is at bottom the same deep and earnest hope in both countries that this question will be amicably settled, and we trust there is an equal resolution in the Governments of both countries to make every exertion, consistent with their true interests and honour, to terminate the controversy.It is in this spirit that we are willing to receive the notice for the termination of the existing convention.In this spirit, and with an express recommendation to that effect, the resolutions have been framed and carried in both houses of Congress; and in the same spirit we do not doubt that the negotiation will be forthwith renewed.The alternative is now distinctly indicated.The utmost term to which the peace of the world can be prolonged is one twelvemonth, if indeed circumstances do not bring about a much earlier rupture, unless the partition of the Oregon territory be finally settled within the period.Never was a heavier responsibility incurred by public men; never was a graver question poised in the balance of Providence.The provisional agreement under which our pacific relations with the United States have subsisted for 30 years is to be superseded by a final definition of our respective rights upon the north-western coast of America, or to be succeeded by war.The vessel is already loosened from the moorings at which she lay in peace.The convention of joint occupancy is virtually ended; and the destinies of these two great nations-if, indeed, they can be called twain, which have so great a name, a language, and a freedom in common with each other,-are exposed to the fluctuations of adverse and conflicting claims.The emergency is, doubtless, a most serious one; but, happily for the honour of this country, it is accompanied by none of those feelings of excitement amongst ourselves which have so often perplexed the affairs of the world, and it will be met with the deliberate energy of men as conscious of our duties as of our strength.

The form in which the resolution has been ultimately adopted by the Senate of the United States is extremely dignified and becoming, and in this respect may be regarded as a triumph of the moderate party over the violent and excessive pretensions of the gentlemen who act with Mr. ALLEN.In the final division which took place, 22 votes out of 40 belonged to the Whig party; whilst only 2 Whigs voted with the extreme party against the form in which it was proposed that the notice should be given.So that, although the division had nothing of a party character, the adhesion of the Whigs secured that moderation of language for which it is remarkable.It seems that, according to the forms of Congress, the House of Representatives must concur in the resolution as amended by the Senate, and for this purpose it will undergo some further debate in the lower house.As the notice stands in Mr. CRITTENDEN'S motion, there is not an expression in the preamble with which we do not cordially concur; and it forms a striking contrast to the peremptory and unqualified expressions used by MR. POLK in his official communications.In fact, when the Senate of the United States speaks of the "evil consequences of the divided allegiance of an American and British population and of the confusion and conflict of "national jurisdiction" in Oregon, they substantially recognize that principle of division which MR. POLK has hitherto denied, and they impose upon him the prosecution of a negotiation which he has endeavoured to render impossible.

Thus far, the, and in more respects than one, the American notice materially improves the prospect of a speedy settlement.It recognizes, in general terms, the basis upon which alone such a settlement can be attempted, and, by putting an end to the period of joint occupancy, it prepares us to maintain to the fullest extent the rights we derive from present occupation.Whatever be the fate of the provisional treaties, we presume that no one will presume that no one will contest that the rights and interests which have grown up by their protection and authority are sacred, both under the letter of those treaties, and under the original rights to which we now revert in all their force.Our positions as claimants upon an equal footing with the United States for the partition of the whole territory in dispute is rather strengthened than weakened by the abrogation of the treaty, and we cannot doubt that the Ministers of the Crown will be ready, upon the receipt of the notice, firmly and explicitly to declare to the cabinet of Washington what those rights are which they have long been "resolved and prepared to maintain." Every incident which has occurred in the course of these discussions has more and more fully convinced us that whilst a compromise is necessary, and, indeed, our own statement of our claims suggests a division, no surrender of those claims can be attempted.We are not conscious of having advanced any argument, or made any assertion, which is not greatly within the strictest limits to which British rights might have been carried; and below the line which has been traced for the policy of this country lies nothing but insecurity and disgrace.To that position we therefor adhere; we have no doubt that the Ministers of the Crown will adhere to it no less firmly, confident that in the maintenance of just rights, as well as in securing peace, they are supported by the unanimous resolution of the people of England.
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LT 5/8/1846-5d The Oregon Question

America.
The Oregon Question.
The Notice.
[The following most important intelligence appeared in a second edition of The times of yesterday, exclusively:--]

We have received, via Havre, most important advices from Washington to the 16th and from New York to the 18th ult. inclusive. They bring the result of the debate in the Senate upon the Oregon Question.

The proceedings in the Senate are thus detailed by our correspondent:-
Washington City, (United States,)

Monday, April 13.

In the Senate this morning there was a conversational debate between Mr. Allen, Mr. Crittenden, Mr. Morehead, Mr. Clayton, and others, which resulted in an understanding (informally) that the vote on the resolutions respecting the12 months' notice to terminate the joint convention relative to the Oregon territory should be taken on Thursday.

Mr. Huntington, of Connecticut, addressed the Senate to-day at length in favour of a settlement of the Oregon controversy by a compromise of the 49thdegree.

A message was also received from the President in reply to Mr. Clayton's resolution of inquiry, which stated that no further correspondence on the subject of Oregon had passed between the Governments of the United States and Great Britain since the 4th of February ( the arbitration correspondence).

Tuesday, April 14.

Mr. Westcott, of Florida, addressed the Senate in support of the title of the United States up to 54 deg. 40 min., but in opposition to the notice, which, he believed, if it sis not bring on a war immediately, would at the expiration of the 12 months; and, as the United States were not prepared for war, he should vote against the notice in all shapes and forms.

Mr. M'Duffie, Of South Carolina, said a few words by way of addenda to Mr. Westcott's speech, as that gentleman had attempted by appealing to "Hansard" to show that Great Britain had admitted the title of Spain to the territory in dispute. Mr. M'Duffie showed, by quotations from the following page of the same volume from which Mr. Westcott had been quoting, that Great Britain had always denied the right of Spain to exclusive jurisdiction in Oregon.

Wednesday, April 15.

Mr. S. Houston, of Texas, addressed the Senate to-day in a speech in favour of the American title to 54 deg. 40 min, and advocating the "naked notice" as it is called, or a simple resolution giving the notice without preamble or qualifications of any kind. He intimated in the course of his speech, however, that a treaty which settled the matter on the 49th degree would receive his vote.

Thursday, April 16.

The Senate Chamber and galleries were very much crowded this morning by persons anxious to see and hear the closing scenes of this long protracted debate, which has extended over nine weeks, and also to see to what results it would lead.

Mr. Crittenden, of Kentucky, led off in a very able and eloquent speech, in support of the preamble and resolutions which he had offered, authorizing the President to give the notice at his discretion.

Mr. Allen moved to lay the resolution reported by the Senate Committee on Foreign Affairs on the Table, in order that the resolutions adopted by the House of Representatives might be taken up and acted upon, which was agreed to.

Mr. Reverdy Johnson, of Maryland, moved the adoption, as a substitute, of the following preamble and resolution, which is the same as that offers by Mr. Crittenden, with the insertion of the word "amicable" before the word "settlement" at the conclusion of the preamble, and the omission of the following proviso at the end of the resolution:--

"Provided, however, that, in order to afford ampler time and opportunity for the amicable settlement and adjustment of all their differences and disputes in respect to said territory, said notice ought not to be given until after the close of the present session of Congress."

"Whereas by the convention concluded the 20th day of October, 1818, between the United States of America and the King of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland, for the period of ten years, and afterwards indefinitely extended and continued in force by another convention of the same parties, concluded the 6th day of August, in the year of our Lord 1827, it was agreed that any country that may be claimed by wither party on the northwest coast of America westward of the Stony of Rocky Mountains, now commonly called the Oregon territory, should, together with its harbours, bays, and creeks, and the navigation of all rivers whithin the same, be 'free and open' to the vessels, citizens, and subjects of the two Powers, but without prejudice to any claim which either of the parties might have to any part of said country ; and with this further provision, in the second article of the said convention of the 6thof August, 1827, that either party might abrogate and annul said convention, on giving due notice of 12 months to the other contracting party ;-

"And whereas it has now become desirable that the respective claims of the United States and Great Britain should be definitely settled, and that said territory may no longer than need remain subject to the evil consequences of the divided allegiance of its American and British population, and of the confusion and conflict of national jurisdictions, dangerous to the cherished peace and understanding of the two countries;-

"With a view, therefore, that steps be taken for the abrogation of the said convention of the 6th of August, 1827, in the mode prescribed in its second article, and that the attention of the Governments of both countries may be the more earnestly and immediately directed to renewed efforts for the amicable settlement of all their differences and disputes in respect to the said territory,-

"1. Resolved by the Senate and House of Representatives, of the United States of America in Congress assembled, That the President of the United States be, and he is hereby authorized, at his discretion, to give the British Government the notice required by its said second article for the abrogation of the convention of the 6th of August, 1827."

Mr. Allen moved to amend this substitute, by striking out the second and third paragraphs of the preamble, and inserting an extract from the President's Message, commencing and whereas it has now "become the duty of Congress," &c.

Mr. Pennybacker, of Virginia, then rose, and spoke at some length in explanation of his reasons for opposing the substitute.

The question being taken on the amendment to the substitute proposed by Mr. Allen, it was decided in the negative by a vote of - Yeas, 22; Nays, 32, as follows:-

In the Affirmative.

Allen, of Ohio	Fairfield, of Maine
Ashley of Arkansas	Hannegan, of Indiana
Atchison, of Missouri	Jenness, of New Hampshire
Atherton, of New Hampshire	Niles, of Connecticut
Bagby, of Alabama	Semple, of Illinois
Benton, of Missouri	Sevier, of Arkansas
Breese, of Illinois	Sturgeon, of Pennsylvania
Bright, of Indiana	Turney of Tennessee
Cameron, of Pennsylvania	Westcott, of Florida
Cass, of Michigan
Chalmers, of Mississippi	Absent-2
Dickinson, of New York	Colquitt, of Georgia
Dix, of New York	Yulee, of Florida.

In the Negative.

Archer, of Virginia.	Jarnagin, of Tennessee
Barrow, of Louisiana	R. Johnson, of Maryland
Berrien, of Georgia	H. Johnson, of Louisiana
Calhoun, of South Cariolina	Lewis, of Alabama
Thomas Clayton, of Delaware	M'Duffie of South Carolina
John Clayton, of Delaware	Mangum, of North Carolina
Corwin, of Ohio	Miller, of New Jersey
Crittenden, of Kentucky	Morehead, of Kentucky
Davis, of Massachusetts	Pearce, of Maryland
Dayton, of New Jersey	Rusk, of Texas
Evans, of Maine	Simmons, of Rhode Island
Greene, of Rhode Island	Speight, of Mississippi
Haywood, of North Carolina	Upham, of Vermont
Houston, of Texas	Webster, of Massachusetts
Huntington, of Connecticut	Woodbridge, of Michigan

Mr. Breese, of Illinois, then moved to amend the substitute by striking out the words "at his discretion' in the resolution. The question being taken, the motion was decided in the negative by a vote of -Yeas,22; Noes, 32.

In the Affirmative.

Allen, of Ohio	Houston, of Texas
Ashley of Arkansas	Jenness, of New Hampshire
Atchison, of Missouri	Niles, of Connecticut
Atherton, of New Hampshire	Pennybacker, of Virginia
Bagby, of Alabama	Rusk of Texas
Semple, of Illinois	Semple of Illinios
Sevier, of Arkansas	Sevier, of Arkansas
Breese, of Illinois	Sturgeon, of Pennsylvania
Bright, of Indiana	Turney of Tennessee
Turney of Tennessee
Cameron, of Pennsylvania
Cass, of Michigan	Absent-2
Dickinson, of New York	Colquitt, of Georgia
Dix, of New York	Yulee, of Florida
Fairfield, of Maine
Hannegan, of Indiana

In the Negative.

Archer, of Virginia	Jarnagin, of Tennessee
Barrow, of Louisiana	R. Johnson, of Maryland
Benton, of Missouri	H. Johnson, of Louisiana
Berrien, of Georgia	Lewis, of Alabama
Calhoun, of South Cariolina	M'Duffie of South Carolina
Chalmers, of Mississippi	Mangum, of North Carolina
T. Clayton, of Delaware	Miller, of New Jersey
J. M. Clayton, of Delaware	Morehead, of Kentucky
Corwin, of Ohio	Pearce, of Maryland
Crittenden, of Kentucky	Phelps, of Vermont
Davis, of Massachusetts	Simmons, of Rhode Island
Dayton, of New Jersey	Speight, of Mississippi
Evans, of Maine	Upham, of Vermont
Greene, of Rhode Island	Webster, of Massachusetts
Haywood, of North Carolina	Westcott, of Florida
Huntington, of Connecticut	Woodbridge, of Michigan

The question was then taken on the adoption of the substitute, and decided in the affirmative by a vote of -Yeas, 30; Noes, 24 as follows:-

In the Affirmative.

Archer, of Virginia. Barrow, of Louisiana. Berrien, of Georgia. Calhoun, of South Carolina. Chalmers, of Mississippi. Thomas Clayton, of Delware. John M. Clayton, of Delaware. Corwin, of Ohio. Crittenden, of Kentucky. Davis, of Massachusetts. Dayton, of New Jersey. Evans, of Maine. Greene, of Rhode Island. Haywood, of North Carolina. Huntington, of Connecticut. Jarnagin, of Tennessee. R. Johnson, of Maryland. H. Johnson, of Louisiana. Lewis, of Alabama. M'Duffie, of South Cariolina. Mangum, of North Carolina. Miller, of New Jersey. Morehead, of Kentucky. Pearce, of Maryland. Phelps, of Vermont. Simmons, of Rhode Island. Speight, of Mississippi. Upham, of Vermont. Webster, of Massachusetts. Westcott, of Florida. Woodbridge, of Michigan.

In the Negative.

Allen, of Ohio. Ashley of Arkansas. Atchison, of Missouri. Atherton, of New Hampshire Bagby of Alabama. Benton, of Missouri. Breese, of Illinois. Bright, of Indiana. Cameron, of Pennsylvania. Cass, of Michigan. Chalmers, of Mississippi. Dickinson, of New York. Dix, of New York. Fairfield, of Maine. Hannegan, of Indiana. Houston, of Texas. Jenness of New Hampshire. Niles, of Connecticut. Pennybacker, of Virginia. Rusk, of Texas. Semple, of Illinois. Servier, of Arkansas. Sturgeon, of Pennsylvania. Turney, of Tennessee.

Absent.

Colquitt, of Georgia. Yulee, of Florida.

Mr. Allen then spoke at some length in opposition to the resolution as thus modified, declaring his intention to vote against it, even if he voted alone.

Mr. Crittenden replied to Mr. Allen, who rejoined, and Mr. Crittenden surrejoined in a strain of great severity towards Mr. Allen.

The committee of the whole having reported the amendment to the Senate, it was concurred in.

The question then recurred on ordering the joint resolution to be engrossed and read a third time, which was decided in the affirmative by a vote of-Yeas, 40; Noes, 14:--

In the Affirmative.

Archer, of Virginia. Ashley, of Arkansas. Atherton, of New Hampshire. Bagby, of Alabama. Barrow, of Louisiana. Benton, of Mississippi. Berrien, of Georgia. Calhoun, of South Carolina. Cameron, of Pennsylvania. Chalmers, of Mississippi. J.M. Clayton, of Delaware. Corwin, of Ohio. Crittenden, of Kentucky. Davis, of Massachusetts. Dayton, of New Jersey. Dix, of New York. Greene, of Rhode Island. Haywood, of North Carolina. Houston, of Texas. Huntington, of Connecticut. Jarnagin, of Tennessee. R. Johnson, of Maryland. H. Johnson, of Louisiana. Lewis, of Alabama. M'Duffie, of South Caolina. Mangnum, of North Carolina. Miller, of New Jersey. Morehead, of Kentucky. Niles, of Connecticut. Pearce, of Maryland. Pennybacker, of Virginia. Phelps, of Vermont. Rusk, of Texas. Servier, of Arkansas. Simmons, of Rhode Island. Speight, of Mississippi. Turney, of Tennessee. Upham, of Vermont. Webster, of Massachusetts. Woodbridge, of Michigan.

In the Negative.

Allen, of Ohio. Atchinson, of Missouri. Breese, of Illinois. Bright, of Indiana. Cass, of Michigan. Thomas Clayton, of Delaware. Dickinson, of New York. Evans, of Maine. Fairfield, of Maine. Hannegan, of Indiana. Jenness, of New Hampshire. Semple, of Illinois. Sturgeon, of Pennsylvania. Westcott, of Florida.

Absent.

Colquitt, of Georgia. Yulee, of Florida.

So the Senate agreed by a majority of 26 out of 54 votes to adopt the resolution as amended, which will now have to be sent back to the House of Representatives for its concurrence.

The House of Representatives have been engaged since Monday in discussing a bill to protect the rights of American settlers in the territory of Oregon until the termination of the joint occupation of the same.

Of this bill you had a copy several weeks ago. It meets with strenuous opposition from the Whigs and a portion of the Democrats. The House has ordered debate to cease, and the vote to be taken on it to-morrow (Friday), the 17thinst. It is not likely that it will be adopted in the House without being essentially modified, but if it should be, it will be very summarily disposed of in the Senate, by being laid on the table.

On Tuesday the Chairman of the Committee of Ways and Means reported a bill to the House, "reducing the duty on imports, and for other purposes." It is probable that it will be brought up for discussion in about a fortnight. It is modelled on the same plan as the project of the Secretary of the Treasury, Mr. Walker, but differs from that materially in the rates of duty which it levies; for instance, Mr. Walker's project levied 25 percent on woollens, and 30 percent on cottons, while the bill reported to the House levies 30 and 25 per cent. respectively.

Mr. Slidell has returned from his mission to Mexico without having accomplished anything whatever, Paredes positively refusing to receive him as a Minister Plenipotentiary, though, it is said, they are willing to receive a special commissioner to settle pending difficulties.

Simultaneously, as it would appear, with the orders for Mr. Slidell to return to the Untied States General Taylor received orders to march troops under his command from Corpus Christi to the Rio Grande, and they are now opposite the city of Matamoras, having put the Mexicans into a tremendous fight, so that the Government official there set fire to the Custom House, and ran off as fast as he could.

It is said that the Senate will not act upon any measure of any importance sent to it by the House until that body has acted definitively upon the resolutions of notice which the Senate passed yesterday.

The Tariff Bill, which has been reported by the Committee of Ways and Means, is hardly expected to pass congress this session, or perhaps next either.
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LT 5/11/1846-5b Naval and military resources of the United States

London, Monday, May 11, 1846.

The United States' Government have cautiously abstained from submitting any specific demand to Congress for supplies of finance and of war calculated to meet the emergency in which they have placed the United States. Mr. Polk has, indeed, intimated in an official message, that in his opinion the time is now come for augmenting the military and naval establishments of the Union; by the has omitted to state the amount of the deficiency which has to be supplied, of to point out the means by which he proposes simultaneously to fortify the coast, to construct a fleet, to equip an army, and to replenish the treasury. We are left to extract from a scanty correspondence of the army and navy departments the only glimmering of light which has reached us on this subject; and that feeble ray serves rather to indicate the huge extent of the task, than to suggest the means by which it is to be accomplished. The old maxim "Si vis pacem para bellum" has certainly not been observed by President Polk; but though not observed we hope that has not been inverted; and we are unwilling to deduce a great alacrity for war from a total absence of preparation for it. The truth is that Mr. Polk is well aware that, unless the conduct of English Government is such as to rouse a strong fit of excitement and resentment in the United States, the first serious indication of war, the first heavy loan brought into the market and the first proposal of a war budget, would be the signal for a most vigorous and active opposition to the President's Government. So great an increase in the demands of the Federal Government upon the nation would at once indicate the change which has really, though covertly, taken place within the last few years in the policy of the dominant party in the United States. As long as they observed those rules of forbearance, peace, and good faith towards their neighbours which were inculcated by the illustrious founders of their constitution, they were too strong to run any risk of foreign aggression, and too wise to provoke a contest they were unprepared to meet. But since those primitive virtues have disappeared from amongst them, their foreign policy and their military establishments have yet to learn that no State can annex provinces and impose peremptory conditions upon its neighbours, without accepting the great and permanent burdens of standing armies and immense arsenals. Nothing is more certain than that the present tone and conduct of the Cabinet of Washington lead straight, and by a rule of invincible necessity, to the expenditure, patronage, and influence which attend the maintenance of the public forces; and everything seems to indicate that our Transatlantic descendants will not be more free than all the great States which have flourished in the world from the costly and perilous passion of arms.

We recently showed from some American statistics how very inadequate the present military and naval establishments of the Union are, even to the demands of the service in time of peace; and for some time past attention of the American Government has been fixed upon this fact, though they evidently require some incident which shall excite the popular mind in that direction to enable them to carry their measures of augmentation. The necessity of defending the territory of Texas, where the population is too sparse to defend itself from the probability of a Mexican incursion, and the very precarious relations of the United States with the Mexican Government, have, in fact, drawn to the southern frontier the whole disposable force of the Union. The Secretary-at-War recommended, in his letter to the Chairman of the Military Committee of the Senate, in a letter of the 29th of December last, that, considering the amount of the force actually required in Texas and on the Indian frontier, as well as to garrison the existing fortifications on the coast, the President should have authority to accept the services of volunteer companies and State troops for a term not exceeding one year. He adds, "Our situation may be such that for the mere purpose of defence, these volunteers or militia to the number of 50,000 may be needed. This number, in addition to our regular force, would not be more than sufficient to put the country in a reasonable state of security in case of a war with Great Britain. On the northern Frontier, where there are now stationed only 480 men, provisions should be made for placing, on the shortest notice, a force equal to that in Canada, where there are at this time about 7,000 regular British Troops." As for the fabrication of heavy ordnance and materiel, the department had not even ascertained what means would be place at its disposal; and for the essentials of war; the Chinese were scarcely worse provided to repel our squadrons than the Americans.

The following return of the naval force of the United States was used in a recent debate in the Senate, and may, we presume, be relied on:-

"Naval Force of The United States."

Class of Ships	In commission		Building		In ordinary
	No	No. of guns	No	No. of guns	No	No. of guns
Ships of the line	4	374	5	420	2	164
Frigates and razees	7	374	3	150	5	260
Sloops of war	15	314	2	40	6	120
Brigs of war	6	60	2	20
Steamers of war	3	23	1	4	3	12
Schooners	1	10
Small unarmed vessels and storeships	11				1
Aggregate	47	1,155	11	614	19	576

*Official documents , January, 1846.

"Total number of Government vessels of all classes	77
"Total number of guns, when all armed	2,345
"Total number of seamen and boys employed in the naval service, 1845 and 1846	7,500
"Total number of marine corps (exclusive of officers)	1,224
"Total	8,724

"Of the four line-of-battle ships marked as in commission, one only is at sea. The other three are used as receiving ships. Of the five marked as building, one is at Sackett Harbour.

"Of the steamers, one of the three in the column of 'ordinary' is for harbour defence. One other is a steam-tug."

Since this return was made, we believe that orders have been given for the construction of 10 steamers of war; but, at present, the Princeton and the Mississippi are the only two steam-ships which bear the United States' flag.

Some months have elapsed since these facts were brought under the notice of Congress, but as yet nothing has been done on a scale of any importance to remedy the evil and provide against the danger. Such supineness is certainly the best proof of the confidence which must prevail in the United States, that the British Government has no intention of abusing its superior force; for no ally ever displayed a more complete reliance upon the disposition of this country for peace than has been, and is still, shown upon the other side of the Atlantic. But we cannot doubt that if Mr. POLK could have acted with more vigour, he would have done so. No Executive Government ever before placed itself in such a position as he has taken up, with so total an absence of the first elements of military and naval power. But the Cabinet of Washington has probably discovered by experience and inquiry, that the first element of all is of all the most embarrassing to obtain. The United States come into the field not only with a volunteer army and a fleet manned in part by foreigners, but with a blighted credit. Long before a cannon is fired, and whilst war is still no more than a remote contingency, they man discover that the pecuniary transactions of the last few years between America and Europe have done more to lessen their power than the defeat of an army or the destruction of a fleet. What power has Mr. POLK of contending against difficulties of finance, aggravated an hundred-fold by the past policy and present attitude of his Government? Already we understand that his views upon the tariff, which might have given a permanent and pacific lustre to his administration, have been abandoned, or at least postponed-doubtless because they involve sacrifices of revenue which it is absolutely impossible to make. And if the United States are to make preparations, even for the decence of their own territories, at all in proportion to the arrogance of the language in which some of their representatives speak of the territories of other States, the Cabinet of Washington must have in preparation some considerable financial expedient which will reveal their designs to the world, and their weakness to themselves.
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LT 5/13/1846 5d America

Wednesday, May 13, 1846 - AMERICA
LIVERPOOL, TUESDAY, MAY 12.
Important accounts from Washington to the 21^st ult. and from New York to the 23d inclusive have been received this day by the packet ship Liverpool, Captain Eldridge.

We learn by these advices that the Oregon notice passed by the Senate had been amended by the House of Representatives. The amended form was rejected by the Senate, then insisted upon by the house, and, ultimately, committees of conference were appointed by the two houses to compromise the dispute. The members of the Senate Committee were Messers, Berien, Hayward, and Corwin; those of the House, those of the House, Messers, Ingersoll, Owen, and Hilliard. The amendments of the House of Representatives were as follows:-

Where, in the Senate resolution, one object of giving the notice was declared to be, "that the attention of the two Governments may be more earnestly and immediately devoted to renewed efforts for the amicable adjustment of all their territory," the House substituted -"be the more earnestly directed to the importance of a speedy adjustment of all their differences and disputes in respect to said territory." The word "amicable," it will be observed, is here stricken out. The second section of the Senate resolution authorizes the President, at his discretion, to give the notice; the House proposes to authorize and request the President to give the notice,-the phrase "at his discretion," being stricken out.

Should the Committee of Conference fail to arrive at an understanding, and the Senate still refuse to "recede" from its disagreement, the notice will entirely fail.

On the 18thult. the Oregon Occupation Bill passed the House of Representatives in the following amended shape; Ayes, 103;Nays, 46:-

"A bill to protect the rights of American settlers in the territory of Oregon, until the termination of the joint occupation of the same."

"Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America in Congress assembled, that the jurisdiction of the supreme court of the territory of Iowa, and the laws of said territory, so far as the same may be applicable, as they now exist, are hereby extended over all that portion of the territory of the United States which lies west of the Rocky Mountains; and also over all that portion of the intermediate country west of the Missouri river, and between the 40th and 43rd parallels of north latitude. Provided, that this act shall not be construed nor Great Britain of any of the rights and privileges secured by the treaty signed in London, October 20, 1818, and continued in force by the treaty of August 6, 1827."

"Sec.2. And be it further enacted, that all the country described in the first section of this act shall constitute one judicial district, and a district court shall be held therein by the judge to be appointed under this act, at such times and places as he shall designate; and the said court shall possess all the powers and authority vested in the present district of the supreme court of the territory of Iowa shall be appointed, who shall hold his office by the same tenure, receive the same compensation, and possess the same powers and authority as are conferred by law upon the other justices of the said court, and who shall hold the district courts in the said district as a foresaid."

"Sec. 3. And be it further enacted, that the President be hereby authorized to appoint the requisite number of justices of the peace and such Ministerial officers as shall be necessary for the due execution of the laws: Provided, that any subject of Great Britain who shall be arrested under the provisions of this act, for crime alleged to have been committed within the territory of the United States west of the Rocky Mountains, while the same remains free and open to the vessels, citizens, and subjects of the United States and of Great Britain, pursuant to stipulations between the two Powers, shall be delivered up for trial, on proof of his being such British subject, to the nearest and most convenient authorities having cognizance of such offence by the laws of Great Britain."

"Sec. 4. And be it further enacted, that provision shall hereafter be made by law to secure and grant to every white person, male or female, over the age of 18 years, 320 acres of land; and to every white person, male or female under the age of 18 years, 160 acres of land, who shall have resided in the said territory described in the first section of this act for five consecutive years, to commence within three years from the passage of this act; provided, the said land shall be located in said territory."

"Sec. 5. And be it further enacted, that there shall be appointed, in the manner provided by law for similar officers, a superintendent of Indian affairs, and such Indian agents and sub-agents as shall be necessary for the public interests, to whom may be intrusted, under the direction of the President, and in accordance with the existing laws, so far as they may be consistent with the purport of this act, the regulation of trade and intercourse with the Indian tribes, and the execution of the laws herein extended over the country described in the first section of this act."

"Sec.6. And be it further enacted, that the President be, and he is hereby authorized to cause to be erected such blockhouses, stockades, or military posts as shall be necessary to protect emigrants, settlers, and traders on the route to and in the territory of Oregon against Indian depredations and aggressions, and to furnish such ammunition and supplies as shall be necessary to their defence."

"Sec.7. Be it further enacted, that a post-route be established from Fort Leavenworth, via Grand Island, on the Platte river, Fort Loramie, the South Pass of the Rocky Mountains, Fort Hall, Fort Boise, Fort Wallawalla, and Oregon city, on the Willamette river, to Astoria, at the mouth of Columbia river, on the Pacific Ocean."

"Sec.8. And be it further enacted, that it shall be there duty of the Postmaster-General to cause the United States mail to be transported on the said route from Fort Leaven-worth to Astoria and back, at least once a-month, by such means of conveyance as he may deem most advantageous to the public service, and on the best terms that can be obtained by contract, in the mode now provided by law for the transportation of the United States mail. Provided, that if, in the opinion of the President of the United States, it be expedient to cause the mail on the route aforfesaid to be carried by detachments of mounted men in the service of the United States, he may order the said mail to be carried in that way, instead of having it transported by contract, as above provided."

"Sec.9. And be it further enacted, that the sum of $100,000 be , and the same is hereby, appropriated to carry the provisions of this act into effect."

The charges against Mr. Webster had fallen into universal discredit, and had recoiled upon Mr. Ingersoll with most damaging effect. On the 20th ult. a message was received from the President, in the house, in response to the resolution calling for the accounts of the disbursement of the secret service fund, which Mr. Webster was accused of having appropriated in part to his own use, and in part applied to improper purposes, The president refused to send the accounts' vouchers, and replied that by a law of 1810 this fund had been used by the President, upon his certificate only, without any account or statement of the object; that the amount used during Mr. Webster's administration of the State Department was only $5,169; that he could send President Tyler's certificates, upon which the money was drawn, but that they would furnish no means whatever of judging of the propriety of the expenditure, or even of its objects. In a case of impeachment a committee could examine the confidential papers, but the executive would not, under any light occasion, allow them to be published, for it would destroy the object of the fund. He had not yet used any of the fund, but should not hesitate to do it if occasion required. No President would use the fund except in extreme cases.

Mr. Ingersoll then alleged that Mr. Webster proposed a special mission to settle the Oregon question and make a commercial treaty. Mr. Webster has denied this, and Mr. Adams, being appealed to declared as chairman at that time of the Committee on Foreign Affairs, that Mr. Ingersoll's allegations were utterly untrue and unfounded. The affair ended in the President's message establishing the failure of Mr. Ingersoll's charges being printed.

The President, in a message communicated to the House of Representatives on the 20th, had declined to furnish the information in relation to the secret service fund called for by Mr. Ingersoll. This provoked some further discussion:-

"Mr. C.J. Ingersoll said the resolution had been answered in a manner different from what he had expected. It had been said, since this subject was up before, that there had been a conspiracy on this subject. If there was a conspirator, he (Mr. Ingersoll) was the only one. Nobody knew of this assault but himself, and all that had been done had been instigated by himself. He had, when provoked by the attack in the other house, gone to the State Department and spent an hour, where he found information very unexpected to himself, and which had led to the introduction of resolutions which he regretted the President had not thought proper to answer. Mr. Ingersoll said he had information in his possession by which he expected to prove the charge that Mr. Webster did make application to the Committee on Foreign Relations to England for a special mission through the gentleman from Massachusetts - Mr. Adams.

"Mr. ADAMS denied this charge too, so that Mr. Ingersoll's only resource was to do as he had done in relation to the other charges, and persist in his declaration that they were all undoubtedly true; but, unfortunately, he could not adduce one line of proof."

"Mr. King of Georgia, replied, with many interruptions, upon points of order. He denied that the member from Pennsylvania had sustained a single one of all the charges which he had made. He was surprised when they were made; but he was more amazed a the attempt to substantiate such charges, though not one scintilla of proof had been offered; and upon the head of the member who made the charges all the responsibility would rost.

"Of course, the whole thing recoils upon its author, who richly merits the contempt and scorn of every true-hearted American."

The prospects of the Sub-Treasury Bill in the Senate had assumed a doubtful aspect; and it was thought that, should it pass that body, it would be in an amended and ameliorated form. The New York Chamber of Commerce had petitioned against it.

No advance had been made with the Tariff Bill.

The American journals publish, in extenso, the correspondence which has passed between the Mexican Executive and Mr. Slidell. The documents add nothing material to the information we already possess.

"By the latest accounts from the Army of Occupation," says the New York Herald of the 23d ult.,-

"We learn that the Mexican army is now 8,000 strong and continually increasing. To oppose this large force we have about 3,000 men, who, by daily desertion and sickness, are decreasing fast. To increase our difficulties, the Mexican authorizes have committed an act which, in all probability, will lead to a general engagement between the two armies. It appears that two men, who were the videttes thrown out by the advanced guard of dragoons, have been captured by the Mexicans; and, on being demanded by General Worth, who proceeded with a flag of truce for the purpose, the Mexican officers who answered him declined to convey any propositions to their commander until the American army should withdraw from its present position. This, of course was not done. Meanwhile the greatest activity appeared to prevail in the Mexican camp. Four redoubts were thrown up in one day and one night, in expectation, no doubt, of a general engagement."

The Herald remarks:-
"It would appear that the same desire to avoid responsibility that marked the course of the Executive in our relations with England has characterized him in the measures taken to maintain the national honour with Mexico. Instead of demanding appropriations from Congress sufficient to equip an army of 10,000 or 15,000 men, General Taylor was despatched to the Rio Grande with a paltry 3,000 men, many of whom have deserted, and many fallen victims to the climate. Such a contemptible display of the military resources of this great country, instead of intimidating the Mexicans, and striking terror into their Government, had quite the contrary effect. Indeed, so insignificant did this force appear in the estimation of the Mexican officers, that they were not afraid to post their forces on their own side of the river, immediately opposite the camp of General Taylor, and point their cannon in such a position as to sweep the American camp and army to the shades. Such is the view the pusillanimous Mexicans, as wee are accustomed to call them take of Mr. Polk's measures of intimidation."

"If, under these circumstances, an engagement should take place, we must reasonably conclude that it will end disastrously to the American name, and that a considerable portion of our little but brave army will be sacrificed. The eternal boasting without acting, and the intrigues of the President-makers at Washington, have lowered the American name immeasurably in the eyes of Europe, and defeated the settlement of the Oregon question. The same policy towards Mexico-the same big talking - has inspired the feeble Mexicans with contempt for us; and the probability is, that if the anticipated engagement has taken place, and the American forces have been defeated, a long and bloody war, which may cost millions of dollars, will have to be resorted to before our relations with Mexico will be settled. It would appear, indeed, that the same vacillation which characterized the administration of John Tyler will attend that of James K. Polk.

The New Orleans papers mention a rumour that General Taylor, in an action with the Mexican forces, had sustained a defeat. The statement was entirely discredited.

The Caledonia had arrived at Boston on the 20th ult. The Unicorn had left that port for Halifax on the preceding day.

Lake Champlain was clear of ice, and navigation will shortly be resumed.

Our accounts from Canada are of much importance, and bring reports of a probably resignation of the Ministry, in consequence of an adverse majority in the House of Assembly. The house was in committee on the proposed repeal of the duty of 3s. per quarter now levied on wheat form the United States, such repeal having been suggested in a despatch from the home Government. The Ministry advocated the repeal. A postponement of the subject, moved by Mr. Merritt, was opposed by the Ministry, but carried by a majority of 7; whereupon Mr. Draper, the Attorney-General, moved that the house adjourn, in order that he might have time to consult wit his colleagues as to the course they should pursue. The papers anticipate a resignation, as we have said, but those which support the Ministry express their belief that it will not be accepted by Lord Catheart.

The Montreal Courier of the 18th ultimo contains the following:-
"In consequence of a vote given in the house last night, Mr. Draper moved to adjourn, in order to give himself and colleagues an opportunity of considering what course they ought to pursue, or in plain terms whether they should not resign. The house was in committee to consider the expediency of repealing certain duties, and the resolution under consideration was for the repeal of the duty of 3s.per quarter now levied upon American wheat intended for export, in accordance with a suggestion in a despatch from the Colonial Secretary, which we published some time since. A long and able exposition of the necessity of making this and other changes in our tariff, in order to meet the commercial policy of England, was made by the Inspector-General. He was followed by Mr. Attorney-General Draper, Mr. Sherwood, Messers. Moffatt, Gowan, McDonald, of Cornwall, and other members, who spoke in favour of the measure. But there were on the Ministerial side some members who thought differently, and the expression of their opinions brought about a result little expected. Mr. Baldwin seized the opportunity of a division of opinion to attempt by a coup de main, to effect what which under ordinary circumstances he could not have done.In speaking to the question, without using one argument for or against the policy, announced by the administration, he said that he was not prepared to vote for the repeal of this duty -that he considered any action the reason as premature; and that even allowing that the position of the colony might call for such a change this was not the time to make it."

He was followed by Mr. Cauchon, who complained of the attempt to take a vote on this motion at so short a notice.

Mr. Attorney-General SMITH replied, that if a delay was required, Ministers were willing to grant it. Mr. Cauchon upon this, taunted the Administration with attempting to force the motion through the house, and being only desirous of granting a delay when they saw they were about to be defeated by the defection in their ranks.

Mr. MERRITT then moved to adjourn the consideration of the question.

Upon a division the motion was carried by a majority of seven.

Among those who voted for the adjournment we may mention the following:-Messers. Moffatt, McDonald (Cornwall), Gowan, and Ermatinger. The numbers were merely counted, and the names not taken down, so that while stating the names of a few of those who voted postponement, on the Ministerial side, who caught our eye, we cannot give a complete list.

Upon this Mr. Draper made the announcement we have given above.

We believe it possible that Ministers will resign; but we think it highly improbably that the Administrator of the Government will accept that resignation, or that ministerial majority will allow it. This is no defeat, for we believe every member who usually acts with the Government, who voted for the postponement, had no other object in view than to afford more time for the consideration of an all important question, and as an act of courtesy to those members of the opposition who asked for delay, among whom were Messers. DeWitt, Merritt, Chauveau, and McDonald of Glengary. They had no idea that their action would be taken up in the way it was, or the vote would have been a very different one. We think Mr. Draper has not done well; he has allowed himself to be led away by private feeling, instead of consulting higher interests, and being guided by those broad and comprehensive principles on which he usually acts. Had the resolution before the house been negative, we do not think that he would be justified in retiring from the councils of the country, without there had been displayed by his party some symptoms of declining confidence. The question is not one originating with the Canadian Ministry, but has been forced upon them by the commercial policy of England; and, moreover, it is one to which the house stands pledged by the unanimous vote which it gave for an address to the Queen in the commencement of the session. The principle of the change had been acknowledged, and the mere detail was before the house. A defeat upon that would have been no more than that which Sir R. Peel met with in the House of Commons, a few days ago, upon a similar question. Yet that statesman did not resign; he did not feel called upon to make any such declaration as that made last night by the hon. Attorney-General West. If that was the intention of Ministers to consider a postponement as a defeat, and as a defeat affecting their tenure of office, it was the duty of one of their number to have made a declaration to that effect. As it was, some of their supporters in voting as they did actually considered that they were relieving Ministers from a position embarrassed by the misconception of the nature of the change proposed, and which they considered delay and explanations would remove. Mr. Draper should remember that there are other feelings to be taken into account, before he takes a step which must plunge the country into difficulties of no ordinary character. It would be an act unworthly of a statesmen, an act altogether at variance with the proud position he holds as the ablest man at the helm of public affairs, for him, in the present crisis, to cast aside the high duties he has assumed, for the gratification of a whim, and to entail upon the country anarchy and confusion to serve a feeling of disappointed pride. That he values office lightly, we believe; that he would disdain to hold it one moment longer than he considered he could be of service to his Sovereign and country, or that he enjoyed the confidence of a majority of the representatives of the people, his previous conduct has shown abundantly. But that moment has not arrived. The confidence of his party is unshaken. The majority commanded by the Government is increasing; unanimity prevails in its ranks; and it would be prepared tomorrow to carry a vote of confidence triumphantly through the house. Under these circumstances, therefore, we say, that the resignation of Ministers, should it take place upon such trivial grounds, will be an act of utter folly-aye and worse-of gross ingratitude to the constituencies which placed them in the position they occupy, and the members who have hitherto supported them. It will be an act as culpable as desertion before the enemy, and for which the people of this province will hereafter hold them answerable. When they accepted office they accepted with it the obligations of office, they voluntarily took upon themselves bonds which it is not in their power to break at will. As they were responsible to the representatives of the people for that acceptance - as they in a greater degree answerable for laying it down. We hold it as an axiom, that no Minister has a right to leave his post, until the people have through their representatives, by a direct and deliberate vote, declared they no longer have confidence in his administration. If he retires before that he deserves to be impeached.

Accounts from Vera Cruz to the 3d April, published in a New Orleans paper, report that in the afternoon of that day the Republican and Santa Anna parties combined were to declare against the administration of Paredes. It is also stated that the Government troops intended to remain passive.

General Don Nicolas Bravo had been appointed Governor of the city of Mexico.

The Washington Union publishes the following extract from a Vera Cruz letter:-
"In a few days after their revolt, the troops of Ampudia returned to their duty, and the division under his command, said to be 3,000 strong, marched on the 14th inst., from San Luis Potosi, for Matamoras, on the banks of the Del Norte. The division of General Vega, who succeeded Arista, it is said, is also on the march from Monterey to that point. Besides a loan of $1,880,000 which the Government negotiated a short time since, other means have been adopted to raise funds, which, it is believed, will enable it to assemble a force of 6,000 or 7,000 men on the Del Norte by the end of March or the middle of April. Several of the departmental assemblies have refused to act under the present Government. In consequence of this, a decree has lately been issued, vesting authority in the governors of the different departments to elect members of Assembly. This, with his arbitrary decree against the press, and a suspicion that he is favorable to a monarchy, has rendered General Paredes extremely unpopular, and , it is believed will combine a party sufficiently powerful to overthrow his Government. It is said that the Commander of the English ship-of-war off Vera Cruz expects an English squadron of two ships of the line, two frigates, and some smaller vessels, soon to arrive from England."

We learn from Texas that the House of Representatives of Texas had appointed a committee to inquire into the expediency of ceding to the Government of the United States the public lands of Texas for the just equivalent, for the purpose of providing means to liquidate the public debt; and to take into consideration the propriety of classifying and defining the public debt, and of appointing a board to ascertain and allo the same. A bill has also been introduced into the Senate "for the liquidation and adjustment of the public debt." The bill proposes the appointment by the Governor and Senate of three commissioners to act upon the claims, at Austin, commencing on the 1st of June next, and thereafter on the 1stof every alternate month, with the powers of a court of law and equity; and whose decision is to have the effect of a judgement. The right of appeal is also to be allowed from their decision.
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LT 5/13/1846-7c Money Market and City Intelligence

Tuesday Evening

The English funds were a little flat in appearance to-day, though there was no great decline in prices. The speculators profess to be alarmed at the prospect of war with America, and an attempt was made to "bang" the market this afternoon, but without success. Consols for money closed 96^1/2, and for the account 96 5/8 to^3/4; Bank stock left off 205 to^1/2; Three per Cents. Reduced, 95^1/2 to^3/4; Three-and-a-Quarter per Cents., 97^3/8 to 5/8; Long Annuities, 10^1/4; India Stock, 265 to 266; and Exchequer-bills, 23s. to 26s. pm.

The foreign securities were not much altered. Mexican activities closed at the better quotation of 33 for the account; Deferred was nominally quoted low, but no actual bargains were recorded. Austrian stock was done at 110; Chilian at 97; Peruvian, at 39^1/2; Russian, at 110; Spanish Five per Cents., at 24^3/4; the Three per Cents., at 36 7/8; Venezuela Deferred at 13; Dutch Two-and-a-Half per Cents., at 59^1/2; and the Four per Cents., Certificates, at 92 1/8.

The Government broker's purchase to-day amount to 10,000l. New Three-and-a-Quarter per Cents., at 97^1/2, for the friendly societies and savings banks. Yesterday they were to the same extent.

The premium on gold at Paris is 16^1/2 per mille, which at the English mint price of 3l. 17s. 10 1/2d. per oz. For standard gold gives an exchange of 25 56; and the exchange at Paris on London at short being 25 70, it follows that gold is 0.54 per cent. dearer in London than in Paris.

By advices from Hamburg, the price of gold is 435^1/2 per mark, which at the English Mint price of 3l. 17s. 10^1/2 d. per oz. For standard gold, gives an exchange at Hamburg on London at short being 13s 11^1/2d., it follows that gold is 0.57 per cent dearer in London than in Hamburgh.

The Lords of the Treasury this day issued a notice that they; are about to dispose of the sycee silver lately received by Her Majesty's ship Serpent, which is L, 682,000 ounces in weight, and of about $2,000,000 value. The tenders, none of which are made before 1 o'clock on Friday next, and gold exceeding 5 grains per pond troy is to be paid for at the rate of 77s. 9d. per ounce standard.

From the opinions which are expressed in the city as to the terms now offered by the Mexican Government, it may be inferred that there is no great disposition to accept them.

In the First place, setting aside all considerations of value, the greatest disapprobation is expressed as to the principle of the offer. The creation of a new set of bonds, secured on the tobacco revenue, and distinguished from another set of bonds secured on the Customs revenue, would, it is thought, create much confusion in the market. Two descriptions of Active stock issued by the same Republic would be regulated by different circumstances, and discrepancies might arise, embarrassing in the transactions of business.

In the next place, the terms offered for the Deferred Bonds are by no means considered sufficient. By the very nature of these documents they are to become Active next year, and they therefore have commanded a price of about 16 or 17.These, as well as the Debentures, wou'd, by the new term, be converted into Active stock, at the rate of 40l. New Active for every 100l. Deferred. Now, 20l. of these New Actives, which, of course, would be without the overdue coupons attached to the present Active stock, would not command a price higher than12l. in the market, and the holders do not see why they should sacrifice 4l. or 5l., and part with the position they hold under the original terms. It may be remembered, too, that when these Deferred Bonds were originally issued, another value was attached to them besides that arising from the promised conversion into Actives in 1847. The prospect was held out of giving tracts of land in exchange for the documents, and these were regarded by the Mexican Government as a great temptation. By the operation now announced, all such hopes are of course dissipated.

What may be the decision of the creditors when they attend the meeting on Monday next, is nevertheless extremely problematical, for , though the most experienced persons are unequivocal in their disapprobation of the plan, many may be tempted by the offer of a half-yearly dividend, to be paid immediately, when they have so long waited in vain, and the Republic appears to be in so unsettled a condition. At all events, if the terms are accepted, it will be a sign that the credit of the country is held in no high estimation the present moment.
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LT 5/14/1846-4f Oregon Question

The difference which has arisen between the Senate of the United States and the House of Representatives, as to the form of the resolutions authorizing the President to give the notice for the termination of the Oregon convention of 1827, is so minute that nothing but the most captious spirit point. It is utterly unimportant to the interests ad the dignity of this country whether the President be "authorized, at his discretion," or "authorized and requested" to give notice; and we are perfectly content that "the attention 'of both Governments should be the more earnestly directed to the importance of a speedy adjustment of all their differences and disputed in respect to the Oregon territory." It is probable, however, that the more courteous form of the resolution adopted by the Senate will prevail; unless, indeed, this ridiculous verbal difference between the two Houses is to be made a pretext for allowing the resolutions to drop altogether, which would be the case if they cannot agree on the terms used. This solution, however, is as childish and improbable as the conjecture of the Whig organ in this countrymen which argues that President Polk has formally intimated that in his opinion the notice ought to be given at the earliest possible period; and unless he is prepared to retract his own spontaneous declaration, he is of course only waiting for the sanction of Congress to carry it into effect.

Mr. Polk is himself the author of all the agitation springing out of the discussion of the Oregon question, which has engrossed the attention of the American people. To the exclusion of far more important subjects, ever since he assumed the reins of government, fourteen months ago. He must bear the responsibility of all the political perplexity, the mercantile embarrassment, and the national burdens, which are already felt in the United States. At present he has displayed no qualities adapted to such an emergency, but a strange aptitude in multiplying the causes of dissention and offence, combined with a sluggish indifference ass to the means of carrying on the negotiation or of preparing for war. We are more curious than anxious to uncover the effects of such a novel and inscrutable course of policy. But, if there is any truth in the precedents of history of the maxims of common sense, a statesman who unites the two extremes of arrogance in language and debility in action is preparing for himself and his country the inevitable retribution of humiliation and disaster.

The American politicians appear to us to have formed lost inaccurate notions of the position in which they really stand. Their ignorance of the resources and powers of European Governments is kept alive by the pernicious flattery of the popular leaders, who tell them they are the first people on earth; and they are encouraged in a stupid disbelief of danger, which they mistake for courage. The state of their relations with Mexico is a striking exemplification of this inconsistent and foolhardy line of policy. When the United States Government, with the full sanction of the American people, consummated the annexation of Texas, and answered the protest of Mexico in a tone of defiance, they should, according to all the usages of civilized Governments, have proceeded to take military means for the protection of the Federal flag. The Cabinet of Washington disdained these precautions, and such has been the neglect of the most obvious and military arrangements on the part of the Americans, that even the Mexicans have collected an army of thrice the strength of the United States' forces on the Rio Grande. When the last advices left the frontier a collision appeared to be imminent; and there are strong reasons for doubting whether the Americans would have the advantage. It would be strange if Mr. Polk was to undergo a defeat from the troops of the least of the Powers of the world, at the very moment when he affects to brave the armies and fleets of the greatest; but certainly his present for way are hardly equal to a contest with Mexico, not to say with England.

It is a common fallacy in political speculation to impute to rivals and opponents a profundity of design and a vigour of character very much beyond their real merits, and these considerations, whether well or ill-founded, are quite as much calculated to inspire caution and to insure respect as a reputation for prowess or strength in arms: but we are not likely to fall into this mistake on the present occasion; for Mr. Polk has neither inspired the world with confidence as a friend of peace, nor with a salutary terror as an author of war. In professing to raise and uphold the character of the United States' Government, he has allowed it to forfeit a character for strength, and the only suggestion which appears to us to account for his conduct is that of extreme uncapacity. He has done everything to aggravate the difficulties of negotiation, and nothing to provide for the possibility of their failure. What would have been thought or said in this or any other country of a Government which should deliberately leave its coasts unprotected, its fleets unmanned. Its armies unequipped and undisciplined, whilst its policy provokes a simultaneous resistance from the Powers on each side of their territories? The thing is without a precedent; and it is also without a precedent to have to deal with an adversary so just and temperate, that even this extreme inequality of forces will not induce us to raise our terms. But forces will not induce us to raise out terms. But most assuredly this is no time for us to reduce them. The honourable desire to avoid war will go far to maintain peace; but the fear of a war which it is physically impossible to maintain with advantage ought to go much further in the councils of any save Government. Before Mr. Polk placed himself in this ridiculous position, he ought to have calculated the means he has at his disposal for getting out of it. A few months ago he might have settled the Oregon question on equal terms, with complete honour and dignity. At present, whatever by the turn given to the negotiation, the President will not escape the imputation of yielding to the necessity of the case, and accepting terms which are backed by the whole force of Great Britain. His own folly deserves this punishment, and it will not be long before the public opinion of the Union will assign him a place in the annal of the Presidents behind even Mr. Tyler.

The chief, if not the only ground of apprehension as to the ultimate effect of this state of affairs, arises from our uncertainty as to the direction it may give to Mr. POLK's own conduct. To suppose that he is capable of kindling a conflagration between two great and cognate states for the sake of covering his own blunders, by calling forth an energetic national demonstration in support of a bad cause, is to impute to him, not weakness, but wickedness. But weak men are apt to resort to the most desperate expedients at the last extremity; and nothing excites our apprehension so much as the fact that Mr. POLK appears to be incapable of any settled policy, and to live by the accidents and vicissitudes of the time.

We only trust that he will not fall into the serious error of imputing to the English Government the same uncertainty and hesitation which so strongly mark his own course. The packet which will sail from Liverpool in a few days will convey to the United States the real impression produced here by the late intelligence. If the resolution was intended a threat or a hostile measure, it has totally failed to have any effect whatever, except that it is probably Mr. PAKENHAM will be at once empowered to bring the controversy to a prompt and final issue. Setting aside all popular clamour and national prepossessions, the object of both Governments must be to effect a settlement upon the basis which they conceive to be practical, honourable, and just. The confidence of the people of England rests with perfect composure on the determination of the Ministers of the Crown in this momentous debate; and we cannot suppose that the American Government, boasting as it does a more popular origin, possesses the confidence of the nation to a less degree, or is less able to carry into full effect the terms of an equitable compromise.
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LT 5/14/1846-7a Money-Market and City Intelligence.
Wednesday Evening

The intelligence published in The Times of this morning from America was read with interest in the city, but it produced no change in the value of Government securities. The market was a little flat towards the close of the day, and the operating cause appeared to be an increasing scarcity of money. Consoles for immediate transfer were finally quoted 96^1/2; Three-and-a Quarter per Cents. Reduced, 95 5/8 to^1/2; Three-and-a-Quarter per Cents., 97^1/4 to 3/8; Long Annuities, 10 3-16; India Bonds, 28 to 33 pm.; and Exchequer-bills, 20s to 26s. pm.

The business in the foreign stock-market was not of an important character. Process continue steadily maintained, notwithstanding the gradual decline of speculation. The latest operations were Brazilian, Small at 83^1/2; Granada, at 22; Mexican Activities, at 33; for the account at 33 1/8; the Deferred, at 16; Peruvian, at 38^1/2; Portuguese Three per Cents., at 57^1/2; Russian, at 110; Spanish Five Per Cents., at 24^3/4 ; the Three per Cents., at 36^3/4 ; Dutch Two-and-a-Half per Cents., at 59^1/2; an the Four per Cents., Certificates, at 92^1/4.

The Government broker has purchased to-day 10,000l. New Three-and-a-Quarter per Cents. At the price of 97 3/8.

The new terms for the settlement of the Mexican debt continue to be the theme of discussion among the parties interested, who are by no means a small class. The general argument advanced against the plan is, that it will be absurd for the holders of Deferred bonds to take 40 per cent. new Active Stock for their bonds, when these will become real Active bonds in less than 18 months by the mere operation of time, and without any expense or delay in providing new documents. The paper which is now called a Deferred bond is provided with its regular series of coupons, commencing in April, 1848, and, without any new operation, will be called on Active bond after October, 1847; therefore, say the opponents of the new scheme, let the Mexican Government go on as well as it can with the present Active bonds, and when October, 1847, comes, if it finds itself unable to provide for the total liabilities. Let it call all its Active creditors together, including those whose bonds have become Active by lapse of time, and make some arrangement by which all these claimants shall be placed on the same footing.

On the other side, an argument is advanced in favour of the new measure,, which is entitled to consideration, because there is reason to believe it will be adopted by some influencial members of the Spanish American committee. The whole reasoning of the objectors rests on the assumption that the Deferred bond, when it becomes Active, is in precisely the same condition as the active of the present day, supposing that no new financial operation takes place. This the defenders of the new plan utterly deny. The peculiar guarantee of the present Actives-namely, the appropriation of the fifth part of the Customs; revenue-belongs, they say, not to Active stock in general, but to the particular bonds which are now Active by a certain definite arrangement made with their holders. According to this view, when October, 1847, comes, there will be a class of Active creditors who have a definite fund appropriated to their claim, and another class who will be indeed "Active" by name, but who will have no fund of the kind, and may not inaptly be called "quasi-Active." Hence the two parties are not so fully demand to be placed on the same footing. Indeed, the Deferred claimants, according to this argument, will be better off by the new arrangement than portion of their nominal claim, they take what they never had before- a portion of the revenue definitely appropriated.

From the present state of opinion on this much-contested subject, it may be inferred that the Active and Deferred interests will take opposite parties at the meeting. The Active bondholders may, indeed, be a little dissatisfied at the composition which is offered them for their three overdue coupons, but they will be pleased to find the large quantity of Active stock which threatens to flow into the market in the autumn of 1847 reduced to less than half its original amount. The Deferred holders, on the same footing as the present Actives, and oppose the arguments upon which the distinction is founded. This position may be illustrated by the fact that the Active stock has advanced nearly 1 per cent. since the plan has been make known, while there has been a depression in market for the Deferred.

A correspondent writes thus on the practice of selling shares by public auction:-
"If I understand the advertisements of the different auctioneers, they solicit orders from the country by post. A man might, therefore, live for a few days in the country, and having sold his shares and received the money, remove to some other town, whence, under another name, he might send more shares for sale.
"There may be some advertising brokers who would execute orders from strangers, but no broker of any standing would do business for any person without an introduction. It is not sufficient to know when and how you receive shares unless you can trace them to some responsible person."

The Bankers' Magazine furnishes the returns of the circulation of the private and joint-stock banks in England and Wales for the four wills ending respectively the 4th, 11th,18th, and 25th let., and gives the following as the average weekly circulation of these banks for the month ending the 25th of April, viz.:-

Private banks . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4,742,396
Joint-stock banks . . . . . . . . . . . .3,301,967

Average weekly circulation of private notes in
England and Wales during the past month . . . . ..8,044,363

On a comparison of the above with the returns for the month ending the 28thof March last, it shows-
An increase in the notes of private banks of . . . . 227,042
An increase I the notes of joint stock banks of. . . ... 125,312
Total increase last month . ... ... . . . ... . . . .. 352,354

And as compared with the month ending the 26th of April, 1845, it shows-
An increase in the notes of private banks of 61,185
A decrease in the notes of joint-stock banks of 4,289
Total increase as compared with the same period
Last year . . . .......56,896

On comparing the above returns with the amounts of the fixed issues of the several banks, after making allowance for those banks which have given up the privilege of issue since the passing of the Bank Restriction Act, and which amounts are stated in the Banking Almanack for the present year as follows, viz.-
197 private banks allowed to issue . 5,009,021
70 joint stock banks allowed to issuse . 3,469,872
n------------
267 banks is all allowed to issue 8,478,893
it appears that the following is the comparative state of the circulation in England and Whales, with reference to the fixed issues, viz, :-
The private banks are below their fixed issue . . 266,625
The joint stock banks are below their fixed issue .. . 167,906
Total below the fixed issue .. .. 434,531

The bank of Messrs. Latham and Co., of Dover (the Dover Union Bank), having ceased business since the publication of the last returns, the actual limit of the fixed issue is reduced 9,577l., that being the amount they were authorized to issue under the new act. The bank is now omitted from the last in the Gazette.
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LT 5/16/7b THE UNITED STATES AND MEXICO

(From the New York Herald )

Under the present aspect of matters in Mexico, it is impossible to hazard a conjecture even as to the time when the unfortunate condition of our relations with that unhappy country will be settled. It is likewise impossible to say whether it will be settled without bloodshed or not.

From the latest accounts, down to the 6th inst.(ult.), from Vera Cruz, it appears that Parades is in the midst of difficulties and threatened revolutions, which preclude him from adopting any settled line of policy, were he inclined to do it. Although the recent attempt at revolution in Vera Cruz was a failure, through the indecision and want of unanimity among the junta, there is no doubt that a pronunciamiento against Parades will eventually succeed, and that either Almonte or Santa Anna will be put at the head of the Government. By suppressing some newspapers which advocated freedom, and overpowering the National Assembly Parades has made himself very unpopular; and in that country, when the people take a dislike to a governor, his overthrow, sooner or later, is certain. This most obnoxious part of his conduct was his attempt to invoke the aid of the French and English Governments in settling upon him the title of "Constitutional Sovereign of the Mexican Kingdom". This was particularly objected to by the Mexicans, who, notwithstanding their weakness and imbecility, are unwilling to have their Government changed into a monarchy.

There can be no doubt that Parades, in taking this latter step, acted in concert with the Governments of France and Europe, whose proposition to establish a monarchy in Mexico created so much excitement at the time it was first published and made known. We are assured by our correspondent that every proposition to that end will meet with the greatest opposition, and that a more hopeless task never was undertaken than to attempt to establish a monarchy there. It is true that the clergy are in favour of a monarchy, but sooner than have a King again, the Mexican people would prefer being annexed to the United States.

While the Mexicans are discontented with Paredes, and are determined to overthrow him, and almost unanimously in favour of any other man, there is still a great deal of disagreement as to whom they should out in his place. There is a large party in favour of Almonte, and a still larger party in favour of recalling Santa Anna, and putting him again in office. The party favourable to Almonte compromises that part of the population which is exasperated at the conduct of the United States on the annexation of Texas, and which would, at every hazard, engage in hostilities with us. On the other hand, the party favourable to Santa Anna is rather favourably disposed towards the United States.

The election of either of these gentlemen in the place of Paredes will be attended with important consequences to the United States, and will bring our affairs with Mexico to a crisis one way or the other in a very short time after their election. From the admissions and declarations made by Almonte while in this city we are certain that he would rush into hostility immediately, and depend upon the interference of France and England, and his good luck, to extricate him. A war would thus be commenced which would cost us millions before it would be concluded. On the other hand, if Santa Anna were recalled, to judge from his past conduct, there is no doubt that our affairs would be very shortly and peaceably settle, soon after his accession. Were it not that he was suddenly overthrown and banished while negotiations were on foot for a settlement of this sort, all questions of difference between the United States and Mexico would have been settled long since.

In the mean time the aspect of affairs looks threatening, and unless a revolution occur soon, the present state of things will speedily be changed Paredes conduct towards the United States looks hostile. He has despatched a body of 3,000 Mexican troops to Matamoras, under General Ampudia. The Rio Grande has now rival armies, of equal force, on either side, and a collision is hourly expected. They cannot in the nature of things remain long in their present condition. A stray shot, a false alarm, or something else, will break the monotony; and the battle, once begun, will not be ended until the whole of our difficulties are adjusted. Everything is uncertain, and no one can tell what a day may bring forth. Paredes certainly has his hands full, and is surrounded by difficulties of every kind. The threatened revolution in California demands his attention, or that valuable and rich department will slide from him in the same way that Texas did. Already the inhabitants have declared against the Government, and are ready to revolt and declare themselves independent. To quell these symptoms of disaffection Paredes had despatched an army to that department, and thousands of Americans are crowding there from the West.Ere long we may possibly hear of the battle of San Jacinto being fought over again there.

We are not advised what course our Government will take in this matter, but we hourly expect that the President will send a special message to Congress, and propose some course. The present condition of things cannot be tolerated any longer. We have exercised patience until it has ceased to be a virtue, and we must now pursue a line of conduct that will end in something defensive, or the very end we had in view-viz., an exhibition of our magnanimity in refraining to attack a weak neighbour-will be defeated, and our pacific intentions imputed to cowardice and indecision. Our best policy, probably, would be to follow the classic example of our venerable and merciful Anglo-Saxon mother in her treatment of the Sikhs. These unruly fellows defied her authority, and actually invaded her territory. As a punishment, she thrashed them, butchered 20,000 or 30,000 men, and then annexed the Punjab territory as a compensation for the trouble she had in inflicting the thrashing. We could not do better than follow our mother's example-thrash the Mexicans, and Punjab all Northern Mexico, so as to balance Texas. When all was arranged to our satisfaction, we could have a Te Deum sung in all our churches; and although, unfortunately for us poor republicans, we could not confer any titles of nobility on those who carried out our plan of operations, we would, nevertheless, do them some honour, which would probably be as of much benefit to them as it they were made knights of the garter or of the round table, or some other similar nondescript. We could make them senators in Congress, or members of the State prison.
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LT 5/18/1846 7a MONEY-MARKET AND CITY INTELLIGENCE

Saturday Evening

The English stocks remain quiet. Very little business was done in this market all day, and prices indicate no remarkable change. Consols for money finally closed at 96^1/2 to 5/8, and for the account at 96 5/8 to^3/4; Three per Cents. Reduced, at 95^1/2 to 5/8; Three-and-a-Quarter per Cents., at 97^1/2 to 3/8; Bank Stock, at 204^1/2 to 205^1/2; Long Annuities, at 10 3-16; India Stock, at 264 to 265; and Exchequer-bills, at 20s to 24s. pm.

There was a rumour to-day in the foreign stock market that the members of the committee of Spanish American bondholders were not unanimous in their determination of supporting the proposal of the Mexican Government. It is stated that several of them being convinced of the soundness of the views expressed in reference to the injustice of the terms proposed, are prepared on Monday to vote against the acceptance of the measure, and hence the decline which occurred in the value of Active stock towards the close of the day. Some persons have been free enough to express an opinion on the probable course of business at the meeting, and these seem to think that the result will be either an adjournment or a positive rejection of the decree. The meeting is looked forward to with great interest, and the "Active" as well as the "Deferred" holders are expected to muster in great strength. The latest quotation this afternoon was 32^1/2. In other securities the business transacted was exceedingly limited.Brazilian was done at 82^1/2; Buenos Ayres, for the account at 41; Chilian, Deffered, at 51; Ecuador, at 3^1/2; Portuguese Four per Cents., for the account, at 58^1/2; Russian, at 110^1/2; Spanish Three per Cents., at 37; and the Four per Cent. Dutch Certificates, at 91^3/4.

The question of money having been shown to be the chief ingredient in this new proposal from the Mexican Government for a compromise wit its creditors, it may be useful to throw some light upon the system of finance pursued for several years past in that country, and which is extremely important in establishing the degree of credit and confidence to which it is entitled. A letter has been furnished by a "Deferred bondholder" too long for insertion entire, which goes very fully into this subject, and the leading points of which are well worthy a this time of the attention of all concerned. Perhaps in no country, not even in Spain herself, have such ruinous expedients been adopted to meet the exigency of the moment. A license, not long ago, is stated to have been granted to a mercantile house for the exportation of $2,000,000 in bars, at a reduced rate of 9^1/2 per cent., in return for an advance of one half the duty in cash, and the remainder in paper of the home debt, then worth only 23 to 24 per cent. in the home-market, but received by the Government at par! This hard bargain, it should be observed, had the further consequence of lessening those receipts at the Custom-houses, of which one-fifth is declared to be set apart for the English bondholders, but who are thus wronged of a portion of them. Similar results have arisen, it is stated, from licenses at three different times, for the introduction of raw cotton, producing $800.000 in anticipation of duties, no portion of which has passed through the Custom-houses. No doubt the Mexican Government will be in a situation to plead extreme necessity for these desperate sacrifices, but if the facts can be verified, they form a legitimate consideration for capitalists, who will not dispense with the same inquiry in the case of a Government to which they would subject any private firms who offered their paper in the money market.

As to Mexican Deferred Bonds a correspondent suggests that as part of the security was certain vacant lands in departments of Texas and California, the former of which is absorbed by "brother Jonathan," and the latter likely soon to follow, the bondholders should meet and petition Lord Aberdeen to represent to the American Government that the lands which they will no doubt offer for sale among their other state-lands are saddled with a mortgage.
The great interest felt on the subject at this moment induces us to insert another letter from a correspondent who has before written on the subject:-
"In order that the greatest unanimity may prevail at the meeting of the Mexican bondholders in rejecting the proposition of the Mexican Government, which has been so carefully concocted on order to create disunion among them, I purpose showing that it will be against the interests of the Active bondholders themselves to separate their interests from those of the Deferred bondholders."

"Of the 4,650,000 new stock which is to be created, the Active bondholders will receive in exchange for their overdue dividends. 420,000
The holders of debentures. . . . 200,000

620,000

Of course the holders of Deferred bonds will reject the proposition, therefore a balance of 4,000,000 bonds will be in the hands of the Mexican Government throw on the market.

"Even supposing the 4,625,000 Deferred bonds cut down to 1,850,000 of the new bonds, there will still remain 2,180,000 of the 4,650,000 created to be sold by the Mexican Government, which must tend to depress the value of the 5,600,000 Active bonds at present in circulation, and 2^1/2 per cent. on the depression, or the prevention of the rise, of the Active bonds is equal to the whole benefit they will derive from the conversion of their overdue dividends, taking the price of Mexican bonds at 33."

"If, therefore, the holders of Active bonds seek their own interest, they will reject that part of the proposition which relates to the conversion of their overdue coupons until such time as the Mexican Government, or their Ambassador in London, who has full power, enters into more favourable terms with the Deferred bondholders."

By this unanimity the position of the Active bondholders will not be injured, whereas that of the Deferred bondholders will be improved, for let it be borne in mind that if the Active bondholders were to accede to the proposition of the Mexican Government, whatever is taken out of the pockets of the Deferred bondholders does not go into the pockets of the Active bondholders, "but into those of the Mexican Government."

In compliance with the terms of the Railway "Relief" Bill, a variety of meetings have taken place this week, to receive the opinion of shareholders and scrip holders whether the projects specially mentioned should be proceeded with or abandoned. In the following cases a determination to proceed has been announced either by a large majority or the unanimous voice of the persons interested:- Manchester and Southampton Railway; Ambergate, Nottingham, and Boston, and Grand Union Railway, Buckinghamshire, Oxford, and Bletchley Railway; Leeds and Carlisle and Yorkshire and Glasgow Union Railway; Birkenhead, Lancashire, and Cheshire Junction Railway; Cheltenham and Oxford Railway; Maldon, Witham, and Braintree Railway; Glasgow, Paisley and Greenock Railway; Norwhich and Dereham Direct Railway; Reading and Reigate Amalgamated Railway; North Staffordshire Railway; Manchester and Lincoln Union and Chesterfield and Gainsborough Canal and Railway; North British Railway; Great Western and Wycombe Railway; Great Western and Uxbridge Railway; Leeds and Bradford Railway; Dublin and Sandymount Railway; Direct Birmingham and Leicester Railway; Windsor, Slough, and Staines Atmospheric Railway; Enfield, Edmonton, and Eastern Counties Junction Railway, Wexford, Carlow, and Dublin Railway; Fermoy Railway; Mountmellick Junction Railway; Malton and Driffield Junction Railway; Bridge of Weir Port Glasgow Jucntion Railway; Glasgow, Dumfries and Carlisle Railway;; Birmingham and Oxford Junction Railway; East and West India Dock and Birmingham Junction Railway; Ely and Bury St. Edmond's Railway; Ilford and Epping Railway; North Gravesend Railway; Edinburgh and Glasgow Railway, Irish Great Southern and Western Railway; Killarney Junction Railway; Leeds, Walkefield and Midland Jucntion Railway; South Staffordshire Junction Railway; and Blackburn, Chorley, and Liverpool Railway.

The Eastern Countries, the London and Brighton and the South-Eastern Railway Companies, like the Birmingham, Midland, and other great companies, held their meetings for sanction to branches, &c., in each of which cases the shareholders were unanimous in their decision, and passed votes of confidence to the directors.

Among the meetings of the week, seven railway companies have determined on the more prudent course of "winding up". The Chester and Manchester Direct is the first on the list. It appears the shareholders in this scheme will receive back about 1l. 1s. per share, if they can throw overboard the unpaid claim of Sir John Rennie, in amount 10,000l, for engineering expenses. The vote for dissolving the Grand Trunk, or Stafford and Peterborough Union line, was all but unanimous. About 1l. 1s. per share is to be returned at once, and a further dividend may be expected before the accounts are finally closed. The scrip holders of the Buxton, Macclesfield, and Crewe Railway receive 30s. per share forthwith, and if any further - [illegible line ] The directors - a circumstance rather unusual at assemblies of this description. In the midland and Eastern Counties Railway accounts the two most alarming items were "engineers and surveyors," 13,455l., and "law expenses, including local agents," 15,597l. According to the statement of the directors, only 11s. 9d. can be expected on each share, and though another meeting is convened finally to settle the affair, the result may be readily guessed from the general wish manifested on this occasion to see the company abandoned. The Northumberland and Lancashire Junction Railway "winds up," but its has not yet appeared what sum will be returned to the scrip holders. A first installment of 1l. 1s. per share is to be paid to the shareholders of the Great Grimsby, Louth, Horncastle, Lincoln, and Midland Junction Railway; the vote against proceeding was carried by a very large majority. The Scottish Central and Caledonian Junction directors have been authorized by the scripholders to "dissolve" and "distribute" with all possible despatch.

The Railway Chronicle contains the subjoined sensible observations on the progress of the meetings held under the provisions of the "relief" bill. When we see such remarks emanating from a railway paper itself, we may reasonably judge that the most experienced in the system perceive danger from the further prosecution of the majority of the schemes brought into existence during the late era of railway speculation:-

"We observe, with regret, that the events of the week- the meetings under the new resolutions. Of which we record so many- are meetings not of dissolution, but of confirmation. The commercial interests of the railway world appear now about to be placed in more peril than ever. The panic we have had will be nothing to that which we shall have, if the shareholders in the new undertakings, instead of allowing them quietly to drop, continue to prosecute them and spent in Parliamentary contests all the money, k out of which, by stopping at once, they might have realized a good dividend. The 'wind-up' is likely to be a failure, and to become, in short, a wind-up in which nothing is wound up.There is one cause for this to be found is the transitory rise in the value of shares which took place on the announcement of the probable 'wind-up'. The improvement in the share-market is again gone back under the reaction caused by the fact that there is in reality no general 'wind-up' taking place. We shall soon. Therefore, be as ill off as before. The cause of the 'no wind-up' is manifold. Many script holders have mistaken the sudden recovery of the market for a return of public confidence, and for on in the hope that their shares will rise in public favour; whereas the prospect of their extinction was the only ground of that short and mistaken revival. If there be any means more certain than another of preventing a return of confidence, it is the return of the folly which led to the original withdrawal of that confidence. We would now entreat the scrip holders in the great majority of the new schemes to realize what they can, and 'wind-up' concerns of which the ultimate dividend will be diminished in the exact proportion of their present misplaced confidence"

The return from the Bank of England for the week ending the 9th of May gives the following results, when compared with the return of the previous week:-

Public Deposits, 3,031,375 ; increase, 452,924
Other deposits, 16,256,526; decrease, 523,854
On the other side account-
Government securities 13,023,065; decrease 280,000
Other securities 17,734,025; decrease 167,123
Notes unemployed6,836,405; increase, 427,935

The amount of notes in circulation is 20,408,590, being a decrease of 255,235, and the total showing an increase of 146,389, when compared with the preceding return.

The rest shows an increase of 9,744 during the same period.
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LT 5/19/1846 Money-Market and The City Intelligence

Monday Evening.

The meeting of Mexican bondholders, which took place today, was more numerous and more stormy than any assembly of the kind that has taken place for years. Even when the chairman of the committee delivered his opening speech, in which he described the propositions made by the Mexican Government, the signs of a resolute and determined opposition were manifest, and exclamations expressive of strong indignation were to be heard in various parts of the room. Directly a speaker rose on the opposition party the feeling of the meeting was still more unequivocal, by the clamorous cheers and applause that arose on every side. The statement made by the chairman, that according to some opinions (we believe Mr. Murphy's) there was an essential difference between the Deferred bond in 1847 and the Active bond in 1837, had no effect whatever; but whenever the opposite sentiment-namely that the bondholders were entitled to "share and share alike"- was uttered, the approbation was unbounded. At the end of a noisy discussion, which lasted two hours, the resolution was carried by a great majority, "that this meeting be adjourned sine die" which virtually means that the proposition was rejected. On gaining this point the parties assembled gave a loud cheer, and left the meeting rejoicing in their victory.

Passing over the minor considerations, which were brought forward at this meeting, we may say that two grand principles are established. In the first place the bondholders recognize no difference between the Active and the Deferred bonds, except the time when they become due, and are determined to reject any plan in which any such difference shall be adopted. This was carried, not as a matter of expediency, but of justice; and Mr. Levy, who stoutly declared for the "share and share alike" doctrine; and at the same time stated that he was speaking against his own interest, for he held more Active than Deferred, was applauded with enthusiasm. In the next place it is established that no proposition will be entertained in which a request for more money is one of the elements.The part of the terms that referred, not to the conversions of existing bonds, but to the creation of new debt was always alluded to in a tone of derision, and probably acted as a damper on the ardour of those who, without it, might have been zealous in favour of the propositions. Whatever terms may be next brought forward by the Mexican Government, they will at any rate have been taught what to avoid.
The amount of business transacted in the English securities was limited, and the prices were consequently heavy. The absence of news to influence the dealers in their opinions was the chief cause of the dullness in the market. Consols for money left off 961/2 to 5/8; for the account, 96 5/8; Three per Cents. Reduced, 95^1/2 to 5/8; Three and a Quarter per Cents. Reduced 97^1/4 to 5/8; Long Annuities, 10 7-16; India stock, 265^1/2 to 266^1/2; India Bonds, 29s., to 30s. pm . ; South Sea Old Annuities, 93 7/8 ; Exchequer bills, 20 s to 23s. pm; and Bank Stock, 204^1/2 to 205^1/2.

The foreign securities were little affected by the business transacted in the various descriptions. Mexican Activities closed flat this afternoon at 32^1/4 , ond the Deferred rather firm at 15^3/4 : the result of the meeting of bondholders could not of course be considered favourable to holders of the first-named security. Brazilian was last done at 83, Dansih, at 87^1/2 Portuguese Three per Cents., for the account, at 57^1/2 l Russian at 110^1/2; Spanish Five per cents., for the account at 24^1/2; the deferred at 15 1/8; and Dutch Four per Cents., Certificates at 91 5/8.
The returns of the circulation of notes in England, Scotland, and Ireland, for the month ending the 25th of April, were inserted in this paper on the 14thand 15th inst. These returns , combined with the average circulation of the Bank of England for the same period, give the following statement of the total paper circulation for the United Kingdom as compared with the previous month.
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LT LT 5/19/1846 8f United States And Mexico

(From the New York Tribune, April 20.)

That Mr. Slidell has returned disappointed and mortified from his Mexican mission is generally known; that Messrs.Polk and Buchanan are now concocting war measures or war fulminations to be submitted to Congress thereupon is highly probable.At the same time we cannot perceive that out Government has any right to take offence at the result of this mission.Mexico apprised us, years ago, that the annexation of Texas to this country would be regarded by her as an act of war: she has since reiterated that statement on every fitting occasion; and has in nothing departed from its purport to this day.Our own Secretary of State, Mr. Forsyth, took identically her view of the matter, when annexation was first formally solicited by Texas, with the concurrence of Mr. Van Buren and his entire cabinet.Mr. Van Buren proclaimed his adherenceto this view of the matter so late as 1844, and Mr. Clay heartily concurred with him.A decided majority of all those among our countrymen to whom the designation of statesmen may be applied without seeming irony were of the same opinion.And when our rejected Minister argues that Mexico, in offering to acknowledge the independence of Texas provided she would stipulate to maintain that independence, and not merge her sovereignty in that of the United States, did virtually concede and establish that independence in disregard of her own express condition, he outrages the common sense of mankind.He might as well say that a creditor who had offered to cancel his obligation on payment of half the debt, had by that offer released the debtor altogether without the payment of a farthing.Manifestly, an offer upon condition is rendered nugatory by the rejection of that condition.Abrogate, invalidated this obvious rule, and no controversy could ever be settled but at the end of a lawsuit or the point of the bayonet.Can any man imagine for what purpose, in the inscrutable wisdom of our Executive, our army of occupation has been ordered down from Corpus Christi to the Rio del Norte?Its former station was on the extreme verge of what might be colourably denominated Texan territory; its advance has been through a region never belonging to the old province of Texas, nor for a single month subject to the rule of the more recent republic.It has never seen the Texan flag displayed save by two or three bands of adventurers, who were promptly captured or chased off by the Mexicans.The left bank of the Rio del Norte, and the whole region watered by the eastern tributaries of that river, is and ever has been just as much Mexican territory, so far as it is not possessed by the aboriginal savages, as Vera Cruz or Xapala.Now the ostensible purpose of sending all our disposable force to Corpus Christi was the protection of Texas from apprehended Mexican invasion; and for this purpose that position was well chosen.Texas has remained unmolested and secure; she has not felt a shadow of apprehension from the hour General Taylor landed his troops at Corpus Christi, nor has she had a pretext for fear.Not for her sake, therefore--certainly not to afford her increased protection or security--is our army marched down to the great Mexican river, far from resources or reinforcements, in the very heart of Mexican nationality and military power.Up to this time, both banks of the great river have been occupied by Mexican troops, we have dispossessed them of the eastern by a display of a temporarily overwhelming force: can we expect them to remain quiet on the other?Suppose the Mexican forces concentrating in front of General Taylor should speedily be swelled to 8,000 or 10,000 men, does any one suppose they will quietly look on until our army has fortified its position and reinforced its numbers in what the Mexicans cannot but regard as their national territory?General Taylor himself appears to act with all possible circumspection and forbearance; had his place been filled by a Napoleon or Jackson we should have had a murderous battle to chronicle ere this.General Taylor plainly will not act on the offensive unless to anticipate a meditated blow; but his position is an offensive one, and hostilities are postponed only till the Mexicans feel strong enough to strike with confidence.Let our troops simply hold their ground a month longer, and balls will forestall the yellow fever with many of them.We don't doubt whether half the gallant array which first formed on the beach at Corpus Christi are destined ever to repass the Mississippi, and greet their kindred in their cherished homes.Meantime, the nation lies in listless apathy, hardly asking what is to come next.The tidings ofa battle on the Rio del Norte--probably a triumphant, but in any case a deplorable one--will startle hundreds of thousands from ignorance into amazement.They have been told by smooth-tongued orators and current-riding demagogues that annexation was consummated--settled--a "fixed fact," and no longer a subject of discussion or action among us.With a President who is punctual in his Sunday attendance at a popular church, and who allows no dancing at the White House on any day, it is of course to be presumed by the indolent, listless millions that our national affairs are managed in a most Christian and blameless manner.When the tidings shall burst upon us of a battle between our army and the Mexicans, in which some 1,000 or 1,500 fellow Christians have butchered each other to feast the wolves and the vultures, who shall bear the awful responsibility of that wanton, wholesale murder?Not those, surely, who have manfully, actively, resisted the whole Texas iniquity, speaking out decisively at the first, and never faltering to the last.But who beside these can truly exclaim to the specters of our recklessly sacrificed countrymen,

"Shake not thy glory locks at me,
Thou canst not say I did it!"

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LT 5/20/1846 5c US and Mexico

THE WEST INDIA MAILS

The Royal Mail Packet Company's steamer Thames, Captain Hast, arrived at South Hampton yesterday evening at 6 o'clock, bringing mails of the following dates:- From San Jago de Cuba April 19, Jamaca 25, Jamel 27, Puerto Rico 29, Demerara 19, Tobago 21, Trinadad 20, Barbadoes 27, Grenada 28, St. Vincent 28, St Lucia 28, Martinique 29, Dominica 29, Guadeloupe 29, Antigua 30, Montserrat 30, Nevis 30, St. Kitt's 30, Tortols May 1, St. Thomas's May 1, 6p.m.; Fayal 13.

The Thames brings 70 passengers, including his Excellency Sir Henry Macleod, late Governor of Trinidad, and on freight 58 tierces of coffee, 126 barrels of ginger, and 283 packages of arrowroot.

We have our usual files of papers by the Thames, but they are very barren of interest; some of them, however, give a more favorable account of the weather than we have learned from private sources; indeed, almost at the time of the mails leaving the drought appeared to be breaking up.Coolies had arrived in several colonies, and had produced some effect in causing more regular labor; in Jamaca and Trinidad they were much prized, and working steadily, showing great aptness, as were the Portuguese emigrants from Madeira at Demerara and St. Vincent. The colonial newspapers have little interesting local news, if we except those of Trinidad, which are filled with regrets on losing their governor, Sir Henry Macleod, who it appears, had resigned his office in consequence of some misunderstanding with the Colonial Minister. His successor, Lord Harris, left Grenada on the 27^th ult., and would arrive next day at Trinidad.

General Richi, the new President of Hayti, was still in the northern part of the island, where all was quiet at the last dates. Pierrot, the late President, had retired to his plantation; it is rumored he will not be allowed to remain there (as a few partisans my still cherish the hope of his return to power), but be compelled to reside near Port-au-Prince, where all his movements can be better watched. In the south, a few hundred men, chiefly cultivators, had risen against Richi's Government; their object, it seems, was to pillage the town of Aux Cayes. The commenced by massacring several persons of respectability, who fell into their hands, and committed all sorts of depredations; but General Jeffran, at the head of the six regiments, had obtained signal and advantages over them in three different combats, when from 500 to 600 banditti were killed. Nothing had been decided upon respecting the Dominicans. Despatches had been received from Santa Anna, the President of the Spanish port, and it is believed that a suspension of hostilities will take place until something more decisive is determined on. The foreigners thought well of the present Government, having in office, clear headed ministers who had been abroad, and had held intercourse with foreign Powers.

By the most recent accounts the Royal Mail Company's steamer Tay left Grenada for Jamaica April 27; the Teviot arrived at St. Thomas's May 1; the Trent left Jamaica for the Spanish Main April 15; the Tweed was in the Gulf of Mexico; the city of Glasgow left for Trinidad April 27.

Her Majesty's ships Imaum, Daring and Pickle were at Jamaica; Her Majesty's ship Pique at Barbadoes, waiting to be relieved by the Endymion.

The Thames passed on the morning of the 18^th two of Her Majesty's steamers lying to in a gale from N.N.W.; also passed the Royal Mail steam-ship Dee off Portland, at noon yesterday.

The Thames had remarkably fine weather until nearing the Channel, when heavy N.W. and westerly gales were experienced, particularly on the night of the 16^th and morning of the 17^th.
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LT 1846 5 22 5c US and Mexico, America: Arrival of the Great Western

THE TIMES OFFICE, Friday Morning.
Liverpool, Thursday Evening.

We have received advise from the United States to the 7^th inst. Inclusive, together with late accounts from Canada, Mexico, and South America, by the steam-ship Great Western, Captain Matthews, which arrived in the Mersey shortly after 4 o'clock this afternoon, after a fine run of 14 days.

The Great Western conveyed special messengers from the American Government to Mr. M'Lane and from Canada to the Home administration. It is stated, and confidently so, that the former brings the Oregon notice to Mr. M'Lane, with instructions for its due delivery to the British Government. The bearer entertains that belief.

"The form in which the notice was sent," says the Washington correspondent of the Courier and Enquirer, " was to set forth the preamble and resolution as it passed Congress, and then to append to it a formal notice on the part of the Government of the United States."

The proceedings of the House of Congress are entirely uninteresting. The Webster and Ingersoll Committees had sent into Maine for witnesses.The Administration party in Congress are stated to design an adjournment from the 31^st of May to the 1^st of October. The Union denies the statement, however.

Relations with Mexico had assumed a more threatening aspect.The latest accounts from Rio Grande state that Matamoras was blockaded by General Taylor. Lieutenant Porter and three men had been shot by the Mexicans. Further desertions had taken place. Fears for the safety of the American force prevailed at Washington.

The receipts into the United States Treasury during the quarter ending the 31^st of March last were $7,808,870; expenditure. $4,483,897 9c.

It would appear that considerable doubt exists as to the payment of the interest due on the debt of Pennsylvania.

The Princeton steam-frigate was under orders for the Gulf of Mexico.

Late accounts from Canada have reached us.The journals publish an additional dispatch from the Hon. W.E. Gladstone, dated April 1, upon the memorial of the Montreal Board of Trade:-

"It announces," says the Montreal Courier, "that should the repeal of the Corn Laws pass the British Legislature, the Canadian Parliament will be allowed to do as it pleases with the 3s. Duty on American wheat. And it does not appear that any opposition will be shown to the repeal of the 2s. Imperial duty on flour.It also enunciates plainly the principle that Great Britain will not in the future grant better commercial terms to her colonies than she allows to other countries, and will not revive the system which once prevailed, of allowing the introduction of goods from colonies t colonial duties with reference, not to their origin, but solely to their place of export, or in other words doing away with the certificate of origin."

Accounts from Vera Cruz to the 18^th of April had been received. Mexico is stated to continue uneasy.The threatened return of Santa Anna had called forth Government measures of protection. Despatches for the United States Government had also been received.

Accounts received from Oregon and California, via the Sandwich Islands, are unimportant. Extensive immigrations from the United States are noted.A slight dispute had arisen at San Francisco between the Americans and Mexicans.

Rio intelligence to the 19^th of March, from Pernambaco to the 9^th of April, and from the River Plate to the 19^th of March, had been received. The blockade of Buenos Ayres still continued.At Rio, in consequence of long continued rainy weather, coffee was very scarce, and in demand at rising prices.

Report states that the Cambria ran ashore at Boston; but we are happy to say that the passengers, crew, and all the baggage were saved.
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LT 1846 5/29 6b US and Mexico, President Polk's Proclamation of war

AMERICA. THE UNITED STATES AND MEXICO

We have received advices from the United States, by the Cambria Royal mail-steamer, to the 16^th inst., inclusive, announcing the most important intelligence that the United States had declared war against Mexico.

We subjoin the formal proclamation of war:--

"PROCLAMATION of THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES.

"Whereas, the Congress of the United States, by virtue of the constitutional authority vested in the have declared by their act bearing date this day, that 'by the act of the Republic of Mexico, a state of war exists between that Government and the United States:'

"Now, therefore, I , James K. Polk, President of the United States of America, do hereby proclaim to all whom it may concern, and I do specially enjoin on all persons holding offices, civil or military, under the authority of the United States, that they be vigilant and zealous in discharging the duties respectively incident thereto. And I do, moreover, exhort all the good people of the United States, as they love their country, as they feel the wrongs which have forced on them the last resort of injured nations, and as they consult the best means under the blessing of Divine Providence of abridging its calamities, that they exert themselves in preserving order, in promoting concord, in maintaining the authority and the efficacy of the laws, and in supporting and invigorating all the measures which may be adopted by the constituted authorities for attaining a speedy, a just, and an honourable peace.

"In testimony whereof, I have hereunto set my hand, and caused the seal of the United States to be affixed to these presents.

"Done at the city of Washington, this 13^th day of May, 1846, and of the independence of the United States the 70^th.

"By the President,
"JAMES K. POLK.

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LT 5/29/6b Congress, Polk's message on Mexico

On the 11^th ult. the President transmitted to the Congress the following message:-

THE PRESIDENT'S MESSAGE.

"To the Senate and the House of Representatives,"

"The existing state of the relations between the United States and Mexico renders it proper that I should bring the subject to the consideration of Congress.In my message at the commencement of your present session, the state of these relations, the causes which led to the suspension of diplomatic intercourse between the two countries in March, 1845, and the long continued and undressed wrongs and injuries committed by the Mexican Government on citizens of the United States in their persons and property, were briefly set forth.

"As the facts and opinions which were then laid before you carefully considered, I cannot better express my present convictions of the condition of affairs up to that time than by referring you to that communication.

"The strong desire to establish peace with Mexico, on liberal and honourable terms, and the readiness of this Government to regulate and adjust our boundary, and other causes of difference with that Power, on such fair and equitable principles as would lead to permanent relations between the two countries.Every measure adopted on our part had for its object the furtherance of these desired results.In communicating to Congress a succinct statement of the injuries which we had suffered from Mexico, and which havebeen accumulating during a period of more than twenty years, every expression that could tend to inflame the people of Mexico, or defeat or delay a pacific result, was carefully avoided.An Envoy of the United States repaired to Mexico with full powers to adjust every existing difference.But though present on the Mexican soil,by agreement of the two Governments, invested with full powers and bearing evidence of the most friendly dispositions, his mission has been unavailing.The Mexican Government not only refused to receive him, or listen to his propositions, but, after a long-continued series of menaces, have at last invaded our territory, and shed theblood of our fellow-citizens on our own soil.

"It now becomes my duty to state more in detail the origin, progress, and failure of that mission.I could not for a moment entertain the idea that the claims of our much-injured and long-suffering citizens, many of which had existed for more than 20 years, should be postponed or separated from the settlement of the boundary question.

"Mr. Slidell arrived at Vera Cruz on the 30^th of November, and was courteously received by the authorities of that city.But that Government of General Herrera was then tottering to its fall.The revolutionary party had seized upon the Texas question to effect or hasten its overthrow."Its determination to restore friendly relations with the United States, and to receive our Minister to negotiate for the settlement of this question, was violently assailed, and was made the great theme of denunciation against it.The Government of General Herrera, there is a good reason to believe, was sincerely desirous to receive our Minister; but it yielded to the storm raised by its enemies, and on the 21^st of December refused to accredit Mr. Slidell upon the most frivolous pretexts-These are so fully and ably exposed in the note of Mr. Slidell of the 24^th ofDecember last to the Mexican Minister of Foreign Relations, herewith transmitted, that I deem it unnecessary to enter into further detail on this portion of the subject.

"Five days after the date of Mr. Slidell's note, General Herrera yielded the Government to General Paredes without a struggle, and on the 30^th of December resigned the Presidency.This revolution was accomplished solely by the army, the people have taken little part in the contest; and thus the supreme power in Mexico passed into the hands of a military leader.

"Determined to leave no effort untried to effect an animicable adjustment with Mexico, I directed Mr. Slidell to present his credentials to the Government of General Paredes, and asked to be officially received by him.There would have been less ground for taking this step had General Paredes come into power by a regular constitutional succession.In that event his administration would have been considered but a mere constitutional continuance of the Government of General Herrera, and the refusal of the latter to receive our Minister would have been deemed conclusive, unless an intimation had been given by General Paredes of his desire to reverse the decision of his predecessor.

"But the Government of General Paredes owes its existence to a military revolution, by which the subsisting constitutional authorities had been subverted.The form of Government was entirely changed, as well as all the high functionaries by whom it was administered.

"Under these circumstances, Mr. Slidell, in obedience to my direction, addressed a note to the Mexican Minister of Foreign Relations, under date of the 1^st of March last, asking to be received by that Government in the diplomatic character to which he had been appointed.This Minister, in his reply, under date of the 12^th of March, reiterated the arguments of his predecessor, and, in terms that may be considered as giving just grounds of offence to the Government and people of the United States, denied the application of Mr. Slidell.Nothing, therefore, remained for our Envoy but to demand his passports and return to his own country.

"Thus the Government of Mexico, though solemnly pledged by official acts in October last to receive and accredit and American Envoy, violated their plighted faith, and refused the offer of a peaceful adjustment with our difficulties.Not only was the offer rejected, but the indignity of its rejection was enhanced by the manifest breach of faith in refusing to admit the Envoy, who came because they had bound themselves to receive the want of opportunity of discussing it; our Envoy was present on their own soil.Nor can it be ascribed to a want of sufficient powers; our Envoy had full powers to adjust every question whatever.Nor can it be objected that we, on our part, would listen to any reasonable terms of their suggestion; the Mexican Government refused all negotiation, and have made no proposition of any kind.

"In my message at the commencement of the present session, I informed you that upon the earnest appeal both of the Congress and convention of Texas, I had ordered an efficient military force to take a position between the Nucces and the Del Norte.This had become necessary, to meet a threatened invasion of Texas by the Mexican forces, for which extensive military preparations had been made.The invasion was threatened solely because Texas had determined, in accordance with a solemn resolution of the Congress of the United States, to annex herself to our union; and, under these circumstances, it was plainly our duty to extend our protection over her citizens and soil.

"This force was concentrated at Corpus Christi, and remained there until after I had received such information from Mexico as rendered it probable, if not certain, that the Mexican Government would refuse to receive our Envoy.

"Meantime, Texas, by the final action of our Congress, had become an integral part of our union.The Congress of Texas by its act of December 19, 1836, had declared the Rio del Norte had been represented in the Congress and in the convention of Texas, had thus taken part in the act of annexation itself, and is now included within our Congressional districts.Our Congress had, moreover, with great unanimity, by the act approved December 21, 1845, recognized the country beyond the Nueces as part of our territory, by including it within our revenue system; and a revenue officer, to reside within that district, has beer appointed by and with the advice and consent of the Senate.It became, therefore, of urgent necessity to provide for the defence of that portion of our country.Accordingly, on the 13^th day of January last, instructions were issued to the Generals in command of these troops, to occupy the left bank of the Del Norte.This river, which is south-western boundary of the state of Texas, is an exposed frontier.From this quarter invasion was threatened; upon it and its immediate vicinity, in the judgement of high military experience, are the proper stations for the protecting forces of the Government.In addition to this important consideration, several others occurred to induce this movement.Among these are the facilities afforded by the ports of Brazos Santiago and the mouth of the Del Norte, for the reception of supplies by sea, the stronger and more healthful military positions, the convenience for obtaining a ready and a more abundant supply of provisions, water, fuel, and forage, and the advantages which are afforded by Del Norte in forwarding supplies to such posts as may be established in the interior and upon the Indian frontier.

"The movement of the troops to the Del Norte was made by the commanding General, under positive instructions to abstain from all aggressive acts towards Mexico, or Mexican citizens, and to regard the relations between that republic and the United States as peaceful, unless she should declare war, or commit acts of hostility indicative of a state of war.He was specially directed to protect private property and respect personal rights.

"The army moved from Corpus Christi on the 11^th of March, and on the 28^th of that month arrived on the left bank of the Del Norte, opposite to Matamoras, where it encamped on a commanding position, which has since been strengthened by the erection of field works.A depot has also been established at Point Isabel, near the Brazos Santiago, 30 miles in the rear of the encampment.The selection of this position was necessarily confided to the judgement of the General in command.

"The Mexican forces at Matamoras assumed a belligerent attitude, and on the 12^th of April, General Arista, who had succeeded to the command of the Mexicanforces, communicated to General Taylor that 'he considered hostilities commenced, and should prosecute them.'A party of Dragoons of 63 men and officers were on the same day dispatched from the American army up the Rio del Norte, on its left bank, to ascertain whether the Mexican troops had crossed with a large body of these troops, and, after a short affair, in which some 16 were killed and wounded, appear to have been surrounded and compelled to surrender."

"The previous wrongs perpetrated by Mexico upon our citizens throughout a long period of years remain undressed; and solemn treaties, pledging her public faith for this redress, have been disregarded.A Government unable or unwilling to enforce the execution of such treaties fails to perform one of its plainest duties.

"Our commerce with Mexico has been almost annihilated.It was formerly highly beneficial to both nations, but our merchants have been deterred from prosecuting it by the system of outrage and extortion which the Mexican authorities have pursued against them, whilst their appeals through their own Government for indemnity have been made in vain.Our forbearance has gone to such an extent as to be mistaken in its character.Had we acted with vigour in repelling the insults and redressing the injuries inflicted by Mexico at the commencement, we should doubtless have escaped all the difficulties in which we are now involved.

"Instead of this, however, we have been exerting our best efforts to propitiate her good will.Upon the pretext that Texas, a nation as independent as herself, thought proper to unite its destinies with our own, she has affected to believe that we have severed her rightful territory, and, in official proclamations and manifestoes, has repeatedly threatened to make war upon us for the purpose of reconquering Texas.In the meantime, we have tried every effort at reconciliation.The cup of forbearance has been exhausted, even before the recent information from the frontier of the Del Norte.But now, after reiterated menaces, Mexico has passed the boundary of the United States, has invaded our territory, and shed American blood upon the American soil.She has proclaimed the hostilities have commenced, and that the two nations are at war.

"As war exists, and, notwithstanding all our efforts to avoid it, exists by the act of Mexico herself, we are called upon by every consideration of duty and patriotism, to vindicate with decision the honour, the rights, and the interests of the country.

"Anticipating the possibility of a crisis like that which has arrived, instructions were given in August last, "as a precautionary measure,' against invasion, or threatened invasion, to acceptvolunteers, not from Texas only, but from the states of Louisiana, Alabama, Mississippi, Tennessee, and Kentucky; and corresponding letters were addressed to the respective governors of those states.These instructions were repeated; an in January last, soon after theincorporation letters were addressed to the respective governors of those states.These instructions were repeated; and in January last, soon after the incorporation of 'Texas into our union of States' General Taylor was further 'authorized by the President to make a requisition upon the executive of that state for such of its militia force as may be needed to repl invasion or to secure the country against apprehended invasion.' On the 2d day of March he was again reminded, 'in the event of the approach of any considerable Mexican force, promptly and efficiently to use the authority with which he was clothed to call to him such auxiliary force as he might need.'War actually existing, and our territory having been invaded, General Taylor, pursuant to authority vested in him, by my direction, has called on the Governor of Texas for four regiments of state troops-two to be mounted, and two to serve on foot; and on the Governor of Louisiana for four regiments of infantry, to be sent to him as soon as practicable.

"In further vindication of our rights and defence of our territory, I invoke the prompt action of Congress to recognize the existence of the war, and place at the disposition of the Executive the means of prosecuting the war with vigour; and thus hasten the restorationof peace.To this end I recommend that authority should be given to call into public service a large body of volunteers, to serve for not less than six or 12 months, unless sooner discharged.A volunteer force is, beyond question, more efficient than any other description of citizen soldiers; and it is not to be doubted that a number far beyond that require3d would readily rush to the field upon the call of their country.I further recommend that a liberal provision can be made for sustaining entire military force, and furnishing it with supplies and munitions of war.

"The most energetic and prompt measures, and the immediate appearance in arms of a large and overpowering force, are recommended to Congress as the most certain and efficient means of bringing the existing collision with Mexico to a speedy and successful termination.

"In making these recommendations, I deem it proper to declare that it is my anxious desire not only to terminate hostilities speedily, but to bring all matters in dispute between this Government and Mexico to an early and amicable adjustment; and in this view I shall be prepared to renew negotiations wheneverMexico to an early and amicable adjustment; an in this view I shall be ready to receive propositions or to make propositions of her own. Foreign Affairs; and so much of the correspondence between that Envoy and the Secretary of State, and between the Secretary at War and the General in command on the Del Norte, as are necessary to a full understanding of the subject.

"JAMES K. POLK
Washington, May 11, 1846"

This document was immediately acted upon by Congress.Both branches, by overwhelming majorities, declared in favour of recognizing a war against Mexico, and in providing means for its energetic prosecution.The regular army was increased to about 15,000 men; a special War Bill authorized an additional force of 50,000 men, to be placed at the disposal of the President; and $10,000,000 were appropriated for the payment of the troops.The naval force was increased in an equal ratio.

The latest accounts from the force under General Taylor represent his position as one of great danger.His army was surrounded on every side by theMexican force, and his supplies were in danger of being cut off; and apparently a more serious conflict was impending.

The utmost excitement prevailed throughout the Union, and in the southern states large companies of volunteers were being formed to march to the relief of the army on the Rio Del Norte.Great fears were entertained throughout the commercial classes that the Mexican Government would issue letters of marque.The American journals are far from being unanimous in support of the aggressive war sanctioned by Congress.

We have accounts from Montreal to the 13^th inst. Inclusive.A committee had been appointed by the House of Assembly on the 11^th to frame an address to Her Majesty, praying that whatever alterations may be made in the duties on the admission of foreign grain, respect may be had to the interests of Canada.The Parliament would separate on the 23d inst.

Advices from Mexico to the 17^th of April, and from Vera Cruz to the 22^nd, had been received.The Vera Cruz Locomotor of the 22^nd states, that a revolution had broken out in the south of the department of Mexico, and that General Alvarez had proclaimed the federal constitution, and the return to the power of Santa Anna. Fears of the immediate blockade of the port of Mazatlan by the American navel force there assembled were entertained; and the Mexican steamers Montezuma and Guadaloupe had been sold.
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LT 1846 5 30 4b Mexican War

LONDON, SATURDAY, MAY 30, 1846.

The collision which the increasing arrogance of the American Government and the apparent weakness of Mexico rendered inevitable, has at lengthtaken place.Hostilities have begun upon the Rio Bravo del Norte.An American detachment of 63 men has been surrounded and compelled to lay down its arms, after a considerable loss.General Taylor; the American commander appears to have placed himself , with an excess of presumption or of incapacity, in a position of great danger;his small forces being divided, his supplies cut off, and his line of operations intersected by the Mexican army.The news of this defeat and this danger instantly roused he passions of the American people to the highest pitch of excitement.The population of the southern states is preparing to flock in arms to the scene of adventure.The state Legislatures nearest to the frontier have voted money and troops to proceed at once to reinforce the detachment at Point Isabel.The Federal Government, upon the receipt ofthis intelligence, took the most vigorousmeasures, and within four days a bill passed the Congress and received the sanction of the President, "to provide for the prosecution of the existing war between the United States and the Republic of Mexico,"All the efforts of the peace party to resist or control this torrent of national enthusiasm for war were wholly unavailing.

These events are manifestly calculated to produce the most important effects on the several Powers of the North American continent, on their institutions at home, and on their relations abroad;but they are no more than the fulfillment of the anticipations we have long entertained and expressed.When a nation like the United States of America forsook all the maxims of its established policy, and violated the laws of good faith an international duty, to gratify the popular passion of territorial aggrandizement at the expense of an inoffensive neighbour, and at the instigation of the audacious leaders of the democratic party, it was vain to hope that an act like the annexation of Texas could be consummated without giving birth to a formidable and uncontrollable series of those events which interrupt the pacific progress of nations, and convulse the world.It was vain to hope that even amidst the savannahs and the solitudes of the new world the wildest of human passions could exhale their strength with impunity; or that the political crimes, which are now almost banished from the confraternity of European states, could be perpetrated without check or a penalty under the colours of a republican flag, and the defenseless frontiers of an American neighbor.The annexation of Texas, as was repeatedly predicted till within a short time of its accomplishment by almost every American statesman, has ended in war.It could end in nothing short of war, unless Mexico were already dissolved, and the race which occupies the ancient provinces of Spain extinct.The immediate cause of hostilities may be the advance of General Taylor, by the orders of the Cabinet of Washington, into the disputed territory lying between the Nueces and the Del Norte; no one will be deceived as to the true cause of this rupture.The annexation of Texas must be taken as one entire transaction, originating with General Jackson nearly twenty years ago, and ending with Mr. Polk's declaration of war; but twenty years of fraud and hypocrisy have not lessened the enormity or mitigated the violence of this depredation.The interval has only been rendered the resistance of the Mexicans less possible, the booty more attractive, and the designs of the American Government more extensive.To the last moment, indeed, and down to the very preamble of the bill which crowns this masterpiece of double dealing by a declaration of war, the Congress of the United States is made to legislate a lie, and to declare that by the act of the republic of Mexico a state of war exists between that Government and the United States.Every incident of the transactions and negotiations of the last ten years between the United Stated and Mexico demonstrates the falsehood of this assertion.No state ever endured more injuries from another than Mexico has received from the Cabinet of Washington, for no state was ever worse prepared to resent them: but after all these provocations and wrongs, the war declared by the United States is now imputed to Mexico, because she has refused to receive an American emissary to dictate terms in her capital, and has ordered her scanty forces to assemble on a disputed frontier.The territory lying between the rivers Nueces and Del Norte is at most an unsettled and debatable ground; if, indeed, any doubt has ever existed as to the full right of Mexico to the whole province of Tamaulipas, extending to the former and more northerly of these streams.The occupation of the left bank of the Rio Bravo del Norte was therefore a unwarranted and rash act on the part of the American General; and his blockade of Matamoras, a town situated on the right bank of the stream, was a direct aggression on the territorial rights of Mexico.

We cannot suppose that Mr. Polk is do blind as not to have foreseen these events.He must not only have foreseen them, but intended to bring them to pass.In his Message upon the opening of Congress he laid open wide grounds of remonstrances and retaliation against Mexico.Mr. Slidell was dispatched with a message ill calculated to promote any pacific object.General Taylor was ordered to advance by land beyond the true boundary of Texas; a demonstration was made by an American squadron in the Gulf; and we have strong reason to believe that orders had already been given to the American Commodore in the South Seas to seize upon Monterey, Port St. Francis and other positions on the California coast, upon the first intimation which should reach him of the withdraw of Mr. Slidell from the Mexican Territory.This combination of measures, following closely upon the extraordinary language of the President in his public address upon several occasions, and viewed in connexion with the electioneering interests of Mr. Polk's party, leave no doubt that the head of the American Government has, with as much deliberation s he is capable of, plunged his country into this most flagitious war.The evil which must result from it flow straight from the democratic institutions of the United States, from the popular vices that these institutions have fostered when they most needed to be checked, and from the character of the political Empedocles whom they have raised to office.To the calamities caused by such incendiaries there is no remedy but a firm resistance, a severe retaliation, and eventually a popular reaction; but these results are distant, and in the meanwhile Mr. Polk has got possession of the patronage of an increased army and navy, and of the resources of a war expenditure.

The regular army of the United States will be immediately raised to 15,000 men-about double its present force.Provision will be made for 50,000 volunteers; and we are informed that the Government is empowered to build 16 ships-of-the-line, 40 frigates, and small craft in proportion, and to provide for the defense of the sea-board and lake coast.Such preparations imply a fear of something more than the forces of Mexico my bring into the field; but the weight that we might be dispose to attach to these resolutions is notably diminished by the fact, that even now no financial means have been provided to meet this great emergency, and that the threatening symptoms of the time have already depressed the American money -market to an unwanted extent.The 10 millions of dollars said to be in theTreasury will soon be spent, -100 millions must be raised and expanded before a tolerable American army or Navy can take the field or the ocean; and to organize such forces as are now proposed by Congress is the work, not of months, but of years.Meanwhile the military difficulties upon the southern frontier are of no ordinary description.The army must act at a vast distance from its base of operations.Th country is without inhabitants, roads, or supplies; everything for the use of the troops must be conveyed from the valley of the Mississippi, through a vast and wild region, where the convoys may be interrupted by marauding Indians.The season of the year will render immediate operations scarcely possible to an army which will find no shelter from the heat of those latitudes.It is by no means improbable that the Mexicans may defeat and destroy the corps of General Taylor before the reinforcements arrive, and then assume the offensive in Texas.However this may be, it is evident that such a success on their part would only be temporary, and would only exasperate to fury their unscrupulous and overwhelming enemy.But, weak as they are, they are not without weapons, which the unprotected state of American commerce and the social condition of the southern states render formidable.The immediate consequences of this rupture are, however, the least important part of the case.The state of war which now exists between Mexico and the United States at once gives rise to all the embarrassing questions of the right of belligerents and of neutrals, of letters of marque, blockade, and the protection of trade.Already two English schooners, the Equity and Floridian, have been turned back from the mouth of the Rio Grande by the United States brig Lawrence, before any notification of blockade has been made at all.And, in addition to these dangerous, but inseparable concomitants of war, Great Britain has other and more momentous interests at this moment in dispute. The tie is come when the Oregon negotiation must be brought to close; and there is reason to anticipate that we shall have to encounter a more intractable and excited spirit on that question amongst the American people, of the war party has once asserted its predominance, armed the country, and perhaps obtained an easy triumph over the Mexican forces.But to this important part of the subject we must revert on Monday.
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LT 1846 6/1 3b Mexico and the US

MEXICO AND THE UNITED STATES.--The bombastic President Polk has at length had the felicity of inditing a war message to Congress, craving for "two regiments of volunteers, and other levies of an equally formidable kind, to resist the hostile purposes of the Mexicans.The President, however, make out but a poor case.The Mexicans, it seems, refused to receive an American envoy.This is surely no casus belli .The other grief is that the Mexicans kept up an army on the banks of the Rio Bravo.Why, they have had posts there for these number of year.And even supposing the Americans had a rightful title to Texas, it is not apparent how this should render it a crime for the Mexicans to garrison Matamoras.The territory intervening between the Rio Bravo and the Nueces has been long a disputed territory between Texas and the adjoining provinces.Not withstanding this dispute, the Mexican commander did not occupy this territory, but kept on his own side of the Rio del Norte.Had the American commander done the same, and kept at Corpus Christi, on the Nuesces, contented with protecting the territory from invasion, no collision could have taken place, for the Mexicans remained strictly on the defensive.But General Taylor not only crossed the Nuesces and seized the whole of the disputed territory, but, under some idle plea, he proceeded also to blockade Matamoras, and cut it off from the sea.In this, General Taylor was only commenced hostilities; as indeed, the Whigs and the Senate are prepared to maintain, as they insist that he should not have gone beyond Corpus Christi.Collisions having taken place, it was impossible to refuse the vote of levies and of money, although the leading members of the Senate; Calhoun amongst others, protested that the country could not consider itself at war.The united bodies of Congress could, indeed, alone declare that.War, however, it is, if President Polk chooses to make it so.This he seems scarcely prepared to go upon the land frontier of the Rio del Norte.He may, however, give orders to the fleet in the gulf to operate on the Monterey or the forts of California.And, as compensation or that unlimited store of grievance, which has been amassed on the supposed wrongs done to American citizens by Mexico, Mr. Polk may insist on retaining such provinces or possessions.Federalist movements, too, may be got up at the same time under American influence to paralyze the efforts of the Mexican Government and facilitate the work of spoliation.Is Europe prepared to see Mexico thus dismembered, and the autopsy made before her eyes?It is to be feared that such is the case.A serious means of effective war would alone be likely to make the Americans hesitate.And neither France nor England is prepared to volunteer in such a struggle.We have had little or no thanks from Spain for having fought and won its independence.We might risk still less profit or gratitude from the Spanish race in Mexico.The age of political, as well as of religious, crusades is past.
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LT 1846 6 1 4b Mexican War

LONDON, MONDAY, JUNE 1, 1846

The tumultuous excitement occasioned throughout the United States by the announcement that a small Mexican army had been collected at Matamoras, and that 2,000 men had crossed the Rio Grande and placed themselves betted General Taylor's camp and his supplies at Point Isabel, is certainly disproportional to the actual magnitude of the event; and it presents a strange commentary on the aggressive policy and the warlike measures which have been gaining ground in the United States for the past few years.Nothing can be more ridiculous than the contrast between the zeal of the Americans in provoking a war, and their real state of preparation for it; and a defeat will probably be sustained by the American forces, worsted by troops whom they have affected to despise, before the people of the United States have learned that bluster does not win battles, though it may begin brawls.What, we may venture to inquire, would have been the result if the British Government had chanced to be animated by sentiments akin to those which the Cabinet of Washington has so shamelessly disclosed; and if the late preemptory declarations of the President on the subject of the Oregon territory had been followed by the advance of well-appointed British army across the Canadian frontier, and the appearance of a British fleet on the coast?The hypothesis is purely imaginary; but if it tends to impress upon the Americans the necessity of remedying their present defenseless position, it also renders it incumbent on the British Government to seize this moment for the adjustment of our controversy with the United States.It is not England that has awakened these dormant claims and kindled these deplorable passions.It is not England that has given notice for the termination of the convention of joint occupancy, and chosen this particular time for the settlement of the dispute by treaty or by war.Still less has England any hand in the recent measures taken by the Mexicans in defense of their territory-an opinion which is too absurd to need contradiction in Europe, though it is very generally entertained in the United States.But since Mr. Polk and his democratic adherents have caused this mischief and let loose these dangers in despite and defiance of England, it is the duty of the Queen's government to steer their course firmly amidst the storms of passion and accidents of fortune, and turn whatever errors may have been committed by our antagonists to the solid advantage of this country, and to the defense of our just rights.The Senate of the United States have wisely recommended an amicable adjustment of the Oregon question.We concur in their opinion.Let it be amicable, but above all things, immediate.

The war with Mexico is at present to the highest degree popular in the United States.In the first paroxysm of enthusiasm not a voice was raised to denounce the atrocity of the quarrel, or to predict the heavy burdens which even success in such a cause must impose on the American Union.The war party is everywhere triumphant.The Whigs are discouraged and defeated, even in their faint attempt to modify the preamble of the War Bill.The immediate effect of this rupture with Mexico is, therefore, to weaken the influence of the party which had recently succeeded in smoothing down the form of notice to be given Great Britain-to increase the authority and ascendancy of the Executive Government, which is the very core of the war party- to place large sums of money and vast patronage at their disposal-to augment the United States army and navy-to call out a large body of volunteers and drill them into troops, and to promote that martial spirit amongst the population at large to which democratic communities are but too prone.In short, if Mr. Polk were to propose to himself the most effectual mode of preparing the people of the United States for a contest with one of the great powers of Europe, he could not have hit upon any scheme more likely to suit his purpose than that of training the country by a little war, in which there is no serious risk, no formidable enemy, but just enough of eclat to whet the passions which the leaders of the American democracy are wont to flatter and to obey.If the Oregon question be reserved until the United States have dictated terms to Mexico, and perhaps possessed themselves of California, no American Government will be able to accede to terms of partition, and they will be better prepared for war with England then, than they are for war with Mexico now.A wise government would, indeed, most carefully have avoided plunging into two quarrels at the same time; and the frontiers of Texas ought to have been settled by treaty before those of Oregon were discussed.But these sage maxims are disregarded on the other side of the Atlantic; and Mr. Polk seems rather to glory in the multiplicity of his dangers, and to act as if one embarrassment was a set-off against another.

If the overture which Mr. Pakenham has been instructed to make in reply to the notice for the termination of the convention be favourably received we may hope that in four or five weeks the Oregon controversy may be settled, and a final treaty of partition signed.But the best means of arriving at this most desirable result are vigorous measures and a strong demonstration of our resolution not to recoil before any alternative.Symptoms have already reached us of an intention on the part of the American Government to convince us of the extreme moderation of their designs towards Mexico, and of their earnest desire to terminate this war.But the American Government must be judged of by its public acts and declarations, not by assurances which we can only regard as subterfuges and pretenses.Its evident object is, if possible, to postpone the settlement of the Oregon question until Mexico has been reduced to terms; and then to put forward its pretensions to Oregon with the whole strength of the democratic party.This scheme must be defeated.Another month will bring us either a treaty of partition and peace, or an answer which would call for more decided steps on the part of the British Government.

With regard to the mode of prosecuting the war against Mexico, we apprehend that whatever may be the feebleness of the Mexican troops, the Nature of the country offers most serious obstacles to an invading army.The city of Mexico is 700 miles from he Rio Bravo del Norte.The roads are bad and ill-provided with water or supplies; and a host of ill-disciplined adventurers, like the American volunteers would inevitably be cut off in detail in the interior of the country by the Rancheros and the Spanish population.The military operations must therefore, be confined to desultory warfare on the frontier.If a blockade be announced of the eastern and western coasts of Mexico, including the ports of Vera Cruz, Tampico, and the mouth of the Rio Bravo on the Atlantic, and the immense extent of the coast from Port St. Francis to Acapulco on the Pacific, the maritime Powers of Europe, whose subjects are so largely interested in the commerce of Mexico, will, of course, require that this blockade should be everywhere enforced by a competent American squadron.But he whole American navy now afloat would not suffice actually to blockade this extent of coast, even if its services were not likely to be requires in other places for the protection of American commerce.Whatever may be the laws of particular countries, or the stipulations of treaties as to the rights of privateers, there can be no doubt that if the Mexican Government issue letters of marque, there are seafaring adventurers enough in the world to risk their lives in this species of legalized piracy, and to defy restrictions which can only be enforced here and there by the American vessels of war.In mercantile cities of the Union it was generally expected that the Mexicans would resort to this expedient.A war clause has been inserted in the policies in insurance a New York, and premiums had risen 3^1/2 per cent. in consequence of the additional risk.Some of the American packets for Liverpool were already preparing to sail armed.It is evident that whether these apprehensions be exaggerated or not, a state of war existing along the whole coast of North American and interrupting the vast commercial relations both of the United States and of Mexico with other countries, as well as with each other, is a position of affairs fraught with danger to the general peace of the world.WE shall await with anxiety the measures which may be anticipated from the Mexican and American Governments with reference to these maritime questions; and as a proper precaution we hope the British squadron in the West Indies will be at once reinforced.Without any direct interest in the disturbed and declining affairs of Mexico, and without caring in the slightest degree what form of Government exists in that country, since none can be worse than the military anarchy which has existed there for the last 20 years, there are important British undertakings and investments in Mexico which have frequently been the subject of communication between the two Governments, and which cannot be now left unprotected.Nor can we be blind to the fact that the Americans are, to use an expression of their own, about to fight a battle of Oregon in Texas, and that the same passion which is now launching in full career against their weakest neighbor, will ere long incite the most stirring portion of the American people to lay hands upon the American possessions of the British Crown.This then, is the time to prepare resistance-firm, absolute resistance-to pretensions which are incompatible with the safety of neighboring states or the peace of the world.
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LT 1846 6/5 6a Mexican bonds

The meeting of Mexican bondholders, held today in the London Tavern, has resulted in the acceptance of the new terms; which were strongly recommended by the committee.According to these, it is well known the Active bondholders are to receive 90 percent. of New Five per Cent. Stock for the whole of the claim represented by their bonds and over-due coupons, with the exception of one of the coupons, which is to be paid in cash; and the holders of Deferred Bonds and Debentures are to have 60 percent.

The temper and tone of this meeting were as different as possible form that of the stormy assembly by which the former terms were rejected.There the feeling was that the terms presented were such as ought never to have been proposed; here the principal discussion was the expediency of coming to any compromise at all, during the present condition of the Mexican republic.The most strenuous opponents of the former terms were in favour of the new ones, and the only opposition that they offered to the recommendation of the committee consisted in a motion to adjourn the consideration of the subject till fresh intelligence from the seat of American hostilities should arrive.One or two persons, indeed, protested against the principle of giving up any portion of the capital debt, but they were not powerful enough to form a party.The question whether the meting should adjourn for a fortnight was put, and decided in the negative, and then the acceptance of the terms was carried by a large majority.

The principle adopted by the meeting is this--that the special pledge of the tobacco revenue, and the export duty on silver, in addition to the fifthpart of the Customs' receipts, is a sufficient consideration for parting with a certain portion of capital, even during the present critical circumstances of the republic.Whether the decision will be acceptable to all the bondholders who did not attend the meeting, we cannot tell, but from the letters received on the subject we should be inclined to doubt it.

The committee of the South-American and Mexican Association have memorialized the Government on the state of affairs between the United States and Mexico, suggesting a friendly interposition for the prevention of hostilities.

The English funds were steady to-day, but the amount of business transacted was particularly limited.Some small purchases made by the Government and Chancery brokersgave support to prices, which were previously firm, owing to the "shutting" about to take place in preparation for the payment of the July dividends.Consols for money left off 96.75; and for the account, 97.Bank Stock closed205.5 to 206.5; Three per Cents. Reduced, 95.75; Three-and-a-Quarter per Cents, 97 to .75; Long Annuities, 10.25; India Stock, 264 to 266; India Bonds, 22s. to 27s. pm. ; and Exchequer-bills, 17s. to 22s. pm.

Although the Mexican bondholders accepted the proposition for the arrangement of the debt, no business was done in the Active Bonds.They were quoted nominally 29.75 to 30.25.The Deferred were firmer, being actually purchased at 16.Brazilian were last done at 82.5; Ecuador at 3; Granada; at 21 ex div.; the Deferred, at 4.25; Portuguese Four per Cents., at 53.5; for the account, at 53; Spanish Passives, at 5; the Deferred, at 15.5; Venezuela, at 42.5; the Deferred, at 12.5; and Dutch Four per Cents., Certificates, at 92.

A great deal of amusement has been created in the city by the arrival of some cotton from President Polk's plantation, marked with the letters and figures--"P.49thD."The connoisseurs of the cotton trade declare that this is no ordinary cotton mark; and, therefore, the question remains as to what it can mean.Two or three explain that "P" means Polk," and that "49^th D" means "49^th degree," and refers to the Oregon affair.We give this as a mere city anecdote of the day, requesting our readers not to take it at more than its worth.
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LT 1846 6 5 6c Mexico and the US

MEXICO AND THE UNITED STATES

War has at length been declared between the United States and Mexico, and President Polk has been invested with all the necessary powers for raising an army.When the election of the President took place, the democratic party were divided into two distinct factions on the subject of foreign politics.The one considered a country eleven times more extensive than France to be sufficiently vast, while the other portion was of opinion that the union ought to extend from the Isthmus of Panama to Hudson's Bay and Bearing's Straights.Mr. Polk was elected President, with the express conditions, viz., that Texas should be incorporated with the Union, the whole of the Oregon territory to belong to America, the invasion of Mexico, according to Jefferson's prediction, and whenever it could be effected, to take one day possession of Canada; foraccording to this school of politics, the British flag waved over Kingston and Cape Diamond only by virtue of a usurpation, to the prejudice of the United States.The president has accomplished the first part of his instructions, and Texas now belongs to the Union.On the Oregon question Mr. Polk has shown the most intemperate zeal, but he has not, nor will he be able to succeed in this.The United States will always have the larger portion of this territory.But in this quarter of the new world, the predominantprinciple of Mr. Polk's policy, viz., that Europe is henceforth interdictedfrom creating any new establishment in America, will not be recognized, and Mr. Polk and his friends can no longer deceive themselves on this point.To repair the check they have receivedin this question, they now turn towards Mexico, which offers them a much richer prey.It cannot be doubted that in this campaign against Mexico, the President seeks to repair the defeat which his policy for conquest has suffered in the question of Oregon. General Cass was becoming more popular than Mr. Polk in the western states; the general persisted in maintaining that the wholeof the Oregon was and should remain sole property of the United States.Mr. Polk, on the contrary, after the vote of the two Chambers, and inthe presence of the formidable armaments of Great Britain, is forced to renounce this pretension, and now endeavorsto negotiate.It is easy to behold,that whatever loss the Americans might have been subjected to in the Oregon question, they would be more richly compensated in a war with Mexico.For when the United States had defeated the Mexicans, and forced them to demand peace, it is not to be doubted that the Americans would require a province to b ceded to them, under the pretext of an indemnity for the expenses of the war.The Americans might demandthe cession of California to the Union.There they would find mines, and vast lands to cultivate, and, what is still better, an admirable maritime position in the Pacific Ocean.For some time past the Union has directed its efforts towards California, and vast numbers of emigrants have settled in the country.Four years ago the American Commodore Jones, took possession of Monterey, the capitol of Upper California, at the moment he supposed that war had been declared between his country and England, thus showing the importance which the United States attached to this conquest.Californiacommands in part the Pacific ocean, is an advance stationtowards China and Japan and is besides a domain where it would be easy to dispute with England the empire of the seas, and the possession of the Sandwich Islands, towards which the eyes of the British cabinet are turned, and which at the breaking out of a maritime war, would cease to enjoythe independence that up to this time has been permittedto its savage inhabitants.- Journal des Debats.
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LT 1846 6 6 5e Mexico and the US

The mere prospect of maritime hostilities and the first indications of incipient war are sufficient to affect the sensitive interests of the mercantile world, to raise the rate of insurances, and, by the same rule to encourage amongst a certain class of persons hopes of irregular gain.In enterprises and speculations of the kind to which we allude, promptitude and secrecy are so essential to success, that it is difficult to anticipate or to detect the measures which may have been taken, or which may be contemplated, to elude the provisions of the law and to engage in schemes which are incompatible with the duty of subjects of a neutral Power.But it is enough that the relations or Mexico and of the Unites States have reached a state little short of open war, and that this intelligence has been received with great anxiety, and with feelings of a very opposite character by different parties in our great trading ports, for us to endeavor to lay before our readers the principle legal authorities and obligations which my affect the conduct of the British subjects in this dispute.

Vattel observes, that an individual may with a safe conscience serve his country by fitting out privateers; but he holds it to be inexcusable and base to take a commission from a foreign Prince to prey upon the subjects of a State in amity with his native country.The French ordinance of marine of 1681, the Austrian ordinance of neutrality in 1803, and the laws of several of the British colonies in North America, from an early period made this mode of privateering a piratical and felonious offence.The forced Enlistment Act of this country, to which we shall presently advert, makes the offense a misdemeanor; bur by our first treaty engagements with the United States it was treated as piracy.The 21^st article of Mr. Jay's treaty, concluded in 1794, provided that-

"The subjects and citizens of the two nations shall not do any acts of hostility or violence against each other, nor accept commissions or instructions so to act from any foreign Prince or State, enemies to the other party; and if any subject or citizen of the said parties respectively, shall accept any foreign commission or letters of marque, for arming any vessel to act as a privateer against the other party, and be taken by the other party, it is hereby declared to be lawful for the said party to treat and punish the said subject or citizen, having such commission or letters of marque, as a pirate."

The same article was literally repeated in the treaty of commerce and navigation concluded in London for 10 two States; and it will be observed that both these treaties of 1794 and 186 are of very doubtful authority at the present moment.If, indeed, we adopt the rule for which the American jurists have lately contended in the Oregon negotiations, these particular stipulations, not having been renewed after the war of 1812, must be held to have lapsed altogether.On this point, however, we express a reserved opinion, because it is manifestly injurious to the best interests of the world that provisions tending to limit and reduce the evils of war should be classes amongst obligations of a temporary and exceptional character; and the general stipulations of this nature which were sanctioned by Washington and Mr. Pitt, as the basis of the neutrality of the United States, and of their mercantile relations with Great Britain, deserve the perpetual respect of both countries.

It is, however, certain that these treaties have not the force of positive law at the present time; they may be understood to recognize certain principles of international jurisprudence, such as the inviolable character of public debts, and the impropriety of privateering by neutrals under the flag of a belligerent Power, but they will not justify the infliction of the penalty of death upon British subjects privateering under foreign commissions, as if they were still in force.It cannot be admitted that an offence which is a simple misdemeanor by the law of England can be treated as a capital felony by the law of nations.

He Foreign Enlistment Act, though it provides a check for these clandestine modes of warfare, does not go so far as the laws of many other countries, in making them felonious and piratical.Persons, without the license of our own Government, equipping, furnishing, fitting out, or arming any vessel, with intent or in order that such vessel shall be employed in the service of any foreign State as a transport or store-ship, or with intent to cruise or commit hostilities against the subjects or citizens of any state with which Her Majesty shall not then be at war, are guilty of a misdemeanor, and punishable by fine and imprisonment at the discretion of the Court, and every such vessel in liable to seizure.Whatever may be the vigilance of the officers of Customs and Excise, and however the British Government may be disposed to put in force these powers of the law, it must be acknowledged that these restrictions may prove a very insufficient bar to illicit privateering.There appears to be no power and no precedent for authorizing British cruisers of war to treat such privateers, sailing under a foreign flag, as delinquent vessels; and whatever may be the powers of the law for prosecuting the authors of such enterprises, being British subjects, in the courts of Westminster, it is probable that great difficulty would occur in defeating all the modes of evasion which might be practiced, or in arresting vessels holding such commissions on the high seas, The American Government has already announced that it is prepared to rely on some of the treaties prohibiting the subjects of neutralPowers from acceptingletters of marque from a belligerent State; and possibly it may not abandon the clauses of the English treaties of 1794 and 1806 without an effort to maintain that principle of its own maritime jurisprudence.But even if it were admitted that the stipulations are now in force, they only confer upon the contracting parties the right, to render the penalty truly formidably, it must be supported in every part of the world by numerous and efficient naval force, which the American navy does not supply.Our own experience of the extreme difficulty of defeating the practices by which the slave trade is carried on, even though it is confined to a small portion of the coast of Africa, may serve to illustrate the impracticability of putting down a mode of warfare which offers enormous inducements to private avarice, however, little it may be sanctioned by law and justice.The subterfuges which may be resorted to are innumerable; the means of defeating them are very limited, since they are confined to preventative measures on the part of the neutral State, and to a imperfect resistance by the injured belligerent.A nice sense of honour and an enlightened regard to the true public and private mercantile interests of this country will discourage all such speculations, and support the cause of strict neutrality.But if the Mexican Government should think fit to issue letters or marque, it will undoubtedly offer a stimulus to a large body of adventurers in various parts of the globe, which will probably prove stronger than the risk of seizure and fear of condign punishment.
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LT 1846 6/9 6d US and Mexico

AMERICA
Liverpool, Monday, June 8

Important accounts from the seat of hostilities on the Rio del Norte have this morning been received from New York by the packet Yorkshire, Captain Bailey, which left that city on the 18^th ult.

The position of the American force under General Taylor had become still more threatening and precarious.Surrounded by a superior force, with his supplies cut off, and harassed by constant desertions, no movement had been made for the relief of Point Isabel; a second party, of some 70 Rangers, had been completely cut off by a Mexican force, variously estimated at from 1,000 to 3,000 men, at the distance of 20 miles from Point Isabel; and it is confidently stated that the point of land commanding the bar of Brazos Santiago, through which alone supplies and reinforcements could reach the Point from the sea, had been secured and strongly fortified by the Mexicans.The advantage thus gained is one of most essential importance, should the American volunteers decline or ail to carry the battery by storm, the whole of the reinforcements would be compelled to adopt the route via Corpus Christi.This would protract the arrival of relief in General Taylor's camp for several days, and increase most materially the dangers of his position.Considerable fears for his safety were entertained.

It is stated that Mexican letters of marque had been issued in New Orleans, and to American merchants at Havannah.

The Washington Union has the following:--

"There was a report circulating through our streets today, which produced some surprise and excitement--viz., that Mr. Pckenham had protested against our troops crossing the Rio Grande.As this rumour may have flown by this time half the way to New York, and may affect the price of stocks, if it were not even designed to effect that object, we deem it our duty to say at once, that the story is, so far as we are advised, without any foundation."

The Washington correspondent of the Courier and Enquirer writes,--

"Washington, May 16.

"As men's minds are, although anxious for news from the army, beginning to grow somewhat calm after the flurry into which they were thrown by the war message, the war bill, and the unseemly haste with which the obnoxious war clause was forced by the majority down the throats of the minority, more attention is being directed to the message, and the statements it makes relative to the state of affairs, and the steps taken by the Executive.The more these are scrutinized, and the more they are examined, the more clearly will it appear that Mr. Polk's reason for sending the troops to the Rio Grande was with a view of provoking war if he could not force the Mexicans into receiving Mr. Slidell as a Minister Plenipotentiary, when they asked for a special commissioner.

"I have also received an inkling of some facts bearing upon the course of events, on which I shall endeavor to inform myself more fully, and which, if true, will show that Mr. Polk has contemplated having a war with Mexico for considerably longer time than January last, although he has so long kept his intention and the facts secret from Congress."

The proceeding of the Houses of Congress are unimportant.

The Hon. T.C. Reynolds had been appointed Minister to the Court of Madrid.

Accounts from Mexico state, that the project of Alvarez was to erect a triumvirate, composed of Santa Anna, Herrera, and Rincon.The fortifications of St. Juan de Ulloa were receiving considerable additions of strength in men and metal.

Accounts from Rio de Janeiro, to the 9^th of April, published in the American journals, mention a report that an engagement had taken place about the 15^th of March between the Argentine and Montee Videan forces, in which the latter are stated to have been defeated.The blockade was still strictly enforced.
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LT 1846 6/9 6e US, War meetings

NEW ORLEANS, MAY 9

Volunteering is proceeding here with all alacrity, but there is no clothing or arms ready for the men already offered.A strange mismanagement of the War Department has been permitted, else the want of equipment and the military stores received here cannot be accounted for.

The Mexican force on this side of the Rio Grande is 3,000 half are above and half below General Taylor's camp.Thus communication is effectually cut off until our volunteers open it.Taylor is about out of the regular provisions of the army, but has 700 head of cattle in camp.

The New Orleans Delta, May 9, says, "that 954 soldiers, rank and file, have received the amount of their bounty money, and one month's pay; that 186 men, rank and file now in the barracks, will receive their pay today; and that 708 men, comprised in different companies, are now ready for inspection, and to be mustered into the service of the United States.Including the latter; there are 1,848 men who may be regarded as ready for service, up to last night.The companies expected from the country, and those still forming in the city, may make up the requisite number."

We take the following from a New Orleans paper of May 9:--"The steamer Hannibal, arrived last night from St. Louis, brought down from Jefferson barracks a portion of the 1^st Infantry, under the command of Lieutenant-Colonel Wilson.They number 242 non-commissioned officers, musicians, and pirates."

It appears that Louisiana's quota of soldiers called for by General Taylor must be raised by conscription, and the order has already gone forth from head-quarters at New Orleans, to "cause an accurate enrolment to be made of all persons subject to military duty within the State, with a view to an immediate draught of troops."It seems from the following paragraph, which we clip from a New Orleans paper, that the patriotism of some who had already enlisted, "oozed out at the ends of their fingers," or some other place, just as they were on the point of embarkation for the seat of war:--

"CAPTAIN BLANCHARD.--This gentleman, regularly educated in the Military Academy, and who served 11 years in the army, had been actively engaged in raising a company of volunteers, but when he thought he was ready yesterday, more than one half were found to have deserted his flag.This is not creditable conduct, and is one among the many instances which have occurred to show that a draught for troops in the first place would have been much better.As to Mr. Blanchard, there are a few who have higher qualifications to lead a company into the field, and it affords us pleasure to see such an old citizen and esteemed officer again offer to take his sword in defence of the country.We really hope that those who have volunteered under him, and others wishing to volunteer, will come forward and behave as men should do."

At Baltimore a company of 200 men has been organized for the Rio Grande.Captain J.E. Stewart has been chosen temporarily to the command, and will probably be elected Captain.Between 60 and 70 have enrolled themselves in Richmond.Virginia, and elected Edward Carrington as their Captain.

WAR MEETINGS

PHILADELPHIA--One of the largest meetings ever assembled in this city was held on the 14^th, to respond to the proclamation of the Mayor, upon the present condition affairs here, and on the protection of the country.

Mayor Sift presided, assisted by the Recorder, Presidents of the Councils, the Mayor of the Northern Liberties, the Presidents of the Board of Commissions, and the Chief burgess of West Philadelphia, as vice-presidents.

The spirit of the meeting may be seen by the principal resolution, which was as follows:--

"Resolved,--That while this meeting deeply regrets that negotiations of a friendly character have failed to effect a pacific settlement with our sister republic, we deem it a duty to make know to the nation at large, and particularly to the Government, that our full and entire sympathies are with our country; and that, should the exigencies of the nation require it, our services, our fortunes, and our lives are hereby pledged for the preservation of the integrity of the national domain, the security of the lives and the conservation of the rights of our fellow citizens, and the honour of our beloved country."

The meeting was ably, effectively, and eloquently addressed by many distinguished citizens, among others by Josiah Randall, Mr. Page, General Peter S. Smyth, Judge Conrad, Mayor Swift, P.A. Browne, B.H. Brewster.A fair sprinkling of Whigs, democrats, and natives.

In the Senate, on the 15^th, in reference to this meeting, Mr. Cameron presented the proceedings of the war meeting in Philadelphia, and said he was proud of that city for the opportunity she had given him of laying before the Senate this evidence of patriotism of her sons.What she had done for the country she would do again.She had coal enough in her mountains to warm her friends, and iron enough in her mines to repel her enemies.

NEW YORK.--In this mart of commerce the same active movements are in progress--the citizens are beginning to arouse to a sense of the importance of the present war crisis, and of the necessity of strenuously co-operating with the Executive in prosecuting the war with vigour.
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LT 1846 6/11 3e Mexico, war with US

WAR WITH MEXICO--

Mexico has commenced offensive war by the invasion of our territory and the slaughter of a detachment of our regular army within our own borders.In less than 33 hours after the official announcement of the actual existence of war by the President to Congress, both legislative bodies, with unexampled unanimity, determined to prosecute it with the utmost vigour, and placed at the disposal of the Executive the militia, naval, and military forces of the United States, and 50,000 volunteers, with an immediate appropriation of $10,000,000 to meet this extraordinary emergency.Such patriotic dispatch, supported, as it is, by the unanimous sanction of the whole people, is the best evidence to the world that we are on all questions of national honour a united nation; and that we will never lay down our arms in so righteous a cause until we receive full and ample reparation for this unprovoked invasion of the soil of our free and happy republic.The only example to the civilized world of a regular and systematic form of Republican government, it became us to bear with the insults and contumely of a neighbouring people torn by intestine divisions and the prey of successive military despots, until the blow accompanied the word, and then forbearance ceased to be a virtue.No strong nation ever bore so much without a resort to the ultima ratio gentium; and we can appeal with safety to the whole course of the administration towards Mexico, as showing that nothing but actual war and bloodshed could induce it finally to dissolve those ties of amity which we had solemnly contracted with our nominal sister republic.The whole has been the deliberate act of Mexico, and the United States stand before all nations absolved from all blame, and offering a bright example of the exercise of those Christian virtues which great communities so usually profess and so seldom practice.This is not, on our part, a war of aggression; but to hasten its conclusion and to limit the loss of life and property, the territory of Mexico must be reached by an American army, so as to dictate those terms which will secure us from future injustice and injury.The temporary possession of the soil of Mexico must decide the fate of the country, and our views should therefore be turned not only to the chastisement of the army of Arista, and the blockade of her ports, but to the bold and speedy occupation of her strongholds.The Mexican population can offer but a slight resistance to the North American race.Its motley character and physical structure are the surest indications of defeat for, out of 7,000,000 of souls 4,000,000 are Indians, and of the remainder 3,000,000 but 1,200,000 are whites.Whilst thus asserting our rights, and yet strictly maintaining our treaty stipulations with Mexico, which survive the commencement of hostilities, we are bound to protect our citizens on the ocean from the wanton grant of letters of marque and reprisals to foreigners and foreign vessels sailing under the Mexican flag.Mexico has literally no commercial marine, and her navy is a merely nominal one.She has but two or three ports on the gulf, and no Mexican vessels which can be legitimately converted into privateers.The treaty with Spain itself, as was shown in the last evening's Union, treats all such vessels as piratical, and condemns the offending Spanish seaman to be hung up at the yard-arm as a pirate.Mr. Berrien has shown the proper degree of vigilance, by moving yesterday a resolution instructing the Judiciary Committee to inquire whether any, and what, legislation is necessary to give effect to the 11^th article of the treaty of the 27^th of October 1795. Between the United States and Spain ("by which the subjects of Spain are prohibited from taking out letters of marque against the United States, under the penalty of being treated as pirates), and that they report by bill or otherwise.Mr. Berrien explained the necessity of looking into this matter, in consequence of the passage of the bill recognizing the existence of a war with Mexico, and the probability the privateers might be fitted out in the island of Cuba."Another consideration also deserves to be noted.A vessel purporting to sail under a Mexican flag can scarcely pass into a Mexican port, because it may be blockaded.What, then, will she do with any prize she may make?She cannot carry the captured vessel into any other port for condemnation; and if she undertakes to condemn the prize at sea, without going into an admiralty court for adjudication, she acts like a pirate, and would be treated as such.We regret deeply that our country has been actually forced into war by unwearied hostility of the Mexican military aristocracy, but we have unlimited confidence in the rectitude of our cause, and in the energy, patriotism, and valour of a brave, free, and virtuous people.--Washington Union, May 15 [AKS]

LT 1846 6/11 3f US, reduction of the navy

REDUCTION OF THE AMERICAN NAVY,--A highly important report was made the other day to Congress, by Mr. Bancroft, Secretary of the Navy, proposing an extraordinary reduction and radical reform in the present armaments and arrangements of the naval service, equal to 1,000,000. dollars a year.It would appear from the spirit of this report, that the idea of any conflict with a foreign nation could not exist in the Executive mind; yet it is doubtful how long Mr. Polk's thoughts may remain in this complexion.The propositions of Mr. Bancroft, which are stated with much power of eloquence, and with much clearness, will, no doubt, be received with sentiments of a mingled character by the officers of the navy.The whole reduction of expenses proposed by this new plan is equal to 1,000,000 dollars.This consideration will, no doubt, be a recommendation of the plan to the tax-paying people of this country; but it requires much moral courage in the head of the navy department to make a proposition of such a nature, which touches radically the incomes of those who live upon the public.We may expect a great storm of indignation from the friends of the navy, and much excitement growing out of this subject.Mr. Bancroft must know well his ground, and meet the hurricane coolly.Remember the fate of Paulding.This may be called a Government strike for lower wages.One obvious reflection springs up in the mind on reading the masterly and able report of Mr. Bancroft, and also those of his colleagues.While we must acknowledge generally the great talent, ability, and industry, displayed by the Cabinet Ministers, all in their several spheres of action, we cannot overlook the sublime incongruity--the splendid inconsistency, of the directing mind in the White House, by whom the separate views of these Ministers have been devised.The policy of one department of the Government is directly in the teeth of that taken by the other.The State Department argues for 54^o 40', the alternative of war, and vast expenditures--whilehte Treasury and the Navy area ll for economy, radical reduction and peace.Even the same departments, within the interval of a few short weeks, have exhibited the strange anomaly of a tendency to war and expenditure--and then to peace and reduction.Such a strange and contradictory system of government can arise only from imbecility of mind, infirmity of purpose, or incapacity in the intellect that should control the whole in harmony and compactness of difficulty, it will be a miracle.Mr. Polk, no doubt means well--and so does the unfortunate engineer in the midst of an awful explosion of his boiler.Capacity, not motive is the point in question.--New York Herald, May 8.

BELGIAN FUNDS, June 8.--Loan 1840, 100^3/8 £; ditto, 1842, 102£; ditto 1844, 102£; ditto 1844, 99^7/8 £; ditto 1838, 74^1/2£; of the city, 1832, 100¼£; ditto, 1843, 100^1/8 £; Bank of Belgium, 888£; Exchange on London, 25£ 80c.; two months, 25£ 60c.; Antwerp, June 8.--Exchange on London, 25£ 77^1/2c.; ditto, two months, 25£ 60c.--Journal de Commerce d'Anvers. June 9.
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LT 1846 6/11 4e War of the US with Mexico

That inconsistency of resolutions which marks the character of democratic states, and that salutary retribution which follows in the track of political injustice, have seldom been more swiftly or strikingly exhibited than in the revulsion of public feeling which has taken place in the United States on the subject of Texas, and in the hostilities with Mexico, which have originated in the rapacious annexation of that province.We do not doubt that strong exertions will be made by the American government to carry on and to conclude the war.We do not doubt that, partly from patriotism, even in a bad cause, and partly from those incentives of passion and adventure which all wars apply to an energetic population, the United States' forces will soon be in a condition to take the field without dishonor.The regular army will be raised to 15,000 men; and General Scott, who has sometimes been mentioned as a future candidate for the Presidency, will take the command of 25,000 militia in the field; the same number being called out for the reserve.But the few months which have elapsed between the act of annexation and the necessity of accounting for it, have singularly, damped the ardour of that great party whose clamour made Texas the national question of last year.In the insolence of fruition no impending sacrifice or effort was thought too great for the purpose of bullying Mexico, and extending the frontiers of the Union from the Sabine to the Rio del Norte; but the momentary excitement, which gave so intense an interest to the Texan territory, is past.Texas has been annexed, but without benefit of inventory.A vast tract of country has been added to the Union, but the men who are to defend it must be brought down from the healthy states of the west to face the yellow fever and the enemy on the southern coast.The new possessions of the Union must be occupied by an army of American citizens, whose political opinions (in a part of them at least) must be absolutely hostile to the cause in which they are engaged.The funds of the nation and the credit of the Federal government will be expended, and very probably exhausted, in the effort; and yet even at the commencement of a war which will ere long require these vast and increasing sacrifices, so feeble is the enthusiasm excited by it, that scarcely a party of volunteers can be raised in Galveston or New Orleans.The exertions which must now be made by Mr. Polk's Cabinet, the burdens of taxation and conscription which must be borne by the people, the inevitable necessity of bringing the financial credit of the Union to the test in the money-market of the world, and the disgust and dismay which may already be traced in most of the respectable organs of public opinion in the United States, are more than ordinary grounds for hoping that the war party will be unable to stand its ground against the reality of war.To call out 40,000 men, to provide them with equipment and maintenance, to lead this citizen-army across the boundaries of the United States, as they were established by the last treaty with Mexico, and to assume all the powers of government which are indispensable to the conduct of a foreign war, are novel events in the history of the United States; and we may venture to predict either that these military demonstrations will seriously modify the institutions and impair the Union of the American states, or that the influence of those institutions and the authority of that Union will ere long give a sever chick to the warlike tendency of the time, and inflict upon the authors of the policy the chastisement they deserve.The occupation of the territory between the Nueces and the Rio del Norte is an act for which Mr. Polk is exclusively responsible.That act, which, with the forces under General Taylor's command, was beyond all measure rash, culpable, and provocatory, has been followed by war.It is the drop which has made the bitter cup of Texan fraud and violence overflow.And now, with a perfect knowledge of the infamy of the cause in which they are engaged, and with a thorough contempt for the mischievous folly of the Government, by which these evils have been caused and aggravated, the whole American people, the Whig party, the States of New England, the mercantile cities of the coast, are plunged into this aggressive war, which has begun by two humiliating disasters, and cannot terminate, even if it be successful, without branding with a deeper shame the whole policy of the United States towards their sister-republic.These are not mere words; they are things.They are facts, which the necessities of the war, and the consequences of a state of war, will soon bring home to every American citizen; and it is not too much to add, that to suppose the United States to be in a position to wage a vigorous war, and to hold a hostile territory by military means, is to anticipate a social revolution in that country.Mr. Polk, however, must at least be acquitted of inconsistency.He has done all he could to engage his country in war, not only with Mexico, but with England; and he now announces his determination to carry on his military and naval preparations on a scale which proves that England as well as Mexico is in his thoughts.

We know little of the real forces under the Mexican generals, and we rely less upon their strength and discipline.But it is evident that the principal dangers the Americans will have to surmount will not be from large armies in the field.The country, the climate, the season, the ambushed enemy, the irregular movements of partisan corps, and the enmity of the Indian and Spanish races to the Americans, are by far the most formidable defences of Mexico.The larger the force the Americans may bring into the field, the greater will be these obstacles.The want of water, local supplies, or carriage roads, and the scarcity of beasts of burden, render it a matter of extreme difficulty, not to say impossibility, to advance far into the Mexican territory at the head of a numerous regular corps, unless it took with it all the resources of one of our Indian armies.If its base of operations be on the cost, the malignant fevers which prevail there, more especially at this time of year, would depopulate a host; and if war is to be carried on in countries so thinly peopled and imperfectly civilized, it must be on principles quite distinct from the rules of regular warfare.The loose and indecisive operations which are constantly going on between some of the South American republics are more likely to be imitated in a Mexican campaign.If a blow be struck, it will be rather from the absence of the enemy than from his defeat or submission; and the result of such success may be eminently embarrassing to the conqueror.

At present the military interest of the case in confined to General Taylor's position on the Rio del Norte, and to that of the detachment guarding his supplies at Point Isabel, near the mouth of that river.The Mexicans appear with considerable skill to have crossed the river in two places, above and below Matamoras, so as to place the American General between two divisions, one of which has turned his right wing, and the other is interposed between his left and the sea.Point Isabel was selected by the Americans as the post to which supplies could most easily be conveyed by sea; but the bay in which it is situated is divided from the Gulf of Mexico by a long strip of land, leaving a narrow and shallow passage at its southern extremity call the Brazos Santiago.This passage is now said to be closed by Mexican troops and fortifications on the point of land under which all communications with the open sea must pass.If this information be correct, the detachment at Point Isabel cannot be relieved from the sea, and the passage would only be re-opened by a successful attack of the American naval forces on the Mexican position.One other passage in this Bay del Espirito Santo, as it is called, is marked in our maps about 2 degrees to the north of the mouth of the Rio Bravo, under the name of the Pasa del Caballo or Corpus Christi; but the American papers do not appear to contemplate the possibility of sending maritime reinforcements by that route.

The subject of letters of marque still attracts great attention in the United States; but it is not a little characteristic of this scandalous war, and of the people who are carrying it on, that American merchants and adventurers at the Havannah will probably be the first to avail themselves of Mexican letters of marque to prey upon American commerce; and if the war continues, we have no doubt they will organize a system of privateering which will make their country regret the day she produced such miscreants, and eclipse the atrocious frauds of the slave-trade itself.
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LT 1846 6/11 5c Mexican cruisers

Mexican Cruisers- It will be recollected that before Almonte broke up his mission in this country, he stated positively, that in the event of war between the United States and Mexico, the latter would cover the sea with privateers under the Mexican flag.There is a great deal of anxiety beginning to me manifested for the result of this threat.Almonte, at the last accounts, was at Havannah.It seems that he was sent there under the pretex of being accredited as a Minister to France; but instead of proceeding to Europe he remained at Havannah, and sent his secretary back to Mexico.Who knows that this was not a mere feint, and that Almonte knew what was about to take place on the Rio Grande, and he went to Havannah for the purposes of issuing letters of marque, as he threatened when he was in Washington?This is certainly a menacing and important view of the case; and what makes it more disastrous is the probability that it is true.The amount of American property in the Atlantic and Pacific Oceans, and in the South Seas, is worth probably $100,000,000, belonging to all the sea ports in the United States, The tonnage enrolled and and belonging to the United States, approaches 3,000,000 about one-half of which is actively engaged in the foreign trade.This tonnage, estimated at the moderate sum of $60 per ton, for vessel and cargo, would make the amount of property now at sea $90,000,000.But this is a low estimate, both as to the number of vessels at sea, and there estimated value.To the shipping interest of the country generally, the past season has been, perhaps, the most active and prosperous experienced for many years.The comparatively destitute and meager show of shipping which the various ports throughout the Unites States now present afloat is not exaggerated.There are 657 whalemen at sea, which may be valued at $20,000,000.This immense amount of property is at the risk of being taken by these cruisers; and the first information that we get, may be disastrous to the shipping interest to an extent beyond any anticipation of the public.The effect of such designs as those attributed to Almonte and the Mexican Government, will be felt in all the principal seaports.The first result will be the complete explosion of the insurance companies, and the effect of these explosions will materially injure the banks in all the large cities.The aggregate result will be the bringing about revulsion more disastrous in its effects than that of the year 1837.There will probably be another revulsion in commercial interests, and particularly in the shipping business, in all the large cities.The amount of American property that may be lost in this way, is incalculable.This is the view of the disasters that may be produced by the present war.Another is, the effect, which the distribution of the funds of the government may cause the rise of bread-stuffs and the munitions of war, in the Western States and the Gulf of Mexico, to supply the army on the Rio Grande.Thus, it will be seen, that while the Atlantic cities and coasts will suffer terribly, the west and the southwest will be benefited, by the vast expenditures that will be required to bring the war to a successful and honourable termination.These expectations are on the gloomy on one side, and glorious on the other.We must take them as they come, and do the best we can.An imbecile Government has brought us into this condition; and, as we elected them, we must make the best we can of a bad bargain, and fight it out with the best energy and courage we have. --New York Herald.
[AKS]

LT 1846 6/12 8a WS, war meetings, protest against

AMERICAN PROTEST AGAINST THE MEXICAN WAR.

Whoever has thought fully studied history, whoever profoundly realized that the universe has a Ruler, must condemn the counsels which are now urging our country on to war against eternal justice-a war in which heaven must take part against us.But it is said that Mexico has made war upon us.How can this be pretended?Our army was long encamped at Corpus Christi, on the extreme western limit of all that ever was Texas, either the province or the republic.There our flag waved unmolested- not a Mexican came near our little army.Not an act of hostility was committed on either side.All at once without an imaginable pretext, our army broke up and marched for the Rio del Norte.It was met by the Mexican officers at several stages on its progress, and warned to desist.On crossing the Nueces, this warning was most emphatically given, with an express notification that a further advance would be an act of war. Everybody know that our army had now passed out of Texas into Mexico- into a province of that republic in which no disaffection to the Central Government had ever been evinced.General Taylor knew perfectly well that he was no longer in Texas but in Mexico.Yet he has no choice but to obey orders.He has since acted with circumspection and forbearance.But it was impossible that he should maintain his position as an invader and not give offence.Pointing his guns at Matamoras, amply within their range, was a plain act of war; and blockading the river so as to forbid the transmission of stores and provisions was another.Suppose a foreign army were to be landed on Governor's Island, its guns trained to bear on our city and the accompanying fleet to blockade our harbor, cutting off all supplies of provisions and raising the price of flour to $40 per barrel, does anybody imagine we should wait to ask what was meant?- that we should remain quiet until the invaders should think proper to open their fire? Would it not be the first dictate of every heart to drive them from our soil and then inquire what they meant by coming here?Yet Mexico hesitated, inquired, remonstrated, forbore, and at last gave formal notice that if our aggressive measures were persisted in she would consider war commenced and act accordingly.This she has done.With what face do we now pretend to be surprised, astonished, taken at disadvantage, and therefore call out for vengeance of the perfidious, bloodthirsty Mexicans?Our Government has been utterly wrong in this whole matter and ought first of all to desist from wrong doing.Send 10,000 men to the Rio Grande to rescue General Taylor and his little army; but let instructions go with this force for a return of the whole at least to Corpus Christi as early as possible.No true honour, not national benefit can possibly accrue from an unjust war.We can clearly defeat the armies of Mexico, slaughter them by thousands, and pursue them perhaps to their capitol; we can conquer and 'annex' their territory; but what then?Have the histories of the ruin of Greek and Roman liberty consequent on such extensions of empire by the sword no less to us?Who believes that a score of victories over Mexico, the annexation of half her provinces, will give us more liberty, a purer morality, a more prosperous industry, than we now have?How will the millions who must ever live by their daily toil profit by an extension of our away?They may shout and hurrah, and dance around the bonfires that will be lighted, the cannon that will roar in honor of some field of human butchery; but to what end?Is not life miserable enough, comes not death soon enough, without resort to the hideous energy of war?People of the United States! Your rulers are precipitating you into fathomless abyss of crime and calamity!Why sleep you thoughtless on its verge, as though this was not your business, or murder could be hid from the sight of God by a few flimsy rags called banners? Awake and arrest the work of butchery ere it shall be too late to preserve your souls from the guilt of wholesale slaughter!Hold meetings! Speak out! Act!- New York Tribune [AKS]

LT 1846 6/15 4b War of the United States of Mexico

LONDON, MONDAY, JUNE 15, 1846.

The arrival of the Britannia with the American mails of the 1^st instant has put us in possession of the decisive intelligence from the theatre of war on the Rio Grande. The Mexican forces have been wholly unable to support by their courage or discipline in the field the operations which had been conceived and directed, not without considerable military skill, by their commanders. In spite of a numerical superiority amounting to three-fold the American force under General TAYLOR, the Mexican troops on the left bank of the river have been totally routed; and an opportunity, which is not likely to recur, of inflicting a summary blow upon the enemy in a position of great difficulty, has ended, on the contrary, in a signal triumph of General TAYLOR'S little corps, and a shameful repulse of the Mexican forces.

It will be remembered that by the last accounts which had reached us we learned that General TAYLOR, with about 3,000 men, was encamped opposite the town of Matamoras, and under the protection of a small fort or earthwork on the left bank of the Rio Grande.An unsuccessful attempt had previously been made by a party of about 70 American solders to force a passage from this camp to Point Isabel on the coast.But on the 1^st of May General TAYLOR resolved to move down the river with the main body of the forces under his command, for the purpose of relieving the post on the coast, and likewise of incorporating with his army the recruits and volunteers he had reason to expect the recruits and volunteers he had reason to expect from New Orleans.He left the position opposite the town of Matamoras to be defended by the 7^th regiment of infantry, and a company of artillery, this garrison being under the command of Major BROWN.It may here be observed that a brisk fire was kept up between this fort and the Mexican mortar battery on the other side of the river for several days--General TAYLOR says 100 hours; and that Major BROWN was killed by a shell from the enemy's battery.

The principal movement of General TAYLOR'S corps fromhis camp to Point Isabel was effected, as far as we are informed, without opposition; although at that moment his small force was subdivided into three detachments, incapable of assisting one another.The garrison of the camp was fully employed in the bombardment, the garrison at Point Isabel was afraid to move after the disaster of Colonel THORNTON, and the main body of the army was exposed to an attack, at a great disadvantage, whilst it was passing from one position to the other.No such attack was, however, made, and on the following morning (the march having been apparently accomplished by night) General TAYLOR reached Point Isabel in safety.He remained there five days, during which time some reinforcements arrived and he was able t collect those supplies which he knew to be greatly needed in the camp.On the 7^th of May he resumed his march back again to the relief of Major BROWN, resolved to fight the Mexicans in whatever force they might oppose his progress.Nothing but the most determined resolution and a signal victory could rescue the American General from the critical position in which he stood.On the 9^th of May the Mexican army, on the left bank of the river, being about 6,000 strong, with 7 pieces of artillery and 800 cavalry, met the American corps on its march up the river, near a place called Palo Alto.The American forces did not exceed 2,300 men.The engagement of this day was, however, no more than a protracted and somewhat indecisive cannonade; and the artillery deserved all the honours of the action.Towards evening the Mexicans fell back, and were supposed to have recrossed the river.This following day the Mexicans were again discovered to have taken up a position, flanked by their artillery, in a ravine crossing the road at Resaca de la Palma, a place only three miles from Matamoras.This position was vigorously assailed by the American troops; the batteries were carried, the guns taken, the enemy driven back with considerable loss, and the victory complete.The loss of the Americans was severe.Both these engagements were sharply disputed; but General TAYLOR'S forces displayed an incontestable superiority, under very disadvantageous circumstances, which deserved to be rewarded by success.

The dispatches of that officer, which will be found in another place, are remarkable for their succinct energy, and the absence of those verbose and grandiloquent strains which we are accustomed to meet with in narratives of Mexican exploits.General TAYLOR writes like a man of sense, skill, and courage; and we have not the slightest wish to detract from the honours he has gallantly earned under the flag of his country.Whatever opinion we may entertain of the causes of this war, and of the political motives in which it originated, the behaviour of the American general and his troops deserves to be judged of by a much higher standard than the policy of the Government which it is their duty to serve.

The conduct of the Mexican army, on the contrary, demonstrates the utter inability of that Government to protect any portion of its dominion from invasion; and it degrades the descendants of the Spanish Americans still lower in the rank of nations.

We are curious to learn what the effects of this victory will be in both countries.In the United States it will probably stimulate to excess the military fever of which so many symptoms are already perceptible; and volunteers, who were slow to relieve General TAYLOR at his utmost need, will sally forth in thousands to join a victorious captain.But if the American army is yet to undertake a campaign south of the Rio Grande, its greatest perils are yet to come.The hot weather has set in; the yellow fever is raging on the coast; and to advance into the interior of Mexico at this time will be an operation of extreme difficulty.In Mexico, it is not improbably that some fresh revolution will change the aspect of affairs.
[AKS]

LT June 15, 1846: 5e US, war dispatches

America,
Arrival of the Britannia
LIVERPOOL, Sunday Morning.

The Royal mail steam-ship Britannia, Captain Hewitt, arrived in the Mersey from Boston and Halifax about midnight, bringing most important accounts from the seat of hostilities in the south.

The American army, we now learn, had completely retrieved their former disasters, and, it is stated was preparing to cross the Rio del Norto, and carry the war into the enemy's territories.It was also intended to establish an immediate blockade of the Mexican seaboard.

It will be remembered, that in our last summary it was stated that Captain Walker had with daring courage started from Point Isabel for the purpose of conveying dispatches to General Taylor's camp.Our advices now received state that this enterprise having been successfully accomplished, the American Commandant immediately determined to march a portion of his army to the relief of Point Isabel.On the 1^st ult. Accordingly he left his intrenchments opposite Matamoras with a force of from 1,00 to 1,200 men, cavalry, artillery, and infantry, and on the morning of the following day reached the Point without encountering a single Mexican.On the morning of the 3^rd ult. the booming of artillery being heard in the direction of Matamoras, Captain Walker was dispatched to ascertain the cause; and on the 5^th, having again safely accomplished his enterprise, that officer reported that the Mexicans, discovering General Taylor's absence from the camp, had opened upon it from their batteries at Matamoras and on the left bank of the Rio del Norte, an attack being also made upon the rear of the camp.The Americans returned the fire upon Matamoras from a battery of five guns, and in 30 minutes, it is stated, succeeded in silencing the enemy.One life only was lost.On the evening of the 1^st, having effectually strengthened the defenses of Point Isabel and obtained supplies for his camp, General Taylor set out on his return, and on the 8^th found the enemy in position in front of a "chapparal," lying in the vicinity of a stream named the Palo Alto.An engagement ensued.The details will be found in the accompanying dispatch of General Taylor:-

"Headquarters, Army of Occupation,
Camp at Palo Alto, Texas, May 9.

"Sir,-I have the honour to report that I was met near this place yesterday, on my march from Point Isabel, by the Mexican forces, and, after an action of about five hours, dislodged them from their position, and encamped upon the field.Our artillery, consisting of two 18n pounders and two light batteries, was the arm chiefly engaged, and to the excellent manner in which it was maneuvered and served is our success mainly due.

"The strength of the enemy is believed to have been about 6,000 men, with 7 pieces of artillery, and 800 cavalry.His loss is probably at least 100 killed.Our strength did not exceed all told 2,300, while our loss was comparatively trifling-4 men killed, 3 officers and 37 men wounded, several of the latter mortally.I regret to say that Major Ringgold, 3^rd Artillery, and Captain Page, 4^th Infantry, are severely wounded; Lieutenant Luther, 2d Artillery, slightly so.

"The enemy has fallen back, and it is believed has re-passed the river.I have advanced parties now thrown forward in his direction, and shall move the main body immediately.

"In the haste of this first report, I can only say that the officers and men behaved in the most admirable manner throughout the action.I shall have the pleasure of making a more detailed report when those of the different commanders shall be received.

"I am, Sir, very respectfully, your obedient servant,
"Z. Taylor, Brevet Brigadier General, Commanding, United States Army
"The Adjutant General, United States Army,
"Washington."

-------------------

"Headquarters, Army of Occupation, Camp at Resaca de la Palma, three miles from Matamoras, May 9, 10p.m.

"Sir,-I have the honour to report that I marched with the main body of the army at 2 o'clock today, having previously thrown forward a body of light infantry into the forest which covers the Matamoras Road.When near the spot where I am now encamped, my advance discovered that a ravine crossing the road had been occupied by the enemy with artillery.I immediately ordered a battery of field artillery to sweep the position, flanking and sustaining it by the 3d, 4^th, and 5^th Regiments, deployed as skirmishes to the right and left.A heavy fire of artillery and musketry was kept up for some time, until finally the enemy's batteries were carried in succession by a squadron of Dragoons and the regiments of infantry that were on the ground.He was soon driven from his position, and pursued by a squadron of Dragoons, battalion artillery, 3d Infantry, and a light battery, to the river.Our victory has been complete.Eight pieces of artillery with a great quantity of ammunition, three standards, and some 100 prisoners have been taken; among the latter General La Vega, and several other officers.One general is understood to have been killed.The enemy has recrossed the river, and I am sure will not again molest us on this bank.

"The loss of the enemy in killed has been most severe.Our own has been very heavy.The extent in killed and wounded is not yet ascertained, and is reserved for a more detailed report.

"The affair of today may be regarded as a proper supplement to the cannonade of yesterday, and the two taken together exhibit the coolness and gallantry of our officers and men in the most favourable light.All have done their duty, and done it nobly.It will be my pride, in a more circumstantial report of both actions, to dwell upon particular instances of individual distinction.

"It affords me peculiar pleasure to report that the field work opposite Matamoras has sustained itself handsomely during a cannonade and bombardment of 160 hours.But the pleasure is alloyed with profound regret at the loss of its heroic and indomitable commander, Major Brown, who died today from the effect of a shell.His loss would be a severe one to the service at any time, but to the army under my orders it is indeed irreparable.One officer and one non-commissioned officer killed and 10 men wounded comprise all the casualties incident to this severe bombardment.

"I inadvertently omitted to mention the capture of a large number of pack mules left in the Mexican camp.
"I am, Sir, very respectfully you obedient servant,
"Z. Taylor, BrevetBrigadier General, Commanding the United States Army.
"The Adjutant-General of the Army, Washington."

-------------

"Head-quarters, Army of Occupation, Resaca de la Palma, May 11.
"(Orders, No. 59.)

"I, the Commanding General congratulates the army under his command upon the signal success which has crowned its recent operations against the enemy.The coolness and steadiness of the troops during the action of the 8^th, and the brilliant impetuosity with which the enemy's position and artillery were carried on the 9^th, have displayed the best qualities of the American soldier.To every officer and soldier of his command the General publicly returns his thanks for the noble manner in which they have sustained the honour of the service and the country.While the main body of the army has been thus actively employed, the garrison left opposite Matamoras has rendered no less distinguished service by sustaining a severe cannonade and bombardment for many successive days.The army and the country, while justly rejoicing in this triumph of our arms, will deplore the loss of many brave officers and men who fell gallantly in the hour of combat.

"2.It being necessary for the Commanding General to visit Point Isabel on public business, Colonel Twiggs will assume command of the corps of the army near Matamoras, including the garrison of the field-work.He will occupy the former lines of the army, making such dispositions for defense and for the comfort of his command as he may deem advisable.He will hold himself strictly on the defensive until the return of the Commanding General.

"By the order of Brigadier-General Taylor,
"W. W. J. Bliss, Acting Adjutant General." [JTW]

LT June 15, 1846: 9a Mexico, letters of marque

Letters of Marque.
(From Le Siecle )

The eventualities of the war opened between the United States and Mexico, strongly preoccupy the attention of the public mind in England.Amongst these eventualities to which, perhaps, the full attention is not paid which they demand there is one, at least, which we cannot exempt ourselves from examining seriously; we allude to privateering, a barbarous practice still authorized by the right of nations.

To require that a maritime nation, at war with another, shall not attack the commerce of the latter, is a political absurdity.Commerce is an instrument of wealth; wealth, and instrument of power.Now, nations fight to diminish or destroy the power of each other; to require, in the name of the rights of nations, that the trade of the belligerent shall remain free is to falsify the conditions of the contest, is to put an injustice in the place of an extension of natural right.For instance, France, possessing a military marine which may, seeing the number of points to be defended, attain a proportionate equality to that of England, and that Power keeping up a merchant fleet five or six times more considerable than ours, it is evident that the freedom of the commerce of the belligerents would rob us of a great advantage, supposing (which is not very supposable) that such liberty could receive sufficient guarantees.

But the right of privateering, conceded by the state to private individuals, and exercised by means of corsairs, is not necessarily derived from the right of attacking the enemy's trade with ships of war.Privateering, which has rendered services to France which we are far from forgetting, variably engenders passions of lucre, and hatred, from which it is of the highest importance to purge a well organized society.The delivery of letters of marque ought, therefore, to be interdicted by a declaration of France, England, and the United States, to the effect that in future every corsair (privateer) should be deemed a pirate and treated as such by Admiralty law.All the other Powers would certainly hasten to give in their adhesion to this declaration.

The following are the news, we will not say the facts, which determine us to publish the foregoing reflections: -

The Mexicans cannot attack the Americans by sea, except by privateering.The law requires that the crew of a corsair shall consist (one-third at least) of men belonging to the nation from which the corsair holds its letter of marque.Nothing can be easier than the evasion of this arrangement.Supposing that the crew consists of 120 men, 40 of them and a sham captain, born or naturalized Mexicans, will first be taken; then a real captain, without any legal title, and 80 "sea-wolves" of all nations will be engaged, including men who have been dragged by love of gain into all the hazards and sometimes all the excesses of an adventurous life.A corsair, thus constituted, will pillage the commerce of Mexico by the hands of Mexicans; for there are on the shores of South America bold Guineamnen who will not refuse to enlist on board corsairs bearing the Union flag.Already, even, letters now before us announce that every arrangement is being made for practicing on a large scale this system of pillage legalized by letters of marque.

Ought not this kind of cruising, where you see the legal crew doing the kitchen work and washing the deck, whilst the real crew often belong,- if not all, at any rate the larger part,- to the nation whose vessel is captured, to excite the reprobation of right minded men in all countries?But this is not all;- the neutral cruisers will contest the nationality of many of these corsairs, will stop them, cannonade them, and thence will airse demands which will end in the most grievous results.Never was the necessity for abolishing corsairs more urgent, and never was the opportunity for attaining this object more propitious, than at present.
[JTW]

LT June 16, 1846: 5f Arsenal of New York

THE ARSENAL OF NEW YORK.- A visit to this department would prove interesting to the tourist or citizen, at this crisis in particular, when our capabilities for defence in case of a hostile attack, demand the attention of every patriot and citizen.This building, which is situated in Centre street, contains the enormous amount of 50,000 stand of arms, together with 500 pieces of ordnance of different caliber.The trophy room contains several field-pieces which were taken from the British in the last war.The whole are in excellent condition, and capable of immediate use.There has been much agitation, for the past few years, in the board of common council, about the location of this necessary and useful public building.In comparison to its size, the vast quantity of arms contained in it, and arranged with extreme neatness and regularity, would astonish any person viewing the outward dimensions of the building.The erection of a suitable building for the safety and protection of our military stores, will doubtless soon excite the attention of the authorities.We learn that New York could in 24 hours, bring into the field an effective force of 40,000 troops!Good.-New York Herald.
[JTW]

LT June 16, 1846: 8b Mexico, rancheros

THE RANCHEROS OF MEXICO.-The Rancheros part of the material part of the Mexican army, are half India and half Spanish in their extraction; gaunt, shriveled though muscular in their frames, and dark and swarthy visage as they are, these men are the Arabs of the American continent.Living half of the time in the saddle, for they are unrivalled horsemen, with lasso in hand they traverse the vast plains in search of the buffalo and wild horses.The killing of these animals and the preparations and sale of their hides are their sole means of livelihood.Their costumes generally consists of a pair of tough hide leggings, with sandals of the same material, bound together with leather thongs, over which is a blanket with a hole in the center large enough to allow the head to be thrust out, and which falls not ungracefully over their shoulders, leaving ample room for the play of their arms.Add to this a broad straw sombrero, and the lasso hanging ready for use in his girdle, and you have the Ranchero as he appears in the time of peace.Join to this a long lance with a sharp spear head, and his belt plentifully supplied with pistols and knives, and you have the Ranchero as a member of a troop of banditti, or as a soldier in a body of cavalry.Their power of enduring fatigue is almost inexhaustible, and scanty meal per diem of jerked beef and plaintain suffices them during months.These are the men who comprise the great body of the Mexican cavalry, and they are to the armies of that nation what the Cossacks are to the Russians-ever on the alert, never to be surprised, and untiring in the pursuit of the foe, when plunder, no matter how trifling, is to be obtained.--Philadelphia Public Ledger.
[JTW]

LT June 18, 1846: 4b Mexico and the US

The urgent pressure of political controversy at home has hitherto prevented us from recurring to the intelligence lately received from the United States, and more particularly to the diplomatic correspondence between the two Republics.As elucidating the causes of the war, or the grounds on which it is undertaken, however, these documents deserve no notice at our hands.The whole tenour of the communications which have passed between the two Governments with reference to the annexation of Texas for several years, has demonstrated that no terms could satisfy the aggressive policy of the United States.The acquisition of Texas was only a name given to indefinite aggrandizement; and the frontiers of that province were purposely represented by the American immigrants as imperfectly defined, in order that when the principle of annexation had once triumphed over the restraints of justice and of treaties, it might be so enlarged and extended as to engorge the largest possible amount of the Mexican territory.In short, it requires no discrimination of political motives, and no minute acquaintance with the secret springs of events, to recognize in this transaction all the ancient characteristics of those vulgar crimes which have in all ages disgraced human nature, disturbed the relation of States, and sacrificed the feeble to the arrogance and ambition of the strong.The war has now broken out, and the American arms have been crowned with success.But, as we had long since anticipated, this contest, this shedding of blood, this excitement and stir of arms, has kindled amongst the American democracy a fiercer passion than would have been dreamt of a few years ago.The severest censors of the declining public morality and the increasing social defects of the Anglo-American communities, nave scarcely ventured to predict enormities so great as those which have already been committed.If we had ventured to tell them a few years ago, that they would ere long reject the policy of peace for that of war, appropriate vast sums of money to military and naval purposes, and arm the population of the United States, for the purpose of plundering and bullying a powerless neighbour, we should have been told with indignation that such excesses were incompatible with the principles of the American constitution, and repugnant to the spirit of the American people.But the declivity on which the policy of the United States has for some time been launched, admits of no rest, and has no turning.All the restraints which the prudence of statesmen, the resistance of certain classes of society, and the authority of enlightened and humane opinions, may elsewhere put upon popular impetuosity, are absent or annulled.The passions, as well as the convictions of the majority, are absolute. So that no act is so monstrous that it may not be committed under sufficient excitement by the American people, and sanctioned by the scandalous maxim-" Our country, right or wrong."These are precisely the consequences which have invariably followed the experiment of pure democratic government in all ages; and the Americans have bid fair to give the most complete and the most unblushing exhibition of a democratic policy abroad as well as at home.

It is very uncertain to what length Mr. Polk may think fit to carry this experiment, or by what means he may expect to surmount the difficulties by which it may be followed; but it is evident that as far as his party objects are concerned, the Mexican war has already served his purpose in a variety of ways.The President has little to apprehend from a hostile investigation of the causes of a war which has armed him with so much patronage and popularity; and he has opened a vein of influence, which will probably raise even his own mediocrity to distinction, and lead his successors to bid for popular support by the same reckless means.

The effect of these general considerations, and of the recent success of the American army on the Rio Grande, is to render it improbable that the war will be terminated by a mere arrangement of the frontier of Texas.The American troops had already crossed the river, and taken Matamoras.No enemy was in sight; and the recruits now arriving in great numbers from the north will not be easily persuaded to return to their homes, without a campaign in Mexico.Even the plunder of the Mexican churches has been publicly recommended by the democratic newpapers of the United States, as an inducement to adventurers to join the army of invasion; and the spirit in which these hostilities are likely to be prosecuted, and are supported by the war-meetings in all parts of the Union, is more like the irruption of a horde, than the systematic operations of a regular army, sent to effect a specific political object and no more.The next intelligence which may be expected from California, whre Captain Fremont is preparing to consummate the purpose of his "exploring expeditions," the establishment of the blockade, and the assembly of troops prepared to advance to Mexico itself, will give a still further vehemence to this conflagration, and it is impossible to assign limits to the incidents which may arise in the course of such a war, affecting the interests of European as well as American States.The questions connected with the blockade of Vera Cruz, the blockading squadron was directed not to intercept the transmission of the precious metals in British vessels of war from the ports of Mexico: it is a matter of great interest to ascertain how far this limitation will be observed.

A prudent Government might readily avail itself of the momentary energy with which the public mind in the United States has been turned from the discussion of the Oregon controversy to the seizure of Mexican territory, in order to terminate the former difficulty, and re-establish amicable relations, on that point at least, with this country.The present war, therefore, appears to us to render an adjustment of the Oregon more practicable at this time, though less probable at a more advanced period.This inference confirms the confident anticipations which are entertained in the best-informed quarters in this country, that the proposal taken out by the Hibernia, and which reached Boston on the day Britannia sailed from that port, will be accepted by the American Government: and if so, the Mexican war will perhaps prove the means of averting much greater calamities from the world.But whatever may be our hopes on this subject, we cannot ourselves carry them to the height of implicit confidence.It is impossible to doubt that the general tendency of the American policy is rather warlike and aggressive than pacific and conciliatory.The present successful hostilities will complete the destruction of the Whig party, and render the exaggerated confidence of the American people in their military resources more intense than ever.No nation in such a condition, and animated by such a spirit, ever paused within the limits of a little war.Reaction may follow excess, but it will not produce the benefits of preventative restraint; and if we take into account the effects which the present aspect of American affairs must have on our maritime and mercantile interest, on our colonial dependencies, and on the independence of other States, we cannot allow ourselves to expect that a firm or lasting peace can prevail in the presence of so many elements of discord and hostility.
[JTW]

LT June 20, 1846: 6f Boradil in a Battle of Rio Grande

BORADIL IN AMERICA. - The following account from an American officer engaged in the recent battles on the Rio Grande is highly characteristic of the modesty of the nation.- "At half-past 11 o'clock the enemy opened their batteries, and how awful was the scene; the balls flew in every direction, and the killed and wounded lay on all hands.I was attached to a squadron of Dragoons.I felt perfectly cool, and in truth minded it no more than eating breakfast.About 20 minutes after the commencement of the action poor Major Ringgold was struck by a six-pound shot, and mortally wounded: he has since died.I had lent him my pistols on going into the fight.The shot struck one holster, cut it and the pistol in two pieces, cut all the flesh off the upper part of the Major's thigh, passed through the shoulders of his horse, cut the other pistol in two, and the flesh off the other thigh.He fell from his horse, and Lieutenant Sherer offered to assist him; but he said, 'No, Sir; let me stay-go on-you have enough to do-go ahead.'The action lasted about two hours, and the enemy retired.We rested on our arms until 3 o'clock, and then commenced the action again, and fought them till night closed the scene of carnage.We slept on the field of battle, amid the dead, dying, and wounded, without refreshment, upon the bare ground, and with our arms by our side.In this engagement I lost my mare; in extricating myself from a party of seven Mexicans who had fired at me whilst executing an order on the extreme left for Colonel Twiggs.I snapped her shoulder in wheeling to shoot a Mexican who rushed at me with a lance.On the next day we commenced the fight-the most awful ever known; and the old officers say equal only to New Orleans or Fort Erie.I was in the front rank during the whole fight, and, thank God, escaped without a wound, though unhorsed, a ball (shot?) through my coat, and my horse struck!We whipped them to death.I took the sword of a captain just wounded by me, and mean to keep it-you shall see my trophy one of these days.Among the officers killed was poor Lieutenant Inge-he had just joined, and was killed in the charge on the enemy's batteries.I charged by his side, and was unhored, and doubtless thus escaped.I am too grateful, first for the opportunity of being in the fight, and then to escape unhurt." [JTW]

LT June 23, 1846: 6d US, war meetings with Mexico

AMERICA
ARRIVAL OF THE GREAT BRITAIN.
LIVERPOOL, Monday,

The steam-ship Great Britain, Captain Hosken, arrived this morning in the Mersey, from New York after a most remarkable passage of little more than 23 days.She reached the bar at 3 o'clock a.m.The Great Britain brings advices from New York to the 8^th inst. Inclusive, 42 passengers, and important dispatches, received at the last moment by special messenger from Mr. Pakenham, at Washington.These documents Captain Hosken himself conveys to London.

The important facts of the intelligence by this arrival may be summed up in a few words.Matamoras had been occupied, without opposition, by the American army under General Taylor, and the blockade of Vera Cruz had been established.

The last accounts, it will be remembered, left the American army preparing to cross the Rio del Norte.The advices by this arrival resume, that on the 17^th ult. a large portion of General Taylor's force moved down the river for that purpose, the General remaining at the fortifications with about 300 men.The Mexican Commandant Arista, having observed this movement towards the ford, sent a flag of truce to General Taylor, requesting an armistice for six weeks, giving as a reason for his request that he desired to communicate with his government.General Taylor answered, that he would give till 8 o' clock the next morning to evacuate the city of Matamoras, and would permit him to take the public property under his charge.The flag then returned.On the next day, the 18^th ult., the army crossed on floats of their own construction, and the bodies of wagons caulked.The passage was made about four miles above Fort Brown. On arriving at the city it was discovered that Arista with his forces had departed, leaving only the mounted batteries. All the mortars, and such of the military apparatus as could not be moved in their haste to escape, were thrown into the wells.A party from the American army went out to reconnoiter immediately after the entrance into Matamoras, and overtook a portion of the retreating Mexicans, 22 of whom were made prisoners.It was understood that Arista's head-quarters were at San Fernando, about 90 miles distant from Matamoras.The Mexican soldiers, it is said, refused to defend Matamoras against the American army, having had no rations served to them for five days.The United States squadron had sailed from the Rio Grande to Pensacola, to refit.Commodore Conner, according t report, intended afterwards to follow up the blockade of Matamoras by the attack of the Castle of San Juan d'Ulloa.The probable plan of the campaign continued to excite much speculation.The journals generally demand that the war shall be short and decisive.The Washington Union professed to have some knowledge concerning the plan of the campaign against Mexico, of which it does not give the details, but which will authorize the belief that the war well be pushed with the utmost vigour.It adds that General Taylor will soon advance into the enemy's country, and that it would not be surprised "to hear of his reaching Monterey, about 130 miles from Matamoras, about the commencement of the table land, at no distant day."

The American victories continued to excite increased gratulations in the principal cities. The citizens of New Orleans had adopted an address to General Taylor; and the Legislature of Louisiana had made an appropriation of 500 dollars for the purchase of a sword on behalf of the State, to present to him.
[JTW]

LT June 24, 1846: 4f Oregon question

We entertain a confident assurance, from the nature of the communications which have been received by the Great Britain from the United States, that the progress of the negotiation for the settlement of the Oregon dispute was completely satisfactory up to the time of the departure of the last mails.Mr. Pakenham had at once proceeded to communicate to the American Government the proposal which was conveyed to him fromthis country by the packet of the 18^th of May; and the reception given to this overture by Mr. Buchanan and by the President himself was such as to leave little doubt of the prompt conclusion of the transaction.The terms of this agreement will probably be submitted by Mr. Polk to the Senate of the United States before the convention is finally drawn up for signature; but the protracted and violent debate which took place this winter upon notice for the termination of the existing convention, appears in a great measure to have exhausted the acrimony of parties on this subject; whilst the Mexican war has at once diverted public attention into another channel, and impressed upon the American Government the necessity of extricating itself without delay from the danger of a twofold war, accompanied by hostilities on all its frontiers.These considerations, and the moderation as well as firmness of the British Government, have produced their full effect in Washington; and we have little doubt that the next arrivals from the United States will enable us to announce the final adjustment of the Oregon controversy.

The intelligence just received by the Great Britain adds little to what was already known of the position of the belligerents on the banks of the Rio Grande.For although the American General has rejected the proposal of the Mexican commander for an armistice of six weeks, the operations of the campaign are unavoidably suspended, on that point at least, by the various obstacles which we have ore than once pointed out.Even if it be supposed that General Taylor's small army was perfectly equipped and provided with all necessary supplies to carry on hostile operations in the enemy's territory, the reinforcements of men who have been suddenly raised and marched southward to the theatre of war require a large additional amount of stores, &c., which certainly were not to be found in the arsenals of the State of Louisiana.In short, the systematic invasion of Mexico by an Anglo-American army is an enterprise of very considerable difficulty; and it is by no means improbable that the two armies may remain for some time watching each other, neither of them being able to strike a vigorous blow at a distance from its own frontier.The coast is protected by the yellow fever more effectually than forts or garrisons; and the castle of St. Juan d'Ulloa is said to be in a far better condition to resist an attack than it was at the time of the hostilities with France in 1838.The squadron under Admiral Baudin on that occasion consisted of three 60-gun frigates, 2 corvettes, 5 brigs, 2 bomb-ketches, and 2 steamers-comprising a weight of metal far superior to that which the Americans can now bring to bear on this strongly fortified position.

No country suffers less than Mexico from blockade, for the restrictive policy of the Government and the prohibitive duties of the Mexican tariff have the effect of a self-constituted blockade even in time of peace, and the different provinces produce all that is required by the inhabitants in their present half-civilized condition.The export of the precious metals, an the importation of quicksilver for the use of the miners, which was not prevented by the French cruisers during the last war in which Mexico was engaged, are the principal commercial interests of the country; and with them we trust the Americans will not interfere.

In estimating the amount of moral resistance, if not of physical force, which Mexico may offer to the progress of American invasion, the most important element in the social condition of that country is the Church.The State is impoverished, but the clergy are still possessed of all the landed wealth which was lavished upon them by the profuse piety of the Sovereigns of Spain; their churches are immense depositories of votive offerings made of the precious metals, and accumulated ever since the soil of Mexico first opened its abundant metallic wealth to the European adventurer.Nor is their spiritual authority over the population less unbounded than their possessions.The clergy have, therefore, every reason to resist the approach of a foreign force of heretical and grasping volunteers; and they may even think fit to sacrifice in such an emergency some portion of the unprofitable splendour of the church ornaments to save the power of the Church and the independence of the nation.As yet, however, we have no trustworthy account of the effect produced in Mexico by the events on the Rio Grande, and the defeat of the Mexican troops.Probably the pending Oregon controversy between England and the United States has had as much effect in inciting the Mexicans to resistance as the Mexican war has had in bending the American Cabinet to conciliation and peace with ourselves; and the termination of this threatening discussion may also lead the Mexicans to make overtures for peace on the terms originally offered to them, and which they might still, we trust, obatain.
[JTW]

LT June 25, 1846: 5d Battle of Matamoros

THE BATTLE AT MATAMORAS.- A letter from an American officer says- "The battle was still uncertain, when General Taylor sent for Captain May, and told him he must take that battery if he lost every man of his squadron.May said he would take it, and assembling his men, he placed himself at their head, and rushed at full speed upon the enemy's battery.As he approached it, at the distance of some 20 yards, he and his squadron received a furious discharge of grape from the pieces, and a shower of bullets from the infantry on the right and left, mowing down nearly the whole of his first and second platoons, but leaving him unhurt.In a second he and his remaining force passed through the battery, sabreing the artillerists as they passed, and then reining up their horses in the rear of the battery they charged again through it.As captain May reached it the second time he saw a Mexican officer defending himself against some of his men, when, flying to the rescue, he received the sword of General de la Vega, a gallant officer of the Mexican army, who surrendered himself a prisoner at discretion.May received his sword, and, putting him under the protection of an officer, rode back to General Taylor and said- 'General, I have taken the enemy's battery, and have the honour to present you the sword of General de la Vega, whom I captured gallantly defending his guns, and who is now your prisoner.'Glory enough for one day!When the 8^th Regiment was ordered to advance to support the bold charge of the dragoons, led by Captain May, the company to which Lieutenant Jordan was attached, rushing on the enemy, compelled them to break their ranks, and fight in detached squads, which, after a brief but severe contest, were destroyed or dispersed.Lieutenant Jordan seeing a group of five Mexicans firing on our forces, rushed upon them sword in hand, thinking that he was supported by three soldiers of his regiment.Two or three shots were discharged at him when at the distance of only a few paces, but they fortunately missed him; and at this moment he perceived he was alone, his men having met with other enemies, and his foes were prepared to receive him with the bayonet.It was no time for hesitation; he made a blow with his sword at the nearest Mexican, which wounded him severely, although it was partly parried by his musket, and at this critical moment his foot struck something, he stumbled, fell forward to the ground, and lost his sword.Before he could recover his feet he received three bayonet stabs in his body, but he instantly threw himself on one of the Mexicans, wrenched a cutlass from his hand, when he was fired upon by another, and a buck-shot was lodged in his arm near the shoulder, and one passed through his arm.He fell upon his back, and his enemies were about to dispatch him, when Lieutenant G. Lincoln, having vanquished those previously opposed to him, hastened with others in good time to the rescue.Lieutenant Lincoln cut down one of the Mexicans, whose comrades were immediately subdued.We are happy to learn that Lieutenant Jordan's wounds, although severe and painful, are not considered dangerous.No bones are injured, and with care and attention he will probably soon recover." [JTW]

LT June 25, 1846: 8f US and Mexico

UNITED STATES AND MEXICO.
(From the New York Journal of Commerce)

In an article under this head, some days since, we undertook to show the process by which we had become involved in the present war with Mexico.

To sum up all, we may say that the Mexicans were first in declaring war, and first in making it.They alone shut the door to negotiation; they shed the first blood; they made the first prisoners; they commenced the cannonading at Matamoras; they attacked General Taylor, aud not be them, on the 8^th and 9^th of the same month.

Resting, then, the blame of the war chiefly upon Mexico, the question is, what is due to that republic from the United States, if not on the score of justice, at least on that of magnanimity?And again, what is due to ourselves, as the most ancient and powerful of the American republics-a nation vastly superior to Mexico in strength, population, and resources, and claiming to be so in every other desirable respect?A savage nature would perhaps cry for vengeance, and demand that so insolent a foe should be crushed and despoiled.But Christian principle, which remembers that vengeance is not a fit attribute of erring man, and that might does not make right, calls for moderation, forbearance, even-handed justice; and the more loudly in proportion as the enemy is feeble, ignorant, distracted and miserable.The very fact that the present Government of Mexico, which by its blind obstinacy and deliberate insults, and at last by open war, has brought these great evils upon that country and our own, was self-created-forced upon the people at the point of the bayonet-and that the deplorable consequence which have since followed are the result of this forced revolution, is reason enough why we should not visit the sins of the administration and army upon the people at large, beyond what is absolutely necessary for the vindication of our own rights and honour.Another reason why we should be tolerant with Mexico is because, by the annexation of Texas, we have come into possession of a territory once Mexican, and so have inherited as a nation, the ill-feeling which originally attached to the revolted province alone.And although we believe and know that for eight or ten years before her annexation to the United States, Texas was as independent as Mexico, and as likely to continue so; and although her independence had been long since acknowledged by England, France, and other countries is Europe, as well as by the United States; yet we must make allowance for human nature, and especially for Spanish nature, which never counts that lost which by an y possibility, even the remotest, may yet be recovered.The independence of Mexico herself was not acknowledged by Spain until a dozen or twenty years after it was achieved; although during the most of that time nothing was done, or attempted, towards a re-conquest.

As we have got into a war without designing it, the next question is, when and how are we to get out; and what are the objects we propose to accomplish?It is commonly easier to commence a war than to finish it.How it may be in the present case, the event will show.Possibly, the Mexican Government may be convinced by the experiment thus far that it is useless to attempt to cope with "the Colossus of the North," as the Mexican correspondent of the London Times denominates the United States, and that thus impressed they may "be ready to receive propositions, or make propositions of their own;" in which case President Polk is bound by the terms of his war message to "renew negotiations."But we confess we have not much hope from this source.A more probable result is, that the party opposed to Paredes, strengthened by the difficulties in which they find their country involved through his instrumentality, and the ill-success of his measures thus far, will create a counter-revolution, by which his administration will terminate as it began, and thus the way be opened for an immediate cessation of hostilities and resumption of negotiations.On the other hand it will not greatly surprise us if the pressure from without should tend rather to unite the jarring elements of opinion, and strengthen the party in power.In that case we should find even a Mexican war no boy's play.There is not a country in the world better formed by nature for defence, and every nation is comparatively strong on its own soil.

But to go back to the question, what do we propose to accomplish by this war?Not the conquest of Mexico we hope.The mission of our republic is a mission of peace; not of conquest and carnage.God has given us right arms capable of defending ourselves, but the whole structure and genius of our institutions is unfavourable to offensive war.We are glad it is so.We covet not for our country the glory of crushing the weak, or distressing the mighty.Hitherto no conquered territory has ever been added to our happy union; we trust non ever will be.Purchase and voluntary annexation are the only weapons we have used, and they have been found far more efficacious than the sword. Louisiana cost us $15,000,000, and Florida $5,000,000.This war with Mexico, if it continues a year, will cost us $50,000,000 at least.What territory can we acquire which will at all compensate for this heavy outlay?And yet the expenditure of money is almost the least of the evils we shall suffer and inflict.Besides, we can acquire no territory in this way, which peace would not give us in better time, and in more perfect possession.If we wait till the fruit is ripe, it will fall into our hand.Why, then, should we pluck it while it is green?The vast unoccupied regions of America God has given to the oppressed of all nations.If we but honour our destiny by peace and liberality, it will all be peopled under the flag of these United States.The policy of inactivity is a mighty policy, for it is the policy of destiny, or more properly, of God's providence.We cannot hurry it but to retard it and mar the perfectness of its work.Armies cannot stop it.The combined nations of the Old World can do nothing against it.We alone can interrupt its mighty march.Inactivity would have given us Oregon to 54 degrees 40', if only our people would have settled those worthless regions.By hurrying our destiny we have lost all beyond 49 degrees, at least for the present. The same policy will perhaps add Canadato the stripes one day, but since our own Government, after 20 years of importunity, have consented that we should trade with Canada, her more perfect union is of little importance, especially to us.Mexico may one day be joined to us now.Poor and miserable as she is, she has set the noble example of abolishing slavery, and we should take care that this terrible scourge or our country does not cross the Rio Grande.To conquer Mexico would but show our folly, and stamp us with disgrace.What American, with a proper American heart, would take away from Mexico her independence, and her liberty to act freely?There can never be any dignity in treating with a subjugated power. We say, then that in the further progress of this war, though victory should declare for us in every battle, and our armies should march triumphantly.
[JTW]

LT June 30, 1846: 4e Oregon question

Whatever may hereafter be said of the precise terms upon which the Oregon controversy has been settled, there can be but one feeling of satisfaction throughout the two great nations which are thus restored to amity and peace at the termination of a dispute which had threatened to sacrifice some of the principal interests of the civilized world for the sake of one of the least important tracts upon the surface of the globe.If the question was to be decided, or even argued, as one of strict right, we have frequently repeated our strong conviction that in opposition to the vast and exclusive claims put forward by Mr. Polk and the ultra-American party, the paramount claims of Great Britain, resting upon discovery, occupation, and treaties, might be, and have actually been, effectually advance and maintained.But it was equally clear, in a controversy which involved somuch obscurity and so direct a contradiction of title, supported by such slender political interests on either side, that the practical solution of the difficulty which should be most beneficial to both parties, least injurious to existing interests , and most consistent with the honour and character of civilized states, would be the best.As long ago as the 3^rd of January of this year, when the whole negotiation was suspended, and very serious and not unfounded apprehensions as to the result were entertained in every part of the world, we expressed a clear opinion to this effect, to which we now revert with a natural satisfaction in the accurate fulfillment of the views we then took.The maintenance of all existing rights of property, which have been created under the treaties of 1790 and 1818; the use of the great water-privilege of the Columbia; the possession of the whole of Vancouver's Island, and of the harbor of St. Jan de Fuca, which is in reality the only safe port on the Oregon coast, were the conditions upon which we then contended that the 49^th parallel might be adopted as the boundary; and it is precisely on those conditions that Mr. Pakenham's treaty has been negotiated.

If we compare these terms with the exaggerated and unmeasured language repeatedly used by Mr. Polk, and with "the assertion, in the most solemn form, of the title of the United States to the whole territory,"contained in Mr. Buchanan's dispatch of the 30^th of August of last year, we shall not be surprised that the entire credit of this pacific arrangement has been transferred from the Cabinet of Mr. Polk to the Senate of the United States.That body has felt the responsibility of its executive office.It is less accessible to the influences of popular excitement and of personal ambition any institution of the Commonwealth; and has more than once done before, it has displayed a degree of statesmen like prudence and responsibility sufficient to grasp the true interests of the commonwealth and correct the aberrations of the nominal Executive.In spite of the declamation of excited parties have no doubt that the decision of the Senate will prove highly popular in the United States where people were anxious for means of escaping from the consequences of their own folly, and the Mexican war had already given them some slight (?) burdens and embarrassments, which would have been increased a hundredfold by a war with that land.

As far as the hounour and interests of this country are concerned, we have every reason to be satisfied with the stipulations of this treaty.The interests of the Hudson Bay company are fully protected with the whole term of their charter, with an amendment for the indemnity and the purchase of their establishments situated south of the American front upon the expiration of the rights they now have under the British Crown.When we have taken care that no British interest is sacrificed or impaired, and that no British possession ceded without an adequate consideration, there is more of honour and true pride in a Government which can afford to deal with conditions of this kind in a liberal and magnanimous spirit, than in the haggling and grasping at which commonly overreach themselves, and sacrifice character, to gain what is of infinite value to nations.The district of Oregon retains a vast uninhabitable and uncultivated territory, and two points of peculiar interest for maritime and trading nations,-the river Columbia, and the straits of Fuca.The territory is not unequally divided, nor is it of importance what the division of the soil is.But of the other points we share equally with the United States, the navigation of the Columbia being used mutually.
[JTW]

LT June 30, 1846: 5d US, war meetings with Mexico, Arista's account of the Battle of Palo Alto

AMERICA.

We subjoin a few extracts from the American papers, received by the Hibernia, for which we had not room yesterday.

THE WAR WITH MEXICO

"Despatches from the Army of invasion' had been received, dated Matamoras, the 24^th ult.The investment of Matamoras, as stated in another column, is confirmed by General Taylor's accounts.The following details respecting the future proceedings of the army we copy from the New Orleans Picayune.They are authenticated by the official accounts:-

"We understand that the next demonstration of General Taylor will be upon the city of Monterey.This place is about 90 leagues from Matamoras, and is approached by a difficult road running through an arid and ill-watered country.It is the principal city of the province of New Leon, and commands the entrance of the Table Lands, or the interior of Mexico, through the passes of the Sierra Madre.

"To make the operations of the army upon Monterey more secure, if not absolutely certain, General Taylor designs occupying the town of Camargo, about 250 miles, by water, above Matamoras.To do this securely, it is necessary for him to have transports of a draught suitable to the navigation of the Rio Grande.Camargo will be the basis of his operations upon Monterey, and this point must first be made the depot of supplies, and entrenched in a style capable of sustaining a siege.

"It was the design of General Taylor, as we learn, to be at Monterey by the 1^st of July; but the want of transports to convey his stores to Camargo compelled him to delay further progress in the enemy's country till this deficiency is removed.Camargo is situate upon the Rio Grande, and presents an admirable foundation for a display upon the interior, and from Camargo to Monterey is about 40 leagues, or 120 miles.The country lying between that town and Monterey; consequently, it is altogether better for the army to proceed from Camargo upon Monterey than from Matamoras.

"With a view to expediting the march of the army, Captain Sander, who has distinguished himself in the admirable defences he has constructed about Point Isabel, has been dispatched to this city to procure the necessary transports.He is no in the city of New Orleans, but will proceed up the river immediately to supply the deficiency in transports which his purchasers here may leave.From the mouth of the Rio Grande to Matamoras, vessels drawing four feet water can run without obstruction; above that placed up to Camargo, there are not more than three feet water in may places. Steamers of the proper draught can scarcely be got in sufficient numbers here to answer the purpose of an invading army, and, therefore, Captain Sanders will go west to find them.

"Before reaching Camargo the army will have to take the town of Reynosa, which is between Matamoras and Camargo.It is not expected, however, that any defence will be mad of such villages.

"General Taylor designs now to be at Monterey as soon in July as possible.At that place, it is believed, the Mexicans will make a stubborn stand, if at all during the war.If the troops under General Taylor occupy Monterey, the whole of Mexico this side the Sierra Madre will be in the possession of the United States, including the mining districts of New Leon, New Mexico, Santa Fe, Chihuahua, &c.This calculation is based somewhat upon the idea that the United States will order an exhibition from the Missouri river upon the northern provinces.If this be done, the whole of North Mexico will be in our possession.Such a disposition of the forces of the United States would end the war at once.But it did not, our army would hold the key to the whole of South Mexico, and the gates of the capital would, speaking in a military sense, be in possession of General Taylor."

"Colonel Kearney's expedition against Santa Fe (New Mexico) was expected to start early this month.It would consist of upwards of 3,000 volunteers and a few hundred regulars."

GENERAL ARISTA'S ACCOUNT OF THE BATTLE OF PALO ALTO
(From the New Orleans Delta, June 5.)

From the Boletin de la Division del Norte, published at Matamoras on the 14^th of May, we translate the following official document relative to the battle of Palo Alto, on the 8^th ult.:-

"General-in-Chief,-Constant in my purpose of preventing General Taylor form effecting a junction between the forces he was taking from Santa Isabel and those which he left at the fortifications opposite Matamoras, I set off today form the Tonquas del Ramireno, from which place I addressed to your Excellency my last dispatch, and I marched toward Palo Alto as soon as my spies informed me that the enemy had left Santa Isabel, determined to introduce into their fortifications a number of wagons loaded with provisions and artillery.

"I arrived opposite Palo Alto about 1 o'clock p.m., and saw that the enemy was entering the place.With all the forces I had I proceeded to form my line of battle on a large plain; a woody elevation supported my right flank, with a quagmire on the left, difficult of penetration.Scarcely had we fired our first gun, when the second commander-in-chief, General Don Pedro Ampudia, arrived, as I had warned him to join me as soon as he had well reinforced the several points which were necessary to besiege the enemy's troops that were left in the fortifications opposite Matamoras.

"The forces under my command were 3,000 men and 12 pieces of artillery; those of the invaders were 3,000 men, or a trifle less, and a superior force of artillery, as they numbered 20 pieces of 16 and 18 pounders.

"The battle commenced with such ardour that the firing of cannon did not cease or a moment, during which the enemy endeavored to follow their course towards Matamoras, in order to suspend the siege of their troops at the fortification; and with such object they set fire to shrubbery and grass, so as to form opposite their line a thick smoke, by which they succeeded in hiding themselves from our view; but I, through necessary operations, defeated their object on two different occasions.

"General Taylor maintained his attack more as defensive then an offensive one, using chiefly the best part of his forces-the artillery, protected by one half of his infantry and all his cavalry; reserving the rest to fortify the turf, at a distance of about 2,000 yards from the battle field.

"I was anxious to make a charge on the enemy, because the cannon balls cause great loss on our files, and I ordered General Don Anastasio Torrejon to execute it with the greater part of the cavalry, on our left flank, in order to give the charge at the same time with the infantry and the rest of the cavalry on the right flank.

"I was waiting the moment in which General Torrejon should commence the charge, and that the enemy should begin to feel its effect, in order to give the impulse on the right; but the effort was checked by a counter-movement of a portion of the enemy's force that defended a march, which prevented the attack.

"Some of our companies were impatient on account of the loss we had suffered, and they commenced to get out of order, asking that I should give the command to advance at once, or retreat.At such a moment I ordered a column of cavalry, under command of Colonel Don Cayetano Montero, to charge, with the view that the parties thrown out of order should resume their position, and in all possible manner march on the enemy, who, owing to the great distance at which they stood, had time to fall back on reserve, and night approaching fast, the battle ended, and we remained master of the field.

"After this result every measure necessary to the circumstance was taken, and our division encamped on a more concentrated ground in the same battle-field.

"The combat was a ling and bloody one, which may be better explained by the calculation of the Commander-in-Chief of Artillery, General Don Thomas Requena, who assures me that the enemy fired over 3,000 cannon shot from 2 to 7 o'clock p.m. (at which hour the battle terminated), and our artillery fired only about 650 shot.

"Our arms were supported with honour to the nation, as we did not yield an inch of ground.Notwithstanding the superiority of the enemy's artillery, they suffered great loss.

"Our troops had the misfortune of losing 252 men in this battle, among dead, wounded, and dispersed.Those that lost their lives in defence of the most just and holy of causes are worthy of a national remembrance of gratitude for their bravery and valour.

"Your Excellency will oblige me by giving notice, with the foregoing account, to his Excellency the President; stating that I will take care to give a full and detailed dispatch of this battle, and at the same time recommend the valiant conduct of all the generals, chiefs, officers, and men that are under my charge; for they sustained the bloody combat in a manner which honours our nation, and shows the discipline and fine order of our troops.

"Please admit the assurances of my consideration, &c.
"God and liberty! General quarters at Palo Alto, opposite the enemy's camp.May 8, 1846, at 11 o'clock p.m.
Mariano Arista.
"To his Excellency the Minister of War and Marine."
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LT July 3, 1846: 6e England endeavors to avoid US/Mexico war

ENGLAND AND MEXICO.- It is confidently assumed by many persons and presses, that in deliberately resolving upon war with the United States Mexico has been influenced by Great Britain.No assumptions, it seems to us, could be more unfounded.The most authentic intelligence upon this subject has uniformly been, that England through her Ministers in Mexico and in Washington, has constantly and earnestly endeavoured to avert the appeal to arms which has at last been made.We have given this the more ready credence, because it coincides precisely with the policy demanded by all the interests of Great Britain.She has nothing whatever to gain, and very much to lose, from a war upon this continent, and especially between this country and Mexico.Her commerce with our enemy has constantly increased.From her mines she has drawn annually an immense amount of the precious metals, indispensable to the maintenance of her establishments in the West Indies and elsewhere upon this continent.Her capital has found its way, to a very great extent, to Mexico, and English investments profitable and important relations between England and Mexico will be sundered by the war, which must blockade the ports of the latter country, and interrupt the stream of wealth which has constantly poured from her shores to those of Great Britain; and there is no offset to this loss, assume the co-operation of England and Mexico in the embittered and determined hostility of the former power towards this country.NO such hostility has ever been shown to exist; but granting its existence, it would scarcely be manifested in the way referred to.England may be, and, undoubtedly, is jealous of the rapid and remarkable growth by inciting Mexico to a war, which can only end in her subjugation and in the still further increase of the American territory and the actual supplies of money and men by England, cannot hope to come out of this contest without serious and substantial loss.The Times has repeatedly conceded, that a war with the United States would inevitably result in the dismemberment of the Mexican territory, and the annexation of a large portion of her soil to the American Union.The intelligent and able Mexican correspondent of that paper has urged the same considerations, as a reason for the prompt and effectual mediation of England.The same views have been proclaimed by eminent statesmen in France, and the opinion has been universally expressed in Europe, that a war with Mexico could only end in the augmentation of the resources and greatness of the United States.Mexico herself must have finally anticipated such a result.The population of all her northern departments have long been disaffected, and little effort will be needed to detach them entirely form the central Government.The war which she has commenced will prove the cause of her ruin.The blow which it will inflict upon her will dissolve the slight bands of political life which have hitherto held her together, and, apart from any direct exertions of the United States to produce such a result, she will fall to pieces from inherent weakness. In the course of events, which may advance with more or less rapidity, the greater portion of her territory must be absorbed by the natural growth of the American union.England has clearly foreseen all these results; and she has seen moreover, that the only way in which they could be averted, was the preservation of peace between Mexico and the United States.This, we have no doubt, she has sincerely and earnestly endeavoured to accomplish; and the failure of her efforts will inevitably be to her a cause of deep and lasting regret.In these remarks we do not mean to imply that England has sought to reconcile the two nations and heal all wounds and sources of mutual difference.Such a course would not have been consistent with her usual intelligent and selfish policy.She has questions of difference with the United States, questions ling contested, of no small difficulty, and which may result in an appeal to arms.In the event of such and issue, England understands perfectly the advantage of having Mexico for an ally.If she is to wage war with the United States, it could be carried on with immense advantage through that country.While, therefore, she would strenuously endeavour to check a precipitate resort to war on the part of Mexico, she would undoubtedly, by all the means in her power, delay a definite adjustment of her difficulties with the United States.How far she may have gone in this endeavor, what promises she may have held out to Mexico, and how far beyond their legitimate intent the over sanguine Government of that country may have gone in its understanding of them, we of course have no other means than the probabilities of the case to enable us to decide.But we have no doubt that England has sought, for her own purposes, to protract the negotiations between the two countries, until the event of her own differences should be more distinctly visible.And our conviction is quite as strong that, in the appeal to arms which has been made, she will only see cause of the deepest regret.The almost certain issue of the war must greatly increase the growth of this nation, of whose colossal proportions she already evinces no little jealousy, while its continuance cannot fail greatly and injuriously to affect her interests.- New York Courier and Enquirer. 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LT July 6, 1846: 4c Mexican War

We have at length received the Mexican accounts of the late collision with the American forces on the Rio Grande, and it is satisfactory to find that no attempt has been made to disguise from the people of Mexico the fact that they have sustained a severe defeat, and that their armies are wholly unable to carry on the war with any hope of success.The blockade of Tampico, Vera Cruz, and the other Atlantic ports, appears to have been conducted with due consideration to neutral interests by the American Commodore Conner, and to be supported by a sufficient force.That officer has under his command the Cumberland, Raritan, Potomac, John Adams, Somers, St. Mary's, and the steam-ships Mississippi and Princeton.It remains, however, to be seen whether he will venture to attack St. Juan d'Ulloa, which is at all times an operation of great difficulty and danger, from the sudden northern gales which expose a squadron to destruction on the reefs that protect the fortifications to the seaward.St. Juan de'Ulloa, moreover, now mounts 200 guns in the castle, and 50 in the two forts and walls of the city commanding the anchorage.All these guns are new and of heavy caliber, with a number of 8-inch and 10-inch Paixhan guns.There are said to 2,000 men in the fortress, and about the same number in the town.Under these circumstances we doubt whether the American Commodore will risk an attack on the strongest place on the Mexican coast.

For the protection of British interests in the Gulf of Mexico the Endymion frigate and the Alarm have been ordered down form Bermuda.Commodore Pring will probably be able to increase the squadron from Jamaica, where he hoists his broad pennant of the Imaum; and the Albion has been sent out, we believe, from this country.In the Pacific, the British and American squadrons were both at Mazatlan; but no news has yet arrived of any operations on the western coast.

We trust, however, that without any further effusion of blood, and without a prolongation of those risks which are inseparable from active hostilities, we may look forward to the termination of this deplorable strife.It cannot be doubted that the extreme repugnance of the Mexican Government to come to terms with the United States upon the subject of the boundary of Texas, and the pertinacity with which these delicate questions have been kept open until they have led to positive hostilities, are attributable in great part to a vague expectation that the differences between England and the United States would eventually secure to Mexico a powerful diversion, if not a powerful ally.The intelligence of the settlement of the Oregon question, and the happy removal of the last of those subjects of discussion which have for so many years endangered the amicable relations of the American and British Governments, will, therefore, probably produce as much effect upon the present heads of the Mexican republic as the new of another victory gained by the Yankee rifles in the banks of the Rio Grande.We sincerely trust that the influence of the pacific termination of our own controversy will be felt in the speedy restoration of peace between Mexico and the United States; and at this time the mediation of British agents has been offered with peculiar propriety, to complete between other states the triumph of that policy which has been so successfully maintained by our own Government.Throughout the Texan question, the ill-timed delays and ridiculous scruples of the Mexican Government have invariably led to a condition of things a step worse than that which had preceded it.From Santa Anna to Paredes not one of the Mexican rulers has been disposed either to make the best of the past or to provide for the future.They were for ever protesting against former injuries and calamities, whilst some greater misfortune was stealing upon them.They might, by recognizing the independence of Texas, on certain conditions, have created a barrier, for some considerable time at least, between themselves and their northern neighbors.They might, by adopting an enlightened system of commercial policy, instead of a bigoted adherence to the worst traditions of old Spain, have established relations of such magnitude and importance with the trading and maritime Powers of Europe, that the independence and prosperity of Mexico would have found defenders in every state on this side of the Atlantic.But they refused to recognize the independence of Texas until annexation had transferred the quarrel from a revolted province to an ambition nation; and they have persevered in the abuses of their infernal administration to such an extent, that the allegiance of those classes who have anything to lose or to gain has been not a little affected by the consideration of the increased value and security of property when it exists under the control and protection of a regular a enlightened Government.The landowners of Mexico, occupying a soil rich in the precious metals and adapted for every species of cultivation, are beggars.The church lands include one-sixth of the whole surface of the country; and the whole region is of far less value to its present possessors than it was to that ingenious and unfortunate people who were fated to fall beneath the sword of Cortes.However galling may be the superiority of the Anglo-American race to the degenerate descendants of the Spaniard and the native Mexican, and however monstrous the pretences under which acts of violent aggression or convert hostility have been masked, it is impossible to doubt that a people will fall a prey to any conqueror rather than rot on the vices of its own political and social condition until its cities are depopulated and its fields abandoned.

If, therefore, it be possible that the mediation of England should be exerted with any effect, not only to restore peace at this time between the United States and Mexico, but to remove the causes of future discord and the pretexts of future aggression, it can only be by endeavouring to encourage the Mexican Government to undertake, with rather more vigour and intelligence than it has yet displayed, the task of governing the country.British interests, arising out of the provinces, are directly involved in these questions; and that security is perfectly illusory if we are not prepared to assert the claims which will at no distant period accrue under it.

We do not believe that the United States' Government will be disposed to prolong so unequal a contest as that which recently begun on the Rio Grande, if Mexico can be brought to terms, which her interest and her political position command her to accept.For Mr. Polk's purposes a little war is very preferable to a great one; and military glory on a grander scale, instead of casting éclat upon his own presidency, would render inconveniently prominent the claims and expectations of his successor.As it is, we are much mistaken if this Mexican war does not determine the next election for the supreme magistracy of the Unites States in favour of a military candidate; for in America, as well as elsewhere, the first impulse of a democracy is to throw itself at the feet of a successful soldier; and the names of General Taylor and General Scott are already celebrated in the most heroic strains.The prosecution of the war would at once impose great burdens on the federal Government, which is bound to provide the means of carrying it on, and it would place a formidable amount of power and popularity within the grasp of the officers in command of the army.Mr. Polk has therefore a double interest in terminating the contest by a speedy peace, if that can be obtained; and the sincere co-operation and influence of England will not, we are persuaded, be wanting to assist in effecting so desirable an object.
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LT July 6, 1846: 5e Mexico, miscellaneous news

We have, by the Tay, letters from our correspondent in the city of Mexico to the 31^st of May.

The Mexican ports on the Atlantic were blockaded by the American squadron, and an attack on the castle of San Juan de Ulloa was expected immediately.

The port of Mazatlan and city of Guadalaxara had both declared against the Government.The republic seemed to fast verging on anarchy.

Arista's army in the north was understood to have dispersed in great confusion.

About half the members of the new Congress had been got together.They elected General Bustamante President of the body.

Senor Gorostiza had retired from the Ministry of Finance, and was succeeded by Senor Iturbe, who had seized all the funds in the ports, including the English dividends.

The light is removed from the castle of San Juan de Ulloa, at Vera Cruz, during the blockade.
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LT July 6, 1846: 6a Blockade of Vera Cruz

VERA CRUZ.

The blockade of this port commenced the same day (May 20)with that of Tampico; Commodore Connor having dispatched the squadron one day earlier than the corvette appointed to watch the latter port.The squadron consists of the Raritan frigate, the Mississippi first class steam ship, the Falmouth corvette and Somers brig.The notification of the blockade was only sent to the neutral vessels of war anchored at Sacrificios, and not to the Consuls, as at Tampico, a circumstance which naturally gave umbrage to those gentlemen.Commander Pelly, of the Rose, whose indefatigable zeal for British interests is beyond all praise, and deserves the consideration of Her Majesty's Government, succeeded in obtaining permission for the packets to land specie, and negotiated for permission also for other merchandise; but the question is left pending until the arrival of Commodore Connor, expected about the 10^th or 11^th of this month (June).Passengers, of course, are to be landed, but no Mexicans permitted from port to port within the republic.

The American squadron, when united, will, it is said, consist of two sail of the line, one from Boston, the other from New York; three frigates, including the one already here, and the other two are at Pensacola, with the commodore, and of the largest size; tow first-class steam ships, the Mississippi and Princeton; one or two corvettes, some brigs, and smaller steam-vessels to tow the ships into position.The inhabitants are apprehensive of an attack upon Fort San Juan de Ulloa and the town; in consequence, most of the families are removing to the interior.On the 29^th of May, 600 men of the line arrived from Jalapa, and the day following about 200 Dragoons accompanied the specie from Mexico, making a total amount of troops in the town and fort of San Juan de Ulloa of about 2,200 men; but I am sorry to add that the military hospitals are full, and I am afraid to mention the number they are said to contain.Accounts vary, but I was assured by one of the most respectable English residents that there were not less than 600; and of the late reinforcement eight died on the march the day previous to their arrival, a Dragoon fell from his horse in the streets, and others were obliged to be carried to the hospital; in fact, never was Vera Cruz in a more deplorable state that at the present moment; what with an unusual season of sickness and the stagnation of trade, added to the blockade, those whose circumstances oblige them to remain there are truly to be pitied.

So sudden have been the events brought on by the affair at Matamoras, that for the protection of the British interests, there is only the Rose sloop-of-war at Sacrificios; the French have the Mercurie brig and La Perouse bark-of-war; the Spaniards the Christina frigate and the Habanero brig; and the Luisa Fernandez, first class corvette, has left Havannah, and is expected soon to increase their squadron.Expecting three French barks, almost all the vessels have quitted the anchorage, and the American commander, in a visit to Captain Pelly, of the Rose, expressed his anxiety that the packet should take an early departure; as, were she by any accident detained beyond the 4^th of June, he could not be accountable for the consequences.The value in specie and cargo on board the Tay cannot be estimated at less than 3,000,000, dollars.

The Mexican war steam-vessels Montezuma and Guadaloupe have been disposed of to the firm of Manning and Mackintosh, and sent to the Havannah, in the hope of their being purchased by the Spanish Government.The remainder of their squadron, consisting of a few brigs-of-war and some small schooners, have taken shelter in the port of Alvarado, about 40 or 50 miles south of Vera Cruz.

The courier from Mexico, who did not leave until a day beyond the time specified for the sailing of the packet, brought the following news, from a source in which every confidence may be placed:- The new Minister of Finance (Iturbe) suspended all payments in the Custom-house, including the dividend fund, as a temporary measure, before making an arrangement with the different creditors, and a committee, consisting of Rondero, Echevarria, and Dursina, was named to offer proposals to Government.Upon this Iturbe, the Minister of Finance, resigned.It is supposed the new Minister will be Antonio Garay, and Mora Minister at War.Paredes, the President, was to set out to the north with 10,000 men, to endeavour to effect some arrangement with the Americans.
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LT LT July 6, 1846: 6a Blockade of Tampico

THE UNITED STATES AND MEXICO
TAMPICO

On the morning of the 20^th of May, at daylight, a corvette was seen at anchor about two miles beyond the shipping lying off the bar of Tampico, but without a flag to distinguish her nation.

Shortly afterwards an officer, fully armed, came board the mail-packet Tay, and stated that he was sent by Commander Saunders, of the United States corvette St. Mary's, to declare that port in a state of blockade; and having obtained information as to the different nations to which there were at the time the unusual number of then at the bar, he took his leave, and visited them all in succession.Communications were then sent to the different Consuls residing at Tampico informing them of the blockade, and that 15 days (until the 5^th of June) would be allowed to the vessels now in port to dispose of their cargoes, or ship those already in transit.Upon receiving the official notification the Consuls went in a body to wait upon the commander of the corvette (the English Consul excepted, who was detained by sickness) to solicit a prolongation of the time specified previous to commencing a rigid blockade, but their request could not be acceded to.The French Consul remarked to the American commander, "that when they blockaded these ports they more liberal to the English, as they permitted both the silver to embark and the quicksilver to disembark." "True," was the reply, "but we know the influence that of England has over this country, and we are in hopes that this prohibition may be a means of inducing her to use her endeavours to persuade these people to hear reason."The mail-packet Tay has every reason to speak highly of the politeness and civility experienced from the commander of the American corvette, especially in trusting to the honour of Captain Sharp, the commander, to embark and disembark whatever was not prohibited by the blockading instructions.

In reply to a communication from the Admiralty agent, the commander of the corvette informed him that no opposition would be experienced on the part of the British Government in landing and receiving the mails during the existing state of affairs, and so long as the packets abstained from all commercial transactions, all passengers (military of the Mexican Government expected) would be permitted to embark and disembark as usual.

The Mexicans are, and have been for some time, employed in placing the town and mouth of the river in a better state of defence.On an eminence which commands the north-east side of the town, and the approach to it by the river, they have replace a dilapidated mud battery by a good substantial stone-built fort, in which the guns are mounted and the Mexican flag is flying.There is also a circular brick seat at the lower end of the town, which terminates the evening promenade; this has been converted into a battery a fleur d'eau, to guard the approach by the river, in which they have place three long guns of about 12 English pounds caliber, raising the parapet with bags of earth, and surrounding the whole by a fosse.The bar is defended by three small schooners, carrying one long gun each, and placed across the entrance of the river; on shore, on the left hand side, are the remains of a battery, with a sandy foundation part of which has lately been swept away by the river changing its course, but on which remains are place two small field pieces pointing seaward and protected by a detachment of soldiers.Most of the troops have been drawn off to increase the army, and General Parode, the commandant of Tampico, cannot at present command more than sufficient men in the town to relieve the different guards.The Mexican regiment name "Tampico" is noted for behaving well upon all occasions, and particularly distinguished itself in the late affair of Matamoras; many of the men are reported to have returned their foyers, having quitted General Arista and the retreating army.The bar of Tampico has for some time past become almost impassable, excepting for vessels in ballast, having but a few feet of water in the channel; in consequence, a sloop belonging to Mr. Jolly, the agent to the Mail Company, took the ground with 500 flasks of quicksilver on board; but all was saved excepting one flask, which fell overboard by accident, and was instantly buried in the sand.On Sunday, the 24^th of May, a boat belonging to the Marie, French bark, was upset in crossing the bar, and of five men on board, three remained with the boat, and were saved; the other two, who were good swimmers, endeavoured to gain the shore, but were drowned.
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LT July 6, 1846: 6d Mexico, affairs of

THE AFFAIRS OF MEXICO.
(From our own correspondent.) Mexico, May 31.

The Aztec Eagle has fallen. Mexico has tried her strength with the children of the Anglo-Saxon, and has been beaten.From the United States you will doubtless receive ere this can reach you full accounts of the defeat of General Arista by General Taylor near Matamoras on the 8^th and 9^th instant.It is therefore unnecessary for me to give any details of these actions, which, moreover, the Government here does all in their power to suppress.

Mounted on their diminutive, but spirited horses, the Mexicans fancied they could ride down the world, but when the light cavalry was brought to face the well-served artillery of the north, the riders discovered the chief advantage of their steeds to consist in the velocity with which they escaped from the scene of danger.The Mexicans have been playing at soldiers, the Americans are quite in earnest,-hence the result.As an Englishman, I might be inclined to regret this event, but as a foreign resident of Mexico it has not occasioned me any very poignant grief. The present is not merely a territorial dispute between Mexico and a neighboring nation, it is felt to be a contest between Mexican bigotry and the world; and therefore, without palliating the aggression which the northern republic has committed, little sympathy is felt by foreigners here with Mexico n her distress.Without the patient industry of the Chinese, these people possess the same exclusiveness, and in boasting are quite equal, if not superior to the Celestials.The despondency occsasioned by the late rout having subsided, they now talk of it as a mere check, during which the enemy received new proofs of the indomitable valour of the Mexican soldier!

Notwithstanding these important events no declaration of war has yet been made here, nor, as far as we know, by the United States; but war in all forms exists, and the Mexican ports on the Atlantic are now regularly blockaded by the American squadron.Neutral mail packets (not commercial) will be allowed to come and go without obstruction, and 15 days have been granted for neutral merchant vessels in port to leave, with or without cargo.It is understood that the packets will be allowed to carry specie as before, but not cochineal; and it is doubtful whether they will be allowed to introduce quicksilver.If the introduction of an article so necessary to the working of the mines should be prevented, it is thought this Government will retaliate by prohibiting the exportation of specie.During the French blockade of the Mexican ports no objection was made to the importation of quicksilver in the British packets.

After the battle of the 9^th, General Taylor remained encamped on the left bank of the Bravo, but Arista's army falling into a state of complete disorganization, abandoned Matamoras, and the American General was requested by the Prefect to send some troops across the river for the protection of the inhabitants.General Taylor has complied with this singular request, which certainly goes far to vindicate Mr. Polk's policy towards Mexico.We now look with interest for news from the Pacific, where as immense field is open to American aquisitiveness.

At Vera Cruz an attack on the castle is expected immediately and the merchants have applied for permission to remove bonded merchandise , for safety, to Jalapa. The castle of San Juan de Ulloa, built on an island surrounded by reefs in front of Vera Cruz, and deemed impregnable by the Spaniards, was taken in a few hours by the French under Admiral Baudin; but it was then in a very dilapidated condition, and the French were allowed to anchor their ships and open their fire before the castle replied.It has since been repaired and strengthened , and some very large pieces of modern artilleryare now mounted in the batteries, the first discharge from which may do some damage; but the Mexicans are deficient in artillerymen, and, as they would be greatly exposed while loading these enormous guns, they are not likely to fire many rounds from them.

The position of General Paredes, difficult from the first, has become doubly so since the disaster at Matamoras, to which he was impelled by the restless vanity of the Minister at War, who (himself in perfect safety here) insisted on Arista's crossing the river Bravo.The port of Mazatlan and the city of Guadalaxara are both in open revolt, their garrisons having seconded the cry of "Federation and Santa Anna" raised by Alvarez in the South.A more incongruous union than this can scarcely be imagined, for Santa Anna, when is power, was the scourge of the Federalists, and all their efforts were directed to the destruction of the army, with which he has ever been identified.But such is the spirit of faction by which Mexico is torn; and he were indeed a gifted seer who should predict with certainty what party or what principles may be uppermosts here three months hence.

Since my last letter Gorostiza has retired from the Ministry of Finance, having held office exactly 20 days.He has been succeeded by a person untried in office, and whose history is not calculated to increase public confidence in the Government.Don Francisco Iturbe's relations with the Financial Department hitherto have been those of a speculator in its embarrassments, through which he has succeeded in amassing a considerable fortune.His first measure has been to lay hands on all the funds in the ports, not excepting the dividends on the English debt, or those due to British subjects in consequence of diplomatic arrangements with Her Majesty's Government.Another act of his, alike indefensible, merit a detailed explanation:- The tariff imposes a duty of 3 per cent. On gold an 6 per cent. On silver coin exported from the republic, which it was the custom to collect in the ports where the shipment must necessarily take place; but Santa Anna, with his accustomed rapacity, chose to assume (and his successors have continued the abuse) that all specie remitted from the interior to the coast was destined for exportation (though a part is notoriously and necessarily sent there for the payment to Government of import and other duties on foreign merchandise), and to exact the payment, at once, in the interior, of export duty on the whole amount, this proceeding being unsupported by any Mexican law. Of course, on the arrival of each remittance of specie from the interior at the ports, a part only being exported, the Government was bound to refund the excess of export duty unduly exacted; but, instead of doing so, they adopted the plan of giving certificates for the amount, admissible in payment of future export duties, and these documents accumulating in the hands of houses on the coast, have fallen to a considerable discount.Thus fat the immediate predecessors of Senor Iturbe have acted both unjustly and illegally, and the complaints of the British Merchants on this subject have, I believe, been made known in the proper quarter.But it was reserved for Senor Iturbe to leave all competitors in the career of injustice at an immeasureable distance, by refusing to receive the export certificates when an opportunity presented of tendering them in payment of export duty paper, most of them British subjects, must be most serious.

By extraordinary efforts of Government, 81 members of the new Congress were collected yesterday, the minimum number fixed by the convocation.They commenced business by electing as president of the body General Don Anastasio Bustamente, and this being quite work enough for one day, the deceased prelate, was an indulgent father of the church, and, if he has gone to his account with few claims to canonization, he has at least left no enemies behind him.
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LT July 10, 1846: 5e Mr. Wyld's map of Mexico

MAP OF MEXICO, &C.- Mr. Wyld, of Charing-cross, a most indefatigable illustrator of the geography of all parts of the globe, has just published a new map of Mexico, the British possessions in North America and the United States.The map is of large dimensions, but folds up and becomes portable as a thin octavo volume; it describes with great accuracy, distinguishingthe different and respective territories by different colours, a portion of the globe from below the 7^th degree of south latitude to the 49^th parallel of north, and from the 45^th meridian of west longitude to the 140^th. The whole of the country included in the immense extent are accurately laid down, the names of towns, rivers, lakes, &c. were engraved, and the various places marked with careful attention to modern improvements in map-making.The boundary lines are shown, and the relative positions of the territory of the three countries.This map is valuable as an illustrative picture of the Oregon and the Mexican questions,and claims to be, and should be, studied by all who wish to know the respective countries.It is remarkably well engraved, showing that this branch of science keeps pace with the increasing speed at which other sciences and other arts progress.
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LT July 10, 1846: 6b US, Mexican war, damage to US merchandise

AMERICA AND MEXICO.
TO THE EDITOR OF THE TIMES.

Sir,-Perceiving from your journal of yesterday, and other newspapers of the day, that there exists generally a strong impression that the war between America and Mexico will be short duration, it affords me, as a lover of peace, sincere gratification to add another and important corroboration of your views, in calling to your notice the fact that the American merchant ships, in consequence of the present state of things, are lying in port idle; no one will freight them on account of the war risk, and as the American mercantile navy may be called the general conveyance company of at lest one half of the globe, it is very evident that all American shipowners must most sincerely wish for peace, and will doubtless force upon the American Executive the necessity for a speedy termination of hostilities.
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LT 7/14/1846 OREGON QUESTION

The honour of ratifying the recent treaty for the settlement of the Oregon boundaries now devolves upon the Minister who denounced in no measured terms the last "capitulation" entered into with the United States; and we have no doubt that Lord Pamerston and the new Administration will at once subscribe to the terms which the American Government has acceded to upon the proposal made by Lord Aberdeen. It is needless to inquire what reception this treaty might have met with from the more active members of the late Opposition at a less fortunate moment, or with what degree of candour Lord Ashburton's treaty was stigmatized as a disgrace to the late Government, whilst the present convention is accepted with the strongest marks of satisfaction by its successors; for we cannot regard the arrangement by which this dispute has been terminated as more favourable to the rights of the British Crown than the terms upon which the north-eastern boundary question was settled in 1842. But it is fortunate for the true credit of English statesmen and the most solid interests of this country and of the United States, that no factious spirit or lust of political contention can interfere in this instance to impugn the wisdom and propriety of a compromise so necessary to the general peace of the world. The treaty signed by Mr. Pakenham, and brought over by General Armstrong, after it had received the ratification of three-fourths of the Senate of the United States, arrives under circumstances which originates in party motives. Each party in the State, and each of the leading statesmen who have been or now are engaged in the conduct of our affairs, has an equal interest in securing the fruits of this pacific termination of an awkward and threatening question; and although Lord Aberdeen has bequeathed to Lord Palmerston on many points the benefits of that temperate and dignified system of foreign policy which has been followed by this Government for the last five years, yet there is no part of this reversion more deservedly prized by the successors of the late Cabinet than the amicable arrangement of our controversy with the United States. That one fact makes an incalculable difference in the prospects of Lord John Russell and his colleagues. The nation looks forward with far greater confidence to the long continuance of peace; and the Oregon question, which has never excited a strong interest in this country, except for it might have had on our relations with America, will soon be as much forgotten by the public as Mr. Pitt's quarrel with Spain in 1790 for the possession of Nootka Sound. Since it became evident that no party warfare would distort or exaggerate merits of the question, the Oregon territory sank in public estimation to the slender importance which really belongs to so remote and uninviting a portion of the globe, and there has been very little disposition to contend for the full amount of abstract right, which we might have urged, since we were persuaded that what we abandoned was not worth a moment's regret, and that what we retained was no great cause to be of any value as hunting-grounds, from the rapid extinction of the animals which are pursued for their furs. The Hudson's Bay Company has always been a great trading establishment, whose agents are distributed over the wildest parts of British North America for the particular purposes of this trade. But they have never attempted to promote emigration, colonization, or the agricultural occupation of the soil upon a large scale. Their forts and stations have been adapted to a different and more limited object. We have always maintained that, under the Treaty of the Escurial and the subsequent conventions with the United States, those forts and stations might be lawfully planted by British subjects in any part of the Oregon country, and they thereupon became to all intents and purposes British. But, at the same time, there is nothin g to prevent a sale or transfer of some of these stations, south of a particular latitude, to the United States for their just value; and probably such a bargain may be equally convenient to the vendor and the purchaser. This idea was thrown out in our own columns several months ago, and long before the terms to be finally proposed by England could have been so readily admitted at Washington, for that is the newest feature in the definitive arrangement. In other respects, the same terms had been repeatedly under discussion. It has been erroneously asserted by some of the American papers, and by one of our contemporaries in this country, that the right of the navigation of the Columbia, conceded to us, is temporary, and limited during the duration of the Hudson's Bay Company in perpetuity; and the existence of that company under the Charter of Charles II. Is itself unlimited.

There is no one, we are confident, either in this kingdom or in America, who will venture to compare the real amount of the sacrifices made on either side with the result which has been obtained. Throughout the United States, where the question had been popularized by every species of information and agitation upon the subject, the news of the termination of the dispute has been received with enthusiasm. The amount of interest which it had excited was such that we read of "Forty-nine democrats," and "Fifty-four forties," as common party distinctions prevailing in the community as much as those of Protectionists and Free-traders at home. Yet,, in spite of this fever, we find that all the popular leaders, who had been driving the country into war with England, were suddenly abandoned by the forces they had endeavoured to rouse and to excite. General Cass, crest-fallen and ridiculous, scarcely dared to show himself in the Senate. Mr. Allen resigns the office of President of the Committee on Foreign Affairs. Mr. Polk himself is compelled to consume his own bluster, and to acquiesce in a treaty which convicts him of arrant and preposterous exaggeration from the moment when his inauguration speech was delivered to the date of the last despatch written by his Secretary of State. Upon the whole, therefore, the agitation got up by the war party has not been beneficial to their prospects. The American Whigs may be in a minority, and their candidate for the Presidency may have been beaten, but their policy has prevailed, for it was responded to by the good sense of the community.

A report of the Secretary of the Treasury has at length been communicated to Congress which discloses to the American people the cost of their late military and naval preparations and of the army which is on its way to the Mexican frontier. We have long been anticipating with some impatience the appearance of this document; and although it naturally exhibits the whole matter in the most favourable light, the real pressure of a war-expenditure, however slight, cannot but exercise a salutary effect on the present disposition of the American people. A war like that with Mexico will leave the maritime commerce of the Union untouched; and this circumstance enables Mr. Polk to rely for increased revenue on that source from which it may be most easily collected--the import duties. By a judicious reduction of certain duties which now impair the revenue by their prohibitive effect, and by the imposition of moderate duties on some foreign articles of general consumption, such as tea and coffee, it is expected that a considerable additional revenue may be raised, without rendering the tariff more protective, and without having recourse to excise duties and to direct taxation. But even these new duties will not be very favourably received by the American people. The excess of estimated expenditure in the army and navy departments over the peace estimates of last year is already nearly 24,000,000 dollars, leaving a deficiency as yet unprovided for of about 19,620,463 dollars.

Allowing, therefore, for the increase of the ordinary revenue, and for an increase of the ordinary revenue, and for an increase of taxation to an amount of 5,000,000 dollars, and for all the other sources of additional revenue to which a Secretary of the Treasury can advert at a moment of pressure, the very lowest sum which remains to be provided for is 12,586,406 dollars; and as no loan can be attempted in any foreign country, the greater part of this sum is to be raised by Treasury notes, bearing not more than 6 per cent interest, and not negotiable below the par value. If the Mexican war be not speedily terminated, this is only the commencement of the burdens it will impose on the American people, without any hope of reimbursement from the impoverished treasury of Mexico; and the mode in which it is proposed to meet this pressure is a significant indication of the extent of Mr. Polk's financial capacity and resources.
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LT 7/14/1846 8A US AND MEXICO

THE UNITED STATES AND MEXICO

The following Message has been sent to the Senate of the United States by the President, in answer to a resolution of the Senate of June 3, 1846, calling for information relative to the mode of raising funds for carrying on the war with Mexico:---

"TO THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES. In answer to the resolution of the Senate of the 3d. inst., I communicate herewith estimates prepared by the War and Navy Departments, of the probable expenses of conducting the existing war with Mexico during the remainder of the present and the whole of the next fiscal year. I communicate, also, a report of the Secretary of the Treasury, based upon these estimates, containing recommendations of measures for raising the additional means required. It is probable that the actual expenses incurred during the period specified may fall considerably below the estimates submitted, which are for a larger number of troops than have yet been called to the field. As a precautionary measure, however, against any possible deficiency, the estimates have been made at the largest amount which any state of the service may require.

"It will be perceived, from the report of the Secretary of the Treasury, that a considerable portion of the additional amount required may be raised by a modification of the rates of duty imposed by the existing tariff laws. The high duties at present levied on many articles totally exclude them from importation, whilst the quantity and amount of others which are imported are greatly diminished. By reducing theses duties to a revenue standard, it is not doubted that a large amount of the articles on which they are imposed would be imported, and corresponding amount of revenue be received at the Treasury from this source. By imposing revenue duties on many articles on which they are imposed would be imported, and a corresponding amount of revenue be received at the Treasury from this source. By imposing revenue duties on many articles now permitted to be imported free of duty, and by regulating the rates within the revenue standard upon others, a large additional revenue will be collected. Independently of the high considerations which induced me, in my annual message, to recommend a modification and reduction of the rates of duty imposed by the act of 1842 as being not only proper in reference to a state of peace, but just to all the great interests of the country, the necessity of such modification and reduction as a war measure must now be manifest. The country requires additional revenue for the prosecution of the war. It may be obtained to a great extent by reducing the prohibitory and highly protective duties imposed by the existing laws to revenue rates, by imposing revenue duties on the free list, and by modifying the rates of duty on other articles.

"The modifications recommended by the Secretary of the Treasury in his annual report in December last were adapted to a state of peace; and the additional duties now suggested by him are with a view strictly to raise revenue as a war measure. At the conclusion of the war these duties may and should be abolished, and reduced to lower rates.

"It is not apprehended that the existing war with Mexico will materially affect our trade and commerce with the rest of the world. On the contrary, the reductions proposed would increase that trade, and augment the revenue derived from it.

"When the country is in a state of war no contingency should be permitted to occur in which there would be a deficiency in the Treasury for the vigorous prosecution of the war; and to guard against such an event it is recommended that contingent authority be given to issue Treasury notes, or to contract a loan for a limited amount, reimbursable at an early day. Should no occasion arise to exercise the power, still it may be important that the authority should exist, should there be a necessity for it.

"It is not deemed necessary to resort to direct taxes or excises--the measures recommended being deemed preferable as a means of increasing the revenue. It is hoped that the war with Mexico, if vigorously prosecuted, as is contemplated, may be of short duration. I shall be at all times ready to conclude an honourable peace, whenever the Mexican Government shall manifest a like disposition. The existing war has been rendered necessary by the acts of Mexico; and whenever that Power shall be ready to do us justice, we shall be prepared to sheathe the sword, and tender to her the olive branch of peace."

"JAMES K. POLK. Washington, June 16"

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LT 7/15/1846 4F US MEXICAN WAR

The last arrival from the United States brings us intelligence from New York down to the 30^th of last month, and from the theatre of war on the Rio Grande down to the 3d ult. The armistice which had been proposed by the Mexican commander and rejected by General Taylor has, in fact, been imposed upon both armies by the circumstances in which they are respectively placed; for, as we had anticipated, the American forces were by no means in a condition to take advantage of their late successes by a rapid. march into the interior of Mexico, and the Mexicans, in the other hand, had neither political authority nor military power to expel the invading army from their territory. The consequence has been that both the belligerents have remained in a state of inaction; and both are looking for reinforcements to sustain the war. These reinforcements will, it is needless to add, only increase the disproportion between the forces brought into the field by the two States; and it is not easy to account for the infatuation or the patriotic ardour which induces Paredes, who appeared to have just secured his own political position in the commonwealth, to risk everything by taking the actual command of an army which has so few chances of victory on its side.

If the accounts which reach us through the American papers are to be believed, the effect of the war has been far more disastrous to the political condition of Mexico than had been anticipated. The approach of an insolent and aggressive enemy, distinguished from the people of Mexico by all the characteristics of religion, of manners, and of blood, might reasonably have been expected to call forth the latent energy of the nation, and incite them to a vigorous and united effort in defence of their national existence. At one time it was believed that war with the United States would be popular in Mexico, and that, in spite of the danger from without, the internal government of the republic would be rather strengthened than weakened by it. These hopes were entirely fallacious. Several of the provinces of Mexico have already shown a disposition to avail themselves of this opportunity to throw off the Federal tie, and to assert a precarious independence. Some of the most influential classes of society appear to indicate their acquiescence in a species of conquest which they begin to think inevitable, and which may at least secure to them the rights of property more effectually than their present worthless and unstable Government. Yucatan has already declared her independence, and the United States have immediately acknowledged it by exempting the coast of that province, and the flag it has assumed, from the operation of the blockade; and opinions favourable to the advance of the Americans are said to be entertained in many parts of the northern provinces of the republic.

This state of things may, however, be changed to a considerable extent, as far as regards the internal dispositions of Mexico, by the restoration of Santa Anna to power--an event which we must now suppose to be by no means improbable.

Its is easy to perceive that the operations of a protracted, unhealthy, expensive, and inglorious war will not long gratify the American democracy, or be popular in the United States. At no distant period the Cabinet of Washington will be as eager to make peace in the midst of its anticipated triumphs as the Cabinet of Mexico under the pressure of defeat; for, if the war be carried on by the United States with superior forces and superior success, it is at the same time far more onerous to the American population than to the ill-paid and irregular forces of the enemy. We may hope, therefore, that both parties will seize the first decent pretext for putting an end to this wanton and absurd quarrel.
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LT 7/15/1846 5A US MEXICAN WAR

AMERICA

ARRIVAL OF THE CALEDONIA
(the following appeared in a second edition of the Times of yesterday:--)

Liverpool, Tuesday Morning

The British and North American Royal Mail Steam-ship Caledonia, Captain Lott, arrived in the Mersey from Boston and Halifax shortly before midnight, bringing a large number of passengers and the usual mails of the 1^st instant from Canada and the United States.

Our accounts from New York by this arrival extend to the 30^th ultimo, inclusive. The contents are of great interest.

From the "Army of Invasion" we learn that Canales with a few men had surrendered Regnosa without resistance to the expedition under Colonel Wilson. Camargo, where General Taylor desired to establish a large military depot, had also capitulated in advance. The army, which according to official accounts amounted on the 3d ult. to nearly 8,000 men, was in good health, the main body being encamped on the right bank of the river Deshas. No authentic intelligence relative to the numbers and position of te Mexican forces in the vicinity had been received. A despatch from General Taylor, dated Matamoras, June 3, however, says--"Our last accounts of Arista represent his force to be halted at Coma, an extensive "hacienda" on the Monterey road, about 100 miles from this point. He has pickets covering the roads leading to Matatmoras, with a biew to cut off all communication with the interior. The departmental authorities have issued a decree denouncing as traitors all who hold intercourse with us, or with those who do so. I am, nevertheless, disposed to believe that in some quarters at least our presence is not unfavourably received." Ampudia is said to have left for the capital. The death of General Torresom is noted.

Important advices had been received from New Mexico. Armigo had been superseded as Governor of Sante Fe by General Urrea, who was taking the most vigorous measures to defend the place, as well as for offensive operations; 2,00 men were under arms; a requisition for 5,000 men had been made upon Chihuahua; a draught of every third man in Santa Fe had been ordered, and fortifications and military preparations of every kind were going on. The Indians were reported to be unfavourable to the Americans, and the Mexicans relied much on their aid. General Urrea had despatched 300 troops to march to Bent's Fort, and to meet Spier's company on the priaries and conduct it into Sante Fe. This company was said to have taken a quantity of arms and ammunition to Santa Fe, and Colonel Kearney had sent a party of Dragoons in pursuit of it. A large portion of the American expedition under Colonel Kearney had already started on its course.

The American journals very generally call for a speedy termination of the war. Some few advocate the policy of despatching an embassy to Mexico, to endeavour at once to restore peace. Public opinion appeared to have settled upon the possession of California in compensation. In some quarters hopes were entertained that the Northern States of Mexico would throw off the central yoke, and erect an independent republic, to be annexed in time to the American Union. According to the Philadelphia north American, indeed, a proposition has already been made at Washington in behalf of a number of the leading inhabitants of the states of Tamaulipas, Chihuahua, and Zacatecas, entreating a cessation of hostilities on the part of the United States, on the ground that being equally aggrieved by the Supreme Government of Mexico, the American Government should be the friends and allies rather than the devastators of the country north of the Tropic. All the educated classes (including many of the priests) are said to be in favour of coming under the government of the United States as a provisional territory.

The proceeding of Congress in the interim since the despatch of our last accounts had been of little importance. Another unsuccessful attempt had been made in the Senate to determine the adjournment of Congress; Messrs. Benton and Julee opposing the motion, on the ground that the period was about to arrive when Congress should legislate for the cities of the Union beyond the Rocky Mountains. The discussion upon the Tariff question continued to progress tamely in the Lower House.

It is stated that Mr. M'Kay had determined to strike at the section imposing duties upon tea and coffee, in consequence of the strong opposition offered to that section of the bill. The Warehousing Hill appeared to be received with general favour. Several military nominations had been made by the President--General Taylor to be Major-General of the Army; Colonels Twiggs and Kearney to be Brigadiers-General; and Colonel Butler to be Major-General of the volunteer forces. Rumours relative to changes in the Cabinet still continued to afloat; and it is said that letters were addressed to Mr. M'Lane by the Great Western re-inviting him to become Secretary of State; other rumours point to Mr. Calhoun. The Washington correspondent of a well-informed journal, the Baltimore Patriot, also states, that Mr. Buchanan's nomination to the Supreme bench had been communicated to the Senate by the President. Mr. King also, it is said, returns from the Parisian Embassy. Mr. Webster's speech of the 24^th, upon the revenue question, and relative to the duty of the State to proffer terms of amity to Mexico, while pursuing the war with all due vigour, had produced a considerable sensation.

The organization of a corps of snappers, miners, and pontoniers, had been commenced.

Rumours of the appearance of privateers in the Atlantic, under the Mexican flag, similar to those received via Jamaica, were current.

The President is said to have ordered General Gaines to be tried by Court-martial.

The Mormons were still threatened with hostilities. Their enemies had collected in force, threatening to burn the temple at Nauvoo, and to expel the sect from Illinois. The State forces sided with the mob. The new German inhabitants of Nauvoo had organized a force 600 strong to resist the anti-Mormons.

Exchange on London is quoted to 107^3/4 to 108.

Our advices from Canada by this mail are unimportant, and do not supply any further information relative to the melancholy catastrophe of the Theatre Royal, Quebec. The Canadian papers seem to be at fault as to the breaking up of the Ministry. Mr. Sherwood has resigned, Mr. Papineau goes out, and Sir Allan M'Nab is to be Adjutant-General. The bark Maria, from London, with 275 men, detachments for several of the regiments serving in Canada, had arrived at Quebec on the 20^th ult., and on the following day, the bark Horatio, also arrived from Cork with nine officers and 154 men, detachments for the 46^th, 52d, 60^th, and 89^th regiments.

Advices from Vera Cruz to the 4^th of June, received via Pensacola, state that the blockading squadron were enjoying good health. The steam-frigate Princeton had arrived on the 1^st. No further intelligence had reached the fleet from the interior. There appeared little doubt, however, but that Paredes designed to take the command of the army operating against General Taylor.

Intelligence had been received at Philadelphia from Tampico to the 18^th ult. Official despatches had arrived at Tampico, announcing that General Arista had been removed from the command of the northern division of the army, and that General Mesia had superseded him. These advices further state that Paredes was to leave the city of Mexico for the Rio Grande, at the head of the army of reserve, on the 6^th of June. Meanwhile the appearances of an approaching revolution were becoming more and more perceptible. Mazatlan had revolted on the 6^th ult. Against the existing Administration, and had issued a pronunciamento in favour of Santa Anna. In Tampico the authorities formed two parties--one headed by General Parrodi, supported by the military, favouring Santa Anna and federalism, the other party supporting the federative principle simply.

The three-gun boats lately built in New York for the Mexican service were lying in the river, above Tampico.

Accounts had been received from Campeachy announcing that the Legislature of Yucatan had formally declared the independence of the department, and its disseverance from the Mexican republic. It was intended to appoint Senor Barbexeno the Acting President to the new state. It is hinted that in time the alliance of the United States will be sought. In consequence of the declaration of independence several Yucatan vessels had cleared for New Orleans and other ports of the American States. The United States brig Somers was at Campeachy on the 4^th ult.
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LT 7/16/1846 4C MEXICAN WAR

Though the file of American papers which we received on Tuesday contained but a small proportion of intelligence sufficiently specific to interest the public, yet the general mass was characterized by one or two points of such importance and singularity as to deserve a few remarks. Whatever may be the truth of the anticipations which we have lately expressed upon the march of political intellect, it is clear that the general aspect of affairs has given rise to analogous sentiments, not only in various countries of Europe, but even in that quarter of the globe where, without disparagement to the good sense of the inhabitants, we might have expected them to have been of somewhat slower growth. What the issue of the rising doctrines may be it remains for futurity to disclose; but this much, at least, is certain,--that in different quarters a profession is simultaneously made of principles of reason vastly unlike those dignified with the same title sixty years since, and that these principles are exemplified by practice to an extent not inconsiderable. It is proclaimed without reserve or denial, that the amity and intercourse of nations should not depend upon the caprices or conclusions of an individual or a cabinet; that an appeal to arms among civilized people is generally as unnecessary as it is disgraceful and destructive; and that the efforts of a Legislature should be combined for the good of the country, and not divided or consumed in struggles for ascendancy, or measures of retaliation.

In the United States the war movement was suggested by recollections of the past, it was not seriously counteracted by experience of the present, and it was artfully stimulated by representations of the future. And, in addition to these important aids, it was supported by the whole strength of the supreme executive power. Yet, notwithstanding all this, it has been shown, beyond a doubt, that the vast majority of the American people were not only heartily rejoiced at the peaceable settlement of the differences with ourselves, but that many of them are also conscientiously desirous of an arrangement with that far weaker and more tempting state with which hostilities have actually commenced. Making allowance for a little pardonable assumption, the tone of the leading columns of many of the best of the American journals is extremely creditable to the public and to themselves. Though the helplessness of Mexico is abundantly clear, though the call for volunteers has been answered with such alacrity as to leave only the difficulty of rejecting without offence the excessive influx of reinforcements, yet the rumoured mediation of Great Britain is contemplated with approval, and the continuance of the war is deprecated in many of the papers from more honourable motives than the consideration of its expense and difficulty.

Nor does it admit of a question that the great commercial measure of the last session has been most influential in promoting these sentiments. At what expense, or with what concurrent advantage to ourselves, we have achieved this end, remains to be seen. But that the repeal of our Corn Laws has been accepted by foreign nations as an earnest of good will to all, as an example of legislative advancement, and as a pattern for study and imitation, the publication of the various correspondence in our pages, from time to time, must have placed beyond the shadow of a doubt.

To say that the last two centuries have each produced their successive developments of "new eras," which have as rapidly dissolved into the uniform current of the times, would be but true enough; but each, perhaps, has left some fragment of improvement to well the general stock. That we are going to be wise and peaceable, and united, with such miraculous suddenness is hardly to be hoped for. But if the principles we speak of such intrinsic truth as we believe them to be,--if the commercial intercourse of nations, in proportion as it is facilitated, will not only diffuse the enjoyments of plenty, but secure the blessings of peace,--if the amelioration of the social states of the people is of infinitely higher value than the traditionary policy of a party,--if the common enemy of a nation, as embodied in the poverty, the ignorance, and the distress of the larger half of it, should be an object of legislation paramount to the ambition, the cupidity, or the resentments of any body of men,--if all these propositions are essentially and immutably true, their establishment must inevitably, sooner or later, follow their discussion. The expedients of cajolement, of disappointment, or of procrastination will be but temporary. It is something to see that abuses which, a quarter of a century ago, were considered as integral parts of the constitution, are now only justified on the plea of lingering necessity. And before even that "necessity" can be allowed to excuse their retention or their practice in the present day, it must be shown to arise from some source more admissible than official ambition or personal hostility.
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LT 7/20/1846 7f US, STANDING ARMY IN

THE STANDING ARMY OF THE UNITED STATES--In many parts of Europe, and particularly in England, the most erroneous ideas prevail in relation to the military strength of this country. An opinion is prevalent that our standing army being so small, for the first two or three years of a war with any powerful nation, we should suffer defeat after defeat; and that consequently it would be madness for us to engage in war, at least with any strong European power. The events of the last two months have shown conclusively that this opinion is, in fact, founded in ignorance of our real strength and resources, and that the first speck of war on our horizon is sufficient to call forth into full play all the latent energies of the American people. This erroneous impression arises from the fact that our standing army does not amount to over 8,000 men. The people of Europe are not aware that this force forms but the nucleus of an army of citizen soldiers, that could be numbered by the million; and how much soever we may regret the occasion of the Mexican war, yet it may be considered as not altogether unfortunate, as indicating what a force the United States can bring into the field at so short a notice. When the requisition for troops was first made upon the Governor of Louisiana, it was imagined that it would be necessary to resort to a draught to procure the required number. At that time the people of Louisiana did not believe in the existence of war with the Mexicans. They had such a contemptuous opinion of their army, that they thought the handful of men in General Taylor's camp amply sufficient to maintain the occupation of the Rio Grande, as they had no expectation that the Mexicans would attempt offensive measures. But no sooner was it known that it was no sham war, and that they would have an opportunity of meeting the enemy, than thousands volunteered their services, not only in Louisiana, but all over the country. The number required by the President from the several States is 50,000, and more than double that number, according to the best calculation, have already volunteered. In Louisiana nearly a thousand mounted gunmen, who had volunteered, have been disbanded, as there is no need of their services. The state has already sent six regiments to the seat of war, and those two regiments were mustered in two weeks. In Alabama several companies more than were necessary volunteered their services, and the order to remain at home caused a great deal of disappointment among them. That state will probably have sent between 2,000 and 3,000 men to the seat of war. In Mississippi more volunteer companies have been raised than can be mustered into service. It will probably send 2,000 men to the field. In Tennessee double as many men have volunteered as were required to fill up the quota demanded of the state. In one division of the state 13 companies tendered their services when only three were wanted, and the choice had to be made by ballot; those who were so fortunate as to be chosen receiving the announcement with shouts of joy. In Kentucky the two regiments required by the Government, were filled up by the 26^th of May, and the governor was obliged to issue his proclamation to put a stop to the volunteering. The greatest disappointment prevails among those who were not mustered into service. 10,000 men could have been mustered in Kentucky in a few days, if necessary, of troops that are not surpassed by any in the world. In Missouri the complement called for was in progress of formation, the only difficulty being to choose from the numbers offering themselves. One thousand mounted men were required for a descent on Sante Fe, and by the last accounts there was more than half that number mustered. This is the spirit that prevails over the entire Western country. Several members of Congress have left the seat of Government and started for the West, to enroll men and proceed to Mexico. Ohio, the greatest abolition state in the union, was the first to fill up the complement called for by the President, and the same spirit prevails among the New England States, that were most violently to the annexation of Texas. New York and all the Atlantic States are pouring out thousands and tens of Thousands, and there are many companies that will not be restrained from going to the scene of action, whether their services are accepted by Government or not. The volunteers are fitted to make excellent soldiers. They are well drilled and disciplined, and they have, withal, a national and state pride that will make them as efficient troops as any in the world. When men in flourishing business, upon the first indication that their services are needed by their country, sell out their stock, equip themselves for a campaign, and enlist as common soldiers, as has happened in many instances, they must by actuated by some motives stronger than the desire to appear in regimentals. Such men, fighting for their country, are worth hundreds of mercenary troops. The citizens of foreign birth have not been at all inferior in ardour and patriotism to the natives of the soil. In Ohio there is an entire regiment of Germans, numbering 900 men, and in every State in the Union the Irish and German companies are among the first to offer their services. There is no doubt as to the efficiency of these foreign companies. Their national pride, as well as their devotion to their adopted country, will make them signalize themselves in the field, and indeed they have always done so. From present appearances, if the muster were to continue, we could, in six months, bring into the field an available force of 750,000 men, and of such troops, as for valour, discipline, and endurance, will compare with any in the world. This is an army greater than ever Eastern monarchs brought into the field, and one that could withstand the combined armies of all Europe. This force could be increased from time to time to any extent. Such an army actuated by feelings of patriotism and glory, and withal brave and intelligent, would be such a sight as the world has never seen. But we trust the occasion that would call together such a force is far distant. The best policy of every country is peace, and we hope that the harmonious relations that now exist between this country and all the nations of Europe will long remain undisturbed. Indeed, there is every indication at present of a lasting peace; but we deem it, nevertheless, well to show what the United States are capable of, should any occasion arise to call forth the latent energies of the nation. Our present brush with Mexico is a slight indication of what those energies are when called into play.--New York Herald.
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LT 7/20/1846 8F US and Mexico

The United States and Mexico

(From the New York Herald.)

One of the most important movements of the day is the contemplated expedition to California. This expedition will consist of a force of 2,000 young men, selected from the best class of mechanics and labourers of the middle and eastern states, and will go in the capacity of soldier and emigrant.

They are to be fully officered and equipped, and receive the full pay of the United States volunteers, so long as their services may be required by the General Government in their war with Mexico, at the close of which they are to be discharged, each receiving 320 acres of land in California, on which they are bound to settle. This is certainly a wise and judicious movement of the Administration, and appears to meet the approbation of all interests; and its popularity among the class of men required is evident from the fact that a large number, even before the preliminary arrangements are made, have signified their desire to join this political crusade.

One or two vessels, we learn, are about being sent to the same destination, freighted with stores, small arms, and ammunition, together with a very large number of heavy pieces of ordnance, more than half of which are 60 and 120 pound Paixhans guns.

Its is stated that the United States' ship of the line Pennsylvania, 120 guns, and the North Carolina and Ohio, rated as 74's, but each carrying 100 guns, are ordered to be fitted immediately for sea; but what is to be their destination is as yet a secret of the Administration.

True it is, there never has been so much activity in our several navy yards as at this moment, where there are between 3,000 and 4,000 mechanics and labourers most actively engaged in putting things to rights. These movements, we had supposed, would cease after the settlement of the Oregon question; but the same secret energy and activity continues now that existed for some time previous to the profitable arrangement with us of that question. Mr. Benton asserted that the 49^th parallel was the fighting line for us, and on that line the Government evidently intended to "drive stakes;" but what the move now is more than has been allowed to see the light. Something is evidently in the wind. The probability is, if we mistake not, that the President will make good his assertion in his annual message, that "no European Power would be permitted to interfere with the political affairs of this continent."

General Taylor is probably at this moment at the head of an army of 12,000 men, on his way to Monterey. Instead of opposition, the gates of Mexican towns are flung open for the reception of his forces. The enemy may concentrate and give him battle at Monterey, though the General himself thinks there will be no decided engagement until he reaches the city of Mexico.

Colonel Kearney is pushing on his western forces for Santa Fe, which is being strongly fortified by the Mexicans. The force concentrating there will number probably 8,000 or 10,000, under the command of General Wool, who, after overrunning New Mexico, will join his forces with those under General Taylor, and march for the Capital. Nothing can save the existence of the republic of Mexico but early proffers of peace, made in good faith.

Yucatan, one of the best states of the Republic, has declared herself independent, and is anxious to blend her stars with those of the "republic of the north." The voice of her people must decide. From all appearances this war cannot long continue. The well-timed and energetic action of the Administration, and the sagacity and bravery of General Taylor and his brave little army, have evidently carried dismay into the enemy's country, and we may say that Mexico is, in fact, at this moment in possession of the United States.

Where we would ask, is M. Guizot's balance of power? [PTH]

LT 7/22/1846 5D US, MEXICAN AFFAIRS

MEXICAN AFFAIRS

(FROM THE NEW ORLEANS PICAYUNE)

The United States sloop of war Falmouth arrived at Pensacola on the evening of the 19^th inst. from off Vera Cruz, whence she sailed on the 4^th inst.

The United States steam frigate Princeton had arrived off Vera Cruz and, with the frigate Raritan, was maintaining the blockade of the port. The health of the crews of both vessels was excellent, although the vomito was raging in the city of Vera Cruz.

The Falmouth left at Vera Cruz the British brig of war Rose, and the French bark La Perouse and brig Le Mecure.

The fate of the bark Eugenia, Captain Biscoe, from New York--which vessel, it will be recollected, ran the blockade--was uncertain. Instructions for disposing of her had been sought from the capital. Some were disposed to seize and burn her, though subsequently a disposition was manifested to let her off "scot free," in consideration of her saucy defiance of the American squadron.

Our news from the city of Mexico is later than we gave on Sunday. We are informed that the Mexican Congress was finally organized on the 1^st inst., but we do not learn whether a legal quorum was obtained. The reader will recall that when Mr. Dimond, our late Consul at Vera Cruz, left, on the 30^th ult., he was decidedly of opinion that a quorum could not legally be obtained, and such appears to have been the case down to the evening of the 30^th.

General Paredes has at last determined to leave the capital and take the command of the army of the frontier. The result of the actions of the 8^th and 9^th of May is said to have made upon him a profound impression. We detect in the tone of the papers which comment upon those actions direct attempts to palliate the extent of the disasters, intended for the Provisional President rather than the public. But Pareded would seem to appreciate the full extent of the calamity, and perhaps he judges rightly that the most certain means to confirm his power in the Republic is to retrieve in person the honours lost at Palo Alto and Resaca de la Palma. He was to leave the capital on the 6^th inst., at the head of 3,000 troops, but orders had been issued that large bodies should join him at the different points on the line of march, so that his entire force, including Arista's command, should not fall short of 16,000 men.

Although we have now received intelligence by way of Havannah and Tampico, and by the Falmouth, that Paredes would certainly take the command of the army in person, yet there was an impression prevalent among men of sagacity in Vera Cruz, when the Falmouth left, that he would not and could not venture to leave the city of Mexico during the session of congress. It is said that nearly one half of the country is in open revolt. The news received here a fortnight since of the revolt at Mazatlan is confirmed, and, as we then anticipated, Sonora is now in state of rebellion against the Central Government.

So ripe for revolution is the department of Vera Cruz, that upon the departure of the Falmouth it was said there were 1,500 men outside the city of Vera Cruz ready to attack it at any moment, upon the signal being given. Some of the guns had actually been removed from the Castle of San Juan de Ulloa, and placed around the city for its defence, and troops had been withdrawn from the castle for the same purpose.

The intelligence received from Tampico on Sunday shows how that city was rent by internal dissensions, and in considering the deplorable state of the country in every quarter and under every aspect, it would by no means surprise us were Paredes compelled to forego his cherished purpose of placing himself at the head of the Mexican Army. But suppose he carries his resolution into effect, what better fate awaits him at the hands of General Taylor and our troops? Truly his chances from every point of view appear desperate.

To illustrate the treachery of General Alvarez towards Paredes, the story is circulated at Vera Cruz that the former, who had the command of the forces at Mazatlan, was supplied with 1,500,000 dollars with which to act against the America squadron in the Pacific. No sooner had Alvarez obtained the funds than he pronounced against Paredes, kept all the money, and even sold the cannon in the forts.

The British brig Reliance, Captain Doane, arrived at this port yesterday from Tampico, having sailed on the 5^th inst. The Reliance was chartered at Liverpool to proceed to Tampico, and thence to Tobasco, to take in a cargo of cork. She was prevented from performing her voyage by the blocking squadron, and left Tampico on the 5^th in company with several vessels previously reported at Tampico, the time allowed by the terms of the blockade for loading and departing having expired.

We received yesterday a copy of EL Locomotor, of Vera Cruz, of the 8^th inst., which is four days later than any advices received by the Falmouth. The news is important.

A revolution had broken out in the department of Jalisco. It commenced on the morning of the 20^th of May in the city of Guadalaxara. The battalion of Logos, followed by other bodies of military and by the enthusiastic populace, attacked the palace of the Governor.

The assault of the insurgents was so prompt, that the guard had only time to make one discharge, by which one man was killed and one wounded.

Some of the defenders recognized friends among the assailants, and refused to fire. The disaffection then became general, and some of the leaders of the Government troops were arrested to save them from the fury of the insurgents. Some skirmishing ensued, and preparations were making for a general engagemens, when General Dugue, who had taken command of the government troops, proposed a parley. This was agreed to, and the result of the deliberation was that the troops under General Dugue shold be allowed to retire with the honours of war, by a route designed by them, directly to the city of Mexico. Provisions were given them, and they were allowed till the 22d to prepare for their departure.

Don Jose Maria Yanez was at the head of the insurrection. A formal declaration was drawn up by the insurgents, proclaiming Santa Anna their Chief, and declaring that a new Congress should be summoned to be elected by the people, according to the electoral laws of 1824, to form a new Constitution, in which the monarchical principle is to be excluded.

It also provides that the Congress should meet four months after the liberating army shall gain possession of the capital. Don Juan Camplido is recognized as Provisional Governor of the Department, and his oath includes the repulsing of the infamous usurpation of the Americans.
[PTH]

LT 7/31/1846 3C MEXICAN SOLDIERS, VOLUNTEERS

VOLUNTEERS FO MEXICO--The volunteers in Mexico find army work no sport. One of them writing from Point Isabel, says:--"from Berita we were marched about 18 miles from 9 or 10 o'clock in the morning till 4 or 5 in the evening, under the hottest sun I ever felt. One of our men, Dreyfous, was sun struck, several left the ranks, and when at evening we halted we found only half of our company with the captain and lieutenants, and not one non-commissioned officer. Our men rested once more on the banks of the Rio Grande, and the next day we started for Matamoras, where we saw the American flag waving. We have crossed the river, and are now encamped near the garden of some rich Mexican, whose house has been destroyed by our artillery. The climate is very hot, but as yet healthy. In the garden grow thousands of pomegranates, and oranges, and lemons, &c. Marching through the Chaparral, we saw geraniums growing wild, an infinite variety of cactus in full bloom. The pepper cayenne grows wild in this luxuriant land. Lest I should seem only to see the favourable side of the picture, I must inform you that this country has a greater number and greater variety of insects, of all kinds, than I ever saw in all my life before,--ants, lizards, worms, and black spiders, said to be as poisonous as the rattle-snake. I killed one in my tent last night. But worst of all are the flies that swarm about us. For the first time in my life I have seen fresh meat fly blown in a few minutes. Our chaplain's horse was galled on his side yesterday morning; the poor creature was on the injured side a mass of maggots. A man of the camp went a hunting; he returned almost crazy, he was fly blown in the ear. Another soldier has suffered in the same way. Woollen blankets are fly blown. The wild horses in this part of the country always die when attacked by the flies.-- Lexington True American. [PTH]

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The Mexican-American War and the Media, 1845-1848

The information on this site is intended for personal, non-profit, and/or educational purposes only.

©2005 Linda Arnold