The Mexican-American War and the Media, 1845-1848

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London Times

January - December 1845 January - July 1846 August - December 1846 January - July 1847 August - December 1847 January - December 1848

January - December 1845


Year/Month/Day Page/Column subject

LT 1845/1/2 3e Annexation of Texas, bill on conditions

LT 1845/1/2 4a Annexation of Texas and the new President's message

LT 1845/1/8 6a Mr. Polk and his policy

LT 1845/1/11 6f Mexico, miscellaneous news

LT 1845/1/14 4a President's message

LT 1845/1/15 6a Mexico, affairs of

LT 1845/1/23 5e American boundary question

1845/1/28 7a United Mexican Mining Company [no entry found]

LT 1845/1/31 4a Texas and the Oregon question

LT 1845/2/1 8f Mexico, revolution in

LT 1845/2/13 Mexico, revolution in, opinion

LT 1845/2/14 7e Mexico, revolution in

LT 1845/3/8 6e California, no entry found

LT 1845/3/22 4b Annexation of Texas

LT 1845/3/25 5b Mexico, Trial of Santa Anna before the House of congress

LT 1845/3/27 4a Consent of Congress to Annexation

LT 1845/3/27 4a Annexation of Texas

LT 1845/3/27 5b Inauguration of Mr. Polk, the new president

LT 1845/3/28 4a France and the new president of the United States

LT 1845/3/29 3f Mexico, revolution in

LT 1845/3/31 4a Oregon Territory

LT 1845/4/10 5f US, Mexican ministers demands his passport and leaves

LT 1845/4/10 5f US and Mexico, miscellaneous news

LT 1845/4/10 6a Oregon Territory

LT 1845/4/14 5d Gen. Almonte's protest against the US

LT 1845/4/14 6a Mexico and Texas

LT 1845/4/14 6b Mexico, revolution in

1845/4/15 5d Annexation of Texas

LT 1845/4/17 8f The United States and Mexico

LT 1845/5/1 7b War condition of the US

LT 1845/5/2 4f Annexation of Texas

LT 1845/5/9 8f Mexico and Texas

LT 1845/5/15 5f Protest of Mexico against annexation of Texas

LT 1845/6/2/ 5f Annexation of Texas affirmed

LT 1845/6/4 6e Mexico, miscellaneous news

LT 1845/6/6 6b Mexican debt

LT 1845/6/6 8f US Oregon declaration

LT 1845/6/28 6b Mexican finances

LT 1845/7/1 6a Mexican debt of Messrs. Lizardi & Co.

LT 1845/7/2 7c Mexican bonds

LT 1845/7/3 6a Mexican bonds

LT 1845/7/5 5b Mexico, affairs of

LT 1845/7/7 4b Mexico

LT 1845/7/16 7f US and annexation of Texas

LT 1845/7/19 7a Mexican debt of Messrs. Lizardi & Co.

LT 1845/7/30 5b US and annexation of Texas

LT 1845/7/30 6d Mexican bonds

LT 1845/7/31 4f Annexation of Texas

LT 1845/7/31 7a United Mexican Mining Association

LT 1845/8/1 6d US and annexation of Texas

LT 1845/8/2 8f US and annexing principle

LT 1845/8/4 4f US and annexation of Texas

LT 1845/8/5 6a Mexico, state of the navy

LT 18458/6 6b Mexico, affairs of

LT 1845/8/12 4a Annexation of Texas

LT 1845/8/12 5a Mexico, declares war against the US

LT 1845/8/13 6c US and annexation of Texas, notes on

LT 1845/8/18 6a US and annexation of Texas, notes on

LT 1845/8/20 4c Annexation of Texas

LT 1845/8/29 5c US and Mexico

LT 1845/9/1 4a Mexico and the United States of America

LT 1845/9/9 6e Mexico, affairs of

LT 1845/9/10 5e Mexico

LT 1845/9/19 7f US and annexation of Texas, notes on

LT 1845/10/1 5e Oregon question

LT 1845/10/6 5e America, Mexican Affairs

LT 1845/10/6 5d Mexico, new ministry

LT 1845/10/6 5f Mexico, affairs of

LT 1845/10/14 5a Mexico

LT 1845 /10/15 6e US and Mexico

LT 1845/10/17 7d Mexico and California

LT 1845/10/29 6b Mexico, affairs of

LT 1845/11/11 6a Mexico, affairs of

LT 1845/11/24 4a Oregon question

LT 1845/11/26 4b Oregon question

LT 1845/12/1 6a Mexico, affairs of

LT 1845/12/6 5b Mexico, affairs of

LT 1845/12/6 5e Mexico, affairs of

LT 1845/12/17 Mexican Affairs

LT 1845/12/17 5a US and Oregon question

LT 1845/12/27 4c Oregon question

LT 1845/12/30 3a US and the French press

LT 1845/12/30 4a Diplomatic correspondence with the US

LT 1845/12/30 6f US, report of the Secretary of War


Mr. Calhoun to Mr. King

Department of State, Washington, August 12, 1844.

Sir, - I have laid your dispatch No. 1 before the President, who instructs me to make known to you that he has read it with much pleasure, especially the portion which relates to your cordial reception by the King, and his assurance of friendly feelings towards the United States. The President in particular highly appreciates the declaration of the King, that in no event would any steps be taken by his Government in the slightest degree hostile or which would give to the United States just cause of complaint. It was the more gratifying from the fact that our previous information was calculated to make the impression, that the Government of France was prepared to unite with Great Britain in a joint protest against the annexation of Texas, and a joint effort to induce her Government to withdraw the proposition to annex, on condition that Mexico should be made to acknowledge her independence. He is happy to infer from your despatch that the information, as far as it relates to France, is, in all probability, without foundation. You did not go further than you ought in assuring the King that the object of annexation would be pursued with unabated vigor, and in giving your opinion that a decided majority of the American people were in its favour, and that it would certainly be annexed at no distant day. I feel confident that your anticipation will be fully realized at no distant period. Every day will tend to weaken that combination of political causes which led to the opposition to the measure, and to strengthen the conviction that it was not only expedient, but just and necessary.

You were right in making the distinction between the interests of France and England in reference to Texas - or rather, I would say, the apparent interests of the two countries. France cannot possibly have any other than commercial interests in desiring to see her preserve her separate independence; while, it is certain, England looks beyond, to political interests, to which she apparently attaches much importance. But, in our opinion, the interest of both against the measure is more apparent than real; and that neither France, England, nor even Mexico herself, has any in opposition to it, when the subject is fairly viewed and considered in its whole extent and in all its bearings. Thus viewed and considered, and assuming that peace, the extension of commerce, and security are objects of primary policy with them, it may, as it seems to me, be readily shown that the policy on the part of these Powers which would acquiesce in a measure so strongly desired by both the United States and Texas, for their mutual welfare and safety, as the annexation of the latter to the former, would be far more promotive of these great objects than that which would attempt to resist it.

It is impossible to cast a look at the map of the United States and Texas, and to note the long, artificial, and inconvenient line which divides them, and then to take into consideration the extraordinary increase of population and growth of the former, and the source from which the latter must derive its inhabitants, institutions, and laws, without coming to the conclusion that it is their destiny to be united, and, of course, that annexation is merely a question of time and mode. Thus regarded, the question to be decided would seem to be, whether it would not be better to permit it to be done now, with the mutual consent of both parties, and the acquiescence of these Powers, than to attempt to resist and defeat it. If the former course be adopted, the certain fruits would be the preservation of peace, great extension of commerce by the rapid settlement and improvement of Texas, and increased security, especially to Mexico. The last, in reference to Mexico, may be doubted; but I hold it not less clear than the other two.

It would be a great mistake to suppose that thus Government has any hostile feelings towards Mexico, or any disposition to aggrandize herself at her expense - the fact is the very reverse. It wishes her well, and desires to see her settled down in peace and security; and is prepared, in the event of the annexation of Texas, if not forced into conflict with her, to propose to settle with her the question of boundary and all others growing out of the annexation on the most liberal terms. Nature herself has clearly marked the boundary between her and Texas, by natural limits too strong to be mistaken. There are few countries whose limits are so distinctly marked; and it would be our desire, if Texas should be united to us, to see them firmly established, as the most certain means of establishing permanent peace between the two countries, and strengthening and cementing their friendship. Such would be the certain consequence of permitting the annexation to take place now, with the acquiescence of Mexico; but very different would be the case if it should be attempted to resist and defeat it, whether the attempt should be successful for the present or not. Any attempt of the kind would not improbably lead to a conflict between us and Mexico, and involve consequences, in reference to her and the general peace, long to be deplored on all sides and difficult to be repaired. But, should that not be the case, and the interference of another Power defeat the annexation for the present, without the interruption of peace, it would but postpone the conflict, and render it more fierce and bloody whenever it might occur. Its defeat would be attributed to enmity and ambition on the part of the Power by whose interference it was occasioned, and excite deep jealousy and resentment on the part of our people, who would be ready to seize the first favourable opportunity to effect by force what was prevented from being done peaceably by mutual consent. It is not difficult to see how greatly such a conflict, come when it might, would endanger the general peace, and how much Mexico might be the loser by it.

In the meantime, the condition of Texas would be rendered uncertain, her settlement and prosperity in consequence retarded, and her commerce crippled, while the general peace would be rendered much more insecure. It could not but greatly affect us. If the annexation of Texas should be permitted to take place peaceably now (as it would, without the interference of other Powers) the energies of our people would, for a long time to come, be directed to the peaceable pursuits of redeeming and bringing within the pale of cultivation, improvement, and civilization, that large portion of the continent lying between Mexico on one side, and the British possessions on the other, which is now, with little exception, a wilderness, with a spare population, consisting, for the most part, of wandering Indian tribes.

It is our destiny to occupy that vast region; to intersect it with roads and canals; to fill it with cities, towns, villages, and farms; to extend over it out religion, customs, constitution, and laws; and to present it as a peaceful and splendid addition to the domains of commerce and civilization. It is our policy to increase, by growing and spreading out into unoccupied regions, assimilating all we incorporate; in a word, to increase by accretion and not through conquest - by the addition of masses held together by the cohesion of force. No system can be more unsuited to the latter process or better adapted to the former than our admirable federal system. If it should not be resisted in its course, it will, probably, fulfil its destiny without disturbing our neighbours or putting in jeopardy the general peace; but if it be opposed by foreign interference, a new direction would be given to our energy, much less favourable to harmony with our neighbours and to the general peace of the world.

The change would undesirable to us, and much less in accordance with what I have assumed to be primary objects of policy on the part of France, England, and Mexico.

But, to descend to particulars: it is certain that while England, like France, desires the independence of Texas, with the view to commercial connexions, it is not less so, that one of the leading motives for England desiring it is the hope that through her diplomacy and influence negro slavery may be abolished there, and ultimately, by consequence, in the United States, and throughout the whole continent. That its ultimate abolition throughout the entire continent is an object ardently desired by her, we have decisive proof in the declaration of the Earl of Aberdeen, delivered to this department, and in which you will find a copy among the documents transmitted to Congress with the Texan treaty. That she desires its abolition in Texas, and has used her influence and diplomacy to effect it there, the same document, with the correspondence of this department with Mr. Pakenham, also to be found among the documents, furnishes proof not less conclusive. That one of the objects of abolishing it there is to facilitate its abolition in the United States, and throughout the continent, is manifest from the declaration of the abolition party and societies, both in this country and in England. In fact, there is good reason to believe that the scheme of abolishing it in Texas, with the view to its abolition in the United States and over the continent, originated with the prominent members of the party in the United States; and was first broached by them in the (so called) World's Convention, held in London in the year 1840, and through its agency brought to the notice of the British Government.

Now, I hold not only that France can have no interest in the consummation of this grand scheme which England hopes to accomplish through Texas, if she can defeat the annexation; but that her interest, and those of all the continental Powers of Europe, are directly and deeply opposed to it.

It is to late in the day to contend that humanity or philanthropy is the great object of the policy of England in attempting to abolish African slavery on this continent. I do not question but humanity may have been one of her leading motives for the abolition of the African slave trade, and that it may have had a considerable influence in abolishing slavery in her West Indian possessions - aided, indeed, by the fallacious calculation that the labour of the negroes would be at least as profitable, if not more so, in consequence of this measure. She acted on the principle that tropical products can be produced cheaper by free African labour and East Indian labour than by slave labour. She knew full well the value of such products to her commerce, navigation, navy, manufactures, revenue, and power. She was not ignorant that the support of her political preponderance depended on her tropical possessions, and had no intention of diminishing their productiveness, nor any anticipation that such would be the effect when the scheme of abolishing slavery in her colonial possessions was adopted. On the contrary, she calculated to combine philanthropy with profit and power, as is not unusual with fanaticism. Experience has convinced her of the fallacy of her calculations. She has failed in all her objects. The labour of her negroes has proved far less productive, without affording the consolation of having improved their condition.

The experiment has turned out to be a costly one. She expended nearly $1000,00,000 in indemnifying the owners of the emancipated slaves. It is estimated that the increased price paid since, by the people of Great Britain, for sugar and other tropical productions, in consequence of the measure, is equal to half that sum; and that twice that amount has been expended in the suppression of the slave trade; making together $250,000,000 as the cost of the experiment. Instead of realizing her hope, the result has been a sad disappointment. Her tropical products have fallen off to a vast amount. Instead of supplying her own wants and those of nearly all Europe with them, as formerly, she has now, in some of the most important articles, scarcely enough to supply her own. What is worse, her own colonies are actually consuming sugar produced by slave labour, brought direct to England, or refined in bond, and exported and sold in her colonies, as cheap or cheaper than they can be produced there; while the slave trade, instead of diminishing, has been in fact carried on to a greater extent than ever. So disastrous has been the result, that her fixed capital vested in tropical possessions, estimated at nearly $500,000,000, is said to stand on the brink of ruin.

But this is not the worst. While this costly scheme has had such ruinous effects on the tropical productions of Great Britain, it has given a powerful stimulus, followed by a corresponding increase of products, to those countries which have had the good sense to shun her example. There has been vested, it is estimated by them, in the production of tropical products, since 1808, in fixed capital, nearly $4,000,000,000, wholly dependent on slave labour. In the same period the value of their products has been estimated to have risen from about $72,000,000 annually to nearly $220,000,000; while the whole of the fixed capital of Great Britain vested in cultivating tropical products, both in the East and West Indies, is estimated at only about $830,000,000, and the value of the products annually at about $50,000,000. To present a still more striking view of three articles of tropical products (sugar, coffee, and cotton), the British possessions, including the West and East Indies and Mauritius, produced, in 1842, of sugar only 3,993,771lb., while Cuba, Brazil, and the United States, excluding other countries having tropical possessions, produced 9,600,000lb.; of coffee the British possessions produced only 27,393,003, while Cuba and Brazil produced 201,590,125lb.; and of cotton, the British possessions, including shipments to China, only 137,443,446lb., while the United States alone produced 790,479,275lb.

The above facts and estimates have all been drawn from a British periodical of high standing and authority, and are believed to be entitled to credit.

This vast increase of the capital and production on the part of those nations who have continued their former policy towards the negro race, compared with that of Great Britain, indicates a corresponding relative increase of the means of commerce, navigation, manufactures, wealth, and power. It is no longer a question of doubt, that the great source of the wealth, prosperity, and power of the more civilized nations of the temperate zone (especially Europe, where the arts have made the greatest advance) depends, in a great degree, on the exchange of their products with those of the tropical regions. So great has been the advance made in the arts, both chymical and mechanical, within the last few generations, that all the old civilized nations can, with but a small part of their labour and capital, supply their respective wants, which tends to limit within narrow bounds the amount of the commerce between them, and forces them all to seek for markets in the tropical regions and the more newly settled portions of the globe. Those who can best succeed in commanding those markets have the best prospect of outstripping the others in the career of commerce, navigation, manufactures, wealth, and power.

This is seen and felt by British statesmen, and has opened their eyes to the errors which they have committed. The question now with them is, how shall it be counteracted ? What has been done cannot be undone. The question is, by what means can Great Britain regain and keep a superiority in tropical cultivation, commerce, and influence ? Or, shall that be abandoned, and other nations be suffered to acquire the supremacy, even to the extent of supplying British markets, to the destruction of the capital already vested in their production ? These are the questions which now profoundly occupy the attention of her statesmen, and have the greatest influence over her councils.

In order to regain her superiority she not only seeks to revive and increase her own capacity to produce tropical productions, but to diminish and destroy the capacity of those who have so far outstripped her in consequence of her error. In pursuit of the former, she has cast her eyes to her East India possessions - to central and eastern Africa - with the view of establishing colonies there, and even to restore, substantially, the slave trade itself, under the specious name of transporting free slave labourers from Africa to her West India possessions, in order, if possible, to compete successfully with those who have refused to follow her suicidal policy. But these all afford but uncertain and distant hopes of recovering her lost superiority. Her main reliance is on the other alternative - to cripple or destroy the productions of her successful rivals. There is but one way by which it can be done, and that is by abolishing African slavery throughout this continent; and that she openly avows to be the constant object of her policy and exertions. It matters not how or from what motive it may be done - whether it may be by diplomacy, influence, or force; by ecret or open means; and whether the motive be humane or selfish, without regard to manner, means, or motive. The thing itself, should it be accomplished, would put down all rivalry, and give her the undisputed supremacy in supplying her own wants and those of the rest of the world; and thereby more than fully retrieve what she has lost by her own errors. It would give her the monopoly of tropical productions, which I shall next proceed to show.

What would be the consequence if this object of her unceasing solicitude and exertions should be effected by the abolition of negro slavery throughout this continent, some idea may be formed from the immense diminution of productions, as has been shown, which has followed abolition in her West India possessions. But, as great as that has been, it is nothing compared to what would be the effect if she should succeed in abolishing slavery in the United States, Cuba, Brazil, and throughout this continent. The experiment in her own colonies was made under the most favorable circumstances. It was brought about gradually and peaceably, by the steady and firm operation of the parent country, armed with complete power to prevent or crush at once all insurrectionary movements on the part of the negroes, and able and disposed to maintain to the full the political and social ascendancy of the former masters over their former slaves. It is no at all wonderful that the change of the relations of master and slave took place under such circumstances without violence and bloodshed, and that order and peace should have been since preserved. Very different would be the result of abolition, should it be effected by her influence and exertions, in the possessions of other countries on this continent - and especially in the United States, Cuba, and Brazil, the greatest cultivators of the principal tropical products of America.

To form a correct conception of what would be the result with them, we must look, not to Jamaica, but to St. Domingo, for example. The change would be followed by unforgiving hate between the two races, and end in a bloody and deadly struggle between them for superiority. One or the other would have to be subjugated, extirpated, or expelled, and desolation would overspread their territories, as in St. Domingo, from which it would take centuries to recover. The end would be, that the superiority in cultivating the great tropical staples would be transferred from them to the British tropical possessions.

They are of vast extent, and those beyond the Cape of Good Hope possessed of an unlimited amount of labour, standing ready, by the aid of British capital, to supply the deficit which would be occasioned by destroying the tropical productions of the United States, Cuba, Brazil, and other countries cultivated by slave labour on this continent, so soon as the increased price, in consequence, would yield a profit. It is the successful competition of that labour which keeps the prices of the staples so low as to prevent their cultivation with profit in the possessions of Great Britain by what she is pleased to call free labour. If she can destroy its competition she would have a monopoly in those productions. She has all the means of furnishing an unlimited supply; vast and fertile possessions in both Indies, boundless command of capital and labour, and ample power to suppress disturbances, and preserve order throughout her wide domains.

It is unquestionable, that she regards the abolition of slavery in Texas as a most important step to this great object of policy, so much the aim of her solicitude and exertions; and the defeat of the annexation of Texas to our Union as indispensable to the abolition of slavery there. She is too sagacious not to see what a fatal blow it would give to slavery in the United States, and how certainly its abolition with us would abolish it over the whole continent, and thereby give her a monopoly of the productions of the great tropical staples, and the command of the commerce, navigation, and manufactures of the world, with an established naval ascendancy and political preponderance. To this continent the blow would be calamitous beyond description.

It would destroy in a great measure the cultivation and production of the great tropical staples, amounting annually in value nearly $300,000,000, the fund which stimulates and upholds almost every other branch of its industry, commerce, navigation, and manufactures. The whole, by their joint influence, are rapidly spreading population, wealth, improvement, and civilization over the whole continent, and vivifying, by their overflow, the industry of Europe; thereby increasing its population, wealth, and advancement in the arts, in power, and in civilization.

Such must be the result, should Great Britain succeed in accomplishing the constant object of her desire and exertions - the abolition of negro slavery over this continent, and towards the effecting of which she regards the defeat of the annexation of Texas to our Union as so important. Can it be possible that Governments so enlightened and sagacious as those of France and the other great continental Powers can be so blinded by the plea of philanthropy as not to see what must inevitably follow, be her motive what it may, should she succeed in her objects ? It is little short of mockery to talk of philanthropy, with the examples before us of the effects of abolishing negro slavery in her own colonies, in St. Domingo, and the northern states of our Union, where statistical facts, not to be shaken, prove that the freed negro, after the experience of 60 years, is in a far worse condition than in the other states, where he has been left in his former condition. No: the effect of what is called abolition, where the number is few, is not to raise the inferior race to the condition of freemen, but to deprive the negro of the guardian care of his owner, subject to all the depression and oppression belonging to his inferior condition. But, on the other hand, where the number is great, and bears a large proportion to the whole population, it would be still worse. It would be to substitute for the existing relation a deadly strife between the two races, to end in the subjection, expulsion, or extirpation of one or the other: and such would be the case over the greater part of this continent where slavery exists. It would not end there; but in all probability would extend, by its example, the war of races over all South America, including Mexico, and extend to the Indian as well as to the African race, and make the whole one scene of blood and devastation.

Dismissing, then, the stale and unfounded plea of philanthropy, can it be that France and the other great continental Powers - seeing what must be the result of the policy for the accomplishment of which England is constantly exerting herself, and that the defeat of the annexation of Texas is so important towards its consummation - are prepared to back or countenance her in her efforts to effect either ? What possible motives can they have to favour her cherished policy ? Is it not better for them that they should be supplied with tropical products in exchange for their labour from the United States, Brazil, Cuba, and this continent generally, than to be dependent on one great monopolizing Power for their supply ? Is it not better that they should receive them at the low price which competition, cheaper means of production, and nearness of market, would furnish them by the former, than to give the high prices which monopoly, dear labour, and great distance from the market would impose ? Is it not better that their labour should be exchanged with a new continent, rapidly increasing in population and the capacity for consuming, and which would furnish, in the course of a few generations, a market nearer to them, and of almost unlimited extent, for the products of their industry and arts, than with old and distant regions, whose population has long since reached its growth ?

The above contains those enlarged views of policy which, it seems to me, an enlightened European statesman ought to take in making up his opinion on the subject of the annexation of Texas, and the grounds, as it mat be inferred, on which England vainly opposes it. They certainly involve considerations of the deepest importance, and demanding the greatest attention. Viewed in connexion with them, the question of annexation becomes one of the first magnitude, not only to Texas and the United States, but to this continent and Europe. They are presented that you may use them on all suitable occasions, where you think they may be with effect in your correspondence, where it can be done with propriety, or otherwise. The President relies with confidence on your sagacity, prudence, and zeal. Your mission is one of the first magnitude at all times, but especially now; and he feels assured nothing will be left undone on your part to do justice to the country and the Government in reference to this great question.

I have said nothing as to our right of treating with Texas without consulting Mexico. You so fully understand the grounds on which we rest our right, and are so familiar with the facts necessary to maintain them, that it was no thought necessary to add anything in reference to it.
I am, Sir, very respectfully, your obedient servant,
William R. King, Esq., &c.


The following is the bill suitted by Mr. Benton to the Senate, providing for a conditional annexation of Texas to the United States: -

"Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America in Congress assembled, that the President of the United States be, and he hereby is, authorized and advised to open negotiations with Mexico and Texas, for the adjustment of boundaries, and the annexation of the latter to the United States, on the following bases, to wit: -

"1. The boundary of the annexed territory to be in the desert prairie west of the Nueces, and along the highlands and mountain heights which divide the waters of the Mississippi from the waters of the Rio del Norte, and to latitude 42 degrees north.

"2. The people of Texas, by a legislative act, or by any authentic act which shows thw will of the majority, to express their assent to said annexation.

"3. A State, to be called 'the State of Texas,' with boundaries fixed by herself, and an extent not exceeding that of the largest State of the Union, be admitted into the Union, by virtue of this act, on an equal footing with the original States.

"4. The remainder of the annexed territory to be held and disposed of by the United States as one of their territories, and to be called 'the South-west Territory.'

"5. The existence of slavery to be for ever prohibited in the northern and north western part of said territory, west of the 10th degree of longitude west from Greenwich, so as to divide, as equally as may be, the whole of the annexed country between slaveholding and non-slaveholding States.
"6. The assent of Mexico to be obtained by treaty to such annexation and boundary, or to be dispensed with when the Congress of the United States may deem such assent to be unnecessary.

"7. Other details of the annexation to be adjusted by treaty, so far as the same may come within the scope of the treaty-making Power."

The bill was read twice, and referred, on motion of Mr. Archer, to the Committee on Foreign Relations.


LT January 2, 1845


In spite of the prolixity of the message of the President of the UNITED STATES, that document conveys a very imperfect notion of the conduct and policy pursued by the Cabinet of Washington with reference to the annexation of Texas during the last autumn; and, in order to form a just appreciation of Mr. TYLER's and Mr. CALHOUN's real proceedings, we must examine the diplomatic correspondence of the past year, which has been annexed to the message, and communicated to Congress. Our analysis of these very extensive documents must unavoidably be of the briefest kind, but we shall be able to show by what means the two States have been brought to the verge of actual war during the recess of Congress, and we shall find, before we conclude, that the interests and honour of our own country, and one of our most important European relations, are mixed up in this important discussion.

Although the Senate of the United States rejected Mr. TYLER's treaty of annexation, and, consequently, put its constitutional veto on the transaction, thePRESIDENT and his Secretary of State (Mr. Calhoun) appear not to have taken the slightest account of that decision, but to have gone on in all their instructions to their agents abroad to announce the progress of their scheme, and to speak of the question of annexation as one that was still pending before the people of the United States. In every constitutional and legal sense this assertion was false. The question had been negatived by the Senate, principally on the ground of avoiding a rupture with Mexico; and the only matter which was pending at all was the election of a President, which was still so doubtful that it was impossible for Mr. TYLER to have foreseen last August whether his successor would be disposed to promote annexation or refuse it. We now discover, however, that he had in hand a surer and a swifter scheme, and in this he was marvelously seconded by SANTA ANNA's absurd intention of re-invading Texas, and by General WOOLL's ferocious intimation of the ruthless manner in which the war was to be carried on.

As early as the 20th of June, 1844, Mr. SHANNON, who had recently been appointed United States' Minister at Mexico, received his instructions from Mr. CALHOUN. These instructions contain a list of demands for the adjustment of various long-standing claims against the Mexican Government, which the Minister was directed to urge in a tone more suitable to a hostile manifesto than to an amicable communication with a neighbouring State. After a long series of representations of this character, Mr. SHANNON was to enter upon the question of annexation. He was to deny in the most formal terms that Mexico could even discuss the right of the United States to make that treaty, and to declare that "the "United States could not deterred by menaces from adopting a measure which, after mature deliberation, "they have determined they have a right to do, and which they believe to be essential to their safety and "prosperity." Such was the language of the American Executive, immediately after this very measure had been deliberately rejected by the Senate, in whom the ultimate control of the foreign relations of the Union resides ! We shall shortly see that the same policy was actively pursued in Europe.

The preparation for further hostilities on the part of Mexico gave a further pretext for continuing this extraordinary demonstration; and President HOUSTON, who was still in office in Texas, hastened to claim (August 6, 1844) the direct assistance of military forces from the Union. This, however, was held to be too great a stretch of constitutional powers even for Mr. TYLER; and in declining to accede to the demand, the Cabinet of Washington acknowledged that the treaty was not in reality any longer pending. A month later, however, Mr. CALHOUN wrote to Mr. SHANNON, at Mexico, directing him to remonstrate against the renewal of hostilities in stronger language than had been used before.

"There can be but one object (said he) in renewing the war at this time, and that is, to defeat the annexation of Texas to the Union. Mexico knows full well that the rejection of the treaty has but postponed the question of annexation. She knows that Congress adjourned without finally disposing of it; that it is now pending before both houses (!), and actively canvassed throughout the wide extent of the Union; and that it will in all probability be decided in its favour, unless it should be defeated by some movement exterior to the country." . . . . "No measure of policy has been more steadily or longer pursued, and that by both of the great parties into which the Union is divided. Many believed that Texas was embraced in the cession of Louisiana, and was improperly, if not unconstitutionally, surrendered by the treaty of Florida in 1819. Under that impression, and the general conviction of its importance to the safety and welfare of the Union, its annexation has been an object of constant pursuit ever since."

We have no space to comment on the shameless effrontery of this avowal, which is made as if the declaration of "this long-cherished and established "policy" sufficed to justify it, and to cancel all the intermediate declarations and treaties of the American Government, by which they have denied and renounced all such claims. As well might Russia boast that her long-cherished policy has been to possess herself of Constantinople, or France to declare that she has for more than a century established her views on the Rhine, and then proceed to act on such a declaration.

Well might the Mexican Minister say in his answer to this note (31st of October, 1844), that "it "thoroughly reveals the deceit with which Mexico has so long been treated," before he proceeded to expose the fallacies of legal construction, and the gross violation of all the duties of heighbourhood and of amity, by which alone Texas was wrested from the Mexican Government. This reply led to the angry correspondence to which we on Tuesday alluded; and the result is, that during the recess of Congress, in defiance of a formal vote of the Senate, and by the assertion of claims which that vote had negatived, President TYLER has brought the relations of the two Republics into a state in which a collision appears to be inevitable, and the occupation of Texas itself will probably be the first consequence of a rupture. If this view of the case be correct, the triumph of the annexation party in Mr. POLK's election has alone saved Mr. TYLER from impeachment and the highest punishment known to the law, for he has assuredly been guilty of the highest abuse of the powers confided by the law to his charge.

Meanwhile, and this is not the least important part of the case, the American agents were not inactive in Europe. It appears from a despatch, which we print in another column, addressed (12th of August, 1844) to Mr. KING, the American Minister at the Court of France, that on the arrival of that gentleman at Paris he at once received a personal declaration from the KING, "that in no event would any steps be "taken by his Government in the slightest degree hostile, or which would give the United States just cause "of complaint."

In a subsequent conversation between Mr. KING and M. GUIZOT, that Minister is reported to have declared, that France had not agreed to unite with England in a protest against annexation; and the American Government inferred that France was not disposed, in any event, to take a hostile attitude with reference to annexation. France was, therefore, understood by the Cabinet of Washington to abandon the principle of Texan independence as completely as if she had never recognized it, or had recognized it only for the purpose of abetting the United States in the plunder of the Mexican territory. Mr. KING was, therefore, to inform LOUIS PHILIPPE that the object of annexation would be pursued with unabated vigour, and to give his opinion that a decided majority of American people were in its favour, and that it would certainly be annexed at no distant day. Such a transaction as this at Paris afforded the most powerful encouragement which the scheme could receive from Europe, since it left Great Britain to maintain the independence of Texas single-handed; and we must add, that it places the good faith of the French Government in a very equivocal light. We require to be informed, categorically, whether or not the French Government was not at the same time affecting to join in our endeavours to maintain the status quo in Texas, whilst it was in reality giving these assurances to Mr. KING?

The charge is a serious one, and we await the answer.

Mr. CALHOUN, however, hastened to avail himself of this opening. He at once placed the question on its true basis - the existence and interests of slavery; and he appeals to France with a confidence which we would fain believe to be misplaced, to combine with him in defeating a policy which tends to the abolition of slavery on the American continent. Admitting that one of the main objects of British policy in this question is to check the progress and ascendancy of slave institutions, he contends that "France can "have no interest in the consummation of this grand scheme, but that her interests, and those of all the "continental Powers of Europe, are directly opposed to it." In other words, he argues explicitly that the interest of the European Powers demands that they should not only tolerate, but encourage and promote slavery in America, and therefore assist America in unparalleled acts of spoliation and bad faith, on which the permanence of slavery on that continent avowedly depends. Thus is the question stripped by its own advocate of all disguise; and the odious motives in which this abominable scheme have originated - namely, the aggrandizement of the United States, for the express purpose of perpetuating the servivlity of the negro race - are laid bare to the wonder and execration of mankind. On these grounds Mr. CALHOUN appeals to civilized France and civilized Europe for encouragement and support. The principal interest (though it is not the only one) we have in deprecating the annexation of Texas, is our hatred and resistance to that violation of human rights and divine justice, which we have eradicated from the colonies of Britain; and it is by a laboured defence of slavery and slave-interests that Mr. CALHOUN courts the sympathy of the French Government.

We leave unnoticed his sarcasms on our philanthropy and fanaticism; we smile at the motives ridiculously imputed to us of acquiring by free labour a monopoly of tropical productions, and the command of commerce, navigation, and manufactures of the world. The policy of England is sacred in the eyes of the people of England because it is the policy of freedom, justice, and civilization. To measure it by the mere rules of temporary interest is a folly and a deceit; although, if we do stand alone in the defence of these great principles, we stand armed with the most terrible power ever placed by Providence in the hands of a great nation. We know not what part may be assigned to us by the course of events in this contention; nor do we forget that the maintenance of peace is the highest duty of enlightened statesmen, and that the crimes and frauds of the western hemisphere do not rest on the conscience of Britain. But there never was an instance in which our policy was more unjustifiably impugned than in this despatch of an American Minister, written for the express purpose of being used against us at the Court of one of our nearest allies; and we are persuaded that this mention of it will suffice to rouse the just indignation of this country, and to show the real nature of these scandalous proceedings to the whole world.


LT January 8, 1845, 6a


Mr. Polk has delivered the following, his first speech, we believe, since his election to the Presidency of the United States, in reply to the address presented to him by the citizens of Nashville. The only allusion which he makes to the policy which shall guide him for the future will be found in the last paragraph. It is, however, exceedingly vague and indefinite: -

"I return to you, Sir, and to my fellow-citizens whose organ you are, my unfeigned thanks for this manifestation of the popular regard and confidence, and for the congratulations which you have been pleased to express to me upon the termination and result of the late political contest. I am fully sensible that these congratulations are not, and cannot be, personal to myself. It is the eminent success of our common principles which has spread such general joy over the land. The political struggle through which the country has just passed has been deeply exciting. Extraordinary causes have existed to make it so. It has terminated - it is now over - and I sincerely hope and believe has been decided by the sober and settled judgment of the American people.

"In exchanging mutual congratulations with each other upon the result of the late election, the Democratic party should remember, in calmly reviewing the contest, that the portion of the fellow-citizens who have differed with us in opinion have equal rights with ourselves; that minorities as well as majorities are entitled to the full and free exercise of their opinions and judgments; and that the rights of all, whether of minorities or majorities, as such, are entitled to equal respect and regard.

"In rejoicing, therefore, over the success of the Democratic party, and of their principles, in the late election, it should be in no spirit of exultation over the defeat of our opponents; but it should be because, as we honestly believe, our principles and policy are better calculated than theirs to promote the true interests of the country.

"In the position in which I have been placed by the voluntary and unsought suffrages of my fellow-citizens, it will become my duty, as it will be my pleasure, faithfully and truly to represent, in the executive department of the Government, the principles and policy of the great party of the country who have elevated me to it; but, at the same time, it is proper that I should beware that I should not regard myself as the representative of a party only, but of the whole people of the United States: and I trust that the future policy of the Government may be such as to secure the happiness and prosperity of all, without distinction of party."


LT January 11, 1845, 6f


It is generally supposed in this neighbourhood that Duff Green has had a great deal to do with the recent diplomatic goings on of Mr. Shannon in Mexico, and we have no doubt he will have his finger as deeply in the Texas pie now that he has got to that republic. Duff is a most remarkable and original character. Two or three years ago he went to London and resided there for many months, sustaining with more or less dignity, success, and effect, the original and characteristic position of American Minister on his own hook. He engaged in a series of important and highly interesting, if not remarkably profitable, negotiations, relative to a commercial treaty between the United States and Great Britain, and had actually a correspondence with Sir Robert Peel, the Prime Minister, and many other distinguished men in both Houses of Parliament. He also visited Paris, discussed matters and things in general with Guizot, and drank tea and toasted his shins, if we are not mistaken, with Louis Philippe himself. Having failed in his negotiations to a considerable extent, he then started the enterprise of a newspaper in the city of New York, which was to regulate the whole affairs of this continent, and overtop the other newspapers by being a sort of organ of both Europe and America. In this grand scheme Wikoff, the chevalier, was his principal aid, being the capitalist - save the mark! Of the concern. Failing in this also, Duff started for Mexico with dispatches, and has created a crisis in that country. Now he is back in Texas, and no doubt before he returns to Washington he will raise a highly respectable dust in that direction. Duff is, indeed, one of the most interesting characters of the present age. He has a singular mixture of tact, bronze, and plausibility, which give him more weight than people are apt to attach to him. We have some notion of writing the history of his negotiations in London, Paris, Texas, and Mexico. It would be as intensely interesting, and vastly more amusing, than the Adventures of Puss in Boots. - New York Herald [GLP]

LT January 14, 1845, 4a


President TYLER has exceeded himself in the fifth act of his performance. Whenever we have ventured on a prediction as to his future conduct, which if applied to any other ruler of nations would have been fantastical and injurious, he has not only justified all our expectations, but surpassed them. The end of his Presidency is a multum in parvo of diplomatic craft and political violence; and setting out of account the importance of the questions under discussion with reference to Mexico and Texas, we are divided between amazement and sheer diversion at the language and demeanor of this personage, speaking as never man spoke before in the name of the Executive Government of twenty millions of civilized beings.

The scheme for getting up a quarrel with Mexico has been most actively carried on; but in order to avoid the difficulties which might attend an actual declaration of war by the President of the UNITED STATES - that power being in fact vested by the Constitution in Congress - Mr. TYLER has endeavoured by the conduct of his agents in Mexico, and more recently by his own extraordinary Message of the 19th of December, to throw open the Mexicans the odium of this last and most disastrous step. The Congress of the United States might still have sufficient penetration to see through Mr. TYLER's designs and sufficient power to control them. The desire to avoid a war with Mexico was the main ground on which not only Mr. CLAY and his party, but even Mr. VAN BUREN and his friends, opposed the annexation treaty; but if Mexico can be provoked into taking the first step in hostilities, no part in the United States will be more able to recede or to stop the war than Mr. TYLER is himself. It will be remembered that the angry correspondence between Mr. SHANNON, the United States Minister at Mexico, and Senor REJON, the Foreign Secretary of that Republic, was begun by the former gentleman, who communicated under his own name a note which was, in fact, no more than a repetition of Mr. CALHOUN's own despatch to him. An attempt was made to show that because the United States Government has negotiated at various times in the last twenty years for the purchase of the territory of Texas from Mexico for a price varying from one to six millions of dollars - all which negotiations the Mexican Government steadily and uniformly rejected - that therefore Texas being now a free and independent state, she has a perfect right to dispose of herself as she pleases. It is evident that such an argument as addressed to Mexico was utterly worthless and even insulting, since Mexico never had acknowledged that Texas is an independent state at all; and to admit such an argument was to admit more than the independence of Texas - namely, a right to make over her territories to a foreign Power. Mr. SHANNON, however, pressed it for the purpose for which it was intended and our readers have had before the Mexican Minister's able and temperate answer. Of these Mr. SHANNON presumes to say, in an official communication to Mr. CALHOUN, that -

"They were written for the purpose and with the view of arousing the jealousies, and exciting the prejudices, of the people against the Government and southern people of the United States, and thereby to make political capital for the party in power. To accomplish this object you will see that Mr. Rejon has not hesitated deliberately and purposely to misrepresent, in the most gross and palpable manner, both of my notes, and to charge the Government and southern people of the United States with acts and motives highly dishonourable."

The acts and motives of the American Government in this and too many other transactions stand in needle of no "deliberate misrepresentation" to incur the censure and the scorn of every other political community in the world. Even their intrigues are as patent and flagrant as other men's crimes. In this instance the whole correspondence is public; and as the matter is really only indirectly connected with the interests of this country, some weight may be attached to our solemn conviction - a conviction shared by every man in Europe who has examined the particulars of this transaction - that from first to last the proceedings of the United States to effect the annexation of Texas are a scandal and a dishonour not only to their country, but to the age we live in.

We proceed, however, with the narrative of the events. No sooner had Mr. SHANNON's despatch announcing his suspension of the intercourse with the United States Government been received at Washington, than it brought down Mr. TYLER's astonishing Message, which had doubtless been prepared in full expectation of the event. The language held by the American Minister at Mexico could have no other result; and the part of the PRESIDENT was to endeavour to kindle as much exasperation at home as he had already occasioned abroad. The Message is a mere rhetorical artifice for this purpose; it is full of fierce epithets and appeals to the passions and sympathies of the American people; and it once mor misstates the case with the most unblushing pertinacity.

In his Message on the opening of the Congress the PRESIDENT had declared that as it was Texas which had sought this union, was the Union to reject her prayer ? In this Message, sent down within a fortnight of the last, he says, "Texas had entered into the Treaty of Annexation upon the invitation of the "Executive; and when, for that act, she was threatened with a renewal of the war on the part of Mexico, "she naturally looked to this Government to ward off the threatened blow." The contradiction is direct and in terms, and it is accompanied with a gross inaccuracy. Texas was not threatened with a renewal of war on the part of Mexico for that act, namely, the Treaty of Annexation, but because Mexico had never relinquished her very impracticable design of reconquering her former province.

Mr. TYLER recapitulates, with all the vehemence of a manifesto of war, the grievances complained of by his Government; but having the fear of a hostile Senate before his eyes, he drops his tone as he approaches the close of his effusion, and "contents himself with re-urging upon Congress prompt and "immediate action on the subject of annexation. By adopting that measure the United States will be in the "exercise of an undoubted right; and if Mexico, not regarding that forbearance, shall aggravate the "injustice of her conduct by a declaration of war against them, upon her head will rest all the "responsibility."

The distracted condition of the Mexican Republic itself is now the chief ground for hoping that war may be avoided; but even that hope depends on little more than the apparently entire inability of Mexico to defend her territories. What argument which has ever been deployed to defend the annexation of Texas does not apply with equal forces to the conquest of the whole of the ancient colonies of Spain ? Is not one act of rapine and violence invariably the prelude to another ? If Mr. TYLER covets Texas, who

will set bounds to Mr. TYLER's descendants ? These, indeed, are questions of serious moment to all the world; but most of all to such honourable and patriotic citizens of the United States themselves who still respect, though they cannot maintain, the principles of their fathers. This question has already proved fatal to the integrity and prudence of the American Government; it will hereafter prove equally fatal to their national interests; it has blasted their honour, it will hereafter dissolve their power, divide their country, and impose a dreadful burden on their children's children, for it is the first step they will have made in foreign conquest for the gratification of popular ambition. [GLP]

LT January 15, 1845, 6a


We take the following article from the New York Commercial Advertiser of the 31st ult. It was furnished to that journal by Mr. Cushing, the late American Commissioner in China, who has returned from the scene of his mission by way of Mexico: -

"The revolution of Mexico was rapidly approaching a decisive crisis, and the utmost confusion and disorder exist in all parts of the republic. The great object of the revolution is to decide whether SANTA ANNA shall be precipitated from power, or whether. on the other hand, he shall be the permanent dictator and arbitrary master of the Government. In order to understand well the actual state of things it is necessary, in the first place, to give a brief explanation of the previous state of things.

"At the head of the Government in 1841 was General Anastasio Bustamente, under the constitution which then regulated the Mexican Republic. In August, 1841, General Paredes and the department of Jalisco pronounced against the Government of Bustamente. A civil war of brief duration ensued, which was terminated on the 28th of September, 1841, by an arrangement, in virtue of which the preexisting constitution was abolished, and General Santa Anna was invested with the powers of dictator, for the purpose of re-organizing the constitution and the Government. This temporary arrangement is known by the name of the Bases of Tacubaya and the agreements of La Estenzuela. Under the auspices of Santa Anna a Congress assembled in June, 1842, and proceeded to deliberate on a new constitution. Santa Anna himself retired to Manga de Clavo, leaving General Bravo as President ad incrim; and the proceedings of Congress not being agreeable to Santa Anna, it was dissolved by General Bravo in December, 1842, and a National Junta, or Assembly of Notables, was convened in its place. On the 12th of June, 1843, a new constitution was completed and made public, by which (among other things) the supreme power was lodged in the hands of a President, to be elected for five years; of an elective body called the Council of Government, and of a Congress composed of a Senate and Chamber of Deputies, and Santa Anna himself was immediately elected President under the new constitution. During this period the republic had been distracted, not only by the civil war which displaced Bustamente and elevated Santa Anna to power, but also by the insurrection of Yucatan and the long civil war which ensued in that quarter, by an extensive rising of the Indians in the extreme south, by incursions of the Indians in the north, by controversies with foreign powers, by the question of Texas, and above all by incompetency and corruption in all members of the Government.

"By the 6th of the Bases of Tucubaya it was provided that 'The provisional Executive shall answer for his acts before the constitutional Congress;' and this was confirmed by the agreement of La Estenzuela. Nevertheless, by a decree of Santa Anna, issued on the 3d of October, 1843 (before assuming the office of constitutional President), it was declared that, as the power exercised by him under the Bases of Tucubaya was, by its very tenour, without limitation, the responsibility referred to in the 6th of the said Bases of Tucubaya was merely a 'responsibility of opinion;' that all the acts of his dictatorship were of the same permanent force as if performed by a constitutional Government, and must be observed as such by the first constitutional Congress. The new Government was completed and installed in January, 1844, when the first Congress under the new constitution assembled. Its early acts seem to have been in accordance with the views of Santa Anna, for it voted on an extraordinary contribution of four millions with which to prosecute the war against Texas. But on his requiring authority for a loan of ten millions, the Congress hesitated to give its assent, though it was notorious that but a small portion of the extraordinary contribution had been realized, and that the Treasury, so far from being competent to supply the means for carrying on a war against Texas, was in fact incompetent for the ordinary daily necessities of Government. Meanwhile, as affairs proceeded, a heavy opposition to Santa Anna began to manifest itself in Congress and throughout the republic. He had been raised to power, though apparently with great unanimity, yet, as the event has shown, by a military revolution, rather than by the spontaneous choice of the people. For, on his expressing a wish to retire a short time to Manga de Clavo for the care of his private affairs (as he had done in 1842), in which case the new constitution required that the Senate should make choice of a President ad interim, to officiate during his absence from the seat of Government the Ministerial candidate, General Valentin Canalizo, prevailed by one vote over his opponent, General Rincon.
"Such then was the position of things in October, 1844, Santa Anna being President propictario, Canalizo President interino, and the Congressassembled in special session, occupied with the foreign relations and the financial embarrassments of the republic, when the revolution broke out in the large and powerful department of Jalisco.

"On the 1st of November, 1844, the Departmental Assembly of Jalisco adopted and published what is called an Initiative, being an act provided for by the constitution, in virtue of which the Assembly suitted the proposition following: -

" 'The National Congress will make effective the responsibility of the Provisional Government, to which it was subjected by the 6th of the Bases of Tucubaya, which it swore to, and caused to be sworn to by the nation

" '2. The law of Aug. 21, 1844, imposing extraordinary contributions, is repealed.

" '3. The Congress will occupy itself by preference in reforming the articles of the constitution, which experience has demonstrated to be contrary to the prosperity of the departments.

"This act was adopted by all the authorities of the department, civil and military, and made known by public documents issued under the signatures of the civil governor (Escovado), and of the commandant-general (Galindo), with his principal officers; and thus far it was in Mexico a constitutional and not a revolutionary act - for in Mexico the military participate equally with the civil authorities in all political proceedings. But though nominally a constitutional act, it was in reality a revolutionary one, skillfully arranged and combined for the overthrow of Santa Anna. To this intent General Mariano Paredes, who had commenced the revolution of 1841 inthe same department of Jalisco, and who had since that time acted with Santa Anna, was pitched upon to be the agent of his overthrow. The secret movers of the new revolution obtained for General Paredes the command of the department of Sonora, to reach which it is necessary to march through that of Jalisco. On the way to his government Paredes stopped at Guadalajara, the capital of Jalisco, with the troops under his command, and there pronounced openly and directly against Santa Anna, and assumed the functions of military chief of the revolution. The four departments of Zacatecas, Aguascalientes, Sinalva, and Sonora concurred in the pronunciamiento of Jalisco; and thus the five north-western departments were in arms at once against Santa Anna. Between these and Mexico there intervene the two departments of Guanajuato and Queretaro. Paredes advanced to Lagos, on the frontier of Jalisco, and there established his head-quarters, with an army of 1,400 men, to await the progress of events. In the contiguous department of Guanajuato was General Cortazar with 2,000 men, on whom Paredes depended for support; but the rapid movements of Santa Anna himself prevented Corazar from joining Paredes (if he had the intention), and compelled him, for the present at least, to declare for Santa Anna. For instantly on hearing what had taken place in Guadalajara, Santa Anna, who was then at Manga de Clavo. in the department of Vera Cruz, and in whose neighbourhood was a large body of troops, professedly collected for an expedition against Texas, set out for Mexico, being invested by the President ad interim with the conduct of the war against Paredes. He set out from Jalapa on the 7th of November at the head of 8,500 men, crossed rapidly the department of Puebla, where he received some additional troops, and on the 18th arrived at Guadalupe, a town near Mexico, where he fixed his head-quarters.

"He had left the departments of Vera Cruz and Puebla full of professions of loyalty to his Government; and he found the same professions in that of Mexico, and similar professions came to him there from Queretaro and Guanajuato; and he prepared to march from Guadalupe, and to assemble at Queretaro a force of 13,000 men, with which to overwhelm the little army of Paredes.

"But even at this moment, all powerful as he appeared, at the head of a great army, and with all the departments behind him loyal, symptoms began to appear at the uncertainty of his cause, for though the Congress did not professedly support Paredes, yet it insisted that Santa Anna should proceed constitutionally, which the latter was unable or indisposed to do. The Mexican Constitution provides expressly that the President cannot command in person the military force, either by sea or land, without the previous permission of Congress. Santa Anna had taken the command, without even pretending to ask the consent of Congress; and in so doing had himself performed a revolutionary act quite as positive and serious as that of Paredes. Nevertheless, on the 22d he proceeded on his march to Queretaro, and on the same day the Chamber of Deputies voted the impeachment of the Minister at War (General Reyes), for signing the order under which Santa Anna held the command of his troops. Congress also voted to receive and print the pronunciamientos of the revolutionized department - in all this indicating a disposition, not to be mistaken, of hostility to Santa Anna. On arriving at Queretaro, Santa Anna found that, although the military authorities were professedly in his favor, yet the Junta departmental had pronounced for the initiative of Jalisco. Therefore, he made known to the members that if they did not repronounce in his favour, he would send them prisoners to Perote.

"They refused; and three of them were immediately arrested by his order, and sent off under a strong guard in the direction of Mexico and Perote. When the report of these proceedings reached Mexico, the Congress immediately summoned before it the Ministers of War and Government, to know whether they had authorized the General Santa Anna to imprison the members of the Junta Departmental of Queretaro.

"This subject occupied the Chambers on the 29th and 30th of November; and their attitude had now become so menacing, that the President ad interim, Canalizo (after consultation with Santa Anna), took the high-handed step of deciding to close the session of Congress by force, and declare Santa Anna Dictator of the Republic.

"Accordingly, on repairing to the Palace on the 1st of December, the members found the doors shut against them and guarded by soldiers; and on the 2d appeared the proclamation of Canalizo, as Presidento interino, declaring the Chamber dissolved indefinitely, and conferring all the powers of Government, legislative as well as executive, on Santa Anna, as Presidento propietario, the same to be exercised by Canalizo as Presidento interino until otherwise ordered by Santa Anna. For some days this forcible demolition of the constitutional Government by the creatures of Santa Anna remained without producing any apparent effect in Mexico. But on the very

day when the news reached Puebla, General Inclan, Commandant-General of that department, in concert with the civil authority, pronounced against Santa Anna; and in a few days (on the 6th) the garrison and people of Mexico rose against the Government, imprisoned Canalizo and his Ministers - Congress re-assembled - the President of the Council of Government, General Herrera, assumed the exercise of the functions of President according to the constitution - and new Ministers were appointed the next day, whose authority was immediately acknowledged in Vera Cruz.

"At the latest dates there from Vera Cruz (December 12th) affairs stood thus: -

"The departments of Sonora, Sinalva, Jalisco, Zacatecas, and Aguascalientes were in a state of revolution, and in military possession of General Paredes."General Santa Anna (with Cortazar) had military possession of the departments of Guanajuata and Queretaro.

"Santa Anna's Preident interino, Canalizo, and his Ministers, were imprisoned in Mexico. Congress had re-assembled, and a temporary constitutional Government was installed there, composed as follows, viz.: -

"General Jose Joaquim de Herrera, President of the Council of Government, charged temporarily with the Supreme Executive authority.

"Don Luis Gonzaga Cueva, Minister of Foreign Relations, State, and Police.

"Don Mariano Riva Palacios, Minister of Justice, Public Instruction, and Industry.

"Don Pedro J. Echeverria, Minister of Finance.

"Don Pedro Garcia Conde, Minister of War.

"And it was already known that the departments of Puebla and of Vera Cruz had declared their adhesion to the Provisional Government; and there is no doubt that most of the other departments will also support the Congress.

"Meanwhile Santa Anna is constitutional President of the republic, but unconstitutionally in command of the troops against Paredes. The new Minister of War has ordered him to give up his command. If he refuses, he becomes undoubtedly a rebel and a traitor; because the new Provisional
Government in Mexico is constitutionally constituted. If he consents, he ceases to have any troops for his support; he is placed at the mercy of his enemies. His position is now an extremely critical one therefore. Everything depends on whether his troops adhere to him against the Congress and the constitutional Government. If they do, he becomes the military dictator of the country. Reports were current at Vera Cruz that a part of his troops had already proclaimed him Dictator, and that another part had declared against him; but upon this point no information in an authentic
form had reached the public ear.

"If any sufficient portion of troops adhere to him, to enable him to continue the war, still he is surrounded with difficulties, being in the very heart of the republic, with Jalisco and its concurrent departments to the Pacific against him on the one hand, and Mexico with its concurrent departments to the Gulf against him on the other hand.

"He may recover himself by some new turn in the wheel of fortune, and resume his place as the constitutional President propietario of the republic; but this is hardly probable, as the public sentiment is almost unanimous against him in nearly all departments.

"It seems more likely that he will have to yield to the storm; and if not deprived of his life, he may escape to the United States by a sudden march on Tampico, or to South America by way of the Pacific."

Later accounts state as follows: -

"The Government paper of the 2d of December contains a proclamation signed by Canalizo, Rejon, Barando, and other Ministers of the Government, suspending the session of Congress, and appointing Santa Anna Dictator, with powers to use any means he may think necessary to restore the integrity of the republic, this power to extend as well to foreign as domestic affairs.


"We learn from Captain Biscoe, of the bark Eugenia, arrived on Monday, that the principal towns, and indeed all the country, have pronounced against Santa Anna, who, with a small force was at Queretaro.

"The revolution passed off quietly, no blood having been shed. The former revolution being carried on by one party of military against another, resulted in much loss of life; but this movement coming from the people, as well as from the soldiery, makes the thing general, and hence the little commotion of a disagreeable nature.
"Santa Anna has but little chance of overcoming this movement, and it was a matter of conjecture whether he would attempt to escape or deliver himself up. He will very probably endeavour to gain over the opposite General by bribery or similar means, but in this it is thought he will not succeed. In case that he is taken prisoner, the people will probably demand his execution, as they deem his liberty dangerous to the public safety.

"The commandments of Chilmahua, Durango, and New Mexico have notified to the Central Government that large bodies of Camanches and other prairie Indians are hovering about the frontier, evidently with hostile intentions. The commandments have been requested by the Indian Chiefs to liberate certain prisoners of their tribes, with which request they had complied.

"Large bodies of troops were quartered at Jalapa, four regiments of the line, a picket of Sappers, and two regiments of horse."Afterwards follows a proclamation of Canalizo and of Rejon, ordering all the constituted authorities to pay the fullest obedience to Santa Anna.
"Also one similar by each of the other Ministers. Santa Anna has accepted his charge without comment.

"Furthermore, the chiefs of various departments, among them General Ulloa, have assembled juntas of their officers, and pronounced in opposition to the scheme of Paredes.

"This took place at Vera Cruz. At Jalisco and the other cities between Mexico and the seaboard, similar scenes appear to have been transacted, and anta Anna appears master of the whole of that portion of the nation."The department of Oajaca, or at least the leaders, have pronounced in favor of Santa Anna.

"The markets were in a very bad state, with little prospect of improvement.

"There were at the Island of Sacrificios the British frigates Spartan, just arrived from New Orleans, and Inconstant and two French brigs of war, but no United States vessels.

"The Courrier Francais of December 7 has just reached us, containing in a nut-shell the result of the Mexican news.

"Santa Anna was proclaimed Dictator, and all seemed to go on well, but about mid-day the troops barracked in the Accordada St. Francis and the citadel pronounced against Santa Anna and Canalizo. At the head of the movement was General Don Jose J. Herrera, President of the Council, who addressed a proclamation to the city, calling on it to sustain him.

"The whole Congress immediately threw itself into the arms of Herrera, who immediately took possession of the National Palace without bloodshed.

"The Congress constituted its sessions permanent. The ex-Ministers fled. Canalizo is in arrest in his own house.

"The statue of Santa Anna in the peristyle of the theatre was broken, and a wish exhibited to break the bronze one in the market-place, but this was prevented by the authorities. On the next night, General Herrera had it privately removed.

"The new authorities maintained perfect quiet.

"The Chambers are occupied in devising means to remedy the incalculable injury the country has suffered.

LT January 23, 1845, 5e



Sir, - It appears by The Times of the 18th inst., that some of the party of Royal Sappers and Miners lately employed upon the survey of the boundary between British America and the United States, as settled by the Ashburton treaty, have arrived in England. It may fairly be inferred from their arrival that the work upon which they were employed approaches to completion. It is satisfactory to know that this causa beli is removed - that a bone of contention is withdrawn from our grasping and not very conciliatory neighbours. Much praise is due to the present Government for their promptitude in bringing to an amicable adjustment this boundary question which helped to perpetuate national jealousies, retarded the progress of civilization and colonial prosperity, and has more than once threatened to disturb the peace of the mother country. The question of ceding or retaining a few square miles of profitless wilderness must appear in the eyes of reasonable men as dust in the balance, when compared with the incalculable advantage of having established in the minds of our transatlantic fellow-subjects confidence in the existence of a desire and power on the part of the mother country to afford them protection, and to remove the demoralizing system of barbarian violence, mutual reprisals, and the spreading among our colonists of that system of overreaching cunning peculiar to the squatters and sympathizers of the United States. No dispassionate man acquainted with the interests of the two countries can doubt the importance of a good understanding between Great Britain and the United States. No honest man can wish to see that understanding lightly interrupted. The interests of the civilized world, of mankind at large, are indissolubly mixed up with the preservation of peace - firmly-established peace upon equitable, honourable, and high-minded principles - between two such important countries.

Is it premature to offer suggestions upon another subject which may affect our relations with our jealous and unscrupulous neighbours - a question which appears to present considerable difficulty of arrangement - namely, the joint occupancy or the equitable division of the vast Oregon territory?

It may be said, and with some show of reason, that if Oregon were blotted out of the map of the American continent, there would still be ample room and verge enough for emigration from both parent States for centuries to come. Who can doubt this, when we consider the vast unexplored resources of the north on the one hand, and the unoccupied regions of the Missouri on the other ? Still, when we see existing in our republican neighbours an ambition more boundless than their unoccupied wilderness, a spirit of unprincipled encroachment almost unexampled in modern times, with but one exception; and when we know that the spirit of the English nation sympathizes in matters affecting the national honour with that of the haughty Percy, who would "give thrice so much land to a deserving friend," but "would cavil at the ninth part of a hairbreadth" at what appeared an unjust assumption of rights, it must scarcely be ascribed to pusillanimity, or distrust in the resources of our country, to assert and maintain her just claims, when we hear sober-minded men express a wish that the cause of our differences with the United States were permanently removed.

There appear two obstacles to the satisfactory settlement of the Oregon question. The first is the unmistakable desire of two branches of the Government, and the vast majority of the people, of the States to possess the whole territory, and to admit of no counter claims: their right to the whole appears to be a foregone conclusion. However, as the British Minister at present at Washington for the purposes of negotiating upon the subject may possess discretion and abilities equal or superior to a Pottinger, and as there is still an appearance of some reason and sense of justice existing on the majority of the Senate, it is to be hoped that this difficulty will be surmounted. The second obstacle to the speedy settlement of this important question is the ignorance which confessedly exists upon everything connected with the vast region in question. Our Envoy may possess all the knowledge possible to be attained from the past and existing treaties, but what can he know of the country itself? He may succeed in obtaining an extension of the present treaty, but is not this only staving off the evil day - a day which must sooner or later, come at last ? If he found the American Government perfectly willing to fix a definite boundary, has he sufficient knowledge - has any man sufficient knowledge - of the country, even to suggest a feasible direction for that boundary ? Empires and states may have their boundaries fixed by nature, but it is necessary that men should know them before they can negotiate upon them. What, for instance, do we know of the actual existing boundary between our colony and the United States from "the Lake of the Woods" to the Rocky Mountains ? And from this point in the Rocky Mountains, if any human being knows it, who can tell how our boundary should proceed ? If extended due west to the Pacific, we are cut out of the Oregon altogether. The main artery of the country, the Columbia, in that case comes into the possession of our rivals, and we sacrifice the rights of British subjects already in the country. If it is to proceed south by the chain of the Rocky Mountains, surely it should have some defined specified direction. The Rocky Mountains may be said to divide the two countries by nature; so do the Pyrenees divide France and Spain, but the Pic du Midi must be in either France or Spain. If the Rocky Mountains are to divide our territories from those of the States, one part of these mountains must belong to Britain, and another part to the States.

Who possesses the knowledge to decide which part should in justice, expediency, or sound policy belong to each ? Further, if our boundary is to proceed south by the Rocky Mountains, from what point in the chain is it to depart in a westerly direction ? It must take a westerly direction from some point in these mountains before it comes to the confines of Mexico, otherwise we monopolize the whole disputed territory to ourselves. Who possesses the knowledge where this point of departure should be, and the subsequent directions of the boundary until it reach the Pacific Ocean ? No man living. The crude knowledge of the agents of hunting companies, the journals of travellers who estimate distances by days' journeys, and by the pressure of their privations, together with the painted hunting grounds of American novelists, will scarcely supply authentic data for enlightened men to legislate upon; and yet these are the sources from which the inchoate knowledge of our Government is drawn.

Two questions naturally arise from the above considerations - first, should this state of ignorance, where the national interests and honour may be vitally concerned, be allowed to continue ? And, secondly, what available means are there of acquiring more precise information upon the subject ?

Our country is foremost among the nations of the earth in fitting out expeditions where the interests of science or humanity can be advanced by them, or even where a slight addition to our geographical knowledge can alone be expected to result from them. Large sums of public money, and many valuable lives, have been sacrificed in endeavouring to penetrate the regions of eternal winter within the Arctic and Antarctic circles, and in exploring the deadly swamps and burning sands of Central Africa. I mean not to disparage these laborious and dangerous operations, nor to impugn the motives of those who originate them; but it not fairly be asked, why are not properly qualified men appointed to explore the countries through which our national boundaries run ? And, above all others, why should we be left in doubt or ignorance of the country for the possession of which, or even a portion of it, we may at no distant day be menaced with open hostilities ?

When it is considered that men eminently qualified for this work are now almost upon the spot where their labours would commence, it will be apparent that the present opportunity of acquiring much, if not all, the necessary information, should not be thrown away. If the present means within the reach of the Government are not made use of, equal means will not readily present themselves again, at least without a sacrifice of much time and expense in preparatory training.

It is a well-known fact that Her Majesty has at present in Canada Boundary Commissioners and scientific officers for marking out and fixing by astronomical observations the Ashburton boundary. If this work is drawing to a close, why should not the same persons, who from their experience in these matters, as well as from their previous characters, must be presumed to be most competent persons - why should they not be employed to extend the knowledge of our Government upon those subjects where ignorance may be most mischievous ? Colonel Escott, one of the Commissioners, is nearly related to the Under-Secretary for Foreign Affairs; but it is not to be supposed that Lord Aberdeen, upon whom the responsibility of the appointments devolve, has selected him on this account. Mr. Featherstoneaugh, another commissioner, is well known to the public as a man of high talent and an intelligent American traveller. The officers for conducting the scientific operations having, according to Professor Airy's statement last year in his address to the "visiters," been trained at the Royal Observatory, Greenwich, must be presumed to be highly qualified for their important duties; the Astronomer Royal would not risk his high reputation by sanctioning an improper appointment, when the training was, as he says, in his own hands.

Where could such means be found for removing official and public ignorance on the momentous pending question of determining the international boundaries ? Where can such means be collected again, if the whole of the party on the boundary works are permitted to return to England without
investigating and ascertaining on the ground, what should be, if not of determining what shall be, our share of the Oregon territories ? Better know what we should claim, and then claim it as it becomes our country, than procrastinate until the invaded rights of our fellow-subjects imperatively
demand the presence of a British fleet in the North Pacific.

I am, Sir, your obedient servant,
Jan. 21


LT January 31, 1845, 4a


The news from America is amusing. Preceding accounts had left Texas hanging in the middle air - suspended between independence and annexation; though there were pretty significant indications which way the question was likely to incline. Now we see the sequel.Having achieved the election of Mr. Annexation POLK, our American friends appear to be considering that they may have thereby achieved also the thorough and final decision of the question itself, whereof their choice is the hero. Texas and the Oregon they have now decided to be theirs. Nothing beyond the scruples of their own citizens seems now, in the shape of an obstacle, even to occur to them. They think that they have nobody but themselves to ask. Having asked themselves, and got themselves to answer themselves as themselves most wished, they evidently imagine the idea of all further objection to be ludicrous. Mr. POLK's election is to silence all questioners. Texas and the Oregon are already, in the active imaginations of our transatlantic brethren, undisputed territories of the States: the only doubt or difficulty with them now is about the how and the when, and the where, possession is to be taken. That the morsel is to be swallowed is settled. The licking of lips has commenced. The gentlemen of the United States are about enlarging their boundaries, and they are evidently resolved that the world shall know what it is for people to be engaged in so pleasing a task. But there seems to be a hitch or two still, as indeed might probably have been anticipated, as to the way in which, and the means by which, the prey is to be secured. The politicians of the United States have "resolved" that Texas and the Oregon ought to be, and therefore are, standing ready to be killed and eaten; but they seem now to be very considerably at a loss to know, as the boys say, "where to have them."The predicament is a pleasing one. Anticipation is always more pleasant than enjoyment. With or without slavery - whether by cajoling Mexico or by bullying her, - these are the practical alternatives now before the American Congress, and to be decided by it in its course towards the annexation of Texas. So many phases and variations of deglutition seem to have presented themselves, that actual delay, if not danger, seems threatened to the prospective capture itself. With worse fortune than the donky in the proverb, brother JONATHAN appears to be distracted from his anticipated meal by, not two, but several distinct bundles of hay. "It seems by no means certain," writes our correspondent, "that the annexation "of Texas measure will pass even the Lower House this session. There seems to be such a variety of "opinion as to the quo modo of admission, that no plan may be agreed upon on to command the majority "of the dominant party.

Almost each one is ready to suit a plan, which almost every other one is ready "to denounce." No less than half a dozen separate and conflicting plans for "admitting," "annexing," or appropriating, the Texan territory into the American union are now before the House of Representatives. The absolute and plenary "cession" of the territories of Texas to the United States, to be effected by the (of course) purely voluntary act of Texas herself, and, in consideration thereof, the gracious extension to the new republic of the membership and privileges of the Union, - this is one scheme of proceedings - that of Mr. INGERSOLE. Another proposal is simply to "declare" Texas annexed; another to furbish up an old treaty with France, made during the war in 1803, whereby a part only of the present Texan territory was ceded by France to the United States; and upon this title is now proposed to be "extended" to the whole. A fourth is for splitting the difference about slavery, by making half the new State slave-holding and half free, and for disregarding altogether the consent of Mexico; while others again have different nostrums for both of these difficulties; and one illustrious statesman, to crown the whole, "threatens to propose a "bill to satisfy all parties, factions, or sections, who are willing to allow of 'admission.' "All these various proposals proceed upon the comfortable assumption that the prey is secure. Texas is considered to be already "caught," and the question is, how to cut it up.
Nor is the squabbling about Texas either one degree more or one degree less imposing or edifying than the cool quietness which hangs over despatching of the Oregon affair. Resolutions in favour of the immediate "occupation" of the Oregon territory have long since passed both Houses. There was no difference of opinion here. Slavery, Mexico, or the necessity of throwing the seizure into some form of international law, interposed no difficulties here. A bill was introduced, on the resolutions, and is now pending, in the Senate of the United States, for appropriating and occupying the whole line of sea coast on the Pacific, from between the 54th and 55th degrees of north latitude (more than 300 miles north of the most northerly settled part of Canada) downward, and as far inland as the Rocky Mountains.

This valuable acquisition (supposing it is acquired) is to be connected with the Missouri River by a line of stockade forts, "not exceeding 5 in number." And various enactments are further in contemplation for encouraging settlers, and consolidating them when settled. This quiet proposal is now before the Senate.

It is probable that the wiser and more practised portion of American statesmen of all parties, and especially those of them who have the practical management of public affairs, and are conversant with the popular modes of thinking, speaking of, and transacting business, know what all this means, and what it really amounts to, better than we do. Public men in America probably know better how to give their countrymen rope, and how to rely on the usual and ultimate, though not at first apparent, result of such a proceeding, than we do on this side of the water. Debates in the Senate, and quarrels about the mode and manner of any given project, are useful in more ways than one; and in American politics it is premature to jump to a conclusion until all these hitches are settled. It is not to be denied, however, that brother JONATHAN has already, to his own perfect satisfaction, "cast up his accounts" for Texas and the Oregon, however it may be certain that "he has been reckoning without his host." There are as our friends in the United States will probably learn before very long, if they have not learnt it already. Mere unprincipled, profligate, self-aggrandizement is all that the United States have to allege in support of the monstrous breach of all natural justice and positive treaty which would be involved in either of the measures in which they seem so deeply engaged. In neither one nor the other could the States reasonably expect this country to acquiesce; and the annexation of Texas would involve a disturbance of the settled relations of the American continent, in which all the chief European Powers would be more or less interested; yet there seems to be no pause on the part of the States in a headlong adoption of them; and though it would be premature until the measures have passed the Legislature to speculate on them as accomplished, yet they certainly appear to have been already pushed to a point that demands the most serious attention to them.


LT February 1, 1845, 8f


We find in the New Orleans papers of the 29th and 30th of December very full of particulars of recent intelligence from Mexico, brought by the schooner Ventura, which sailed from Vera Cruz on the 13th day of December, and reached New Orleans on the 28th. The news is but one day later than that brought by Mr. Cushing; but as more copious details of the recent important events which have transpired in Mexico are given than were included in his statement, we present a full and careful abstract, made up from the various New Orleans papers, chiefly the Bee and Picayune: -

In the city of Mexico it seems that on the 1st of December a manifesto was issued, protesting against the orders issued by Santa Anna, and denouncing the Government for not having deposed him. This was signed by 55 deputies on the 1st, by 10 others on the 2d, and all the senators except 4. On the 3d Santa Anna's General Canalizo, issued a decree dissolving Congress, Santa Anna being at the head of 8,000 men on his march against the rebels in Jalisco. The decree created intense excitement in Mexico.

Congress made three protests and an address to the people, but before they could be printed General Canalizo closed all the printing offices except Santa Anna's official paper, and forbade all publications. These arbitrary measures increased the excitement, and crowds of the people assembled in the public places. Canalizo shut himself up in the Palace with some 2,000 troops. Baranda, Rejon, and Salas took refuge with him.

In the meantime both the Liberals and clergy in the Capitol united in the revolutionary movement, and began to make preparations against the common enemy. Congress, as well as the Ayuntamiento, succeeded, in spite of Canalizo's decree, in having secret circulars printed, which were actively disseminated among all classes. The Government troops about the Palace, seeing symptoms of the coming storm, began to waver.

During the 4th and 5th the excitement continued, and on the 6th multitudes of the people, armed, assembled at the Convent of San Francisco. Here the members of Congress were assembled, and among them Generals Herrera, Garcia, Conde, and Cespedes. The whole body marched from the convent to the square in front of the Palace, which is near the centre of the city, and summoned Canalizo to surrender, giving him two hours to reflect. Canalizo prepared to attack the citizens, when one of his officers, exclaiming that he was the soldier of no tyrant, but of the people, shouted "Long live the Congress !" The cry was taken up by nearly all the troops, and Canalizo fled in terror to his apartments.

Before leaving the convent General Herrera had prepared a letter, which he now sent to Canalizo, requesting him, in order to spare the effusion of blood, to recognize the government of the Constitution and of Congress, and to allow it to exercise its full powers.

To this Canalizo returned in quick succession the following answers: -"Excelentissimo Senor, - In order to avoid any unfortunate scenes or events in this capital, I am ready immediately to deliver up the command, and to evacuate this place at once, if guarantees are conceded to me.

"God and Liberty !
"National Palace of Mexico, Dec. 6, 1844,
"Half-past 2 o'clock in the afternoon.


"To his Excellency General of Division Don J. Joaquin de Herrera."

In half an hour afterwards, General Canalizo sent another despatch as follows: -"Excelentissimo Senor, - The guarantees of which I spoke in my last despatch, which I have just sent, are, that passports to leave the republic shall be given to myself, to the four Ministers, and to the Commandant-General.

"God and Liberty.
"National Palace of Mexico, Dec. 6, 1844,
3 o'clock in the afternoon.


"To the Senor General of Division Don J. Joaquin de Herrera."

After receiving these notes General Herrera, with his troops, forced their way into the Palace, seized Canalizo, and detained him, with Salas, prisoner in the Palace, the Ministers of War and the Home Department being released on giving security, and Rejon and Baranda making their escape.

General Herrera then issued the following important proclamation: -



"Mexicans ! - A blind and audacious Government had violated the laws, believing that society was wholly dependent upon its decrees. But I, having been invoked by all classes and by the principal commanders and chiefs of the garrison, have re-established constitutional order, and am proud of having spared to Mexico and her vast population the anarchy and dissensions arising out of merely isolated efforts. I therefore invite every patriot to rally around the legitimate Government which I represent through the constitution; and the national Congress, which has assembled within a few hours, will accomplish everything which the safety of the country requires from it. Thus will this momentous event be rendered worthy of national pride - a hope which is sincerely shared by your fellow-citizen,

"Mexico, Dec. 6, 1844."

On the 7th of December, the day following this proclamation, a new Government was organized. General Herrera was constituted Provisional President of the Republic. His Cabinet is composed as follows: - Don Pedro Echeverria, Minister of Internal Affairs; Don Luis G. Cuevas, Minister of Foreign Affairs; Don Cariano Rivapalacio, Minister of Justice and Public Instruction; General Pedro Garcia Conde, Minister of War and Marine.

The city of Mexico was immediately filled with the most tumultuous rejoicings. Messages of congratulation were exchanged between the two Houses of Congress, and the new President was waited upon by thousands of his fellow-citizens. The demonstrations of the mob were still more energetic and emphatic. Portraits of Santa Anna in the public places were torn down and dragged through the streets, and torn into fragments, and every one preserved a piece as a memento of their oppressor's downfall. The statue of Santa Anna in the plaza was tumbled down, broken in pieces, and the head borne in triumph through the city. It is also stated that the crowd, intoxicated with joy and frantic with revenge, afterwards proceeded to the monument where the embalmed leg of their Dictator had been buried with so much pomp a year or two since, broke it into atoms, and then kickedand dragged the embalmed limb through the plazas and principal thoroughfares of the city.

Thus was achieved without bloodshed in the capital city the overthrow of Santa Anna.But the movement was by no means confined to the capital. Indeed, not a single department has been heard from which holds out for the Dictator.

In Vera Cruz, always considered his stronghold, the movement was begun a few miles from the city of Colonel Senobio, who, with a few hundred followers, declared in favour of Congress. Soon after, Don Benito Quijano, Governor of Vera Cruz, pronounced against Santa Anna, and in favour of the Congress, and immediately all was excitement and rejoicing. The populace first tore the portrait of the Dictator into tatters, and them burned it in the public square; after which they proceeded in crowds toward the houses of several citizens who were obnoxious from their known friendship for Santa Anna, thirsting for vengeance, and threatening to take their lives. Owing to the efforts of the Commandant-General their lives were spared, he promising the populace that all those who had made themselves inimical to the best interests of the people should be banished from the city. On the following day order was completely restored, the citizens in the meantime forming themselves into military bodies to resist any attempts that might be made by Santa Anna and his friends. On the evening of the 12th of December the tragedy of Brutus: Or, Rome Made Free, was performed at the theatre in honour of the revolutionists.

At Puebla the rising was unanimous. The statue of Santa Anna was tumbled from its pedestal, and his portrait torn into shreds. At Jalapa a few persons were killed, - and this is the only blood shed during the entire revolution, so far as appears.

Santa Anna himself was at Queretao, where he had about 2,500 men, and even upon these it is most likely he can place but little reliance. His chance of escape seems but small. It is said that Congress has outlawed him unless he surrenders at once. It is further stated, that the new Government offers him no terms short of his paying up the $12,000,000 of the public money he is charged with having uselessly squandered or appropriated to his own private purposes. This condition it can scarcely be possible to execute, and in default of complying with it he is threatened with death. Should he succeed in escaping from the country, it is rumoured that he will proceed to Cuba, where, with his princely revenues, he can still live in his accustomed splendour. His private fortune is estimated at some $4,000,000.

There is no reason to suppose that this event, great and important to Mexico itself as it undoubtedly is, will in any respect change the relations between that Government and foreign Powers, and least of all that it will tend in the remotest degree to promote the peaceful annexation of Texas to the United States. Even Santa Anna, obnoxious as he was, was fully sustained by the popular sentiment in the ground he took with reference to this question. And now that the internal dissensions of Mexico have been quieted by the complete and perfect success of the revolution, we have only to apprehend still more energetic and decided measures with reference to Texas. Mexico, both Government and people, regards Texas as still a revolted province. The domestic difficulties which have just seen their crisis, have greatly embarrassed her attempts at its subjugation. Those are now removed, and the whole power of the nation will undoubtedly be turned to the accomplishment of this object. A nation is never more powerful than immediately after a victory of the popular will. That annexation will still be regarded as a declaration of war on the part of the United States seems absolutely certain, whereas the Government of Mexico is much more able to prosecute such a war with effect than before.


LT February 1, 1845, 8f


We find in the New Orleans papers of the 29th and 30th of December very full particulars of recent intelligence from Mexico, brought by the schooner Ventura, which sailed from Vera Cruz on the 13th day of December, and reached New Orleans on the 28th. The news is but one day later than that brought by Mr. Cushing; but as more copious details of the recent important events which have transpired in Mexico are given than were included in his statement, we present a full and careful abstract, made up from the various New Orleans papers, chiefly the Bee and Picayune: -

In the city of Mexico it seems that on the 1st of December a manifesto was issued, protesting against the orders issued by Santa Anna, and denouncing the Government for not having deposed him. This was signed by 55 deputies on the 1st, by 10 others on the 2d, and all the senators except 4. [GLP]

LT February 13, 1845

As the present state of Mexico must, no doubt, be a subject full of interest to many of your readers, I would beg, in connexion with it, to communicate to you such general information as I have been able to glean during a recent visit to that country.

To refer to the causes which have given origin to the important events lately enacted there, would only be to enumerate a series of grievances and oppressions perpetrated upon a people too weak and too debased to resist with either energy or effect. The government of Santa Anna, it would appear, has been characterized throughout by a system of fraud, favouritism, and self-aggrandizement; unjust sentences and cruel punishments have been inflicted upon unoffending parties; and the welfare and prosperity of the nation have been made subservient to the gratification of sordid and avaricious motives. This state of things could not fail in disseminating dissatisfaction and discontent; and it required but the slightest spark to kindle the flame of insurrection throughout the country.

An ostensible cause for resistance was soon presented in the refusal of the President to render, for the examination and satisfaction of Congress, an account of the acts and proceedings of his past government - thus trampling under foot the principles upon which the constitution of the country had been established. The first place to proclaim against this assumption of absolute authority was Guadalajara, where, on the 1st of November, a spirited manifesto was issued at the instigation of General D. Mariano Paredes. This example was soon followed by other departments, so that the President found himself compelled to proceed with an army of about 9,000 men for the subjugation of the increasing insurgents.

No long period, however, had elapsed on his leaving the capital ere the smothered symptoms of dissatisfaction began more clearly to manifest themselves, and his fatal decree of the 29th of November, by which he dissolved the National Congress, sounded the tocsin for a general appeal to arms. The Congress reassembled, with Don Jose Joaquin Herrera as their President, published spirited proclamations, and adopted such general measures as were best calculated to resist his return. The city of Mexico was put into an immediate state of defence, the National Guard called out, and General Nicolas Bravo elected Commander-in-Chief. These resolute proceedings did not fail to receive the approbation of the nation, and day after day brought forth to the Congress the most friendly assurances of fealty and support.

Zacatecas and Oajaca pronounced against Santa Anna on the 11th of December, and the announcement from both of these places was couched in the most firm and heart-stirring language. Puebla, Vera Cruz, Perote, and, finally, the department of Santa Anna de Tamaulipas, which had hitherto remained steadfast to the President, have followed in the train of public opinion, as has done every place of note within the limits of the country.

During our sojourn at Vera Cruz the Mexican steamer of war Montezuma, with Commodore Don Francisco de P. Lopez on board, arrived from Havannah, and the officers and crew took the oath of allegiance to the Congress and constitution. The Guadalupe (sister ship), which arrived on the 26th of December from New York, entered into similar protestations.

At the same time that these active preparations are making for the overthrow of Santa Anna, the periodicals teem with articles in which his life, character, and actions are subjected to severe animadversions, and the most enthusiastic appeals are made to the youth of Mexico to stimulate them to a firm defence of their natural rights.

Under such circumstances it soon became evident to Santa Anna that, so far from being able to stem the current of insurrection, it was incumbent upon him to make provisions for his own safety. He, therefore, retracted his steps towards Mexico, and without attempting any attack upon that city, proceeded as far as Guadaloupe, thus securing for himself a communication with the coast in case of ultimate failure. From this place he conveyed to the Congress a proposal to come to terms, but received for answer that nothing short of his offering himself up for trial would satisfy the nation; and in the event of his suitting to this ordeal, they guaranteed to him his personal safety until the verdict of the trial should be formally pronounced. To these terms, however, he has not thought it advisable to accede, and is accordingly adopting every means within his power to secure to his case the attachment of soldiery.

For some time it was thought that he would attack the city of Mexico, but by the last accounts, brought down to Vera Cruz on the evening of the 1st of January by the bearer of the dispatches of the British Minister, it appeared he had advanced within a short distance of Puebla, with the apparent intention of proceeding to Vera Cruz. At some distance in his rear he was followed by General Paredes with an army of considerable strength, whose tactics, however, did not appear to be to bring him to a general engagement, but rather, by inducing desertion amongst his troops, to so reduce his number as to compel him to suit without discretion. Whether this stratagem will be attended with success, is as yet a matter of doubt, for the army of Santa Anna remains undiminished in numbers.

From this previous precaution of Santa Anna it is not likely that any resistance to his progress towards Vera Cruz can be offered by any of the intermediate places; for a correspondent from Puebla writes, Dec. 25 -

"We have had a formal pronunciation here; but judge of our capacity to stand a siege, when I inform you that we had not powder sufficient to fire a salute to the occasion." Not so, however, with Vera Cruz; here all is bustle and preparation; arms and ammunition have been distributed to the inhabitants, the walls have been repaired where deficient, and guns mounted at every embrasure; and should the garrison and inhabitants only remain firm to their trust, they are capable of making a lengthened resistance.

During this state of things the highway robbers, so numerous in Mexico, have been most daring in their depredations, and scarcely a traveller has escaped being divested of every valuable appurtenance.

A large quantity of specie was expected to be ready for shipment by the next packet, but under existing circumstances there is no prospect of a conducta for a considerable period. Our freight from Mexico did not amount to L200,000.

At noon of the 2d ult the general mail from Mexico had not arrived at Vera Cruz, and the appointed time of sailing having elapsed, the Dee was obliged to proceed on her voyage. It was conjectured that the mails might have been intercepted by Santa Anna, but the general impression was, that the detention arose from the difficulty of obtaining relays of horses, in consequence of his having secured every available animal for the use of his cavalry.

Such is a brief sketch of the present position of affairs in Mexico, in reviewing which it cannot but be hoped by every lover of patriotism that the inhabitants of this ill-fated country will strenuously rally together, and, uniting firmly in the common cause of country and home, expel from their shores this tyrant demagogue; for he is universally denounced as having set at defiance all law, all precedent, all right.

The Dee, by which I have returned to England, left Vera Cruz at noon on the 2d of January, and arrived at Havannah on the 7th. Here trade is rather stagnant at present, the tobacco and coffee crop, but particularly the former, having been very much injured by the hurricane of October, aided by the irregular nature of the dry and wet season. Several murders of a very revolting character have been committed of late, and two soldiers were shot during our stay there for the same crime.

We left Havannah at noon on the 10th ult, having met the Tay from Jamaica, left Nassau on the 12th, and arrived at Bermuda on the 17th, where we met the Trent with the mails and passengers from the Windward Islands

The Dee then proceeded on her voyage to England at noon on the 21st.

On the evening of the 22d the wind began to freshen from the north west, and increased to a severe gale, which continued unabated for three days. During this period our larboard paddle-wheel became much injured, so as to cause some anxiety, but from the severity of the weather nothing could be attempted with it until it moderated, when it was found necessary to disconnect it altogether, and proceed on our voyage with the remaining wheel. The first impression was to make for some of the Western Isles where we might in security repair our damage, but the captain thought it advisable to proceed for England, hoping for the chance of good weather to arrange the wheel at sea. In this expectation he was happily not disappointed, as the weather, after a little time, abated, and continued very fine for about eight days, thus being enabled to complete the repairs by noon of the 6th of February. We had then run for 12 days by the aid of a single paddle-wheel. [GLP]

LT February 14, 1845


The following letter, received by a commercial house of Liverpool, may be relied upon, as showing with fidelity the position of affairs in Mexico: - "Mexico, 31st December, 1844. The rapidity with which the whole country has declared against Santa Anna has, I believe, even surprised the parties themselves who sought for it. At this moment he can merely call the ground his troops occupy his own. All that were with him have to a man remained faithful, and as they consist of the best troops of the country, and amount , it is said, to about 10,000 men, he may still give the existing Government trouble. He is, with all his forces, between this and Rio Jico; but whether his intention be to attack the city or march on Puebla or Vera Cruz is unknown."

LT March 22, 1845


The discussion of the annexation of Texas in the United States has been frequently, and not unjustly, animadverted upon as a proof of the lawless tendencies of democratic communities, and the flexible nature of democratic constitutions, when a pretext is wanted to sanction a crime. But it may readily be imagined that all the argument on this important subject has not been confined to one side; and it is with pleasure that we turn to certain documents which have reached us, emanating from a higher source than the clamour of the populace, and conceived in a far higher tone of policy and justice. The people of New England have offered a constant opposition to the project for annexing Texas, for many very obvious reasons. The aggressive and adventurous spirit of that measure is at variance with the austere principles of their original constitutions; the preponderance of the South is already felt in the councils of the Union; and the acquisition of Texas would raise that preponderance into ascendancy, and secure the perpetuity of slavery and all its attendant evils. These opinions have been very forcibly expressed in the report of a Convention held for the purpose at Faneuil-hall, in the State of Massachusetts. This assembly deliberately resolved, that the scheme of annexing Texas to the United States is a plain violation of the Constitution, and as calculated and designed by the open declarations of its friends to uphold the interests of slavery, extend its influence, and secure its permanent duration; and they protested, that "Texas rebelling against "the laws of Mexico which abolished slavery - Texas wrested from Mexico by citizens of the United States - Texas the support and defence of American slavery, can never be joined to this Union but in "bonds of mutual infamy."

One of the most important parts of the argument of the decided opponents of annexation, in addition to the consideration derived from its inexpediency and immorality, consists in the acknowledged absence of any positive constitutional power to extend the territories of the United States. The resolutions of the House of Representatives for annexing Texas have brought this point directly before the Senate; and a very elaborate report has been drawn up by a committee of that body in support of a decision "that the "joint resolution from the House of Representatives for the annexation of Texas to the United States to be "rejected." The principal ground of this recommendation is the total absence of any power in Congress to proceed to such an exercise of authority. All the powers of Congress are named and defined by the Constitution, and there is no maxim of American public law better established than that Congress possesses no powers not so named. But amongst these powers there is none for extending the territories of the Union, and the partisans of annexation, by act of Congress, have been compelled to resort to every species of distortion and subterfuge to screen the gross unconstitutionality of their proceedings. The annexation party rely, in answer to this, on the fact that the territories of the Union have actually been extended on two several occasions by the purchase Louisiana and of Florida, which was concluded by virtue of the treaty-making power of the Executive Government. But in spite of the manifest importance and unimpeachable motives and equity of the transaction which transferred the mouths of the Mississippi from France to the United States, Mr. JEFFERSON, who concluded it, spoke of the Louisiana treaty in the following terms: -

'This treaty,' said he, referring to the then recent fact of the acquisition, ' must of course be laid before both houses (Congress), because both have important functions to exercise respecting it. They, I presume, will see their duty to their country in ratifying and paying for it, so as to secure a good which wouldotherwise probably never be again in their power. But I suppose they must then appeal to the nation for an additional article to the Constitution, approving and confirming an act which the nation had not previously authorized. The Constitution has made no provision for our holding foreign territory, still less for incorporating foreign nations into our Union. The Executive, in seizing the fugitive occurrence which so much advances the good of their country, has done an act beyond the Constitution.'

Subsequent reference is made to an act of indemnity; and, in another place, an amendment to the Constitution is suggested to make provision for the case of Louisiana, and for that of the introduction of Florida, in the contemplation of this last acquisition."

This is the doctrine still professed to its full extent by the anti-annexation party in New England. They deny that any power of extending the Union exists either in Congress, or in the Executive Government, composed of the PRESIDENT and two-thirds of the Senate; for they contend that such an act, for which no provision was made by the Constitution, changes the relative position of all the States belonging to the Union, and subverts the original compact of the existing confederation.

The Committee of the Senate of the United States do not go to this length, nor do they assent to the self-accusing principles of Mr. JEFFERSON. They hold that no such power as is claimed by these resolutions can be said to exist in Congress; but they are of opinion that the treaty-making power, supported as it must be by two-thirds of the votes of the States, equally represented in the Senate, does extend to this or any other territorial acquisition, to which the power renouncing or surrendering the territory is a consenting party. The following passage from Mr. ARCHER's report is highly creditable to the committee from which it emanates: -

The mere aspect, then, it may be permitted to observe, of the resolution in question, is of a character to startle and awaken doubt of its propriety and policy ! A joint resolution of the two houses of Congress ! To what end ? To make appropriation of a neighboring foreign political state. Under what circumstances? On any request, or intimation in any form, on the part of the state appropriated of desire to be annexed ? If any such have been made, any desire revealed in the only way in which Governments are permitted to know the purposes of other Governments, none have been disclosed through the sole channel which Parliamentary bodies are permitted to recognize as authority for their official action.

The proposition assumed as the basis of the most solemn form of public action is, that a neighboring state has ambition to become extinguished. Supposing the inference just, in the present instance, that Texas, solicitous for the incorporation which is to annul her separate political existence, will show no sensibility to the disregard so remarkable of the courtesy or forms of official respect - even in this supposition, is no tribute of deference due to the reputation of our own Government ? Have we no terms to keep, no observances to respect, as regards to the appearance we have to present to other nations, and their opinion of our proceedings ? Is acquisition all, reputation nothing, in the conduct of gravest affairs ? We are in the practice daily of arraigning the habit, fast obtaining fixed root in the usage of nations (so prompt to become their law), of domiciliary intrusion of strong powers in the concerns of weak powers. Where are the people or government to be found who have been louder in arraignment of the prevalence of this practice than ourselves ? Is no precaution due to the influence which our proceeding in the mode proposed to us may exert, in laying a foundation for authority to plead our own example against us, to stifle the accents of remonstrance which we may have occasion but too often to raise ? What reply will we have to employ or distinction to make in our own favor ? Will ours have been, on the contrary, accompanied by room for such a distinction ?

As far as the affairs will stand out to the world, who are to know of no mitigating circumstances withheld from view, if there had been such, our act has been - dispensing with consultation even, not to speak of waiting for application - to assume an authority to annex our neighbor to us, dictate the conditions, and prescribe a time for their unqualified execution. Suppose the case of dissensions in a neighboring feeble state, let it be Texas, the state of a prey to this last of afflictions, what would be the imputation in that case on the strong neighbor, supposing him not to instigate, yet availing himself of the debauching violence of such distractions to spoil the country ? How easily do such examples run into the worst extreme, and how important it is, therefore, that no countenance be given to public acts which may tend in any degree to their introduction.

The fact is but too notorious of the general prevalence at this moment of the lust of territorial aggrandizement among nations. The disease spreads everywhere. No island so retired, no people so inoffensive, as not to be threatened with the visitation. Is not ours the duty, whilst we exclaim, not to give colour to accusation against ourselves of the character of that we are so loud to charge ? These remarks are deemed not inappropriate to the subject, in a view of the fact that Texas has given no intimation in any known form - certainly in no form which, according to the usages of nations, can give authority for a proceeding so anomalous as that of our Government, not proposing terms of incorporation, but assuming to set on foot the work of incorporation. Not the charge of irregular proceeding only, but of uncompromising pursuit of objects of aggrandizement, will be incited against the reputation of the country, and with no occasion for incurring them, as the opportunities are so obvious of proceeding in concert, if annexation be the real desire of the people in two countries."

In combating this measure no language has ever been employed in Europe more severe, with reference to the object of annexation and the means of effecting it, than that of this report of the highest authority in the Union.

Whatever the result of the vote in the Senate, it cannot overturn the principle which has been so ably laid down by its own Committee: -

Nothing, then, can be more clear than that a foreign State, in its character of political organization as a state - if an engagement, terms, conditions, be requisite to the admission - can find no lawful passage of admission through the power of Congress; that the jurisdiction on the subject, as far as there is any jurisdiction, is an undoubted appurtenance of the treaty-making power, vested in the President and two-thirds of the Senate; that the only mode of effectuation of the admission of Texas lawfully, supposing this to be an event desirable and desired, is by the resolution of the present State of Texas into its component elements of population and territory, which may in those forms pass through the ordeal sieve of the treaty-making power in the President and Senate."

This treaty-making power requires the assent of Texas in the first place, and in the second of the American President and two-thirds of the Senate; to attempt to carry such a measure by bare majorities in the two Houses of Congress, such as are sufficient to sanction the ordinary legislation of the country, is to violate one of the most important principles of the Constitution, and in the true spirit of revolutionary violence to create a power for the sake of gratifying a passion. We still hope that so powerful a protest against so flagrant an evil will not have been made in vain, and that it will put a stop for the present to"the easy achievement of legislative majorities who may want to add to their power, or signalize their lust "of power, or illustrate the fleeting fortune of a passing Administration by a trophy of distinction" [GLP]

LT March 25, 1845, 5b


The ex-president will take his trial before the Mexican House of Congress on six distinct charges - First, that he was guilty of high-treason in attempting to subvert the Constitution and elevate himself as Emperor of Mexico; secondly, in executing powers not constitutionally delegated; thirdly, in malfeasance in office, in applying the funds of the Government to his own use, and sending out of the country, on his own individual authority, several millions of the public money appropriated by Congress for national objects; fourthly, violating the principles of war at Puebla, opening his batteries upon the city, and cruelly butchering the inhabitants while a cessation of hostilities had been granted to him under the sacred guarantee of a flag of truce; fifthly, rifling the national mint, pilfering cities, and appropriating to his own purposes public and private property; and sixthly, disobedience to orders in refusing to give up his command when ordered by Government. In answer to these, Santa Anna contends, that his powers under the Bases, a temporary constitution which ushered in the establishment of the present governmental system, were unlimited and absolute; that he is and was the constitutional president; and that the present Government is unconstitutionally organized, and its officers mere usurpers.

LT March 27, 1845, 4a


The consent of Congress to the annexation of Texas is an event so long expected, that the question of its justice has gradually merged in the vision of its certainty. There was a time when the most enlightened and thoughtful men of the Union could venture to entertain a strong moral objection against it; and their arguments are on record. It was clear, however, that the mass of the Union, its newest and most active elements, were in favour of the measure. Their eyes were always reverting to Texas. Texas unappropriated, like independent Megara within sight of Athens, was the eyesore of the Union; not but that there are other eyesores to the ambitious gaze of that people. Whatever they see they love, whatever they love they covet, whatever they covet they expect and endeavour to obtain. But Texas was the first thing in their way, and formed the bold foreground of their hopes. Texas adjacent, revolted, independent, still menaced and molested by the weak and impolitic rulers whose yoke it had broken, already peopled and governed by the citizens of the Union, or adventurers of the same language and principles, was an acquisition absolutely necessary, so much to the happiness, as to the very comfort, the ease, the sleep, the digestion, of certainly more than half the republic.

The only part of the business, therefore, on which there could be any surprise, would be the particular time and manner which republican wisdom and taste would select for the acquisition. To an European understanding there is something quite grotesque in the time and manner actually adopted. The Congress comes to this momentous decision in the very point of time between the two presidentships. Mr. TYLER completes his career with a determination which he cannot have the smallest share in carrying out, and Mr. POLK will be engaged throughout his whole term in the arduous execution of a project imposed upon him at the first moment of his official existence.

The former PRESIDENT, as he approaches his end, seems horror-struck at the thought of leaving his four years a blank in his country's annals. He must do something before he dies, though he leaves a legacy of trouble to his successor. Yet why defer it to such an hour ? Was it as CONSTANTINE put off his baptism to his death-bed, that he might enjoy the unimpaired benefit, without the arduous responsibility consequent to the rite ? Mr. TYLER, a President rather by misadventure than by popular intention, and not reciprocating to his office the dignity it conferred on him, procures admission to the line of American heroes by an act which will entail upon him neither trouble nor risk. Should it even plunge the nation in war, should it rend the Union, should it finally upset that fearful equilibrium of forces by which the federation is now maintained against so great a diversity of separate interests, Mr. TYLER is clear of all that responsibility. It attaches to those to whom the constitution commits his newborn measure.

The fit of action seems to have seized the whole expiring body. First, the President, as soon as he finds he must needs quit the scene, urges the deed. Then the House of Representatives, about to dissolve, eagerly embraces its last opportunity, and, like the silk-worm, having laid its eggs, immediately dies. The Senate has just time to pronounce. This it does on the 27th of February, and on the 1st of March a new President addresses the whole population on the proceedings of the late Congress. The interval could be but a few hours, but there was time enough, it seems, for the late PRESIDENT to use the powers given to him by the amended resolution of the Congress, for the liberty of negotiation. Already had he sent off envoys and instructions to Texas. Such is the avidity for grasping a personal share in public actions, which a democracy has always been found to generate. The citizen enjoys no repose in his patriotism. He does not rejoice that great things are done, but that he has a share in them. Such, too, is the invariable result of brief terms of office, of great powers given to the unfettered nominees of popular assemblages, and of governments that undergo frequent and abrupt transmutations. Every politician, i.e., every member of the nation, is devoured with the futile ambition of leaving his own image on the acts of the State.

The new PRESIDENT, however, is far from quarreling with his hereditary task. His only complaint probably is, that he was not allowed to initiate as well as to carry on. One could almost fear from the tone of his address that he is minded to make up for this wrong by starting a project or two of his own. The tone of a President must needs be lofty. He must assume a dignity which is not conceded, and he would only be misunderstood and despised by his fellow-citizens if he adopted the conventional courtesies and humilities of European Potentates. His office is the most honourable in the earth; his responsibility is the greatest. To disturb the unanimity of the Federal Union, even for an imagined object of morality, is the most stupendous crime of which human nature can be guilty. To extend that union, indefinitely, in all directions is the citizen's first and noblest instinct; to be comprehended in it, the greatest felicity that can happen to any race of men. It is the only security for peace. All this may mean much or little, but in the old world it is the language of men who are not conducting, but founding an empire.

We in the old world have long since chastised one another's desires to at least the language of modesty and mutual deference. The PRESIDENT is not overawed by the presence of one sovereign power in the length and breadth of his continent. Hence he feels no indecency in expressing, in glorifying every aggressive impulse of the heart. The citizen, he says, must rejoice when a frontier line is removed, when he can communicate freely, commercially and politically, with his neighbours, without the restrictions of trade, or the interference of foreign claims, and foreign politics and morals. When such rejoicings are arguments, then we may reasonably fear for the invidious frontier lines of the St. Lawrence, not to speak of that other on the westward of the Rocky Mountains. But other difficulties will arise before that day. Neither democracy nor federation can solve the great problem of society. Government is not so easy a task. The creature of a mob election, addressing his creators, may talk in the same breath of clustering all nations in a constitutional unity, and interdicting moral and religious interference between the inhabitants of adjacent valleys; but human nature has assigned less to system, and more to spiritual influences. She will soon detect the hollowness of union without unity, and of a political combination that aims to embrace the world, while it is afraid to interfere with the grossest social corruptions of its own bosom. [GLP]

LT LT March 27, 1845 4a Anexation of Texas


[The following appeared in a second edition of The Times of yesterday: -]

The packet-ship Indiana, Captain Bennett, which left New York on the 1st instant, arrived in the Mersey shortly before midnight on Tuesday.

On the 27th ultimo the Senate, by a vote of 27 to 25, passed the joint resolutions from the House of Representatives for the annexation of Texas, having first, however, appended to them, by a similar vote, the provisions of Mr. Benton's bill. We annex the bill as adopted: -

Resolved by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America in Congress assembled, that Congress doth consent that the territory properly included within, and rightfully belonging to the republic of Texas, may be erected into a new state, to be called the State of Texas, with a republican form of government, to be adopted by the people of said republic, by deputies in convention assembled, with the consent of the existing Government, in order that the same may be admitted as one of the States of this Union.

Sec. 2. And be it further resolved That the foregoing consent of Congress is given upon the following conditions, and with the following guarantees, to wit: -

1. Said State to be formed subject to the adjustment by this Government of all questions of boundary that may arise with other Governments, and the constitution thereof, with the proper evidence of its adoption by the people of said Republic of Texas, shall be transmitted to the President of the United States, to be laid before Congress for its final action, on or before the 1st day of January, 1846.

2. Said State, when admitted into the Union, after ceding to the United States all mines, minerals, salt lakes, and springs, and also all public edifices, fortifications, barracks, ports and harbours, navy and navy yards, docks, magazines, arms, armaments, and all other property and means pertaining to the public defence, belonging to said republic of Texas, shall retain all the public funds, debts, taxes, and dues of every kind which may belong to, or be due and owing, said republic, and shall also retain all the vacant and unappropriated lands lying within its limits, to be applied to the payments of the debts and liabilities of said republic of Texas; and the residue of said lands, after discharging said debts and liabilities, to be disposed of as said State may direct; but in no event are said debts and liabilities to become a charge upon the Government of the United States.

3. New States, of convenient size, and having sufficient population, may hereafter, by the consent of said State, be formed out of the territory thereof, which shall be entitled to admission under the provisions of the federal constitution. And such States as may be formed out of that portion of the said territory lying south of 36 deg. 20 minutes north latitude, commonly known as the Missouri compromise line, shall be admitted to the Union, with or without slavery, as the people of each State asking admission may desire."

The following are the provisions of Mr. Benton's Bill, appended on the motion of Mr. Walker: -

And be it further resolved, That if the President of the United States shall, in his judgment and discretion, deem it most advisable, instead of proceeding to suit the foregoing resolution to the Republic of Texas as an overture on the part of the United States for admission to negotiate with that Republic; then

"Be it resolved, That a State, to be formed out of the present Republic of Texas, with suitable extent and boundaries, and with two Representatives in Congress, until the next apportionment of representation, shall be admitted into the Union, by virtue of this act, on an equal footing with the existing States, as soon as the terms and conditions of such admission, and the cession of the remaining Texan territory to the United States, shall be agreed upon by the Governments of Texas and the United States.

Sec. 2. And be it further enacted, That the sum of 100,000 dollars be, and the same is hereby, appropriated to defray the expenses of missions and negotiations, to agree upon the terms of said admission and cession, either by treaty to be suitted to the Senate, or by articles to be suitted to the two Houses of Congress, as the President may direct." From the above it is apparent that if President Polk deems it best to negotiate, then Mr. Benton's bill will have force and validity; but if otherwise, that the resolutions from the House of Representatives will stand unamended.

A narrative of the proceedings on the 27th ult. may perhaps be interesting. The general discussion closed in the morning of that day. On re-assembling, when the whole city seemed to have congregated about the Capitol, a deep anxiety pervading the mass of spectators, Mr. Walker's important amendment having been read, Mr. Foster, of Tennessee, offered an amendment, providing that, in fixing the terms and conditions of admission, it shall be expressly stipulated and declared, that in the part of Texas lying south of the Missouri compromise line, slavery may be permitted or not, according to the wishes of the people of that part of Texas; and that the public debt of Texas should be no charge upon the United States. The first branch of the amendment was lost - ayes, 18; nays, 33. The second was also lost - ayes, 20; nays, 31. The next question in order was the adoption of the amendment which Mr. Archer moved to amend by striking out all after the word "Resolved," and inserting a resolution requesting the President to authorize negotiations to be opened for the acquisition of Texas by treaty, with the assent of the people thereof, which amendment was lost by a tie vote, 26 members voting on either side. Among those who voted against the amendment were Messrs. Henderson and Merrick, quasi Whigs, and Bagby, of the Democratic party, who, on the previous night, had solemnly called God to witness that he believed Congress had no constitutional power to admit a foreign State into the Union, nor to acquire foreign territory, but that the territory must be first acquired through the treaty making power, and then Congress could act upon the subject. The chair then announced the question to be on the adoption of the amendment. Messrs. Crittenden, Berrien, Archer, Morehead, and Woodbridge made most impressive appeals to the gentlemen to forbear to enact the deed of violence to the constitution they seemed determined to perpetuate; but all to no avail.

The question was taken, and the amendment adopted by a vote of 27 to 25, Messrs. Henderson, Johnson, and Merrick voting for it. The resolution, as amended, was then reported to the Senate, when the effort was renewed to get the amendment suitted by Mr. Archer adopted, but without success. Mr. Berrien also suitted a verbal amendment, by which the alternative left with the President, by the amendment adopted, to acquire Texas either by treaty or in virtue of the joint resolutions, would be stricken, out and his action be confined to the negotiation of a treaty, but this proposition also failed. Mr. Miller then moved to amend by striking out all after the word Resolved in the joint resolutions from the house, and insert the bill suitted by Mr. Benton at the last session of Congress, but that was voted down. The vote was then taken upon the passage of the bill, as amended, on which the vote was as before 27 to 25, and the bill was passed through all its stages. It would be sent to the House on the following day, where it was expected that it would instantly be adopted. The inaugural address of President Polk will now, therefore, be expected with anxiety. We look for it in the course of a day or two by the packet of the 6th instant.

The final vote in the Senate was as follows: -

Yeas - Messrs. Allen, Ashley, Atchison, Atherton, Bagby, Benton, Breese, Buchanan, Colquitt, Dickinson, Dix, Fairfield, Hannegan, Haywood, Henderson, Huger, Johnson, Lewis, McDuffie, Merrick, Niles, Semple, Sevier, Sturgeon, Tappan, Walker, Woodbury - 27.

Nays - Messrs. Archer, Barrow, Bates, Bayard, Berrien, Choate, Clayton, Crittenden, Dayton, Evans, Foster, Francis, Huntington, Jarnegin, Mangum, Miller, Morehead, Pearce, Phelps, Porter, Rives, Simmons, Upham, White, Woodbridge - 25.

Mr. Pakenham had attended the Senate nightly, and was present, it is said, when the final vote was taken.

The Committee of Finance, in the Illinois House of Representatives, had reported a bill substantially agreeing to all the conditions required by the subscribers to the Canal loan, as reported by Messrs. Leavitt and Oakley.

Foreign exchange was in active demand for the packets of the first; the markets closed firm, at 109 3/4 to 110. Money was in demand. The rate "on call" was 5 to 6 per cent., and for discounts 5 1/2 to 7 per cent. per annum.


     The packet-ship George Washington, Fletcher commander, arrived in the Mersey yesterday, at 12 o'clock.  She sailed from New York on the 6th inst., and has brought papers to that date inclusive.
     The Congressional session closed on Monday, the 3d inst., and with it the official career of Mr. Tyler.  On the following day the new President, Mr. Polk, entered formally on the discharge of his duties.
     Previously the Oregon Bill from the House failed in the Senate, and the provisions for paying to the Mexican claimants the two installments said to have been paid by Mexico, but which the claimants have not received was passed.
     The inauguration of Mr. Polk seems to have been regarded in Washington as a splendid show, and descriptions of the ceremony are given in the New York prints in the most glowing terms.  The following is a copy of the inaugural address: -

Without solicitation on my part, I have been chosen by the free and voluntary suffrages of my countrymen to the most honorable and most responsible office on earth. I am deeply impressed with gratitude for the confidence reposed in me. Honored with this distinguished consideration at an earlier period of life than any of my predecessors, I can not disguise the diffidence with which I am about to enter on the discharge of my official duties.
If the more aged and experienced men who have filled the office of President of the United States even in the infancy of the Republic distrusted their ability to discharge the duties of that exalted station, what ought not to be the apprehensions of one so much younger and less endowed now that our domain extends from ocean to ocean, that our people have so greatly increased in numbers, and at a time when so great diversity of opinion prevails in regard to the principles and policy which should characterize the administration of our Government? Well may the boldest fear and the wisest tremble when incurring responsibilities on which may depend our country's peace and prosperity, and in some degree the hopes and happiness of the whole human family.

In assuming responsibilities so vast I fervently invoke the aid of that Almighty Ruler of the Universe in whose hands are the destinies of nations and of men to guard this Heaven-favored land against the mischiefs which without His guidance might arise from an unwise public policy. With a firm reliance upon the wisdom of Omnipotence to sustain and direct me in the path of duty which I am appointed to pursue, I stand in the presence of this assembled multitude of my countrymen to take upon myself the solemn obligation "to the best of my ability to preserve, protect, and defend the Constitution of the United States."

A concise enumeration of the principles which will guide me in the administrative policy of the Government is not only in accordance with the examples set me by all my predecessors, but is eminently befitting the occasion.
The Constitution itself, plainly written as it is, the safeguard of our federative compact, the offspring of concession and compromise, binding together in the bonds of peace and union this great and increasing family of free and independent States, will be the chart by which I shall be directed.

It will be my first care to administer the Government in the true spirit of that instrument, and to assume no powers not expressly granted or clearly implied in its terms. The Government of the United States is one of delegated and limited powers, arid it is by a strict adherence to the clearly granted powers and by abstaining from the exercise of doubtful or unauthorized implied powers that we have the only sure guaranty against the recurrence of those unfortunate collisions between the Federal and State authorities which have occasionally so much disturbed the harmony of our system and even threatened the perpetuity of our glorious Union.

"To the States, respectively, or to the people" have been reserved "the powers not delegated to the United States by the Constitution nor prohibited by it to the States." Each State is a complete sovereignty within the sphere of its reserved powers. The Government of the Union, acting within the sphere of its delegated authority, is also a complete sovereignty. While the General Government should abstain from the exercise of authority not clearly delegated to it, the States should be equally careful that in the maintenance of their rights they do not overstep the limits of powers reserved to them. One of the most distinguished of my predecessors attached deserved importance to "the support of the State governments in all their rights, as the most competent administration for our domestic concerns and the surest bulwark against antirepublican tendencies," and to the "preservation of the General Government in its whole constitutional vigor, as the sheet anchor of our peace at home and safety abroad."

To the Government of the United States has been intrusted the exclusive management of our foreign affairs. Beyond that it wields a few general enumerated powers. It does not force reform on the States. It leaves individuals, over whom it casts its protecting influence, entirely free to improve their own condition by the legitimate exercise of all their mental and physical powers. It is a common protector of each and all the States; of every man who lives upon our soil, whether of native or foreign birth; of every religious sect, in their worship of the Almighty according to the dictates of their own conscience; of every shade of opinion, and the most free inquiry; of every art, trade, and occupation consistent with the laws of the States. And we rejoice in the general happiness, prosperity, and advancement of our country, which have been the offspring of freedom, and not of power.

This most admirable and wisest system of well-regulated self- government among men ever devised by human minds has been tested by its successful operation for more than half a century, and if preserved from the usurpations of the Federal Government on the one hand and the exercise by the States of powers not reserved to them on the other, will, I fervently hope and believe, endure for ages to come and dispense the blessings of civil and religious liberty to distant generations. To effect objects so dear to every patriot I shall devote myself with anxious solicitude. It will be my desire to guard against that most fruitful source of danger to the harmonious action of our system which consists in substituting the mere discretion and caprice of the Executive or of majorities in the legislative department of the Government for powers which have been withheld from the Federal Government by the Constitution. By the theory of our Government majorities rule, but this right is not an arbitrary or unlimited one. It is a right to be exercised in subordination to the Constitution and in conformity to it. One great object of the Constitution was to restrain majorities from oppressing minorities or encroaching upon their just rights. Minorities have a right to appeal to the Constitution as a shield against such oppression.

That the blessings of liberty which our Constitution secures may be enjoyed alike by minorities and majorities, the Executive has been wisely invested with a qualified veto upon the acts of the Legislature. It is a negative power, and is conservative in its character. It arrests for the time hasty, inconsiderate, or unconstitutional legislation, invites reconsideration, and transfers questions at issue between the legislative and executive departments to the tribunal of the people. Like all other powers, it is subject to be abused. When judiciously and properly exercised, the Constitution itself may be saved from infraction and the rights of all preserved and protected.

The inestimable value of our Federal Union is felt and acknowledged by all. By this system of united and confederated States our people are permitted collectively arid individually to seek their own happiness in their own way, and the consequences have been most auspicious. Since the Union was formed the number of the States has increased from thirteen to twenty-eight; two of these have taken their position as members of the Confederacy within the last week. Our population has increased from three to twenty millions. New communities and States are seeking protection under its aegis, and multitudes from the Old World are flocking to our shores to participate in its blessings. Beneath its benign sway peace and prosperity prevail. Freed from the burdens and miseries of war, our trade and intercourse have extended throughout the world. Mind, no longer tasked in devising means to accomplish or resist schemes of ambition, usurpation, or conquest, is devoting itself to man's true interests in developing his faculties and powers and the capacity of nature to minister to his enjoyments. Genius is free to announce its inventions and discoveries, and the hand is free to accomplish whatever the head conceives not incompatible with the rights of a fellow-being. All distinctions of birth or of rank have been abolished. All citizens, whether native or adopted, are placed upon terms of precise equality. All are entitled to equal rights and equal protection. No union exists between church and state, and perfect freedom of opinion is guaranteed to all sects and creeds.
These are some of the blessings secured to our happy land by our Federal Union. To perpetuate them it is our sacred duty to preserve it. Who shall assign limits to the achievements of free minds and free hands under the protection of this glorious Union? No treason to mankind since the organization of society would be equal in atrocity to that of him who would lift his hand to destroy it. He would overthrow the noblest structure of human wisdom, which protects himself and his fellow-man. He would stop the progress of free government and involve his country either in anarchy or despotism. He would extinguish the fire of liberty, which warms and animates the hearts of happy millions and invites all the nations of the earth to imitate our example. If he say that error and wrong are committed in the administration of the Government, let him remember that nothing human can be perfect, and that under no other system of government revealed by Heaven or devised by man has reason been allowed so free and broad a scope to combat error. Has the sword of despots proved to be a safer or surer instrument of reform in government than enlightened reason? Does he expect to find among the ruins of this Union a happier abode for our swarming millions than they now have under it? Every lover of his country must shudder at the thought of the possibility of its dissolution, and will be ready to adopt the patriotic sentiment, "Our Federal Union--it must be preserved." To preserve it the compromises which alone enabled our fathers to form a common constitution for the government and protection of so many States and distinct communities, of such diversified habits, interests, and domestic institutions, must be sacredly and religiously observed. Any attempt to disturb or destroy these compromises, being terms of the compact of union, can lead to none other than the most ruinous and disastrous consequences.

It is a source of deep regret that in some sections of our country misguided persons have occasionally indulged in schemes and agitations whose object is the destruction of domestic institutions existing in other sections--institutions which existed at the adoption of the Constitution and were recognized and protected by it. All must see that if it were possible for them to be successful in attaining their object the dissolution of the Union and the consequent destruction of our happy form of government must speedily follow.

I am happy to believe that at every period of our existence as a nation there has existed, and continues to exist, among the great mass of our people a devotion to the Union of the States which will shield and protect it against the moral treason of any who would seriously contemplate its destruction. To secure a continuance of that devotion the compromises of the Constitution must not only be preserved, but sectional jealousies and heartburnings must be discountenanced, and all should remember that they are members of the same political family, having a common destiny. To increase the attachment of our people to the Union, our laws should be just. Any policy which shall tend to favor monopolies or the peculiar interests of sections or classes must operate to the prejudice of the interest of their fellow- citizens, and should be avoided. If the compromises of the Constitution be preserved, if sectional jealousies and heartburnings be discountenanced, if our laws be just and the Government be practically administered strictly within the limits of power prescribed to it, we may discard all apprehensions for the safety of the Union.

With these views of the nature, character, and objects of the Government and the value of the Union, I shall steadily oppose the creation of those institutions and systems which in their nature tend to pervert it from its legitimate purposes and make it the instrument of sections, classes, and individuals. We need no national banks or other extraneous institutions planted around the Government to control or strengthen it in opposition to the will of its authors. Experience has taught us how unnecessary they are as auxiliaries of the public authorities--how impotent for good and how powerful for mischief.

Ours was intended to be a plain and frugal government, and I shall regard it to be my duty to recommend to Congress and, as far as the Executive is concerned, to enforce by all the means within my power the strictest economy in the expenditure of the public money which may be compatible with the public interests.

A national debt has become almost an institution of European monarchies. It is viewed in some of them as an essential prop to existing governments. Melancholy is the condition of that people whose government can be sustained only by a system which periodically transfers large amounts from the labor of the many to the coffers of the few. Such a system is incompatible with the ends for which our republican Government was instituted. Under a wise policy the debts contracted in our Revolution and during the War of 1812 have been happily extinguished. By a judicious application of the revenues not required for other necessary purposes, it is not doubted that the debt which has grown out of the circumstances of the last few years may be speedily paid off.

I congratulate my fellow-citizens on the entire restoration of the credit of the General Government of the Union and that of many of the States. Happy would it be for the indebted States if they were freed from their liabilities, many of which were incautiously contracted. Although the Government of the Union is neither in a legal nor a moral sense bound for the debts of the States, and it would be a violation of our compact of union to assume them, yet we can not but feel a deep interest in seeing all the States meet their public liabilities and pay off their just debts at the earliest practicable period. That they will do so as soon as it can be done without imposing too heavy burdens on their citizens there is no reason to doubt. The sound moral and honorable feeling of the people of the indebted States can not be questioned, and we are happy to perceive a settled disposition on their part, as their ability returns after a season of unexampled pecuniary embarrassment, to pay off all just demands and to acquiesce in any reasonable measures to accomplish that object.

One of the difficulties which we have had to encounter in the practical administration of the Government consists in the adjustment of our revenue laws and the levy of the taxes necessary for the support of Government. In the general proposition that no more money shall be collected than the necessities of an economical administration shall require all parties seem to acquiesce. Nor does there seem to be any material difference of opinion as to the absence of right in the Government to tax one section of country, or one class of citizens, or one occupation, for the mere profit of another. "Justice and sound policy forbid the Federal Government to foster one branch of industry to the detriment of another, or to cherish the interests of one portion to the injury of another portion of our common country." I have heretofore declared to my fellow-citizens that "in my judgment it is the duty of the Government to extend, as far as it may be practicable to do so, by its revenue laws and all other means within its power, fair and just protection to all of the great interests of the whole Union, embracing agriculture, manufactures, the mechanic arts, commerce, and navigation." I have also declared my opinion to be "in favor of a tariff for revenue," and that "in adjusting the details of such a tariff I have sanctioned such moderate discriminating duties as would produce the amount of revenue needed and at the same time afford reasonable incidental protection to our home industry," and that I was "opposed to a tariff for protection merely, and not for revenue." The power "to lay and collect taxes, duties, imposts, and excises" was an indispensable one to be conferred on the Federal Government, which without it would possess no means of providing for its own support. In executing this power by levying a tariff of duties for the support of Government, the raising of revenue should be the object and protection the incident. To reverse this principle and make protection the object and revenue the incident would be to inflict manifest injustice upon all other than the protected interests. In levying duties for revenue it is doubtless proper to make such discriminations within the revenue principle as will afford incidental protection to our home interests. Within the revenue limit there is a discretion to discriminate; beyond that limit the rightful exercise of the power is not conceded. The incidental protection afforded to our home interests by discriminations within the revenue range it is believed will be ample. In making discriminations all our home interests should as far as practicable be equally protected. The largest portion of our people are agriculturists. Others are employed in manufactures, commerce, navigation, and the mechanic arts.
They are all engaged in their respective pursuits and their joint labors constitute the national or home industry. To tax one branch of this home industry for the benefit of another would be unjust. No one of these interests can rightfully claim an advantage over the others, or to be enriched by impoverishing the others. All are equally entitled to the fostering care and protection of the Government. In exercising a sound discretion in levying discriminating duties within the limit prescribed, care should be taken that it be done in a manner not to benefit the wealthy few at the expense of the toiling millions by taxing lowest the luxuries of life, or articles of superior quality and high price, which can only be consumed by the wealthy, and highest the necessaries of life, or articles of coarse quality and low price, which the poor and great mass of our people must consume. The burdens of government should as far as practicable be distributed justly and equally among all classes of our population. These general views, long entertained on this subject, I have deemed it proper to reiterate. It is a subject upon which conflicting interests of sections and occupations are supposed to exist, and a spirit of mutual concession and compromise in adjusting its details should be cherished by every part of our widespread country as the only means of preserving harmony and a cheerful acquiescence of all in the operation of our revenue laws. Our patriotic citizens in every part of the Union will readily suit to the payment of such taxes as shall be needed for the support of their Government, whether in peace or in war, if they are so levied as to distribute the burdens as equally as possible among them.

The Republic of Texas has made known her desire to come into our Union, to form a part of our Confederacy and enjoy with us the blessings of liberty secured and guaranteed by our Constitution. Texas was once a part of our country--was unwisely ceded away to a foreign power--is now independent, and possesses an undoubted right to dispose of a part or the whole of her territory and to merge her sovereignty as a separate and independent state in ours. I congratulate my country that by an act of the late Congress of the United States the assent of this Government has been given to the reunion, and it only remains for the two countries to agree upon the terms to consummate an object so important to both.

I regard the question of annexation as belonging exclusively to the United States and Texas. They are independent powers competent to contract, and foreign nations have no right to interfere with them or to take exceptions to their reunion. Foreign powers do not seem to appreciate the true character of our Government. Our Union is a confederation of independent States, whose policy is peace with each other and all the world. To enlarge its limits is to extend the dominions of peace over additional territories and increasing millions. The world has nothing to fear from military ambition in our Government. While the Chief Magistrate and the popular branch of Congress are elected for short terms by the suffrages of those millions who must in their own persons bear all the burdens and miseries of war, our Government can not be otherwise than pacific. Foreign powers should therefore look on the annexation of Texas to the United States not as the conquest of a nation seeking to extend her dominions by arms and violence, but as the peaceful acquisition of a territory once her own, by adding another member to our confederation, with the consent of that member, thereby diminishing the chances of war and opening to them new and ever-increasing markets for their products.

To Texas the reunion is important, because the strong protecting arm of our Government would be extended over her, and the vast resources of her fertile soil and genial climate would be speedily developed, while the safety of New Orleans and of our whole southwestern frontier against hostile aggression, as well as the interests of the whole Union, would be promoted by it.

In the earlier stages of our national existence the opinion prevailed with some that our system of confederated States could not operate successfully over an extended territory, and serious objections have at different times been made to the enlargement of our boundaries. These objections were earnestly urged when we acquired Louisiana. Experience has shown that they were not well founded. The title of numerous Indian tribes to vast tracts of country has been extinguished; new States have been admitted into the Union; new Territories have been created and our jurisdiction and laws extended over them. As our population has expanded, the Union has been cemented and strengthened. AS our boundaries have been enlarged and our agricultural population has been spread over a large surface, our federative system has acquired additional strength and security. It may well be doubted whether it would not be in greater danger of overthrow if our present population were confined to the comparatively narrow limits of the original thirteen States than it is now that they are sparsely settled over a more expanded territory. It is confidently believed that our system may be safely extended to the utmost bounds of our territorial limits, and that as it shall be extended the bonds of our Union, so far from being weakened, will become stronger. None can fail to see the danger to our safety and future peace if Texas remains an independent state or becomes an ally or dependency of some foreign nation more powerful than herself. Is there one among our citizens who would not prefer perpetual peace with Texas to occasional wars, which so often occur between bordering independent nations? Is there one who would not prefer free intercourse with her to high duties on all our products and manufactures which enter her ports or cross her frontiers? Is there one who would not prefer an unrestricted communication with her citizens to the frontier obstructions which must occur if she remains out of the Union? Whatever is good or evil in the local institutions of Texas will remain her own whether annexed to the United States or not. None of the present States will be responsible for them any more than they are for the local institutions of each other. They have confederated together for certain specified objects. Upon the same principle that they would refuse to form a perpetual union with Texas because of her local institutions our forefathers would have been prevented from forming our present Union. Perceiving no valid objection to the measure and many reasons for its adoption vitally affecting the peace, the safety, and the prosperity of both countries, I shall on the broad principle which formed the basis and produced the adoption of our Constitution, and not in any narrow spirit of sectional policy, endeavor by all constitutional, honorable, and appropriate means to consummate the expressed will of the people and Government of the United States by the reannexation of Texas to our Union at the earliest practicable period.

Nor will it become in a less degree my duty to assert and maintain by all constitutional means the right of the United States to that portion of our territory which lies beyond the Rocky Mountains. Our title to the country of the Oregon is "clear and unquestionable," and already are our people preparing to perfect that title by occupying it with their wives and children. But eighty years ago our population was confined on the west by the ridge of the Alleghanies. Within that period--within the lifetime, I might say, of some of my hearers--our people, increasing to many millions, have filled the eastern valley of the Mississippi, adventurously ascended the Missouri to its headsprings, and are already engaged in establishing the blessings of self-government in valleys of which the rivers flow to the Pacific. The world beholds the peaceful triumphs of the industry of our emigrants. To us belongs the duty of protecting them adequately wherever they may be upon our soil. The jurisdiction of our laws and the benefits of our republican institutions should be extended over them in the distant regions which they have selected for their homes. The increasing facilities of intercourse will easily bring the States, of which the formation in that part of our territory can not be long delayed, within the sphere of our federative Union. In the meantime every obligation imposed by treaty or conventional stipulations should be sacredly respected.

In the management of our foreign relations it will be my aim to observe a careful respect for the rights of other nations, while our own will be the subject of constant watchfulness. Equal and exact justice should characterize all our intercourse with foreign countries. All alliances having a tendency to jeopard the welfare and honor of our country or sacrifice any one of the national interests will be studiously avoided, and yet no opportunity will be lost to cultivate a favorable understanding with foreign governments by which our navigation and commerce may be extended and the ample products of our fertile soil, as well as the manufactures of our skillful artisans, find a ready market and remunerating prices in foreign countries.

In taking "care that the laws be faithfully executed," a strict performance of duty will be exacted from all public officers. From those officers, especially, who are charged with the collection and disbursement of the public revenue will prompt and rigid accountability be required. Any culpable failure or delay on their part to account for the moneys intrusted to them at the times and in the manner required by law will in every instance terminate the official connection of such defaulting officer with the Government.

Although in our country the Chief Magistrate must almost of necessity be chosen by a party and stand pledged to its principles and measures, yet in his official action he should not be the President of a part only, but of the whole people of the United States. While he executes the laws with an impartial hand, shrinks from no proper responsibility, and faithfully carries out in the executive department of the Government the principles and policy of those who have chosen him, he should not be unmindful that our fellow-citizens who have differed with him in opinion are entitled to the full and free exercise of their opinions and judgments, and that the rights of all are entitled to respect and regard.
Confidently relying upon the aid and assistance of the coordinate departments of the Government in conducting our public affairs, I enter upon the discharge of the high duties which have been assigned me by the people, again humbly supplicating that Divine Being who has watched over and protected our beloved country from its infancy to the present hour to continue His gracious benedictions upon us, that we may continue to be a prosperous and happy people.

     The following extracts from the New York Herald give the prevailing rumours as to the formation of the new Cabinet: -

Washington, March 1, 1845, 12 o'clock, Saturday.
     Texas is triumphant, and Mr. Polk has already determined on at least two of his Cabinet.  Mr. Calhoun retires to South Carolina to cultivate cotton and philosophy, having accomplished the work he undertook, that is, - finished the Texas question, and put the Oregon in a proper train of settlement.  The two Cabinet Ministers thus far determined on are -
     James Buchanan, of Pennsylvania, Secretary of State.
Robert J. Walker, of Mississippi, Secretary of the Treasury.

March 8.
     Annotation:  Following this segment are several more rumors and corrections of rumors about the new Cabinet done in the style above.  Also contained is a description of Polk's inauguration ceremony done in the style of describing the decorations on the street and so on.  As such, these sentences are basically media fluff pieces and were left out.


LT March 28, 1845, 4a


If Mr. TYLER strained every nerve in the singular race which has recently taken place between the late and the present Chief Magistrate of the United States to consummate the work which his administration brought to maturity, and to gratify the passions he had roused, it must be acknowledged that Mr. POLK treads very closely upon his predecessor's heels. In the inaugural address delivered by the new PRESIDENT on the 4th of March, we find faithfully reproduced all the worst characteristics of the American statesmen who have been in power since the withdrawal of Mr. WEBSTER from the Cabinet of Washington. If Mr. POLK was chosen as the thorough representative of the party which makes slavery, repudiation, and foreign aggression its claims to distinction, we are bound to acknowledge that he has not swerved from the intentions of his constituents. His language on all these subjects has the same unblushing impudence which belonged to his predecessors, and which we had fondly imagined that no one else could rival; but in his mouth it has this very serious aggravation, that it convinces us he is prepared to begin where the others leave off. We had carefully guarded ourselves against any preconceptions hostile to Mr. POLK; and we had endeavoured to persuade ourselves that we should find more moderation in his own conduct than in that of his adherents; but the indulgent illusion is completely dispelled by the first words he utters, and the anxiety which was incessantly awakened by Mr. TYLER's strange and incongruous efforts, is rendered indefinitely greater by declarations from the new PRESIDENT of at least equal violence, and, we fear, much more significance.

One of the first sentiments uttered by Mr. POLK, after an exordium, in which "the most admirable "and wisest system of well-regulated self-government among men ever devised by human minds" receives a very ample panegyric, is that of "deep regret at the schemes and agitations of misguided persons, whose "object is the destruction of domestic institutions existing in other sections of the country." Amongst nations the expression "domestic institutions" designates all that is sacred among men; in the United States it expresses that state of bondage which is most abhorred by the free - that system of slavery which other countries have practised, which some have renounced, which all deplore, but which the politicians of America have alone the courage to eulogize and defend.

Mr. POLK reserves his compassion, however, for other objects. "Happy would it be," says he, "for "indebted states if they were freed from their liabilities, many of which were incautiously contracted." That sentiment will, indeed, find an echo in every debtor's gaol all over the world ! We who feel for slaves more than for slave-owners, are apt to think unpaid creditors even more to be pitied than profligate debtors; but in the New World these things are reversed. "The sound, moral, and honourable feeling of "the people of the indebted states cannot be questioned," says the PRESIDENT; but whilst sympathies and eulogies are showered upon them, what with one recent exception, is become of their unpaid dividends ?

After two such paragraphs as these, our readers will not be surprised at anything that may follow, more especially with reference to the foreign relations of the Union. A lie repeated after it has been contradicted, and scouted by all well-informed and honest men, is a lie raised to a higher power - the square of a lie. Mr. TYLER intimated in a message some time ago that doubts were entertained by some whether Texas had not originally formed part of the territory of the United States, and been improperly alienated from them; but Mr. POLK resolutely affirms, that "Texas was once a part of our country, was "unwisely ceded away to a foreign Power, is now independent, and possesses an undoubted right to merge "her sovereignty in ours." The whole assertion is utterly groundless - first, because Texas formed no part of Louisiana when sold by France; and, secondly, because the boundary treaty which Spain concluded in 1819 definitively wiped out all such equivocal claims forever. But in this discussion no argument is practicable; the wolf is resolved on seizing his prey, and it signifies but little that the lamb stood drinking lower down the brook. Mr. POLK holds somewhat similar, though less precise, language, as to the Oregon territory. He pledges himself at the very outset of his career, and with the full knowledge that negotiations are actually going on between his Cabinet and Great Britain, that the American title to the country of Oregon is clear and unquestionable. But it may spare time likely to be consumed in a very unprofitable discussion, if we express an opinion, at least as decided as his own, that, in spite of his marauders, and what he terms his constitutional rights, the territory of the Oregon will never be wrested from the British Crown, to which it belongs, but by WAR. Mr. POLK avers, that to enlarge the limits of the Union is to extend the dominion of peace over additional territories and increasing millions; but he will find that when they are so far extended as to include the rightful possessions of the British empire, they will encounter the hostility and the resolution of a people not inferior to the populace of the United States in spirit or in resources.

Under all these circumstances, when the fire kindled by Mr. TYLER and Mr. CALHOUN seems likely to blaze up into a conflagration, and when an immediate collision with Mexico is the most probable result of the late vote of the Senate, it is strange that even the Minister by whose activity and hardihood this mischief has been concocted, should be swept away from his post. Such, however, is the fact. Mr. CALHOUN loses his power quite as effectually as Mr. TYLER himself. A new Cabinet is to come into office with the new PRESIDENT and the new Senate; and though the late Ministers would

"Sic vos non vobis sidificatis aves\
"Sic vos non vobis vellera fertis oves
"Sic vos non vobis mellificatis apes." [GLP]

LT March 29, 1845, 3f

Extract of a letter: -

The revolution is over, and perhaps a more moral one has never been effected in any country. Santa Anna, at the head of the whole available military force, after having committed a thousand atrocities in the shape of malversation and Turkish despotism, thought proper to dissolve the Congress, and virtually have himself declared Dictator. A universal burst of indignation hailed this measure, and the country rose en masse to resist it. Every city, town, and village armed itself, and whilst he, full of confidence, was threatening destruction to all those obnoxious to his cause, and by marches and counter-marches vainly thinking to strike terror into the disaffected country, animated every day by a greater abhorrence of his tyranny, found itself in a state to resist him, and bid him defiance. At length he attacked Puebla, and was driven out after having reached the grand place; in the mean time the Provisional Government had collected a respectable force, which, full of enthusiasm, was by extraordinary marches endeavouring to fall upon him, while he no sooner learnt the approach of his enemies than he fled like a coward, abandonong his friends and followers, already harassed by fatigue, long marches, and want of provisions, to their fate. He set off accompanied by four servants, and was captured at Jeco, near Jalapa, by a handful of rural militia, and conveyed to that city, and is now on his way to Mexico, escorted by his own men, to take his trial and await the condign punishment he most justly deserves. Many persons have performed acts of heroism which would not have disgraced the great men of Greece and Rome; in short, the affair has been conducted throughout in a manner that would have reflected honour on the most civilized nations: and I should say that a better state of things may consequently be expected. The foreign merchants here perhaps would have liked the revolution to have lasted somewhat longer, for on all the advances they have been able to make the Custom-house on account of duties, they are allowed a premium of 20 per cent., and this is a very sure operation, as they repay themselves out of the first duties due to the Custom-house from them. A conducta is to leave Mexico on the 1st proximo, which will be eagerly looked for at Vera Cruz, where money is very scarce at this moment." [GLP]

LT March 31, 1845, 4a Oregon


The question arising out of the conflicting claims of this country and the United States to the Oregon territory is essentially different from all the ordinary topics connected with our foreign political relations, and it involves the most serious consequences to both countries and to the world. It is, upon the whole, a fortunate circumstance, and in these days, we must add, an honourable distinction of the people of this country, that we are accustomed to watch the vicissitudes of affairs abroad without passion and without apprehensions, confiding in the vigilance of our own Government for the protection of British interests, but caring very little for the onerous and unprofitable kind of ascendancy which is to be acquired by eager meddling in foreign affairs. The first lesson which the plain common sense of England would read to a Minister is to abstain from committing the country by an indiscreet solicitude in managing matters in which success brings with it no reward, and defeat entails humiliation and danger. In all such cases, as we have repeatedly had occasion to remark when such instances have occurred, or when the Opposition has laboured to make them occur, the indirect advantage of a diplomatic triumph or a military flourish is far too dearly purchased by the positive and direct danger of war, and the irritated feelings which such manifestations of power and activity leave behind them.

Will anyone be able to believe a few years hence, that for the sake of restoring to the SULTAN the province of Syria, and humiliating the Pasha of EGYPT, LORD PALMERSTON wasted the blood and treasure of England, and wantonly kindled a strife between ourselves and the French people, which no subsequent prudence or temper has been wholly able to quench? The events of 1840 are a memorable example of what is to be gained, and what is to be lost, by a foreign policy of this impertinent officious kind; and the warning of such success has not been lost on any one but the authors of that notable scheme, who have indeed their reward.

But the more we are disposed to contest the propriety of mixing ourselves up in foreign disputes or revolutions, in which we have no direct interest or concern, except when it can be done under the milder form of mediation and advice, the more we would reserve all the energy and power of this country for those cases which do directly affect us, and in such cases the more resolutely would we have them displayed. There is no real danger, in spite of the language of a Cabinet like that of the United States, or the unnatural vituperation of Opposition papers at home, that the moderation of England should be mistaken for a want of power, or the tranquil dignity of her language for a sacrifice of her rights. Enough has been done, even in the last few years, by British diplomatists, and soldiers, and sailors, to convince the world that the resources of this country never were so great as at present; and they will not prove the less irresistible for having been used in no petty quarrels, and for no vain-glorious exhibitions of national force.

In the employment of such resources, the country expects from the Government the greatest forbearance, and the greatest resolution if the case be one in which forbearance is weakness. It needs no argument to prove that a direct aggression on the territorial rights of the British Crown is of all such cases the strongest. Yet if the language of the American PRESIDENT is intended to convey more than an empty threat, such an aggression is contemplated by the Cabinet which has just been formed in Washington. Mr. POLK announces his conviction that the American title to the country of the Oregon is clear and unquestionable, and that his fellow-citizens are already preparing to perfect that title by occupying it with their wives and children. This patriarchal mode of going up into this new land of Goshen is certainly no violation of the existing treaty; but when the PRESIDENT goes on to speak of "the "jurisdiction of our laws, the benefits of our republican institutions, and the formation of states in that part "of our territory within the sphere of our Federative Union," he misinterprets the true nature of our agreement on the subject.

This case may be stated in a very few words. When the dispute, which arose in 1789 between Great Britain and Spain, with regard to the possession of Nootka Sound, and the right to make settlements on the north-west coast of America, was amicably terminated by the Treaty of the Escurial, the state of that remote region rendered such an arrangement practicable. The Whigs ridiculed it at the time, and Mr. GREY observed, that "in every place in which we might settle access was left for the Spaniards; where we "might form a settlement on one hill, they might erect a fort upon another, &c."

But, in point of fact, at that time and for half a century afterwards, the recognition of a joint abstract right was sufficient to prevent a collision, since neither state was likely to make an active use of it, and the country was not yet opened practically to the operations of commerce or the authority of a government. It is contended, indeed, on the part of the >United States, that the Treaty of the Escurial was abrogated by the declaration of war between Spain and Great Britain in 1796, and that it was never renewed; insomuch that when Spain ceded to the United States all her titles to land north of the 42nd parallel of latitude, by the Treaty of Florida signed in 1819, she ceded those titles, not as limited and defined by the treaty of 1790, but as they existed before that treaty. The argument is bad, for the Treaty of the Escurial, being in the nature of a convention declaratory of existing rights, was clearly not liable to be abrogated by a subsequent declaration of war, and it was certainly held to be in force by both Spain and Great Britain after the cessation of their hostilities. But this American argument would rather strengthen than diminish the British claims, for the Treaty of the Escurial was a compromise, and if it be held to have been rescinded, then the British rights become absolute as they were before it existed. The main point, however, in which we would now insist is, that this, and every other arrangement since made with the United States, was essentially temporary in its nature. Joint occupancy is only possible as long as no real sovereignty is exercised. Indeed, in the course of the negotiations between the two Governments in 1827, the British Commissioners proposed that the convention of 1818 should be renewed for a term, with the condition that "neither of the contracting parties should assume or exercise any right of exclusive sovereignty or "dominion over any part of the said country." This suggestion was rejected by Mr. GALLATIN. Each party, then, retains an unquestionable right of making settlements, and even of exercising what is called sovereignty, in the Oregon territory; but it is evident that as soon as both parties proceed to exercise rights, which exclude each other in practice, a collision must ensue. The time is come when such a temporary arrangement has ceased to be possible or secure; but a temporary arrangement can only be terminated in two ways - either by a convention settling the disputed amount of territory and drawing a fixed boundary, or by a recurrence to that state of things in which force alone can between two absolute claimants. If the negotiations undertaken between Mr. HUSKISSON and Mr. GALLATIN in 1826 led to no more satisfactory result than a renewal of the temporary convention of 1818; it is most improbable that any negotiation will now terminate more successfully, unless it turn upon the arbitration of a third Power. This expedient is, however, rejected by the Americans; and the tone of Mr. POLK's address does not lead us to suppose that he would even adhere to the ultimatum of 1826, which was the prolongation of the frontier along the 49th parallel of N. latitude from the point at which it now terminates to the Pacific.

Our position in the matter is a defensive, though not altogether a passive one. England desires an amicable adjustment; but if that be rendered impossible, the untractable policy of her opponent, the aggressive conduct of the American Government, and the unparalleled language of the PRESIDENT, suffice to prepare us for the other alternative. The rights of British subjects in the country of the Oregon must of course be defended; and, indeed, the British positions are sufficiently strong to defend themselves from any sudden attack likely to be made upon them; but if any such attack be made by an American citizen, the American Government must, of course, be held responsible for it, and the people of the United States must take the consequences.

LT April 10, 1845 5f US, Mexican ministers demands his passport and leaves


General Almonte yesterday demanded his passport, accompanying the demand with a note, in which he set forth the wrong done to Mexico by the course of this Government in the annexation of Texas, and declaring as a necessary consequence thereof the termination of all diplomatic relations between the two countries--leaving it to his own Government to decide upon any ulterior measures. He at the same time addressed a circular to the foreign diplomatic corps here, informing them of the step he had taken, and furnishing them with copies of a protest he had felt himself obliged to present against the course of the Government of the United States.

To all who have attentively followed the question, this step on the part of the Mexican Minister seemed inevitable. He had in advance, and in conformity with instructions from his Government, notified our Secretary of State that they act to annex to the United States a province of Mexico--and so he and his Government consider and describe Texas--would be looked upon as an act of hostility to Mexico.

In utter disregard of this warning, Texas has been annexed, so far as our legislation can effect it; and, consistently with his previous annunciation, General Almonte now proclaims that his mission is terminated. It is quire possible, not to say probable, that this step has been taken, after vain efforts, indirectly, on the part of the other foreign legations, to produce delay. But General Almonte was committed both by his antecedents and by his instructions, and could delay no longer. The public giving out is, that he will embark from New York on the 20th instant, but his health will not, I think, admit of his leaving here so early. He is just recovering from a severe malady, and is by no means in a condition to travel.

A Cabinet Council was, it is understood, held last evening, and another has been held today, in relation to this business. The result, of course, is unknown. The passports will be granted, and the American Minister in Mexico will, as a matter of course, have his sent to him by the Mexican Government, the moment the news reaches there--and thus the two Governments will be without means of Intercommunication in the ordinary form.

The circular addressed by General Almonte to the other foreign legations led to a conference among them, and it is understood as the general result on all hands that moderation was to be enjoined. All deprecated hostilities between the United States and Mexico, and especially were the British legation desirous that any such result should be avoided, and the opinion upon the whole seemed to be that war ought not to ensue, and therefore would not ensue.

In coming to this conclusion, however, much reliance was placed upon the character and composition of the actual Government of Mexico. On all hands it was admitted that if Santa Anna were still in power war would be inevitable. But when he fell, a class of men, moderate, less ambitious, and better instructed, were called to the charge of the government, and the hope was entertained, looking to the distracted state of Mexico, to its feebleness, and its wants, that she might, if proper measures were taken by our Government, be persuaded to consider the whole to honour--if wound there be--and the question of boundaries might be adjusted by that potent resolver of difficulties, individual and national--money.

The facts here stated may be implicitly relied on; the inferences must pass for what they are worth. It is certain that all diplomatic intercourse between the two countries is suspended. It is certain, I presume, that Mexico will not pay another dollar of the indemnities stipulated by treaty; but whether she will go beyond that remains to be seen.

It has been the habit among us of asserting that the British Government was fomenting the difficulties between us and Mexico relative to Texas. It would not very much surprise me, if it should eventually turn out--if we are so fortunate as to avoid war--that is owing to British interposition with Mexico. England knows that a war in the Gulf of Mexico cannot be without injury to her, nor without great rish to the peace of the world. She knows that "the cankers of a long peace and a calm world" are only awaiting the chance of an outbreak somewhere to render it general; and therefore quite as much, we readily admit, from interest as from conscience, she would discountenance Mexico in any hostile purpose. Moreover letters of marque, or commissions to privateers such as Mexico would grant, could not be otherwise than formidable even to neutral commerce, which that of England would be, under the circumstances. Hence we say, without any fear of contradiction, that the policy and the interests of England alike combine in favour of peace.

But, on the other hand, I must in all frankness say, that some of our own most sagacious men express great solicitude about the result. They anticipate that the popular feeling in Mexico against annexation and the antipathy against this country will overpower the Moderados in charge of the government, and that is spite of their prudence they may be driven into hostilities; and for hostilities, even upon the humblest scale, we are wholly unprepared, for this Congress, while provoking war, have actually curtailed all the appropriations for the means of war.


LT April 10, 1845 5f US and Mexico, miscellaneous news

(From a New York Paper.)

The recent action of our National Legislature in regard to the annexation of Texas turns anxious attention to the proceedings of Mexico. That power proclaimed, repeatedly, and in the most emphatic terms, through her accredited agents, that the annexation of Texas to the United States would be regarded by her as a declaration of war. We have nevertheless, indulged the hope that the modified form in which this great act was consummated, and the reported good offices of the foreign Ministers resident at Washington, might prevent hostile action, and that the whole difficulty might be arranged by mutual negotiations.

This expectation was not a little strengthened by the fact that the Mexican Minister, up to Saturday morning, had not demanded his passports. This ground of hope,, it will be seen is removed. The following letter, received in this city yesterday, is from a source which entitles, not only its statement of facts, but its slightest conjectures, to the most respectful consideration:--

Washington, Sunday, March 9.

Mr. Almonte, the Mexican Minister, wrote a letter to the Secretary of State yesterday afternoon, announcing that his mission was closed, and demanding his passports. At the same time, he sent round a circular to the Ministers of other Governments here, protesting in strong language against the resolutions of the two houses for the annexation of Texas. He has said that he shall sail from New York on the 20th of this month.

The general opinion prevailing in the circle of the principal foreign Ministers resident here, and especially of those who have been in Mexico, and who are acquainted with the persons now in power in that country, there is reason to know, is, that Mexico will be remonstrate, protest, and denounce the proceeding in an angry manner, but that she will not commit any immediate breach of the peace. It has been reported that she may even go to the length of non-intercourse, but it is not thought by any of them she will resort immediately to war.

It is said that Mr. Pakenham and Mr. Calderon De La Barca, the Spanish Minister here, both of whom have been long in Mexico, speak very well of the persons now in power in Mexico. They say they are among the wisest and best of the public men in that ill-governed and ill-fated country. It is believed their temper will be pacific, so far as such a temper can be indulged in the excited and indignant state of feeling which it is admitted on all hands exists with all the Mexican people.

For one, I entertain serious fears. Mexico is smarting under a sharp sense of injury; and both Government and people may be willing to plunge into war, reckless of consequences, or counting on the sympathy of other states.

(From another private letter)

Washington, Sunday, March 9.

Yesterday, at 2 o'clock, the Mexican Minister, Almonte, sent a communication to the Department of State demanding his passports. At the same hour Almonte addressed a circular to the foreign Ministers near this Government, protesting against the joint resolutions of Congress in regard to Texas.

Last evening this matter was the subject of conversation in a circle composed of the leading foreign Ministers and members of our Senate. The present opinion seemed to be that Mexico would remonstrate, and manifest in many ways much indignation, but that it would all end in remonstrance and that she will take no hostile step whatever.

Mr. Pakenham has expressed an opinion that the affair with Mexico will not lead to hostilities. The granting of letters of marque by the Mexican Government would be opposed by the British Government. That proceeding would endanger British commerce, and often involve it in difficulty as well as our own.


Washington, March 9.

General Almonte, the Mexican Minister, at 8 o'clock yesterday, p.m. addressed a note to the State department, complaining of the late act of Congress resolving to annex Texas, which he considered an act of hostility to the Mexican Government, and in conclusion demanded his passports. In the course of the day General Almonte send a formal letter, addressed to all the Foreign Ministers near our Government, remonstrating in the name of Mexico against the resolutions of Congress for the admission of Texas. The letter is written with some poignancy, and displays no little shrewdness. It is the intention of General Almonte to sail from New York for his own country in the course of 10 days.

Last evening, at a concourse of the foreign Ministers, this subject was discussed. Though in some respects their opinions varied, in one they all agreed--that the men who now ruled the affairs of the Mexican nation had characters for intelligence and respectability. They were men of discretion and of experience; and though among the people Mexico there would be much exasperation, and no little complaint of the conduct of our Government, still they thought that the Administration would not recommend any hostile measure towards our nation. The most it would insist on would be an indemnification from our Treasury for the loss of Texas. Satisfied with this, it would abandon any belligerent intention towards our Government. It may be taken for certain that the Mexican Government will grant letters of marque by the Mexican Government would be opposed by the British Government. That proceeding would endanger British commerce, and often involved it in difficulty as well as our own.

Washington, March 9.

General Almonte, the Mexican Minister, at 8 o'clock yesterday, p.m., addressed a note to the State department, complaining of the late act of Congress resolving to annex Texas, which he considered an act of hostility to the Mexican Government, and in conclusion demanded his passports. In the course of the day General Almonte sent a formal letter, addressed to all the Foreign Ministers near our Government, remonstrating in the name of Mexico against the resolutions of Congress for the admission of Texas. The letter is written with some poignancy, and displays no little shrewdness. It is the intention of General Almonte to sail from New York for his own country in the course of 10 days.

Last evening, at a concourse of the foreign Ministers, this subject was discussed. Though in some respects their opinions varied, in one they all agreed--that the men who now ruled the affairs of the Mexican nation had characters for intelligence and respectability. They were men of discretion and of experience; and though among the people Mexico there would be much exasperation, and no little complaint of the conduct of our Government, still they thought that the Administration would not recommend any hostile measure towards our nation. The most it would insist on would be an indemnification from our Treasury for the loss of Texas. Satisfied with this, it would abandon anay belligerent intention towards our Government. It may be taken for certain that the Mexican Government will grant no letters of marque--no licenses to afflict our commerce. It is impossible that we should be embroiled with her in a naval warfare without implicating England, whose navigation would suffer as much as the American from such a state of things.

Mr. Pakenham is of opinion, as I am informed on good authority, that the only demand Mexico will make with any degree of pertinacity upon our Government will be the indemnification from our Treasury for the loss of her rights to the two Governments. Mexico already is indebted to our citizens, and with the released of that debt, and some additional gratuity, I have no doubt she would be inclined to cede all her rights in Texas to us, without regret.

The first annunciation of General Almonte's course may somewhat affect our funds; they cannot be seriously influenced, however, the true state of things is revealed. I entertain no suspicion of any rupture with Mexico.

(From the National Intelligencer. )

In confirmation of the reports which have been in circulation here, and have already found their way into the eastern papers, we learn that the Minister of Mexico to this country (General Almonte) has signified to this Government the termination of his mission, in consequence of the passage of the act for the annexation to the United States of the province of Texas.

He has addressed a letter to the Secretary of State, entering a solemn protest, in the name of his Government, against that law, which he declares to be an act of aggression the most unjust that modern history records, being, as he alleges, the spoliation of a friendly nation of a considerable part of its territory.

The Minister has further asked for his passports, it being his purpose to leave this city for New York as early as practicable, and there to embark for Mexico.

This step on the part of the Minister is, of course, only what every intelligent person knew would be the necessary consequence of the passage of the act of annexation. [JSW]

LT April 10, 1845 6a Oregon Territory


A letter from Multnomah city, Oregon territory, dated the 18th of June, 1844, says the Oregon Legislature convened in that city the day previous. This Legislature is formed by the citizens of the territory, and rests for its authority on a voluntary compact among the people, as in all primitive Governments. Since the General Government of the union has failed hitherto to extend its laws over that region, the emigrants have resorted to their natural rights, and formed a voluntary political association for themselves, as was the case in the early American colonies. Our old friend Judge Burnet is a member of the Oregon Legislature. The crops were very good in June last, especially the wheat crop, surpassing anything known on this side of the mountains. Labourers commanded $1 50c. per day, with board included. The improvements about the falls of Willamette were progressing rapidly. The emigrants were eager for the passage of the Oregon Bill, and insist upon the retention by our Government of every inch of that territory. There is sufficient pasturage for cattle during the whole year, and abundance of timber for building and other purposes. Produce commands a good price, being shipped to the Russian dominions and other points of the Pacific. Groceries, &c., can be purchased at different places in the territory, though at rather high prices at present, the Hudson's Bay Company commanding the market for such articles. In short, the first difficulties of an early settlement in a remote region have been removed, and without the aid or encouragement which our Government ought long ago to have afforded. It must be humiliating to every American that our country deserves, to a considerable extent, the reproach cast upon it by Great Britain with regard to the American colonies, and uttered by Colonel Barre in the House of Commons in 1775, when, in reply to the charge that these colonies has grown up under the protection of England, he declared that, instead of being nurtured and protected, they had increased in wealth, prosperity, and numbers, in spite of the neglect of those who were bound to aid and encourage them. So it has been with Oregon. Emigrants have gone thither, encountered difficulties, opened improvements, made prosperous settlements, introduced the arts and comforts of civilized life, established schools, built churches, founded cities, engaged in commerce, established a colonial legislature, defended themselves against all encroachments--in a word, laid the foundations of a prosperous empire, in advance of any action by our Government. They now demand, as they have been demanding for years, that the protecting and sustaining arm of the Republic shall be extended to them. Although their greatest and best advocate, the lamented Linn, has paused from the stage of action, yet their cause still remains, strengthening yearly, and demanding with increased force the encouragement which the country could always give to its pioneers. [JSW]

LT April 14, 1845 5d Gen. Almonte's protest against the US




The British and North American Royal mail steam-ship Cambria arrived in the Mersey at 4 o'clock this morning, bringing advices 13 days later than those received by the Montezuma, and her full complement of passengers. She sailed hence on the 4th ult., arrived out at Boston on the morning of the 18th, sailed from that city on her return on the 1st inst. And Halifax on the 3d, and made the run from the former port, including the usual detention at Halifax, in the remarkably short space of 11 ½ days.

An attempt to bind President Polk to consummate annexation, through the treaty-making power, had failed in the Senate on the 10th ult.

We annex a copy of General Almonte's protest to the Executive against the annexation of Texas. The Minister, it is now said, intends to remain in New York until he receives fresh instructions from the new Mexican Administration, and he expresses openly his belief that war will ensue. The New York Herald states:--"That it is his intention to issue through the press, and place before the American people, not only the recent diplomatic correspondence between him and our Government, but a number of other views and considerations addressed to the American people against the policy, the justice, and the legality of the recent movements in favour of the annexation of Texas."

The protest of General Almonte is as follows:--


"The undersigned, &c. has the honour to address the Hon. J. C. Calhoun, &c. for the purpose of making known to him the profound regret with which he has seen that the General Congress of the Union has passed a law consenting to and admitting into the American confederation the Mexican province of Texas.

"The undersigned had flattered himself that in this question the good sense and sound opinions of the citizens meet distinguished and experienced in the management of public affairs in this republic would have prevailed in the deliberations of the legislative body and of the union; but unfortunately this has not been the case, and, contrary to his hopes and most sincere wishes, he sees consummated by the American Government an act of aggression the most unjust which can be recalled in the annals of modern history, such as the spoilation of a friendly nation, like Mexico, of a considerable part of her territory.

"For these reasons the undersigned, in fulfillment of his instructions, finds himself obliged to protest, as he does accordingly protest, in the most solemn manner, in the name of his Government, against the law passed on the 28th of last month by the General Congress of the United States, and sanctioned on the 1st of the present month by the President of the said states, by which the province of Texas, an integral part of the Mexican territory, is allowed to be admitted into the American Union.

"The undersigned, in like manner, declares that the aforesaid law can in no manner invalidate the right which the Mexican nation possesses to recover the aforesaid province of Texas, of which she is now unjustly despoined, and which right she will sustain and enforce at all times by whatever means are in her power.

"The undersigned will say in conclusion to the hon. Secretary of State of the United States, in order that, he may be pleased to inform the President of the said States of the same, that in consequence of the law against which he has just protested, his mission to this Government is terminated from to-day. Consequently, the undersigned requests the hon. Secretary of State to be pleased to send him his passports, as he has arranged to quit this city as soon as possible for New York.

"The undersigned, &c.

"Washington, March 6."

It appears, from the New Orleans Picayune of the 12th ult., that the Mexican consul in that city, Senor Anangoiz, has also closed his relations with the United States.

The New York Herald says, "It is now certain, from the best information, that Mr. Pakenham, the British Minister, has received instructions to open negotiations for a new commercial treaty with this country, and we really hope our Government may meet him half way." "We hear from Washington that Mr. Mason, of Virginia, is to be reinstated in the navy department, and that Mr. Bancroft will go to England as the successor of Mr. Everett." Duff Green had returned to Washington.

The members of the diplomatic corps had waited upon the President of the United States in a body and through their senior, the Minister of Russia, made an address to him, on the occasion of his accession to the Presidency, expressive of the friendly sentiments entertained towards the United States by the Sovereigns and Governments whom they represent, and of their earnest desire to continue to maintain the existing friendly and peaceful relations between this country and theirs; to which address the President made a fitting reply, reciprocating these sentiments on his part, as chief magistrate of his own country.

The Senate had closed the extra session. As the time limited for the confirmation of the Zollverein treaty will expire before another session, it is of course permanently lost. It is understood that the cause of the rejection was chiefly that it compelled a reduction in the tariff on some articles, and thus interfered with what might be considered the legislative action of Congress and the privileges of the other house.

Great satisfaction was felt at the recent changes in the British tariff.

The health of General Jackson is represented to be very precarious.

No accounts of the missing packet-ships have been received, and all doubt as to their fate has now died away.

As regard Pennsylvanian affairs, the New York Herald states, that--

"The Appropriate Bill has passed one branch of the Legislature of Pennsylvania, and there is no doubt but that it will pass the Senate by a large majority. This bill provides for the payment of the interest on the funded debt, due in August, and the current expenses of the state, after paying which, the interest on certain certificates issued is to be paid. If the funds in the State Treasury on the 1st of August are not sufficient to pay the full amount of interest due then, all demands of $50 and under are to be paid in cash, and the balance to be divided pro rata , and certificates to be given for the balance, to be paid on presentation out of the first monies received into the Treasury. The solvency and credit of Pennsylvania may be considered established upon a firm basis, and after another year the finances of the state will, without doubt, be in a condition to liquidate every liability at maturity.

The Legislature of Michigan was still in session. The Legislatures of all the other delinquent states had adjourned. In Michigan, a spirit to increase and improve the internal works of the state ran very high, and grants of land had been made to complete many now partly finished. The payment of the interest on the public debt had not, and probably would not, be provided for this session.

The money-market was sound, active, and easy, and upon the whole, all looked well and prosperous in the business condition of the country. The transactions in foreign exchanges were extensive, the supply of bills extensive, and the market closed firm at the quotations: on London, 109 5/8 to 109 ¾.

We learn from Canada that the University Bill, granting equal privileges to all evangelical sects in the principal college of Canada West, which has heretofore been entirely under the control of the church of England, was carried on a second reading in the Assembly of the Provincal Parliament by a vote of 45 to 34. In the course of the debate Solicitor-General Sherwood and Inspector-General Robinson stated that they had placed their respective offices at the disposal of the Governor, in consequence of this having been made a Ministerial measure. His Excellency the Governor-General has accepted the Hon. Mr. Robinson's resignation. After it had been decided that the University Bills were not to be proceeded with this session, it was supposed the obstacle to Mr. Robinson's remaining in the Ministry had been removed.

The Customs Bill had passed. In connexion with this measure the Montreal Gazette says:--

"A New York paper says that the bill for allowing British and other goods to pass in bond through the United States has become law. We have considerable doubts that it will work, but if it does, it certainly will produce great changes in the commerce of this continent, and afford an additional reason for 'setting our house in order,' by establishing a railroad communication with the Atlantic.

"No doubt, however, is entertained that the measure will come into operation with the opening of the navigation, and it becomes our statesmen and merchants to direct their immediate attention to a matter which involves, not very remotely, the existence of our commercial cities, the revenues of our public works, the direct British trade, and with that protection and favour in the British markets. And it is a singular contrast, that while the Americans are passing an act for the purpose of securing to themselves the transit trade of the Canadas, the Canadians are doing all that legislation can do to repel the transit trade of the western states, and, not content with thwarting and abusing, as the enemies of the farmer, those who would attempt to secure them the manufacturing of American flour for the New England and West India markets, put an additional duty on that brought through for export to England; an act of folly for which it would be difficult to find a parallel."

The Provincial Parliament was to be prorogued on the 28th ultimo.

The town of Portland (suburb of St. John's, New Brunswick) had been the scene of a fierce riot. Four men were shot, one of whom is beyond recovery. The Royal Artillery, with field-pieces were called out, but before their arrival the ground was in possession of two companies of provincial troops, which restored order. The cause of this riot, for some reason or other, is not explained in the provincial papers. Religious prejudices are hinted at as the primary cause.

W. M'Leod, the Hon. G. Street, and Mr. John Allen had been provisionally appointed members of Her Majesty's Executive Council of New Brunswick.

The Texan advices by this arrival reach to the 8th ultimo. The Texan journalists were then beginning to discuss the annexation question in earnest: --

"The language of the papers generally," says the New York Commercial Advertiser, "indicates that there is either a genuine disposition to prefer the chances of a separate and independent national existence--rendered more favourable now by the strong probability that an amicable arrangement made be made with Mexico, consequent upon the overthrew of Santa Anna and the accession to power of men who are less under the influence of personal objects; or a belief, that the terms of annexation are really unjust and disadvantageous to Texas; or, finally, that a better speculation may be made by holding back and presenting a show of resistence; just as a man who has goods to sell, though willing to accept the price offered, affects indifference or reluctance, in hopes of making a still better bargain. We do not venture at present to offer an opinion on the question by which of these three possibilities the language of the Texan journals is instigated; but it will be admitted, we think, that if the tone of earnest indignation in which they speak is not sincere, it is at least exceedingly well counterfeited."

The following is from theWashington National (Texas), described as the Government organ:--

"If the people of Texas choose to revolutionize their Government and institute some new and different republican organization, they may do so without the leave of a foreign Government 'first had and obtained.' But the United States have acknowledged our title to be recognized as an independent nation, both de facto andde jure. Should we adopt the course designed by their resolutions we at once lose the benefit of that acknowledgment. We pass into a state of imbecile and hopeless dependence upon that power--to be annexed !--certainly never, until their aspiring partisans shall cease to need the material we now furnish them for the manufacture of political capital. Our relations with other Governments dissolved, and our own nationality renounced, the United States may consent to hold--as they shall have consented to place us--in a state of penultimate but unaccomplished annexation !

"But even this consent of the American Congress, meagre and valueless as it is to the people of Texas, but for which we are required to give to the United States a lien upon our country's sovereignty--this worthless consent, as if begrudged to Texas, is eked out to her at a miser's usury, and is shackled with what lawyers call 'conditions precedent.' Passing by the required sacrifice of our right to adjust the boundaries of our territory, the consent of that Congress, even once more to entertain the Texas question, is coupled with the cold assurance, that it we are ever admitted into the Union at all, we must cede to the United States 'all our mines, minerals, salt lakes, and springs, also all our public edifices, fortifications, barracks, ports, and harbours, navy and navy yards, docks, magazines, arms, armaments, and all other property and means pertaining to the public defence.'

"We must also yield up our revenue and our capacity to raise one; which single item, under the financial regulations of our fostering step-mother, would bring into her treasure at least $300,00 per annum; for which we have her kind permission to retain our public debt and keep our public domain; subject, however, to the payment of the debt, and circumscribed within such limits as she may hereafter be pleased to assign to our territory, in the exercise of her characteristic and far-stretching diplomacy, which once reached even to the western banks in the Sabine! We must, however, truckle to her pet abolitionists, by obligating ourselves to prohibit slavery north of the parallel of 36 degrees 30 minutes, known as the Missouri compromise line.

"We have always been a warm and hearty advocate for the cause of annexation; but never did we dream that the approval of the people of Texas would be required to a proposition so absurd, so degrading, as the one propounded by this resolution. Our space does not now admit of further detail. Suffice it, that we contrast our present elevated position, as a people, secure in the respect and amity of the great, enlightened nations of the earth; secure in the enjoyment of peace, and in the speedy acquisition of acknowledged independence; secure in the wealth which the commerce of Europe is about to pour into our lap, and in the enjoyment of peace, and in the speedy acquisition of acknowledged independence; secure in the wealth which the commerce of Europe is about to pour into our lap, and in the increasing value of our lands, arising from extended occupation, and the investment of foreign capital; secure of becoming 'the most favoured' by those powerful and wealth sovereignties whom both interest and policy impel to cherish our prosperity and growth, that their markets may be supplied with our staples; and secure that the increase of commerce will speedily render no less consistent than desirable a great diminution of the present tariff--with the alternative presented by this resolution, of Texas divested of all these high privileges and advantages; shorn of her attributes as a nation; crippled in her commerce, in her prosperity, in her domestic resources; depressed by the burdens of public debt and direct taxation; her land, in consequence, depreciated in value, and, in the event of final annexation on the proposed basis, our public domain not only razeed and mortgaged to secure the payment of our debt, but even eviscerated of its mineral wealth, to swell the federal treasury.

"This is indeed but a dim and totally inadequate view of the actual pit and grace of insignificance and infamy into which the House of Representatives of the American Congress have proposed to plunge this nation.

"'Since he, miscalled the Morning Star,

"'Norman nor fiend hath fall'n so far!'"

The National Registerremarks:--

"The removal of this duty on cotton will enable the British Government to throw vast commercial, advantages into the hands of the merchants and planters of Texas. We have every reason to believe that if we conclude to remain independent, this duty will be removed from all Texas cotton introduced into English ports, while it will be retained upon that produced in the United States. Under this discrimination in our favour may be also embraced sugar and tobacco. In this way our rivalship with the United States will be almost instantly established. These great advantages could not fail to attract hither the planting capital of the southern states; for under such an arrangement they would gain by the change an increase of profits of not less than 40 per cent, per annum.

LT April 14, 1845 6b Mexico, revolution in


The following graphic account of the occurrences in the city of Mexico which attended the overthrow of Santa Anna, is taken from one of the New York papers, and said to have been furnished by an eye-witness:--

"Pueblo, the second city in Mexico, at length 'pronounced.' The capital could no longer resist the contagion. Thousands, yes, tens of thousands, assembled in the Plaza, the great square in front of the Cathedral, and there sealed for ever the destiny of the late despotic President. Shouts of 'vivas' from twice ten thousand voices rent the air; clenched and uplifted hands and gesticulations of the most determined character indicated the deep-seated enthusiasm of the vast multitude. It was indeed a tremendous spectacle. I witnessed many men so impressed and affected at the sight that the tears were streaming down their faces. It was a motley scene; the Mexican gentlemen, the merchant, the lepero in his many-coloured sarape, the officer in his gorgeous regimentals, soldiers, crowds of young men, women, and boys--all combined to furnish a spectacle which those who witnessed it, and the intense enthusiasm which appeared to burn in every one, will never forget. The next day the plot thickened. As soon as it was fairly light multitudes assembled from all quarters; the streets Calle de Plateros and the Calle Monterella, were impassable for the vast crowd, who seemed stimlulated to still greater enthusiasm than on the day preceding; they proceeded to destroy every statue, effigy, picture, or memorial of their late chief magistrate, who so long had ruled them with a rod of iron, whose word was law, whose will was inflexible and controllable by no man in Mexico.

"The populace first addressed itself to the beautiful column bearing Santa Anna on the summit, recently erected in the market-place. He was represented in a graceful attitude with outstretched arm, and his forefinger pointing towards Texas, as if to animate his countrymen in the re-conquest of that country. The statue was soon abased from its lofty eminence, and laid prostrate in the dust, amidst shouts, vivas, jeers, execrations, and laughter. I was present at the completion of this monument about three months before. It was a day and night dedicated to rejoicing, and the populace, in honour of the event, were regaled at the expense of the Government with balls, fireworks, and diversions of various descriptions. Little did I imagine that the very people who assembled in crowds round the beautiful column to admire and to read the encomiastic inscription at its base, would in so short a period be among the foremost to aid and exult at its downfall, to obliterate every trace of the letters bearing the now detested name of the Dictator.

"The theatre bearing the despot's name, 'Gran Teatro de Santa Anna," next became the object of popular fury. This theatre is among the most splendid in the world; it has been but recently finished. It is understood that Santa Anna is one of the principal proprietors. I have seen no theatre either in London or Paris superior to it in luxury, elegance, or comfort. In the spacious porch leading to it there had been recently erected in honour of its patron, the President, a gigantic statue of himself, composed, I believe of bronzed plaster of Paris; this the populace seized, tore from its pedestal, dashed it with fury against the stone pavement, and shattering it into a thousand pieces, thry ground it to powder beneath their feet. They then exacted from the proprietor that its name should be changed, that it should no longer be decorated by that of the despot's, and it now rejoices in the more euphonous sound of 'Gran Teatro Nasional.'

"I am sorry that the populace should not have confined their demonstration of the hatred in which they justly held Santa Anna to the particulars which I have related, but a dark tale remains to be told,--one only paralleled by the French revolutions. They tore open the vault in which the limb he lost (certainly in his country's defence) had been buried, dragged it into the Plaza, and tossing it about amidsts the most revolting language and insulting ridicule, finally threw it upon a dunghill. Santa Anna in his defence of the charges brought against him, justly observes that this transaction was more worthy a nation of savages than of civilized beings.

"The revolution was no at its zenith. Crowds of young men assembled in the church of St. Domingo, and swore to protect the existing Constitution; shouts of 'Viva' and 'Death to the Tyrant!" issued fearlessly from beings who but a few weeks before had better have burnt their tongues than said so. They were supplied with arms and marched down the principal streets, amidst the vivas of beautiful women who crowded the balconies, waving their handkerchiefs, and by their encouragement infusing a still more determined spirit in the defenders of the country. 'If the women are against him,' remarked a gentleman with me, 'Santa Anna's case is indeed hopeless." [JSW]

April 14, 1845 6a



Sir, --According to the last advices, the annexation of Texas to the United States may be considered as un fait accomli, at least as regards that Power. By what a series of errors this result has been attained. I shall briefly endeavour to prove to the satisfaction of impartial men on both sides of the Atlantic.

Who are the real authors of this threatened aggrandizement of a nation which, careless of the opinions of a large part of its population, strives to extend the slave system, with its attendant horrors?

The Mexican Republic, in the first place, because it has not used all its exertions to regain the vast territory in question, which is, and always was, an integral part of the state.

France, in the second place, induced probably by the representations of one of her Ministers, who, the day after he had signed a treaty of peace with Mexico, went to fraternize with her declared enemies--the usurpers of Texas,--and recognized the independence of a country which has been unable to retain it, as is clearly shown by the anxiety of the Texans to join the American federation.

Lastly, Great Britain, who, despite her costly sacrifices to extinguish slavery in her own dominions, and to restrain it everywhere, has opened a vast field for its extension by recognizing the independence of a state which can only exist by the slave system, and has, besides, fearfully augmented the power of her most formidable rival.

Thus, the Powers chiefly interested in the abolition of slavery, and in checking the aggrandizement of the United States, have actually assisted powerfully to extend the slave system, and to increase the power of the American federation.

The Cabinet at Washington has skilfully availed itself of the errors committed by its friends and neighbours; but the day is not far distant when two of these Powers will deeply regret the false policy and want of foresight which caused them to abandon Mexico in her struggle against the usurpation of the Anglo-Americans, contrary to their real interests and the dictates of justice and sound policy.



1845-4-15-5d Annexation of Texas

Although the recent vote of the Senate of the United States, and the Legislative act of Mr. Tylerin extremis, have rendered all discussion of the annexation of Texas superfluous, so far as the Americans are concerned; yet there are still obstacles to be surmounted, which may prove more stubborn than the constitutional difficulties or the political scruples which suspended the decision of the United States for a twelvemonth. These obstacles consist in the attitude of the Mexican Government and the resistance of a considerable party in Texas itself.

We shall, doubtless, shortly receive direct intelligence from Mexico as to the effect produced there by the measure of annexation, which was carried in Washington on the 28th of February; and we shall not venture to anticipate the result. Meanwhile General Almonte, the Mexican Minister accredited to the United States, has conducted himself with dignity, decision, and moderation. He has protested against the act of annexation, terminated his mission, demanded his passports, and retired from Washington to New York to await further instructions from his own Government. The new Government of Mexico has not yet had an opportunity of giving to the world any proof of its temper or ability; but we have reason to hope that it will not prove deficient in either of these qualities. It is composed of men sprung from the best families of the old Spanish colonial aristocracy, who are described as persons of far higher character and principle than SANTA ANNA--a mere military adventurer, but without even the merits of his profession, for he was a bully in the Cabinet and a craven in the field. If, then, the present Government of Mexico has any pretensions to discharge with honour the important duties it has assumed since the last revoluation, it risks less in encountering the dangers of a foreign war than in tamely suitting to an act of spoliation, which at once established the ascendancy of its powerful neighbour, and demonstrates its own inability to defend its rights and its territory. Notwithstanding the great disparity in population, wealth, and energy between the two republics of North America, there are many considerations that militate in favour of the Mexicans. Such a war would not be a war of the United States, but of a party in that country, which does indeed possess a bare majority, but which has identified itself with everything that is most odious to a large and enlightened minority in the best States of the Union. Can anything exceed the dissatisfaction of the States of New England, or New York, or of Ohio, at having to meet the calls of war for the sake of an atrocious encouragement of slavery, which they have long since expelled from their own soil? The military establishment of the United States is very well adapted to the objects contemplated by its founders; for a militia, animated by patriotic unanimity, might suffice to repel a foreign enemy who should invade the Union. But offensive and defensive war are two different things. The regular army of the United States was reduced in 1842 to 9,012 men, who are employed in the garrisons on the coast, where they must remain. But to undertake field operations at all, even if they were to extend no further than the occupation of the Texan territory, an army of 20,000 or 25,000 would be indispensable; and although such a force might be raised among the loose population of the Southern States, it could only be equipped and maintained at the cost of the whole Union. How would such burdens be borne for the sake of such a cause? By what newly-devised system of credit would the partisans of repudiation extract a loan from the capitalists of Europe? Or by what new taxes is the revenue to be raised to meet a war expenditure? The invasion and conquest of a vast region by a State which is without an army and without credit, is a novelty in the history of nations; and although the United States have several times flung abroad marauders and sympathizers in great profusion, they would find it rather more onerous to support the operations of regular war.

Mexico, on the other hand, would be completely united in repelling such an attack. The unsettled state of the country and the independent habits of the people have left them far behind the United State in all that belongs to the parts of peace; but the Mexicans are perhaps less unprepared than the Anglo-Americans for irregular warfare. Strange as it may appear, such a war would be exceedingly popular throughout the ancient Spanish provinces; the people would engage in it en masse; and with ordinary ability n the part of their Generals, they would oppose a formidable resistance to any American force which could enter the country.

Such a war would indeed be a mere prolongation of a bootless struggle if Texas herself took a decided part in favour of annexation; but nothing can be further from the truth. American Presidents have told us on various occasions that Texas was soliciting a humble place amidst the group of United republics; and that her territory was forthwith to be reunited to that of the Union, which was dismemberedby the Treaty of 1819; but it appears to be not improbable that, instead of converting the Texans into Americans, the Americans, who went out to settle and sympathize, are fairly turned into Texans.

"What." They say, "are the advantages offered us by this all-annexing Union? They offer to take all we are worth, except our debt. They promise us a high tariff, but the Custom-house duties which may be levied on our trade, will be carried to the revenue of the United States. Why did we come here at all, if the first event that befalls us is to replace us under all the restrictions existing in the Union, and to deprive us of all the peculiar advantages which led us to speculate on the future prosperity of the Texan republic?" These arguments are unanswerable; and although the American settlers doubtless emigrated to Texas for the purpose of seizing the country and annexing it to their own, they will have no scruple in betraying the one any more than the other, and will probably be guided by their own immediate interests, rather than by an political considerations at all.

We most sincerely believe that those interests, was well as the general interests of the country, will be sacrificed by annexation; and GENERAL JACKSON used an argument which was a least sincere, when he endeavoured to raise the jealousy of the United States by describing the progress of Texas, as an independent community, more highly favoured by climate and by commercial legislation than any part of the Union. Some may wish to win Texas as an ally, but many more would be well pleased to crush an argument which was a least sincere, when he endeavoured to raise the jealousy of the United States by describing the progress of Texas, as an independent community, more highly favoured by climate and by commercial legislation than any part of the Union. Some may wish to win Texas as an ally, but many more would be well pleased to crush her as a future rival.

If, at the present crisis, the affairs of Mexico and of Texas were wisely and vigorously managed, it might still be possible to terminate this discussion without any evil consequences. The recognition of the independence of Texas by Mexico has been too long delayed; let it now be granted on condition that the Texan Government binds itself to maintain that independence inviolate. Texas has no claim to render herself independent on the United States. Her independence is absolute, or it is nothing. An if a compact of this nature could be effected between Mexico and Texas, with or without the mediation and guarantee of the European Powers, it is not easy to see by what means the United States could give effect to their scheme of annexation, except by an open violation of all rights and by a direct appeal to force. [JSW]

LT 1845-4-17-8f The United States and Mexico


The following is the protest of the Mexican Minister at Washington, General Almonte, against the annexation of Texas:--
"The undersigned, &c., has the honour to address the Hon. John C. Calhoun, &c., for the purpose of making known to him the profound regret with which he has seen that the General Congress of the Union has passed a law consenting to and admitting into the American Confederation the Mexican province of Texas.

"For these reasons the undersigned, in fulfilment of his instructions, finds himself obliged to protest, as he does accordingly protest, in the most solemn manner, in the name of his Government, against the law passed on the 28th of last m onth by the General Congress of the United States, and sanctioned on the 1st of the present month by the President of the said States by which the province of Texas, an integral part of the Mexican territory, is allowed to be admisted into the American Union.

"The undersigned, in like manner, declares tha the aforesaid law can in no manner invalidate the right which the Mexican nation possesses to recover the aforesaid province of Texas, of which she is now unjustly despoiled, and which right she will sustain and enforce at all times, by whatever means are in her power.

"The undersigned had flattered himself that in this question the good sense and sound opinions of the citizens most distinguished and experienced in the management of public affairs in this republic would have prevailed in the deliberations of the legislative body and of the Union; but unfortunately, this has not been the case, and, contrary to his hopes and most sincere wishes, he sees consummated by the American Government an act of aggression the most unjust which can be recalled in the annals of modern history, such as the sopliation of a friendly nation like Mexico of a considerable part of her territory.

"The undersigned will say in conclusion to the hon. Secretary of State of the United States, in order that he may be pleased to inform the President of the said States of the same, that in consequence of the law against which he has just protested, his mission to this Government is terminated from today. Consequently the undersigned requests the hon. Secretary of State to be pleased to send him his passport, as he has arranged to quit this city as soon as possible for New York.

"The undersigned, &c. "ALMONTE.

"Washington, 6th March, 1845."


LT 1845-5-1-7b War condition of the US


A commission of British naval and military officers and engineers have recently been employed by the Government in surveying the southern and southeastern coasts of England, with a view to the more complete fortification of those coasts against a possible invasion from France, in the event of another war. They have recommended the formation of several new large harbours, to be formed by breakwaters and moles of great extent and strength, and to be so constructed as to form very effective batteries. These, in addition to those already existing, will afford accommodation for a large fleet of steamers ready far any emergency, and at the same time provide a refuge for British merchantmen in distress. The Royal navy of Great Britain already contains about 200 steamers, many of them of the largest size. Since the 1st of April, 1839, 49 have been built, and others are now in progress which will, when completed, greatly increase the effective steam force of the navy. This is also entirely independent of the very large increase proposed by Sir Robert Peel. Besides these, there is an immense number of steamers, which are now employed as packets, &c., but which, in the event of war, could readily be rendered serviceable. There are 60 belonging to the part of Liverpool along. The Government is also busily employed in repairing all the works at places already fortified, and in fortifying these which are not. Guns are to be kept constantly mounted at Portsmouth, Plymouth, and the mouth of the Thames. These vigorous preparations indicate anything, on the part of the British Government, but a strong confidence is the speedy advent of the millenium. The rapid progress of peace principles, the growing hostility among all the nations of the earth, to war, form admirable topics for declamation; but it must be confessed that at present they are among the things to be desired, rather than expected. Our Government has never more strikingly neglected the excellent and safe maxim, which enjoins, in time of peace, ample preparation for war, than at the present moment. With, to say the least, the imminent hazard of war hanging over us, a war which may be a small one, but which may also place the whole civilized world in arms, our Government and people remain as calm as "a summer's morning." We trust that our peaceful slumbers will suffer no unpleasant disturbance.--New York Courier and Inquirer. [JSW]

LT 1845-5-2-4f Annexation of Texas


The discussions now going on in the republic of Texas between the American party which seeks to be absorbed in the Federal union of the American States, and the national Texan party, which upholds the independent interests of the new state, are matters of the deepest interest not only to the annexation question of the present day, but to the future destinies of the continent of North America. If Texas at once flings away her national existence, and makes herself subservient to the policy of the United States, it is highly improbable that any other new state will attain to independence in the southern regions of North America, and the progress of the dominions of the Cabinet of Washington will be as rapid as the decay of its defenceless and ungoverned southern neighbours. More than 20 years have elapsed since Mexico threw off her allegiance to Spain, and during the whole of that period the decline of the nation has been inconceivably great and rapid. The result is now pitiable. The country is stated by a recent observer to be as defenceless as it was in the days of MONTEZUMA. Another CORTEZ might march with a few hundred men upon the capital; and as for the nothern and western provinces, more especially the magnificent territory of California, since the sequestration of the missions and presidios, they are without even the semblance of a Government. The whole white population of California is hardly more than 5,000, scattered over 2,000 square leagues of territory; the Mexican Administration does not even communicate with the province; and to conquer the whole of it would not be more difficult than to take possession of a desert island. In these thinly peopled regions the inhabitants are manifestly unable to defend their territorial rights; and when they have lost the protection of a great power, whose policy is jealous of all encroachments on the future interests of its subjects, they fall an easy prey to a sort of retail invasion, until the sovereignty of the country is filched away before an effort has been made to challenge the assailant.

The eager, gain-seeking, and roving population of the western states of the Union are fitted beyond all the rest of mankind to carry on this kind of surreptitious warfare. They conquer provinces as the cuckoo steals a nest; and if their irregular enterprises be allowed to carry with them all the political consequences of lawful war, it is evident that at no very distant period they will have made themselves masters of all such parts of the North American continent as are not defended by the forces and the resolution of Great Britain. But the conduct of Texas in the present emergency will determine whether these political consequences are to be realized. It depends on the acceptance or rejection of the proposed measure of annexation by the people and Government of Texas, whether every fresh step of the Anglo-American race is to add citizens and lands to the Union; or whether the new states which may be formed in course of time on either shore of that vast continent may not uphold an independent flag, independent interests, and an independent policy.

When we take into consideration the position of Texas, the decline of Mexico, and the future condition of the unappropriated lands, rivers, and regions lying between the coast of Upper California on the Pacific Ocean and the Rio Brave del Norte, it is impossible to doubt that such a country ought to possess an original character and an independent existence. Its annexation to the United States, if that measure be consummated at the present time, would only lead the more surely to the eventual disruption of that wide and imperfectly-united confederacy, and to a struggle which would prove injurious to the best interests of the whole continent. But Texas independent is peculiarly qualified to interpose, as it were, the keystone of an arch between the United States and Mexico on the one hand, and between the maritime interests of European and of American nations on the other. These views are so clear and evident that they will probably have a decisive influence on the Executive Government of Texas, provided the Mexicans can be brought to recognize in a liberal spirit an arrangement which is the sole guarantee of their national existence. Nor can we believe that this policy will be defeated by the popular emissaries of the United States in Texas, who are avowedly engaged in promoting the work of annexation solely with reference to the interests of their own party in the United States, and to the cause of slavery with which that party is identifed.

The part taken by England and France in this question--for we are happy to find that the most entire concurrence prevails between the two great Powers by which Texas was first recognized in Europe--has been dictated by no such selfish or exclusive objects. To them individually the annexation of Texas offers no very formidable dangers, and her independence promises no very certain or conspicuous advantages. But they are actuated by a sincere desire to uphold in America that respect for territorial rights which is the only sure basis of peace; and in maintaining the independence of Texas they may hope to establish an important element in the distribution of power over North America. There, as well as in Europe, an universal dominion is impracticable.

If, however, the annexation party be successful, and the patriotic intentions of the President are defeated by the foreign party in the commonwealth of Texas, that result only opens the door to fresh difficulties, and to difficulties of the most serious character. The claim of the United States to Texas is a claim studiously undefined, and purposely obscure; but once admitted, it would be found to embrace the distant objects of American ambition even on the shores of the Pacific. Already several attempts have been made by the Ministers and officers of the United States to obtain the cession of the great harbours on the coast of California. In 1835, MR. FORSYTH offered to the Mexican Government five millions of dollars for the port of San Francisco--one of the finest naval positions in the world; and a few years later an American commodore actually seized, on some pretended rumour of war with Mexico, the town and harbour of Monterey.

The time is now rapidly approaching when the western coast of North America--hitherto the least peopled, the least productive, and the least frequented portion of the globe--will become the scene of great political interests, and will gradually be animated with the stir of nations and the activity of social life. The United States are seeking to subject these future races and states to their dominion, and, without any army or any of the ordinary instruments of conquest, to extend their sovereignty over nations yet unborn. The scheme for the annexation of Texas is the most decided step they have made in this direction; but that is only the prelude to their ulterior designs. The claim to the exclusive possession of the Oregon territory is another indication of the same policy; it will be followed by an attack, either by force or by fraud, on California. On all these points the

same unlimited spirit of aggrandizement prevails. For the protection of the British dominions in North America ample means exist; and indeed, the possession of the Oregon territory by the Hudson's Bay Company, under the joint conditions of the convention of 1818, is practically conclusive on the point. But in provinces in which no European power has any direct concern, the only check to the rapacious encroachments of the United States will be found to consist in the establishment of another energetic and independent power to share the dominion of North America, and such a power we still hope Texas may become. [JSW]

LT 1845-5-9-8f Mexico and Texas


The following official communication and protest against annexation has been addressed by order of the Mexican Government to Mr. Shannon, the United States Minister in Mexico. It will be seen that the Mexican Government is firm in its language, and declares that it will resist the aggrandising policy of the United States by all the means at its disposal:--


"The National Palace, Mexico, March 28, 1845.

"The undersigned Minister for Foreign Affairs in addressing, for the last time, his Excellency Wilson Shannon, Esq., Minister Plenipotentiary of the United States of America regrets to inform him that the law of the Congress of the said union for the annexation of Texas 86 their territory having been ? the Minister of Mexico, being retired from his mission at Washington, and the protest against the act of the Congress and Government of the United States having been made, the diplomatic relationship with the two countries cannot be continued.

"What can the undersigned add to what he has already aid for his Government on the serious affront which that of the United States offers to Mexico by usurping a portion of its territory, and violating the treaties of friendship, which the republic has observed on its part as long as its harbour and the desire of avoiding a rupture with the United States have permitted. Nothing is more to be lamented than that free and republican nations, their neighbours, and worthy of its fraternal union, founded on their mutual interest and on their joint observance of noble and upright conduct, should break off their relations for an event with Mexico has endevoured to avert, which the United States have consummated, and which is an offensive, in the former as it is unworthy of the reputation of the United States.

"The undersigned reproduces to his Excellency W. Shannon, Esq., the protest which he has addressed to him against the annexation, adding, that the Mexican republic will oppose ? all the firmness becoming its honour and sovereignty and that his Government ardently desired that that of the United States may pay more regard to the considerations of honour and justice than to those of an accession of territory at the expense of a friendly republic, which in the midst of its misfortunes, desires to preserve an unsullied reputation, and thereby ? the rank to which it is called by in destiny.

"The undersigned has the honour to offer to his Excellency W. Shannon, Esq., his entire personal respect, reinstating the assurances of his most distinguished consideration.


"The undersigned Minister of Foreign Affairs has the honour to address with regret to his Excellency * * *in order to transmit it to his Government, the solemn and formal protest which that of the republic desires to express in this note, on occasion of an event which, offending in the highest degree the rights and the honour of Mexico, violates at the same time the universal principles of justice, the respect to which free and independent nations are entitled, and that good faith which civilization has established as the first basis of international policy. His Excellency * * *will understand that the undersigned speaks of the law passed by the Congress of the United States, and sanctioned by their Government, for the annexation of the department of Texas to the territory of the American union.

"The represent in all its deformity the note of Congress and of the Government of the United States, and the alarming consequences of its conduct towards the republic of Mexico, would be a useless labour, when this note is sent to the representative of a nation equally illustrious and powerful, which nobly sustaining the rank which it holds in the world, respects the laws of good friendship with other nations, and founds its glory on the immutable titles of morality and justice. Neither does the Government of the undersigned find it necessary to state all the reasons on which it relies for not permitting this annexation to be carried into effect; because they are as obvious and well-known as the regret will be profound which will be caused in friendly nations, and even in those which have no relation with Mexico, by a step injurious and offensive to that country, and unworthy of the good name and honour of the United States.

"But the undersigned will permit himself to represent to his Excellency * * *that the American Government having been the first to recognize the independence of the republic, showing itself as a zealous partisan of its liberty, has been the only one that has attempted to despoil it of a portion of its territory; and that this view has been as ancient, as it has lately declared, as the friendship which it sought to confirm since by a treaty, and by another special boundary treaty, which it now completely violates. In assisting Texas to separate itself from the republic the Cabinet of the United States has violates good faith; but in assisting Texas to incorporate itself with the American Union, and in declaring that such has been the policy of its Government for the last 20 years, it has pursued a conduct of which there is no example in the history of civilized nations.

"Mexico, to terminate differences which for the most part were not founded on any principle of justice, has suitted to serious injuries, has forgotten losses and damages, and has maintained an uprightness of conduct which, if possible, gives it a greater right to raise its voice and to protest, as the undersigned hereby protests, against the annexation of Texas to the United States, and against all its consequences. The Mexican republic will employ its power and its resources to prevent it, and, relying on the good right which is on its side, it does not fear to affirm that whatever may be the result. It will preserve the honour, which it must defend, at whatever cost in this very serious question.

"And for this purpose the undersigned requests* * *to forward this protest, accepting the assurances of his distinguished consideration.


"The preceding note is communicated to their Excellencies the Minister's Plenipotentiary of France, England, and Spain."


LT 1845-5-15-5f Protest of Mexico against annexation of Texas

"United States Legation, March 31.

"The undersigned, Envoy Extraordinary, &c. of the United States, has the honour of acknowledging the receipt of his Excellency, Senor Cueva's, Minister of Foreign Relations, &c., note of the 28th of March, announcing that the Congress of the United States has sanctioned the annexation of Texas to its territory; that the Mexican Minister at Washington had terminated his official relations, and protested against the said act of the Congress and Government of the United States, and that diplomatic relations between the two countries could not be continued.

"The liberal and honourable sentiments entertained by the actual Government of Mexico had induced the undersigned to hope that the differences which exist between the two Governments could be arranged amicably upon terms just and honourable to both. It would appear, however, from the note of his Excellency Senor Cuevas, that Mexico declines to adjust these differences in this manner, and thus preserve the peace of the two countries.

"The undersigned can assure his Excellency Senior Cuevas that his (Mr. Shannon's) Government entertains the livelies; desire to cultivate amicable relations with that of Mexico, and here he will improve this opportunity to repeat that which he has before communicated to the Government of Mexico, to wit--that the United States has not adopted the measure of annexation in any spirit of hostility towards Mexico, and that the United States are anxious to settle all questions which may grow out of this measure, including that of boundaries, on terms the most just and libera.

"Having offered the olive branch of peace, and manifested a sincere desire to arrange these questions amicably, and upon principles just and honourable to both Governments, the United States have done whatever is in their power to preserve the friendly relations between them; and it now remains for Mexico to decide, whether they shall be continued, or whether the peace of the two countries shall be broken by a conflict equally injurious to both, and which can give satisfaction only to the enemies of civil liberty and republican institutions.

"The undersigned will pass over in silence the charge made against his Government of having violated the treaty of friendship with Mexico. The right of Texas to cede the whole or a part of her territory to the United States, and the right of the United States to accept such occasion, have already been amply vindicated repeatedly.

"The undersigned has received no official communication as to the action of his Government in regard to the annexation of Texas to the Union; nevertheless he cannot doubt, from the tenour of his personal correspondence, that the measure has been passed by Congress and approved by the President. He expects daily despatches from his Government, with special instructions upon this subject; and before taking any further steps, has resolved to await their arrival.

"The undersigned has the honour, &c.,

"WILSON SHANNON, Minister, &c."

In reply to the above the following spirited letter was sent two days after:--

"National Palace, Mexico, April 2.

"The undersigned, Minister of Foreign Relations, has the honour to communicate to his Excellency Mr. Shannon, Minister, &c., in reply to the note of his Excellency of the 31st of March, that the Government of Mexico cannot continue diplomatic relations with the United States upon the presumption that such relations are reconcileable with the law which the President of the Unitd States has approved in regard to the annexation of the department of Texas to the American Union; that this determintion is founded upon the necessity which Mexico is under of maintaining no friendship with a republic which has violated her obligations--usurped a portion of territory which belongs to Mexico by a right which she will maintain at whatever cost; that the relations between the two countries cannot be re-established before a complete reparation of that injury (agravio), such as is demanded by good faith, justice to Mexico, and the honour of the United States, is made.

"Moreover, the judersigned will take the liberty to say to his Excellency Mr. Shannon, that if the United States Government thinks that it entertained friendly sentiments towards Mexico at the time of giving such offence, and when attacking the integrity of the republic of Mexico, this Government (Mexico) is very far from entertaining the samae views, or of acquiescing in the assurances' which his Excellency Mr. Shannon has given, whatever may be its sentiments towards his Excellency personally.

"The undersigned, in making this announcement to his Excellency Mr. Shannon, doing so by the order of the President of Mexico--cutting short a new discussion which the interruption of the relations of the two countries will not permit, and because nothing can be added to what this department has already paid--has the honour to renew the assurances of his distinguished consideration.


The New Orleans Picayunesays,--

"On the 3d ult. Senor Cuevas, the Minister of Foreign Affairs, addressed to the Chambers a long and general memorial appertaining to his department. He places strong apparent confidence in the interference of European Powers, which although assenting to Texan independence, may, he trusts, oppose the further enlargement of United States territory. A large portion of the Secretary's voluminous memorial is occupied with the presentation of the affairs of the departments."

The following passage occurs in it:--

"Texas declared as independent would not care to be annexed to the United States, but not so the latter. The recognition of the independence of Texas would not lead us into a war with the United States, but annexation must. As an independent State, European Powers will prevent Texas from forming a part of the American republic."

The papers of the city of Mexico and of Vera Cruz continue to be occupied almost exclusively with the subject of annexation. The official paper,El Diario del Gobierno, of the 3d inst. Announces that it is in possession of certain movements on the part of the Government of a war-like character, which it is constrained to withhold from the public, as secrecy is the soul of military operations; but expresses a hope that the speedy and successful issue of these operations will soon relieve the public curiosity in regard to them.

The New York Journal of Commerce publishes the following important extract of a letter from the city of Mexico, dated the 28th of March:--

"The Government has issued orders for the defence of the ports, fortresses, &c., and it is acknowledged that if Texas does not comply with their last request, war will be openly declared."

And the New Orleans Bulletinagain says,--

"A letter from a respectable source in Vera Cruz, under date of the 2d inst. Says, that an act had passed to a second reading in the Mexican Congress, making it high treason for any person to propose a recognition of the independence of Texas, or the peaceable possession of that country by the United. States. A majority of the members, it is further stated, are in favour of active hostilities against Texas, in order to provoke a war and throw the onus of it on the United States."

The British frigate Eurydice arrived at Vera Cruz on the morning of the 12th ult., from Galveston, with despatches, which were immediately forwarded to the capital.

An American squadron, consisting of the frigate Potomac, sloop Falmouth, and brigs Fairfield and Somers, was spoken at sea on the 17th ult., bound to Vera Cruz.

Santa Anna's trail was slowly progressing. His health is represented as very indifferent.

The people of the department of the Chihuahua refuse positively to pay all direct taxes levied by the Government, on the ground that the irruptions of the Aspache Indians have reduced them to extreme want, and that they need succour from the Government instead of being compelled to contribute to its support. General Woll, of the Army of the North, arrived at Mexico on the 23rd ult., having resigned the command of his troops to General Arista.

The city of Mexico had been much damaged by an earthquake, experienced on the 7th ult.

A Galveston letter of the 17th ult. In the Richmond Enquirer, says--

"Mexico has made, through the British Minister, overtures to this Government for the appointment of Comissioners to form a treaty of commerce, &c., on the basis of the acknowledgment of our independence. To these overtures the President gave the British Minister nothing but vague and indefinite answers. This comes directly from Elliott himself, and may be relied upon. He left here to-day in the British man-of-war for Charleston, as it is said--but I do not know to what place he may have gone--I give you only such information as I know to be correct."

Accounts from Buenos Ayres (of an earlier date than those we before published) state, that the Hon. William Brent, jun., United States Charge d'Affaires, had protested against the interference of the French Admiral, on the ground that European nations should not control political parties among the American republics. He alleges further, we learn, that the war in the river La Plata has already been continued seven years by reason of the course pursued by the English and French nations.

They further add the following:--

"In the Uruguay Republic there had been several skirmishes between the belligerents, and the department of Maldonado was in the hands of the Rivera party. In other parts of the Republic quietness prevailed. The new French Charge had presented his credentials, and had been received at Buenos Ayres. A new Brazilian Minister Plenipotentiary had been received at Monte Video. There was a report in circulation, one or two days before the Nautius sailed, that the Argentine Minister at Rio de Janeiro, General Gido, had demanded his passports, the Brazilian Government having granted General Paz leave to set out from Rio de Janeiro and pass through their province to Corrientes.

Accounts from Port au Prince to the 14th ultimo state, that ex-President Herard, in the schooner La Granada, had been seen off the southern part of the island, and attacked one of the gun boats. The whole coast was guarded by vessels and men to prevent the ex-President and his adherents from landing. The Government called out all persons able to bear arms. The whole of that part of the island belonging to the Haytien Government was under martial law. Several of the adherents of Herard had been taken and shot. There was great excitement throughout the island; but although numerous arrests were made in different parts of the Republic, judging from the tone of the journals, there was no general sympathy for Herard, nor any very serious apprehensions felt by the partisans of Government that his attempts to revolutionize the country would be successful. It was rumoured at Port Republican that a revolution had taken place at St. Domingo, which had resulted in the expulsion of General Santana from the Presidency, and in the elevation to that office of Regla Mota, a member of the numerous and highly respectable family of the Alvares de Zaguate (Saint Christophe). His accession to the Presidency of the Domican Republic would be the triumph of an enlightened and liberal party over intrigue and demagoguism personified in Santana and Bobadilla.

Vera Cruz papers contain intelligence from Guatemala to a late date. On the 1st of February an officer, named Mariano Mendez, who was on guard at the public square, liberated the prisoners, gave them arms, surprised the President's house, took possession of all the barracks except those of San Francisco, and proclaimed General Monterosa chief of the republic. Colonel Bolano, with the troops which remained faithful to the Government, attacked the square the next day, and a short conflict brought the insurgents to terms. They were to leave the city on the 6th, and cease all hostilities under the promise of pardon.

A revolution was effected in San Salvador early in February, by conflicts between the military, and civil authorities. General Calixto Malispina, the commandant of the troops, had been displaced. [JSW]

LT 1845-6-2-5f Annexation of Texas affirmed

TEXAS ANNEXED.--"A few days ago," says the Mobile Herald, "Judge Bragg of the Circuit Court, decided that Texas was a part of the United States. The question came up by a juror petitioning to be excused from the performance of his assigned duty, on the plea that he as a citizen of Texas. The Judge ordered him to take his seat in the box with the other 11, giving for his reason, that Texas was a part of the Union, and all her citizens liable to be called upon to do duty as citizens of the United States. [JSW]

LT 1845-6-4-6e Mexico, miscellaneous news




I have received important intelligence from Mexico, by the Thames steamer, which left Vera Cruz on the 1st, and brings letters from the capital of the 28th ult. Though an official announcement has not yet been made of the decision of the Government, no doubt is entertained in well-informed quarters that Mexico will immediately consent to recognize the independence of Texas, the Texan Government as an equivalent refusing the proposed incorporation with the United States. In this matter the initiative has been taken by Texas, and Captain Elliot, our Charge d'Affaires and Consul-General, had so far seen the propriety of supporting the proposition, that he left Galveston in Her Majesty's ship Eurydice, and landing at Vera Cruz, reached the Mexican capital on the 14th ult. It appears the negotiation had so well succeeded, that on the 21st thead interim President and the Minister for Foreign Affairs sent down a message to the Congress, informing it of the proposition of Texas, and demanding permission to treat. Captain Elliot remained till the 24th at Mexico, when he left for Jalappa, one day's journey from Vera Cruz, and it was his intention to await there the official declaration of the Government. The Eurydice remained at Vera Cruz to re-convey the Consul-General to his post.

Letters of the 28th from Mexico leave no doubt on the probability of a compromise being come to, as the Government commanded a large majority in the Lower House, though it was in a small minority in the Senate. It is argued that the mere fact of the ad interim Preisdent venturing to send a message to Congress indicates a foregone conclusion; as, in the state of public opinion on Texan matters, no Government would dare to do so without having previously become master of the ground. I subjoin a copy of the message, from which it will be seen that the President takes much pains to disguise the pill which the Congress is to swallow, as he speaks much of war and his determination not to suit to the incorporation of Texas with the United States.

The refusal of Texas to the propositions of the American Government does not appear on the face of the proceedings, but is evidently the mainspring of the whole affair. The British Consul-General has probably availed himself of the natural desire of Texas to gain the recognition of Mexico to drive such a bargain as is the interest of both sides to agree to, as well as to throw back the annexation of Texas to the United States, without making his Government a prominent party in so doing. How long that annexation may be postponed, I cannot at present determine; but it is clear that the present proceedings are expedients to gain time, and in similar circumstances the gaining of time is most desirable. Indeed, we may find at last that Texas, recognized by Mexico, may prefer its existence as an independent state to its incorporation with the United States. There is a Spanish proverb which says, "It is better to be a rat's head than a lion's tail," and probably the Texans may apply it.

Should this negotiation be attended with all the desired success, new questions will arise respecting the precise limits of Mexico and Texas, which may lead to difficulties, and afford the Government of the United States fresh pretexts for interference.

The trial of Santa Anna is proceeding slowly. I understand that the ex-President has still a large party in the country, and the present Government will be glad to make a compromise, if he agrees to voluntary banishment for a period of ten years.

The following is a translation of the Message to the Congress above referred to, signed by Cuevas, Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, and dated Mexico, April 21, 1845:--

"Excellent Sirs,--The affairs of Texas present so serious an aspect, and call so imperiously for the consideration of Congress and the Executive, that, without contracting a great responsibility, the taking a decided resolution preparatory to their termination in a manner honourable to the Government can no longer be delayed. The Government having placed a considerable number of troops on that frontier, and taken such other measures as you have already approved to sustain the dignity and character of the Republic, feels the less difficulty in coming before you on this important occasion.

"Circumstances have arisen which not only make it convenient but necessary that negotiations should take place in order that the annexaction of Texas to the Unitd States may be prevented--an event which Mexico could not suit to, and which would render war with the Unitd States inevitable, whatever might be the result. Texas has made an initiative step, and his Excellency the interim President is penetrated with the necessity of taking it into consideration, though at the same time he does not feel qualified to do so without first receiving from you such powers as the constitutions prescribes for treating on diplomatic affairs. The Government, faithful to its duty, willing to suit all its acts to free discussion, and convinced that national affairs should be treated with pure patriotism, heedless of attack from whatever side it may come, has felt that in the present state of the affair of Texas it would be wrong to refuse the negotiation to which it has been invited; but it does not take any further step without consulting the wisdom of the legislative corps. If an honourable arrangement can be made so as to satisfy the national honour, Government will lose no time in suitting it to the Congress; and if no arrangement can be come to, however desirous the Government may be to maintain the blessings of peace in a manner worthy of the republic, it will have no difficulty of adopting the alternative of war, however, painful it may be, as that war must be just in proportion to the sacrifices made to prevent it.

"The preliminary propositions offered by Texas are honourable in themselves and favourable to the republic, and the Government, without concluding anything, has not hesitated to accept them as a simple initiative of the proposed arrangement. To refuse treating would, in fact, lead to the incorporation of Texas with the United States, and the Chamber, when informed of that refusal, would have a heavy charge to make against the present Administration. To decline listening to propositions of peace which may lead to a satisfactory termination, though not unreasonable on the part of a justly irritated nation, yet would be unwise under existing circumstances, and lead to a war attended with serious consequences to the State.

"The Chambers well know what the conduct of the Government would have been if it acted on its own proper impulse on hearing of the law passed by the United States for the annexation of Texas, satisfied as it was of the support of all true and patriotic Mexicans. The sacrifice is therefore great on the part of his Excellency the interim Preisdent and the Ministry when they agree to ask from Congress the authority with which this message concludes. The sacrifice is made from a profound conviction of its necessity, from an ardent desire of the prosperity of the republic, and from the confidence that if, after having done all that was possible to maintain peace, war should become necessary, it will end in a manner honourable to the national arms, and with ample justice to the people who provoked it.

"As a consequence of the foregoing exposition, His Excellency the interim President and the Council of Ministers unanimously suit for the consideration of the Chamber the following resolution:--

" 'The Government is authorized to give hearing to the propositions which have been made to it respecting Texas, and proceed to an arrangement or celebration of a treaty useful and honourable to the republic, keeping the Congress acquainted with what is done for its examination and approval.'

"To the Secretary of the Chamber of Deputies."

I find that the Mexican Government, to meet its difficulties, has asked leave of Congress to make a loan for 3,000,000 dollars, the interest not to exceed 15 per cent, and I understand it will get about half that amount in cash from persons who have old claims to be recognized.

The slave-trade prospers in this island. The notorious Palmyra landed, within two miles of this city, on the night of the 7th, a cargo consisting of from 300 to 400 slaves.

LT 1845-6-6-6b Mexican debt


In the foreign market the chief of the dealings were in Mexican, which advanced on the increasing confidence of the speculators. The Deferred stock underwent the greatest fluctuation, opening at 20 then advancing to 22, and finally closing 21 to ¼…

The very small amount of the remittances on account of the Mexican dividends seems to be occasioned by the circumstance that Santa Anna, when making his celebrated seizure, took all the duties by anticipation to the 30th inst. The duties being paid by the merchants in bills drawn at 90, 120, and 180 days, this step was quite possible, Santa Anna having only to insist on immediate payment of this paper. For this reason the remittances are expected to continue small until after the 30th of June. On the other hand, it is believed that the money which will be handed over by Messrs. Lizardi to Messrs. Schneider, in pursuance of the order just received in London, will amount to a very considerable sum, perhaps 70,000l, sterling. By the same order the whole of the documents belonging to the republic will be handed over by the present agents to Messrs. Schneider.

The following letter officially confirms the facts mentioned yesterday with respect to Mexico:--

"Mexico, April 29, 1835.

"Sir,--We beg to hand to you herewith a duplicate of our letter of the 31st ult., together with a copy of one which we addressed to you (in triplicate) on the 5th inst., communicating the resolution which the Mexican Government had come to, of removing its agency in London from Messrs. Lizardi and Co. to Messrs. John Schneider and Co., the official documents relative to which we send forward by this opportunity.

"With much satisfaction we have not to announce that the Mexican Government has been induced to assign to the

London, will amount to a very considerable sum, perhaps 70,000l. sterling. By the same order the whole of the documents belonging to the republic will be handed over by the present agents to Messrs. Schneider.

The following letter officially confirms the facts mentioned yesterday with respect to Mexico:--

"Mexico, April 28, 1835

"Sir,--We beg to hand to you herewith duplicate of our letter of the 31st ult. Together with a copy of one which we addressed to you (in triplicate) on the 5th inst., communicating the resolution which the Mexican Government had come to, of removing its agency in London from Messrs. Lizardi and Co. to Messrs. John Schneider and Co., the official documents relative to which we send forward by this opportunity.

"With much satisfaction we have now to announce that the Mexican Government has been induced to assign to the bondholders, to commence from the 1st proxime, 10 per cent of the whole of the duties collected in the Custom-houses of Vera Cruz and Tampico, until such time as the sum of about $340,000, abstracted from their funds the commencement of the late revolution, shall be refunded, and we enclose a copy of the decree to this effect, dated the 17th inst.

"A measure is now before the Senate, having already passed the Chamber of Deputies, the object of which is to empower the Executive to arrange the public debt of the nation, and place it on a sound and just basis. Should we be able to procure a copy of this project before the departure of the packet, we shall send it enclosed for your information.

"We remain, &c.,

"To G. R. Robinson, Esq. Chairman of the Committee of Spanish American Bondholders."

As far as can be learned of the plans which Messrs. Schneider intend to adopt in their management of the Mexican debt, they seem of a kind to give the greatest satisfaction to the creditors. Their principle, it is said, will be to court publicity as much as possible, and to keep no secrets from parties who legitimately desire information. After the arrival of each remittance, they will, it is believed, post up the amount where it may be seen by any one entering their office, the former notices not to be removed upon the arrival of a fresh remittance, but to stand as a lasting record of all the sums that come into their hands. A plan like this would prevent every possibility of complaint.

Among the defects of the present arrangement of the Overland Mail pointed out by the Indian papers, and requested to be remedied, is that of an indiscriminate mixing of the boxes, so that mistakes frequently occur in the delivery of the despatches. It is stated that the mails prepared on the 20th and 24th of February last in England for India were in such a confused state, that the captain of the Calcutta steamer, when asked at Point de Galle for the letters and newspapers for Bombay, declared that he had but one box, which he gave to the Bombay steamer, and took the remainder to Madras, whence they were forwarded after several days; delay.

Some remarks in the Bombay papers about the notion prevailing in England relative to that presidency being too unimportant a place to receive the advantage of the half-monthly mail, show the feeling prevailing in that quarter upon the subject. Bombay, these writers assert, is the only port which, under existing arrangements, can have the benefit of two direct mails a month. The other points in India were never meant to have more than one mail direct, and another across the continent of India. It appears they do not ask that any arrangement shall be made with the Oriental Company to bring the mails on from Aden, but they only stand on the right of the Bombay Government having steamers at Aden or Galle to take the mails from the Calcutta steamers. This is an arrangement which, it seems, for the satisfaction of all parties, must at last be suitted to, because, taking the average of the Bombay express, which occupies about 15 days, there would be, compared with the ordinary passage of the Oriental Company's steamers, a savings of two or five days, which would give the merchants ample opportunity of answering their letters with certainty and facility. As it is now, the contrary happens to be the case, and the Calcutta steamers commonly pass each other in sight of port. [JSW]

LT 1845-6-6-8f US Oregon declaration


The official organ, the Washington Globe, thus defends Mr. Polk's Oregon declaration:--

"A communication from a European Sovereign to his subjects is no model for an address from an American President to his fellow-citizens on entering upon the discharge of his arduous and responsible duties; nor is he to be deterred on such occasions, by the rules and observances required in diplomatic discussions, from the frankest and boldest expressions of his sentiments; nor is he restricted from openly using his exertions and influence to carry out the views, on any subject, which he believes to be advantageous to his country, by the circumstance that a negotiation is in progress with another nation on the same subject.

"A British Sovereign possesses himself ample powers to protect his subjects in such a case, without reference to another branch of the Government, much less to the people. He can terminate the existing convention with regard to Oregon by a letter from his Foreign office to his Minister at Washington, and can cause the country to be occupied, and forts to be erected in it, by another letter from his Admiralty to the commander of his naval forces in the Pacific, or from his Colonial Secretary to his Governor-General of Canada. He has, therefore, no need, and certainly no desire, to introduce the subject in a message to Parliament; and when legislative action becomes necessary, his Ministers are in both houses to make the necessary arrangements and procure the requisite number of votes in their own way.

"A President of the United States is in a different position; he can take none of the steps until authorized to do so by Congress, which is itself dependent upon the popular voice. His assertion that 'the claim of the United States to Oregon is unquestionable,' means only that he will exert his influence in maintaining and establishing it. From a British Sovereign, the same assertion would announce to the world his determination to employ his power for that purpose. It is as much the duty of the President to use the influence of his declaration upon the people of the United States, or upon the world, for the advantage of the Republic, as it is of the Sovereign to direct his forces for the benefit of his kingdom.

"The President is neither in an address to his fellow citizens, nor in a message to Congress, bound by the rules or observances of diplomatic discussion. His object on such occasions is to suit the course which he means or wishes to pursue to the judgment of the people, or of the Legislature, that they may, in a proper way, express their sense of it. He does so openly; and if he enlightens other parties as to his views, they have no right to complain of it. Offensive language is of course not to be employed by a public functionary or any occasions, but the President may assert what he conceives to be the rights of his nation in terms of strength proportioned to the importance of the subject and the profoundness of his conviction.

"It becomes his duty, at all times, while communicating with the people themselves in his Inaugural address, or in his message to their representatives in Congress, to speak in frank, clear language, in relation to the common rights and interests of a free people. While he takes care in performing this duty to give no unnecessary offence to foreign states, he is bound to speak plainly, and to assert, in the clearest and strongest terms, the rights of his own nation. In his diplomatic intercourse with foreign nations, he will seek to guide his course by his conceptions of the rights of his country, and to carry out, as far as possible, the views which he has formed. It depends upon his own discretion to decide what course he shall pursue in the conduct of foreign negotiations. It will remain for Great Britain to decide how far she will assume the responsibility of defeating a wise and amicable negotiation, by making demands which are extravagant in themselves, and well calculated to prevent a most desirable adjustment of our differences." [JSW]

LT 1845-6-28-6b Mexican Finances

[. . . some missing. . . ] …There is no doubt, however, that many persons have undertaken more on their own account than they are fairly entitled to do from their rank as capitalists or their position in society.

By the mercantile letters from America it appears that the dividend on Pennsylvania stock, due next August, will be punctually paid. The statement is the more interesting as serious doubts have been entertained on the subject.

The correspondence below is of such great importance to the Mexican bondholders, comprising as it does the first official declaration of Messrs. Lizardi since the change in the agency, that in spite of its length we have not hesitated for a moment to give it entire. A statement from Messrs. Lizardi has long been expected with the utmost impatience; but we fear that the Mexican creditors will find the one just obtained anything but satisfactory. A meeting is shortly to be held on the subject:--

"New Broad-street Mews, June 4.

"Gentlemen,--We beg to enclosed to you a letter from his Excellency the Minister of Finance of the Republic of the United States of Mexico.

"Being appointed by the Government of Mexico to act as its agents in this city, we are instructed by the Government to receive from you the funds in your hands which have been remitted to you for the payment of the dividends of the foreign debt of Mexico, together with all papers and documents in your hands relating to this agency.

"We shall be happy to learn at what time it will suit your convenience to carry these instructions into effect.

"We remain, &c.,

"Messrs. F. de Lizardi and Co."


"Austinfriars, June 6, 1845.

"Gentlemen,--We have to acknowledge receipt of your letter of the 4th inst. (enclosing a dispatch from the Mexican Minister of Finance), informing us that you had been appointed agents to Mexican Government, and were instructed by the said Government to receive from us the funds belonging to it in our hands, together with the documents and papers relating to the agency.

"In reply we have to state, that from our predecessors in the agency we received no papers or documents whatever; nor have we any others than the books relating to the conversion of the debt and the payment of dividends, which being required for daily reference we cannot consent to part with.

"The Mexican Government has been regularly furnished with the accounts relating to the affairs of this agency.

"Credit has been given to the said Government for all the monies remitted up to the present date, and there is still a considerable balance due unto us from the Mexican Government, which we hope you are authorized to pay, and in such case we are prepared to furnish you with copies of our account-current with the said Government, made up to this date.

"We remain, & C.,

"Messrs. J. Schneider and Co."


"New Broad-street Mews, June 7.

"Gentlemen,--We have just received your letter of yesterday's date.

"Permit us to state to you that the funds which you are directed to hand over to us can have no connexion with any account which may be existing between yourselves and the Mexican Government. They are funds which have been remitted to you for the payment of the dividends of the Mexican foreign debt. They have been appropriated to that purpose by a special contract between the Mexican Government and the bondholders, effected through your agency, and to which you are parties; and, being so remitted, they can have no connexion with any other account or transaction, whatever the nature of the same may be.

"We are therefore under the necessity of repeating our request for the payment of this money to us agreeably to the order in your possession.

"We remain, &c.,

"Messrs. F. de Lizardi and Co."


"Austinfriars, June 10.

"Gentlemen, -- We have the honour to acknowledge the receipt of your communication, dated the 7th inst. With reference thereto, allow us to say that we do not feel ourselves called upon to discuss with you our reasons for refusing to comply with the request made in your letter of the 4th inst., and in that now under reply.

"We have, therefore, simply to refer you to our letter of the 6th inst. for our sentiments on this subject, and remain, &c.

"F. DE LIZARDI, and Co.

"Messrs. John Schneider and Co."


"13, Austinfriars, June 21, 1845.

"Gentlemen,--The Committee of Spanish American bondholders have received from Messrs. J. Schneider and Co. copies of two letters which they had addressed to you on the 4th and 7th inst., and of your replies to the same, dated respectively the 6th and 10th inst.

"From this correspondence it appears that the Mexican Government, having transferred its financial agency in this city to the house of Messrs. John Schneider and Co., had authorized those gentlemen to receive from you the balance of the funds remaining in your hands for the purpose of applying it to the payment of the Mexican dividends; that Messrs. Schneider had applied to you, in pursuance of the authority thus lodged with them; and that you have declined to obey the orders of the Mexican Government for the payment of this money, on the ground that you have claims on that Government to a considerable amount.

"The Committee are under the necessity of calling your attention to the circumstances under which these monies have been from time to time remitted to you. By the agreement dated 14th September, 1837, under which conversion of the original Mexican debt was effected, which agreement was effected through your agency, and bears your signature, together with that of the Mexican Minister at this Court, a certain proportion of the customs' duties at Vera Cruz and Tampico was set apart for the payment of the interest on the foreign debt. Comissioners were appointed to receive the same from time to time, and to remit those funds to you expressly for the purpose in question. They have done so; the dividends have been from time to time paid by you out of those funds; and the sum remaining in your hands is an unappropriated part of the same funds.

"That there may be no possible misunderstanding on the subject I extract from the bonds bearing your signature the following clause:--

"'For the better securing the punctual payment of the said interest, the Mexican Government shall appropriate irrevocably thereunto one-sixth part of all the Custom-house duties of the ports of Vera Cruz and Tampico (Santa Anna Tamaulipas). This portion of the duties to be received from the administrators of the Customs by two commissioners to be appointed by the Mexican Government, one of whom to be nominated on the recommendation of the agents of the bondholders in the city of Mexico. These commissioners to transmit by every English packet to the agents of the Mexican Government in London the aforesaid funds; the commission to be paid to the said commissioners for this service by the Mexican Government.'

"The Committee, acting on behalf of the bondholders, are under the necessity of emphatically stating to you, that there is, in their view, no pretence in law, equity, or justice, whereby you can seek to appropriate these monies to any purpose other than that for which they have been specially remitted to you. The bondholders can have no concern with any other dealings between you and the Mexican Government. You have received these monies under a solemn engagement under your own hands, to apply them to the purpose for which they were sent; and the Committee venture to insist that you have no right to deal otherwise with them.

"Under these circumstances, the Committee now call upon you, as you have declined to pay over the funds remaining in your hands to Messrs. Schneider, to proceed at once to pay the same to the bondholders, as a part payment of the dividenc due on the 1st of October last.

"I remain, &c.,
"G. R. ROBINSON, Chairman.

"Messrs. F. De Lizardi and Co."


"Sir,-- We have to acknowledge receipt of your letter of the 21st. inst. addressed to us on behalf of the Committee of Mexican Bondholders, wherein you inform us that Messrs. John Schneider and Co. had laid before the Committee copies of their correspondence with us on the subject of the transfer of the Mexican agency. We also learn from your communication that the Committee call upon us to pay over either to the bondholders or to Messrs. Schneider and Co. 'the balance of the funds remaining in your hands.'

"In our letter to Messrs. John Schneider and Co., of the 6th June, we told those gentlemen that, after giving credit in account to the Mexican Government for all the monies remitted us, there was still a considerable balance due to us, and such being the case, we of course can have no funds to pay over to Messrs. Schneider and Co. or to any one else.

"Throughout the whole correspondence which we have had with the Committee, we have constantly and uniformly maintained that the funds remitted us by the Mexican Government were for its sole account; that we were the agents of the said Government, and not of the bondholders; and that we could make no payments either on account of dividends or any other purpose without first receiving instructions from Mexico.

"Messrs. F. De Lizardi and Co."


"Austinfriars, June 24, 1845.

"Sir,--We have to acknowledge receipt of your letter of the 21st., inst. addressed to us on behalf of the Committee of Mexican Bondholders, wherein you inform us that Messrs. John Schneider and co. had laid before the Committee copies of their correspondence with us on the subject of the transfer of the Mexican agency. We also learn from your communication that the Committee call upon us to pay over either to the bondholders or to Messrs. Schneider and Co. 'the balance of the funds remaining in your hands.'

"In our letter to Messrs. John Schneider and Co., of the 6th June, we told those gentlemen that, after giving credit in account to the Mexican Government for all the monies remitted us, there was still a considerable balance due to us, and such being the case, we of course can have no funds to pay over to Messrs. Schneider and Co. or to any one else.
"Throughout the whole correspondence which we have had with the Committee, we have constantly and uniformly maintained that the funds remitted us by the Mexican Government were for its sole account; that we were the agents of the said Government, and not of the bondholders; and that we could make no payments either on account of dividends or any other purpose without first receiving instructions from Mexico.

"We are aware that the Committee have asserted that we were only the recipients of these funds on behalf of the bondholders, but this we always have, and now again emphatically deny. We have always received these funds in the character of general agents to the Mexican Government; and nothing can more clearly prove that the said Government entertained a similar idea than the fact of the Mexican Minister of Finance giving the order for transferring any funds in hand to Messrs. Schneider and Co., which we apprehend his Excellency would hardly have done had he entertained any doubt as to the funds being the property of his Government--indeed, on no other understanding could we have ventured to make the heavy advances which we have done.

"We have also to remind the Committee that when we succeeded in obtaining from the Mexican Government the increased assignment of 3 1-3 per cent. Of the customhouse revenues, this fund was charged with the payment to us of a considerable amount; and we imagine that no impartial person will dispute our right to it.

"Since the Committee refer to the year 1837, we think it would be as well that they look still further back, and they will find that from 1832 to 1837 nothing was recovered from the Mexican Government for the bondholders, and that at the latter period the price of the stock, with 23 overdue coupons, was barely half that which it has borne of late years and at present.

"In conclusion, we have to repeat what we have already told Messrs. Schneider and Co., that the entire of the funds remitted us by the Mexican Government have been carried [some missing]


LT 1845-7-1-6a Mexican debt of Messrs. Lizardi & Co.


Monday Evening

Excepting in the share-market there has been very little business to-day. The English securities closed as follows:…

The only remark of consequence that has been made in the city in favour of Messrs. Lizardi and Co's. doctrine, that they are not, by the terms of the contract, bound to hand over every dollar received from Mexico on account of the debt is this,--admitting that they were bound so to act by the contract in question, that applied merely to the sixth of the customs originally set apart. The increase of the portion from one-sixth to one-firth has taken place since the date of the contract, and therefore, though the agents may be precluded from retaining any part of the sixth, they are not equally precluded as to an amount equal to the difference between the sixth and the fifth. This argument is not without ingenuity; but we question whether the equity of the case will allow it to be maintained for a moment. The additional portion must have been subject to some conditions, and we may naturally conclude that the conditions were those already expressed in the contract, no new terms being hinted at. Surely, under the circumstances, the terms of the fifth must be looked upon as precisely analogous to those of the sixth.

The Chilian papers contain a copy of a letter from Senor Rosales, the Minister for the Republic in England, relative to the transfer of the agency to Messrs. Baring, Brothers, and to the failure of the former house of agency, Messrs. G. and J. Brown and Co., by which Chili sustained a loss of 37,000l. The Minister is at great pains to explain that the solidity and credit ascribed to the house by the commercial body in England were chiefly instrumental in inducing him to make a selection which afterwards proved so unfortunate. In the same papers is contained the letter of Messrs. Baring and Co., in which they accept the Chilian agency.

This was the last day of converting Portuguese bonds, and the entire number converted amounts to 5,500,000l. sterling. In consequence of the success of the operation application has been made to Baron de Folgoso to use his influence with the Portuguese Government, so as to obtain an extension of the time for conversion.

Cape of Good Hope papers to the 25th of April have arrived. The accounts from Graham's Town state that a collision had taken place between the Dutch emigrants and the Griqua tribe on the northeastern frontier, in which the latter had the advantage. The Griquas speak confidently of success, and only ask English troops for the protection of their wives and property. A good deal of bloodshed is expected, and should the Dutch within the boundary join their countrymen, the aborigines will speedily be defeated. The want of a proper Government at Natal is said to be detrimental to the general interests of the colony.


LT 1845-7-2-7c Mexican bonds


…The meeting of Mexican bondholders fixed for tomorrow (Wednesday) will disclose the views of the parties immediately interested as to the conduct of the late house of agency. In the mean time it maybe remarked, what has struck many impartial persons on reviewing the subject, that it does not look well in Messrs. Lizardi to attach to the production of any account to the new agency a condition that they shall have been authorized by the Mexican Government to pay the balance due from the latter to Messrs. Lizardi. A merchant of high standing may be in a position to refuse an account altogether, under a denial of the authority which demands it; but he will scarcely attach conditions to the rendering such an account, which are, on the face of them, incapable of fulfilment. Messrs. Lizardi must have known that the Mexican Government could not have given any authority to make payments, because that Government at least believed a balance to be in hand at the agency, and that it would be forthcoming immediately on the verification of the appointment of Messrs. Schneider to the trust. It is natural enough, too, to inquire whether the Mexican Government, whose authority, at all events, to demand an account will not be disputed even by Messrs. Lizardi themselves, have been furnished with one, or with any intimation that they were deeply indebted to their late agents. Proper time for that purpose has certainly not been wanting, as no payment since October last has been made for dividends, and all the items subsequently coming forward must consist of remittances from Mexico, and belong to the credit side of the account. If the agency, therefore, had pursued in this case the common course of mercantile dealing, which they seem anxious to take for their model when it suits them, the Minister of Finance in Mexico would have set the matter right before making any new appointment, and not committed to the absurdity of virtually directing the transfer to Messrs. Schneider of the funds in possession, when none existed, but, on the contrary, a large claim against his Government. It follows almost to a certainty that the late agents have not furnished any such account, and they must have advanced a very large sum indeed in October, if all the remittances since publicity known to have been received have not more than liquidated that advance. The notion of a large balance still against Mexico is rejected on all sides as an utter improbability. Hence there is another reason for the production of an account, beyond what belongs to mercantile usage and character, because Messrs. Lizardi have a strong case against them until they prove the contrary by figures and vouchers. If the real cause of their repugnance should be, as some believe, the having yielded too readily to be the instrument of the late President, Santa Anna, in diverting funds which were held in trust for the bondholders to another purpose, the disclosure now could do him or them no further harm, but would assist the present Government in pursuing that investigation into his conduct which has been begun in Mexico. Any result is better than the refusal of an account to a party properly authorized to receive it, and which is a very rare instance indeed, if not wholly without parallel among respectable English merchants. If we contend, therefore, for justice towards the Mexican creditors, we contend no less for the maintenance of that which has always constituted the most envied distinction of this great city--the perfect good faith and honour of all the members of its trading community . . . [JSW]

LT 1845-7-3-6a Mexican bonds


…The meeting of Mexican bondholders held at the London Tavern to-day was fully attended, and the series of resolutions passed were strongly condemnatory of the conduct of Messrs. Lizardi and Co., the late agents. Mr. Robinson, the chairman of the committee, was the only speaker on the occasion, but the sentiments he uttered were warmly responded to by the bondholders, who agreed in all that he said respecting the manner in which Messrs. Lizardi had dealt with them and their property. Mr. Robinson contended that Messrs. Lizardi were the joint agents of the bondholders and the Government, and receiving the money for a specific purpose were not justified in using it for any other object. In the course of his address Mr. Robinson alluded to the extraordinary position in which the bondholders were placed--first, from the seizure of dollars at Vera Cruz by Santa Anna; and , secondly, from the refusal of Messrs. Lizardi to pay over the funds in their hands to the new agents, Messrs. Schneider and Co. Messrs. Lizardi's proceedings, he said, were quite consistent with the whole conduct they had pursued in the business; and after the surreptitious issue of 900,000l. stock, he must himself confess that he was not surprised at anything they did. The first resolution passed expressed satisfaction at the change of the agency; the second and third resolutions expressed the opinion that the refusal of the late agents to surrender the money in their hands was at variance with all principles of law, equity, and justice; and the fourth resolution suggested the appointment of a special committee for the purpose of consulting on the measures to be adopted for compelling Messrs. Lizardi to apply the funds they retained to the use of the bondholders. A special committee of three of the bondholders with three of the present committee were then elected, and the meeting separated, authority being given to Messrs. Schneider, in the event of law proceedings being taken against Messrs. Lizardi, to deduct the expensespro rata from the first dividend paid.

LT 1845-7-5-5b Mexico, affairs of

[The following appeared in part only of our impression of yesterday: --]


The Royal Mail Steam Packet Company's ship Medway, Andrews, arrived at Southampton at 11 o'clock on Thursday night, after a rapid voyage of 13 days from Bermuda. She would have arrived some hours sooner but for heavy fogs off the coast.

She brings 94 passengers and the usual mails, except that from Carthagena. Her mails will be despatched by the 2 o'clock train. Her dates are as follow:--From Tampico, May 28; Vera Cruz, June 1; Havannah, June 10; Nassau, June 13; Honduras, May 20; Jamaica, June 8; Demerara, June 4; Trinidad, June 5; Barbadoes, June 8; Grenada, June 10; St. Thomas, June 14; Laguayra, June 7; Bermuda, June 20; and Antigua, June 11. She also brings on freight--1,238,406 dollars; 3,000 oz. of silver; 1,618 oz. of gold and gold dust; 138 serons of cochineal; 246 dozen of pines; 40 turtles; 20 cases of vanilla; and 25 bales of jalap.

The Medway did not call at Fayal.

She spoke the French brig Bordonais on the 28th of June, in lat. 43 23, long. 30 29; and exchanged colours with the bark Persia on the 1st of July, in lat. 47 35, long. 14.

The Scylla was repairing at Bermuda, having been on shore 18 hours. The Admiral left Bermuda for Halifax on the 25th of May.

Two hundred and fourteen Coolies, five having died, arrived at Trinidad shortly before the Medway left, arrived at Trinidad shortly before the Medway left, in the Fatel Rosack, 98 days from Calcutta. The arrival gave great satisfaction to the agriculturists.

The troops appear to be healthy at all the islands.

The 1st West Indian Regiment and part of the 7th were at Demerara; the 23d Fusiliers at Trinidad; two battalions of the 20th at Bermuda; the 81st at Antigua; the headquarters of the 7th at Barbadoes.

The ex-President, General Santa Anna, embarked on board the Medway, from the River Antigua, 13 miles N.W. of Vera Cruz; he was sent down with an escort of 200 cavalry as a prisoner, and was unattended except by his brother, nephew, and wife, with some others of his family. The lady who accompanied him is his second wife, a young and pretty woman, of about 16. It appears he was sentenced to leave the country, and have his property confiscated; he had very considerable sums of money with him, but a greater part of it was stopped, though he ultimately retained a large sum in his possession. Santa Anna stated he was going to Venezuela, but it was not credited. He left the Medway at Havannah.

We have Jamaica papers to the 7th of June, by which we learn that the island has been favoured with the most propitious season that has occurred for very many years past. The account of the sugar cultivation continue to be highly favourable; the wet weather may possibly impede the manufacture of this year's crop, but will be of vast benefit to that of next year. The few Hill Coolies that had arrived continued to give the highest satisfaction; they work cheerfully, industriously, and indefatigable, and it is considered will be a great boon to the colonists. Some attempt had been already made to create dissatisfaction in the minds of the Hill Coolies in one of the parishes, by representing that their contract might have been more advantageous. It does not appear to have had much effect. Indeed, they seem perfectly content and happy in their change; and their work, both as to time and description, is quite surprising. They do not work with the long-handled hoe, but work stooping, using both their hands at the same time. There appears to be a great and general desire in favour of the importation of these people, and of the African free emigrants.

We learn by the Barbadoes Standard that the Committee of the House of Assembly had recommended the purchase of the area laid waste by the great fire, about ten acres in extent, and value 35,000l., for the purpose of improvement, uniformity of buildings, &c.

The Princess Royal arrived on the 5th of June, with detachments of the Royal Artillery and 3d West India Regiment. She spoke Her Majesty's ship Pique the previous evening, which ship arrived the next morning. The head of her foremast was found to be so much decayed that it was expected she would return to England to be supplied with a new one, there being no spar sufficient in the West Indies. The Roger Stewart arrived at Berbice on the 20th of May, with 256 African emigrants, all effective. This arrival appeared to give very general satisfaction. The bark Glanmire h ad arrived in 23 days from Cork at Barbadoes. The subject of steam communication between Port of Spain (Trinidad) and the Naparimas was exciting considerable interest, and had been brought before the Legislative Government. His Excellency the Governor was very favourable to the scheme, and had declared his intention to do his part towards it. There appears to be every prospect of the project being carried out.

The Medway has made a remarkably fine passage, and is up three or four days before due, notwithstanding she has had some bad weather. We understand she had no mail officer on board. Captain Andrews, now her commander, has been out in the West Indies from the establishment of the company engaged in the inter-colonial trade, from which, after very zealous services, he is promoted to the Medway, one of the company's best ships.

By this arrival we have received letters of the 30th of May from our correspondent in the city of Mexico.

The Mexican Senate, by a majority of 30 to 6, and the Deputies, by 41 to 13, have authorized the Government to negotiate and conclude a treaty for the recognition of the independence of Texas.

Mexico was perfectly quiet, and no opposition has been shown by the people to the recognition of Texas.

The existing tariff is to be annulled. The Chamber of Deputies have adopted bases by which the Government will be enabled to establish a new tariff, to come into operation after six months, nearly similar to the tariff of 1842. The assent of the Senate is looked upon as certain.

The Minister of the United States, Mr. Shannon, has at length demanded his passports, and withdrawn from Mexico.

A general amnesty has been proclaimed. Santa Anna submits to exile for life in Venezuela. The late President of Congress, and the only one of the Ministers in prison, refuses to accept the proffered grace.

Proposals have been sent to England connected with a loan of 3,000,000 of dollars, for consolidating one-half Mexican Passive Stock, and securing to it an interest of 5 per cent, on the tobacco duties.



When the Medway left Vera Cruz (June 2) there were five American men-of-war at anchor under Isla Verde--viz., the Potomac, 54 guns, Commodore Connor; two 28-gun corvettes, and two 14-gun brigs. There was a French brig-of-war lying at Sacrificios.

The Eurydice left Vera Cruz for New Orleans on the 17th of May, with despatches for Her Majesty's Government, relative (it was said) to the recognition by Mexico of Texan independence, which had passed both the Mexican Chambers. Captain Charles Elliot, R.N., had returned to Texas from Vera Cruz in a French corvette, to resume his diplomatic duties.

Mr. Shannon, United States Minister at Mexico, having demanded and received his passports, left Vera Cruz for New York, in the New York packet, on the 28th of May; he preferred taking his passage in a merchant vessel to weakenin the American naval forces before Vera Cruz by taking from it a vessel of war. The prevailing opinion at Vera Cruz by taking from it a vessel of war. The prevailing opinion at Vera Cruz was, that there would be war between Mexico and the United States. There did not seem to be much active preparation making at Vera Cruz to meet any hostile movement on the part of the Americans; the Mexicans seemed to look towards "Los Inglesca" for succour.

General Santa Anna, ex-President of Mexico, his wife, father-in-law, brother and sister-in-law, nephew, and four servants, were embarked on board the Medway, off Rio Antigua, about 15 miles to the north-west of Vera Cruz, far passage, it was said, to Bermuda; but upon arriving at Havannah, the General declined proceeding further, and went on shore, where he intends to remain for the present, most probably in observation. Santa Anna has still a strong party in Mexico.

By an odd coincidences, General Bustamente arrived at Havannah in the Royal mall steam-packet Dee the same day General Santa Anna reached there in the Medway. The former proceeded to Vera Cruz in the Dee.

His Excellency Vice-Admiral Primo de Rivera had relieved Vice-Admiral Ulloa as naval commander-in-chief at Havannah. Orders had been received for Her Majesty's ship Romney, receiving-ship for liberated Africans at Havannah, to be withdrawn; the Spanish Government were to provide barracks on shore for the Africans to be lodged in.

The Medway left at Nassau on the 13th of June Her Majesty's steamer Hermes, which was to leave on the 15th for Turk's Island, with the Bishop of Jamaica and Mrs. Spenser on board, the former being on a visit of inspection through his diocese.

Her Majesty's ship Vindictive, with the flag of Vice-Admiral Austin, left Bermuda for Halifax on the 11th inst.

Her Majesty's ship Boylla, Commander Sharpe, lying in the basin, having been hove down and her bottom repaired, would proceed to Halifax on or about the 24th inst.

The Medway was met at Bermuda by the Royal mail steam-packet Tay, and the letter was to proceed to Nassau and Havannah. [JSW]

LT 1845-7-7-4b

The proceedings of the Mexican Government and the acts of the Mexican Legislature are by no means decisive as to the result of the Texan question; and it is obvious that the course of events and the conduct of the American party in Texas at this juncture are of far more essential importance then the dispositions of the Mexicans. A manifesto has indeed been published by the Mexican republic, in which the Ministers of that country protest against the proposed annexation of Texas, as an insidious and unprecedented act of spoliation. They deny that a Mexican province can be converted, with the melting facility of a dissolving view, into one of the United States of America; and they declare that "the law of the United States "proposing the incorporation of Texas in no way "restricts the claim which Mexico holds and is determined to sustain over that department." This doctrine professes to emanate from the National Congress of Mexico, and is dated the 14th of May; but we are unable to reconcile the assurance that Mexico, and is dated the 14th of May; but we are unable to reconcile the assurance that Mexico is determined to sustain her claim over "the department of Texas" with the language of a decree published only three days later, on the 17th of May, by which it appears that the Mexican Government is empowered to hear the propositions which Texas has made, and to proceed to the arrangement of a treaty; or in plain terms, to the recognition of Texan independence. However, the latter course is in every respect preferable to a declaration of war, and much more likely to conduce to a satisfactory adjustment than a levy en masse of Mexican militia.

It is probable that the question of annexation, upon the terms propounded in the last resolutions of the American Congress, has ere this been decided by the Legislature or Convention of the Texan people. Nor can we pretend to anticipate with any degree of certainty or accuracy what that decision may be; for it will be governed, not by considerations of policy or of national interest on the part of the Texans, but by the number of votes which the American party may have contrived to smuggle into the political assemblies of an independent state, or to suborn amongst the ranks of the Texan patriots. If the vote of annexation be carried, there is little to regret, for that fact will prove more than an argument that the independence of Texas is already extinct, or rather that it never was anything more than the mast of American treachery and encroachment. What could be expected of a people amongst whom a foreign element has acquired such an ascendancy, that within ten years of their declaration of independence that independence is put up to auction, to be bought up by a neighbouring Power? But that purchase of intrigue and ambition is not yet consummated. Amongst the Texans, the leading men have not yet despaired of their position, or abdicated their national character; and, if they are defeated, it will be by the effect of universal suffrage and of civil rights too easily bestowed, which enable a party of adventurers from another land to determine the most important question which can be raised amongst the people. The question will, in fact, be decided rather by the absence of Government, or at least of any effective governing power in the southern portion of North America, than by the deliberate choice of the states, most intimately affected by it; and the Annexationists of the United States owe more to the anarchy of Mexico, and the impotence of Texas, than to their own political vigour or address.

The protection to which all feeble states lay claim, and to which they owe the maintenance of their territorial rights and their independence, consists, first, in the jealousy of other Powers, unwilling to tolerate any further aggrandizement of the strong at the expense of the weak, and, secondly, in the restraint of equity and good faith. But of these guarantees neither can be said to exist on the continent of North America, south of the British possessions. European Powers are no longer sufficiently interested in the fate of those vast regions to include them within the strict limits on which the balance of powers depends. The emancipated Spanish colonies have neither established a political system of their own, nor connected themselves with the political systems of Europe. They have, in particular, not responded to the generous sympathy with which our own country watched and encouraged their emancipation; and it is, perhaps, fortunate for us that we are bound to them by no close engagements. As for the restraint of equity and good faith towards neighbours, that has been dissipated among the Americans, by the will of a Power whose only law is the present will of the greatest number; and the act which has been denounced by the wisest and best of the Americans as the most infamous and lawless attempt in the history of democracy, is already, as far as they are concerned, morally consummated.

Under these circumstances, the next question we are disposed to ask is, where is this march of invasion and this extension of power to stop? We are told that Texas is to be annexed. But what are the limits of Texas? Who has ever determined the boundaries of her territory, or, if they were determined, who is to confine within them the pretensions of their Anglo-American invaders? It is impossible, in the present state of the population of central North America, that the compact forces of disciplined armies or civilized communities should at once overrun and occupy the enormous tracts still almost untrodden by white men. But a species of irregular warfare will probably break out between the two European races in central; and the horrors perpetrated by the Spaniards on the native Indians may be avenged upon their descendants by the incursion of another race even more pitiless and rapacious than they were. In this way it is scarcely possible to doubt that an attempt will ere long be made by adventurers from the United States--the well-known pioneers of the policy of the Cabinet of Washington--to pierce their way across the continent, and to establish themselves upon Mexican or British territory on the shores of the Pacific. The state of California is so imperfectly known, even to the Mexican Government, to which it professes allegiance, that it may be regarded as a detached province. Since the sequestration of the religious establishments, founded by the Jesuits and transferred to the Franciscans, all moral authority is at an end. Military power never existed in the country, even in the time of the Spaniards; and of late years the population and even the head of cattle have dwindled rapidly away.

But the establishment of any fresh Power on the western coast of North America is pre-eminently a maritime question--a question of maritime interest, and to be accomplished and maintained by maritime means. We are, therefore, disinclined to attached importance to the statement which has reached our correspondent in Mexico, to the effect that the Americans have actually taken possession of the Russian settlement on the Bay of Bodega; or that the Russians have evacuated Fort Ross, the position they held on that point. The Russian Governor was visited there by M. DUFLOT DE MOFRAS at no very distant period, and the events of the last few years on the Pacific are not calculated to lessen the interest which the Emperor of RUSSIA may take in that settlement, which we sincerely hope he will continue to hold.

Enough, however, has already transpired to show that the questions of Texas and of Oregon touch one another, though at a distant point: that they are, in fact, parts of the same project of aggrandizement, and results of that system of policy first avowed by MR. MONROE, which claims for the United States a territorial monopoly of the continent to which they belong. To act with promptitude in Texas, and to procrastinate for another quarter of a century in Oregon, are the two modes of acquisition best adapted to crush a weak neighbour in Mexico, and to deceive a powerful competitor in Great Britain. For ourselves, without assuming an excessive interest in the concerns of other states, or entertaining the least doubt of the security of all parts of HER MAJESTY'S dominions, we trust that it will not be forgotten that our position is precisely what it was after the convention of 1790 had been signed at Madrid, and the gallant VANCOUVER was directed by Mr. PITT'S Government to explore the north-west coast of America to the north of the 39th degree of latitude. That mission was accomplished. The flag of England was planted along those shores. QUADRA and the Spanish officers acquiesced in VANCOUVER'S proclamation; and it only remains for us to maintain with firmness the rights which were established by our fathers along the coast of the Pacific Ocean. [JSW]

LT 1845-7-16-7f

THE ANNEXATION OF TEXAS.--The abolitionists, whose great efforts during the 12 past years have resulted in silencing every practical abolitionist in the slave states, (where there are thousands and thousands, by the way), and who have been the means of adding to the union the elements of five or six new slave states in Texas, with the probability of adding California and other states of Mexico as slave states, can now see another of their great achievements in the additional value they have given to slave property. We copy the following from the River State Review, a paper-published in Marion, Alabama:-- "Negroes sold last sale day at the Court-house rather high it seems to us for the buyers and times, but most assuredly not too high for those compelled to part with them. Fellows brought near $650, average; one brought as high at $692. Women sold for from $500 to $610, one only bringing the latter sum. Girls about 14 years' old sold from $375 to $400. Some families sold in proportion much less." The annexation of Texas has raised the price of slaves from 30 to 50 per cent, and the effect of this is a most powerful stimulus to the slave trade, and to the breeding of slaves for sale. The domestic slave trade was never livelier than it is now, in most parts of the south and west. The rush of emigration to Texas is prodigious, and the purchase of slaves for that market is beginning to be prosecuted with astonishing vigour. The roads towards New Orleans, and the routes via the Red River, are thronged with slaves. In the meantime, as the negroes go up the land goes down. When we are told that his will abolish slavery in the border slaves states, we will show how the raising of the price of a property creates an indisposition to give it up, and a desire to multiply and to justify it. The progress backwards of the northern reader to note. When he began his monstrous and cruel agitation, the axe was laid at the root of slavery in Virginia, the old colony slave state of the union, but now new Virginia, has a powerful interest in raising slaves for the Texas market.--New York Express.

PENSIONS.--The following is a list of all pensions granted between the 20th day of June, 1844, and the 20th day of June, 1845, and charged upon the Civil List:--On the 28th of January, to Patrick Frazer Tytler, Esq., in consideration of his eminent literary attainments and merits as an historian, 200l. On the 28th of January, to Mrs. Jane Hood, 100 l.; to William Elliott, M.D., in trust for her, as the wife of Thomas Hood, Esq., author of various popular works, in consideration of his literary merit and infirm state of health. On the 28th of January, to Susan Robertson, 50l.; Mary Robertson, 50l.; Eleanor Robertson, 50l.; Elizabeth Robertson 50l.; the four daughters of Lieutenant Colonel Robertson Macdonald, and grand-daughters of the Late Principal Robertson, in consideration of the eminent literary merits of their grandfather as an historian, and their own destitute situation; is trust to James Rolland, Esq., and John Stewart, Esq., Writers to the Signet, in Edinburgh. On the 31st of January, to Jane Caroline Stoddart, 75l.; Frances Agnes Stoddart, 75l.; sisters of the last Lieutenant Colonel Stoddart, murdered at Bokhara, in consideration of the services of their brother, and of there being no adequate provision for them; in trust to John Kitson, Esq., of Thorpe, near Norwich. On the 5th of March, to Mademoiselle Augusta Emma D'Este, 500l., in trust to Edward Majoribanks, Esq., and Sir Edward Antrobus, Bart., for her, in consideration of her just claims on the Royal beneficence. On the 11th of June, to Clara Maria Susanna Lowe, 50l., daughter of the late General Sir Hudson Lowe, in consideration of the services of her father, and her own destitute condition; in trust to Sir Joshua Rickets Rowley, Bart., Captain, R.N., and Lieutenant Edward William De Lancy Lowe, 32d Regiment of Foot. Total 1,200l . The return is dated Whitehall, Treasury Chambers, July 7, 1845, and signed by Edward Cardwell. [JSW]

LT 1845-7-19-7a

Friday Evening

The account in the Consol-market was arranged to-day, and presented no other feature than a slight rise in prices, produced by the satisfactory nature of the settlement. The rate of accommodation for short periods was 2 ½ percent., with a tolerable demand from the leading jobbers. Consols left off this afternoon 98 7/8 to 99 for money, and 99 ½ to ¼ for the account. Bank Stock closed 2101/2 to 211 ½; Three per Cents. Reduced, 99 3/8 to ½; Three-and-a-Quarter per Cents, 102 1/8 to ¼; Long Annuities, 11 ¼; Exchequer-bills, 54s. to 56s. premium; and India Bonds, 68s. to 71s. premium.

A rumour was current this afternoon, that Lizardi and Co. intend to pay over the funds they have in hand to the new agents; but as not a bargain was done all day in Mexican stock, it does not appear to have been received with much credit. The Actives were quoted nominally the same as yesterday, 36 7/8 to 37 1/8; and the Deferred, 20 ½ to 21. Spanish was steady; the Five per Cents; closed 26 ¼ to ½; and the Three per Cents, 37 to ¼; Portuguese, 63 to 65; Dutch Two-and-a-Half per Cents, 62 to ¼; ditto Four per Cents., 99 1/8 to 3/8; Danish, 89 to 91; Colombian, 17 7/8 to 18 1/8; Chilian, 100 to 102; Buenos Ayres, 45 ½ to 46 ½; Brazilian, 90 ½ to 91 ½; Belgian, 99 to 100.

The Railway share-market has been quiet, with a limited amount of business. Generally speaking, quotations continue pretty well supported.


The supply of bills upon foreign places generally was not equal to the demand, and the rates of exchange upon the principal continental places were, consequently, again lower.

The recent fluctuations in Spanish stock have lately been the object of the greatest interest to the speculators in foreign securities; and though there has been the general feeling that the insurrectionary movements in Catalonia had much to do with the downward movements, reasons have not been given in detail. It appears that the concession some time ago by the Spanish Ministry to the Church of part of the national property first operated in producing an unfavourable effect upon the stock, for the Actives always had a value in being the means by which national lands might be purchased, such value existing when all payment of dividends was suspended. This advantage being lost to the creditors, it was no wonder that the securities declined; and although Senior Mon, when making the concession, probably believed that the resources of Spain would be so much developed as to furnish an equivalent for the sacrifice, his hopes have been in a great measure frustrated by the clergy expecting more, instead of remaining satisfied with the grants already made to them. The insurrection in Catalonia doubtless had its influence in furthering the decline, but this influence is likely to be of a transient nature, if we may, trust the accounts stating that no political cause, properly so called, is at the bottom of the insurrectionary movements, but merely the dislike on the part of the northern provinces to participate in those general burdens of Spain from which they have been exempted by their special fueros. From these accounts, according to some, proceeds the change for the better which has occurred within the last day or two in the value of the stock.



LT 1845-7-30- 5b  AMERICA


The British and North American Royal mail steam-ship Acadia, Captain Harrison, arrived at Liverpool yesterday, bringing the Hon. L. M'Lane, United States Minister to St. James's, several members of his family, and a large number of passengers.

The annexation of Texas to the United States, it will be seen, has been agreed to by the Texan Congress. The question as to the course Mexico will adopt is yet problematical. The annexation was announced by President Jones in the following terms:--

"Executive Department, Washington, June 16.

"Gentlemen of the Senate
and of the House of Representatives,

"I am happy to greet you, on this interesting occasion, as the representatives of the people, again assembled in the discharge of your high and important duties. The call of an extraordinary session of Congress at this early day, by the Executive, was not made without the most mature deliberation, and a due reference to the great crisis which has arisen since your late adjournment in the affairs of Texas, as well as the almost unanimous expression of public will which took place throughout the country in regard to the same.

"The Executive has now the pleasure to transmit to the hon. Congress, for such action as they may deem suitable, the propositions which have been made on the part of the United States to this Government for the annexation of Texas, and its incorporation, as a state, into that great and kindred confederacy, together with the correspondence between the two Governments which has arisen out of the same. The correspondence, entering, as it does, very fully into the views and sentiments of the Governments in question, renders it unnecessary for the Executive to add (for the information or consideration of Congress) but little thereto in reference to the proposed measure.

"The Executive has much satisfaction in observing, what, no doubt, will forcibly arrest the attention of Congress, that although the terms embraced in the resolutions of the United States Congress may at first have appeared less favourable than was desirable for Texas, the very liberal and magnanimous views entertained by the President of the United States towards Texas, and the promises made through the representation of that country in regard to the future advantages to be extended to her if she consent to the proposed union, render those terms much more acceptable than they would otherwise have been.

"The state of public opinion, and the great anxiety of the people to act definitively upon the subject of annexation, by a convention of deputies, as prescribed in the resolutions of the United States Congress, induced the Executive to issue his proclamation, on the 5th of May ultimo, recommending an election for 61 deputies, to be held in the several counties throughout the republic, on the 4th of the present month, and to assemble in convention, at the city of Austin, on the 4th of July next. The recommendation has met the sanction of the citizens of Texas generally, and the deputies in the several counties, so far as heard from, having been elected upon the basis proposed, it is confidently expected the convention will assemble at the time and place fixed upon. To this convention the question of annexation and the adoption of a state constitution will properly belong; and they will determine the great question of the nationality of Texas, as to them shall seem most conducive to the interests, happiness, and prosperity of the people whom they will represent. It is important that the 'consent of the existing Government' should be given to their exercising the powers which have been delegated to them, in order to comply with a requirement to that effect in the resolutions on the subject of annexation passed by the American Congress. For this purpose the present extraordinary session of the Congress of the Republic of Texas has been convoked; and to its wisdom, as a co-ordinate department, the Executive now submits the determination of the matter.

"The services to be performed by the convention will be arduous, and will probably engage it for a considerable period of time; and the Executive would respectfully recommend to Congress the propriety of making a suitable appropriation for the payment of its members, as well as the officers it may find occasion to employ.

"The Executive has the pleasure, in addition to presenting to Congress the propositions concerning annexation, to inform them that certain conditions, preliminary to a treaty of peace, upon the basis of a recognition of the independence of Texas by Mexico, were signed on the part of the latter, at the city of Mexico, on the 19th of May last, and were transmitted to this Government on the 21 inst., by the Baron Alleye de Cyprey, Minister Plenipotentiary of His Majesty the King of the French at that Court, by the hands of Captain Elliott, Her Britannic Majesty's Charge d'Affaires near this Government. In consequence of this signing of these preliminaries, the Executive believed it to be his duty, in the recess of Congress, to make the fact known to the people of Texas, and to declare and proclaim a cessation of hostilities between Texas and Mexico, until the same could be communicated to, and acted upon by, Congress and the convention about to assemble. A proclamation for this purpose was consequently issued on the 4th inst., a copy of which is herewith transmitted. The preliminaries being in the nature of a treaty, will with all the correspondence in relation thereto be forthwith communicated to the hon-Senate for its constitutional advice, and such action as, in its wisdom, the same shall seem to require.

"The alternative of annexation or independence will thus be placed before the people of Texas, and their free, sovereign, and unbiassed voice will determine the all-important issue; and, so far as it shall depend upon the Executive to act, he will give immediate and full effect to the expressions of their will.

"His situation in regard to the important subjects now communicated to Congress has, since their late adjournment, been one of great delicacy and embarrassment. Questions of much difficulty have been presented for his determination, upon which the fate and welfare of the country depended; and without precedent or constitutional guide for his governance, he has been obliged to assume, in consequence, great and severe responsibilities. He trusts, however, that Congress will approve the course he has adopted, and, by their enlightened counsels, relieve and direct him in the course hereafter to be pursued in relation to those questions.

"The Executive is happy to announce to Congress that Texas is at peace with the world; that with all foreign Powers with whom we have had intercourse friendly relations are maintained. The different tribes of Indians on our borders, with whom treaties exist, have continued to observe the same with good faith, and within the last few days information has been received that the only band of Camanches within our limits, who had maintained until then a hostile attitude towards Texas, have sued for peace, and expressed a wish to be permitted to come to Bexar to celebrate a treaty of friendship, which, on the part of this Government, has been complied with.

"The arrangements made at your regular session for additional companies of rangers to be mustered into service have been carried into full effect, and have afforded adequate and very efficient protection to our frontiers. The receipts into the Treasury have been sufficient to meet the various expenditures of the Government. A specie currency has been maintained without difficulty; and all the Exchequer-bills which were in circulation at the period of your late adjournment have been redeemed and withdrawn from circulation; and the Executive is happy to congratulate the Congress and the country upon a state of peace, happiness, and prosperity never before experienced by Texas, and rarely, if ever, equaled by so young a nation.

"It only remains for the Executive to express an assured confidence in your individual wishes to sustain the best interests of Texas, and the fervent hope that He who holds the destinies of men and nations in His hand may crown your deliberations.


On the 18th the Senate passed resolutions of annexation and sent them to the house. The house laid them on the table, and, passing their own, sent them to the Senate on the 19th. A strife arose as to which body should have the honour of originating the successful resolutions, and finally the following, which originated with the Senate, were unanimously adopted in both branches:--

"Whereas the Government of the United States hath proposed the following terms, guarantees, and conditions on which the people and territory of the republic of Texas may be erected into a new state, to be called the state of Texas, and admitted as one of the states of the American Union to wit:

"[Here follow the resolutions of the United States Congress.]

"And whereas, by said terms, the consent of the existing Government of Texas is required: therefore--

"Sec. 1. Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the republic of Texas in Congress assembled,--That the Government of Texas doth consent that the people and territory of the republic of Texas may be erected into a new state, to be called 'the state of Texas,' with a republican form of government, to be adopted by the people of said republic, by deputies in convention assembled, in order that the same may be admitted as one of the states of the American Union; and said consent is given on the terms, guarantees, and conditions set forth in the preamble to this joint resolution.

"2. Be it further resolved,--That the proclamation of the President of the republic of Texas bearing date May 5th, 1845, and the election of deputies to sit in convention at Austin on the 4th day of July next, for the adoption of a constitution for the state of Texas, had in accordance therewith, hereby receive the consent of the existing Government of Texas.

"3. Be it further resolved,--That the President of Texas is hereby requested immediately to furnish the Government of the United States, through their accredited Minister near this Government, with a copy of this joint resolution; also to furnish the convention to assemble at Austin on the 4th of July next with a copy of the same; and the same shall take effect from and after its passage."

On the 19th, in the Senate, Mr. Geer introduced a joint resolution, relative to the introduction of United States troops into Texas, which was read the first time.

Mr. Kaufman's bill, "setting apart land for the payment of the public debt," &c., was taken up, read the third time, and passed.

It is stated that an American agent, immediately after the passage of the annexation resolutions, proceeded to select military posts for the United States troops.

The following memoranda we copy from the Union, a Texas newspaper, to which they were communicated:--

"Memoranda of the Conditions preliminary to a Treaty of Peace, as agreed upon by Ashbel Smith, on the part of Texas, and M. Cuevas, on the part of Mexico, and the accompanying Papers, as submitted to the Senate by President Jones.

"I. Message of President Jones, transmitting the treaty and papers to the Senate.

"II. Letter from Baron Alleye de Cyprey, transmitting to the Executive of Texas the conditions signed by Ashbel Smith, and the agreement on the part of Mexico to accede to them as the basis of a formal treaty.

"III. Conditions preliminary to a treaty of peace:--

"1. Mexico consents to acknowledge the independence of Texas.

"2. Texas engages that she will stipulate in the treaty not to annex herself, or become subject, to any country whatever.

"3. Limits and other arrangements to be matters of agreement in the final treaty.

"4. Texas to be willing to refer the disputed points with regard to territory, and other matters, to the arbitration of umpires.

"Done at Washington (on the Brazos), on the 27th of March, 1845
"ASHBEL SMITH, Secretary of State.

"Certified copy of the original, presented by Captain Elliott.
"Mexico, May 20.

"IV. Acknowledgment by Cuevas of the receipt of these preliminaries, through the intervention of Baron Alleye de Cyprey; and declares that the national Congress having consented, Mexico will accede to the preliminaries proposed by Texas, as the basis of a formal treaty.--May 19, 1845.

"V. Additional declaration of Cuevas.--If this negotiation is not realized on account of circumstances, or because Texas, influenced by the law of the United States on annexation, consents thereto, either directly or indirectly, then the answer which is given under this date to Texas shall be considered null and void.--May 19th.

"VI. Letter from President Jones to Baron Alleye de Cyprey, acknowledging his kind offices in bringing about the negotiations, &c."

To these was appended the proclamation of President Jones, of June 4th, declaring a cessation of hostilities.

This treaty was considered by the Senate in secret session, on the 21st of June, and rejected by a unanimous vote, and the injunction of secrecy removed.

On the passage of the annexation resolution, an express was despatched by President Jones to the Commander of the United States' troops at Fort Jessup, requesting that two regiments of the United States' troops should be sent to the frontier of Texas. Simultaneous with the receipt of this requisition, General Taylor is said to have received orders from the War Department to put his troops in motion. Immediate preparations were made for a start, and the 3d and 4th Regiments of Infantry embarked on board the steamboats Yazoo, Cote Joyeuse, Rodolph, and De Soto, for New Orleans; there, according to one account, to await the action of the Texas Convention, which met on the 4th instant at Austin, when they would move by water to Corpus Christi; or, as is more probable, thence to embark as soon as transports could be procured for the mouth of the Rio Grande. The 2d Regiment of Mounted Dragoons, under the command of Colonel Twiggs, at the same time took up their line of march, to strike across to the Rio Grande through Texas.

These movements are made in fulfillment of the assurances contained in Major Donelson's letter to Mr. Allen, Acting Secretary of State at Texas, dated June 11, 1845, from which we extract the following passage:--

"In answer to the application thus made for the employment of the troops of the United States on the frontier of Texas, the undersigned is authorized to say that, as soon as the existing Government and the convention of Texas shall have accepted the terms of annexation new under their consideration, the President of the United States will then conceive it to be both his right and his duty to employ the army in defending this state against the attacks of any foreign Power; and, that this defence may be promptly and efficiently given, should the anticipated emergency arise rendering it necessary, the undersigned is also unauthorized to say that a force consisting of 3,000 men, placed upon the border adjacent to Texas, will be prepared to act without a moment's delay, within the territory of Texas, as circumstances may require, so as best to repel invasion."

The Government of Texas has received information from Captain Hays, contradicting the rumour that the Mexican forces on the Rio Grande had been increased to 7,000 men. The forces in the eastern provinces are as weak, if not weaker, than they have been during the last five years.

The Galveston Civilian says the Nueces has overflowed its banks, and is impassible; while the whole country beyond is a continuous bog, rendering any attempt to travel in large numbers impracticable. This very much weakens the chance of an invasion from Mexico at this time, as the waters in Western Texas are apt to keep up from the middle of July, at least, until the middle of October, and then the deserts between the Nueces and the Rio Grande are once overflowed they rarely become passable, even to single wayfarers, under two months, and are so much the more difficult of travel to large bodies of men.

The Washington Union gives the following:--


"The Executive has been polite enough to place in our hands the following correspondence between Major Donelson and the Government of Texas, along with a printed document, communicated to the Congress of Texas, and comprising some of the mysteries of the treaty with Mexico. It implicates Mr. President Jones in these extraordinary transactions. We hasten to lay them before our readers. This ridiculous negotiations, at which the Courts of England and France will have some cause to blush--every way ridiculous, as well on account of the scheme itself, as of the conduct of its agents (Elliott and Saligny), and of its unqualified and unanimous rejection by the Senate of Texas, will reflect some light on the absurd and new fangled doctrine of M. Guizot about the balance of power on the American continent. How ridiculous, that after all this "scenery, machinery, and decorations," after all this elaboration of machinery--all this working of the wires--all these trips of the Eurydice backwards and forwards, the Mexican treaty should have been unanimously rejected! The whole drama, indeed, is more ridiculous than an farce which was ever played upon the French or English stage.

"The Congress of Texas was to adjourn, by resolution, on the 28th of June."

The adoption of the measure of annexation was thus announced by the Texan Government to the Legation of the United States:--

Department of State, Washington, June 23.

The undersigned, Attorney-General of the republic of Texas, charged ad interim with the direction of the Department of State, by order of his Excellency the President, has the honour of transmitting to the Hon. Mr. Donelson, Charge d'Affaires of the United States near this Government, the enclosed copy of a joint resolution, adopted by both houses of the Congress of Texas, on the 21st instant, and this day received and approved by the President, declaring the consent of the existing Government of this republic to the terms of the proposition for annexation, tendered by the United States, through the Hon. Mr. Donelson, on the 31st of March ultimo, to the Government and people of Texas.

To all true friends of the great cause of annexation, and especially to the Hon. Mr. Donelson, whose energies and talents have been so ably and faithfully devoted to the success of that cause through the several stages of its recently triumphant progress, it must be peculiarly gratifying to observe the harmony and unanimity with which this resolution has passed the two houses of Congress, and received the executive approval.

LT 1845-7-30-6d Mexican bonds

The result of the last meeting of Mexican bondholders is well-known. They decided upon taking legal steps to compel Messrs. Lizardi and Co. to transfer to the new agents, Messrs. Schneider, the funds which they so unaccountably detained. That, according to every principle of equity, as understood by merchants, the late agents were bound to appropriate to the bondholders only the money they received on account of the dividends, nobody seemed to entertain the slightest doubt; and we do not believe that a single impartial person was to be found who agreed to the doctrine that debts due from Mexico to Messrs. Lizardi could be justly set off against this specific fund. Still there has been great anxiety to see some legal opinion of Mr. James Russell, the Chancery barrister, which has been taken by the Committee of Bondholders preliminary to their proceedings, will be read with great eagerness. It will be seen that public and legal opinion are precisely in harmony with each other:--

"By the agreement of 1837, one-sixth of the Customhouse duties of Vera Cruz and Tampico is appropriated to the payment of the interest on the bonds; and, in order to secure its due application, it is paid by the administrators of the Customs into the hands of two Commissioners, one of whom is nominated by the bondholders. In the hands of the Commissioners this one-sixth is served from the general funds of the Mexican Government, and it is thenceforth clothed with a trust for the bondholders.

"By a subsequent arrangement the share of the Customs thus appropriated has been increased from one-sixth to one-fifth. Though the Mexican Government could not, without violating good faith, have lessened the fund, it was quite competent to them to increase it; and the one-fifth when received by the Commissioner is equally clothed with a trust, and for the same purposes as the one-sixth would have been.

"The funds are transmitted by the Commissioner to Lizardi and Co., the agents of the Mexican Government but the transmission is merely for the purpose of distribution among the bondholders. The transmission is made for the purpose, not of destroying the trust, but of carrying it into effect. Lizardi and Co. receive the funds subject to a specific appropriation. Of that appropriation--of the trust to which the funds are thus subject--Lizardi and Co., have complete notice: they are themselves trustees of the fund as soon as the moneys come into their hands, and they cannot apply them to any purpose other than the payment of the interest on the bonds, without violating obligations and duties too plain to be mistaken.

"If Lizardi and Co. have made advances for the general purposes of the Mexican Government, and if on this separate account a debt is due to them, they, must seek payment of that debt from the Mexican Government; and they may justly retain any moneys in their hands on the general account of the Mexican Government. But the funds in question were funds which even that Government had no right to divert from the bondholders. If the Mexican Government had directed Lizardi and Co., to apply the one-fifth of the Customs remitted by the Commissioners to the discharge of a private debt due from Mexico to Lizardi and Co. that direction would not have entitled them to retain the money for their own use, and to attempt to do so without the sanction, and in opposition to the orders of the Government, is as unjustifiable in law as it is in morality."

The opinions of Mr. Turner and Mr. Malins have also been taken, and, as the committee state, entirely concur in Mr. Russell's view. It may be worth while to remind some of our readers that the reasoning above as to the change from the one-sixth to the one-fifth is nearly the same as that put forward under this head, when the point was first started. There seems little doubt that the law will now take its course, without any technical impediment. [JSW]

LT 1845-7-31-4f Annexation of Texas

The annexation of Texas, after maintaining for nearly 10 years an almost undue prominence among the prominence among the political questions of the age, is announced at length as an historical fact. When the equipoise of probabilities had been so long preserved, no rational person could have been surprised at either result. The only real wonder is, that the decision has been so long deferred. If it seems now to take the most indifferent spectators rather aback, it is simply because, when people have long been accustomed to one political mood and tense, it requires a mental effort to realize another. Thus it is, that the most likely or possible changes may come at last to be the least expected. The more unaccountable the delay may be, the more mysterious is the obstacle it seems to denote. There must be some secret bar between the lovers who have courted half their lives. The man who is always contemplating an act of importance is viewed by the public in that inceptive position, even after he has exchanged it for fulfillment. Though in the early part of the month we spoke of annexation as already morally consummated, as a mere question of time dependent on the numerical growth of a State s majority in Texas, and as very possible determined at the time we wrote, yet with the rest of the world we feel the suddenness of the act. We are puzzled at it as we should be at the fall of a leaning tower, which till the moment that it fell had puzzled us much more by its standing.

The event is already proclaimed by a party in the States as a triumph over European interference. They who so speak are evidently unacquainted with that kind of mediation which is sufficiently rewarded if it makes enemies placable and disputants considerate; if it secures freedom of choice to those who are exposed to overwhelming influences and inspires calmness into those who were excited by fierce animosities, and perplexed by the gravest embarrassments. It certainly is the habitual, the immemorial policy of Europe, to suggest counsels of independence to the weak, and to be jealous of a powerful neighbour. A century or two might possibly have proved that Texas ought to have been an independent empire. It may possibly still turn out that the singular mixture of government and anarchy, of responsibility and irresponsibility, miscalled. Federalism, is not the safest political absorbent. The boasted vortex may possible not be found in the end the smoothest current or the plainest sailing. The internal dissensions of the States, as well as their external aggressions, undoubtedly suggest the thought that an independent, and even a powerful empire, midway between the States and Mexico and the West Indies, might be the best for all parties. Such may or may not be the discoveries or the conclusions of a future age. It is the part of wisdom, however, to provide for the barest contingencies. Historians and statesmen, and nations also, might some day deplore that the humane and provident Powers of Europe, so familiar as they are with the virtues of independence and the vices of dominion, should have overlooked and the weakness of an infant state, and not made one effort to procure it the leisure and the liberty to choose its part. Many a grave judgment is recorded and accredited by all mankind for a neglect of less opportunities.

It may therefore be the future glory of the two leading European policies that they combined to render the annexation of Texas at least a free act. Good or bad, wise or foolish, it has at least been the act of Texas, not the dictation of circumstances. The two alternatives of independence and annexation were jointly laid before q convention assembled to decide that particular issue. Never before had independence been fairly and explicitly offered to the people. It was so offered on the word of Mexico, and the guarantee of the European mediators. It can no longer be said that annexation was the only safe choice--that Texas was driven into the arms of its powerful neighbour. The deliberation was not biased by a desire for peace. On the contrary, the actual choice is the signal, though it may be at present only the signal, of war. Texas, independent and protected, might have been as a wall of brass between the ambitious encroachments of the north and the feverish disorders of central America. It may now be the battle-field of two nations, two characters. It may be the scene of a piratical and predatory warfare between one nation most unprincipled in its aims, and another most reckless in its revenge. The cupidity and license of all nations, sick of peace and order, may gather under the two hostile flags, and make Texas the point of their horrible collision. Should such be the lamentable result, it will prove the wilfulness of the Texan decision, as well as the wisdom of the European mediators.

The question, doubtless, admits of being viewed with great simplicity. Texas, as an independent state, independent in fact and by general recognition, may unite itself to whom it pleases. It is chiefly people by immigrants from the United States and others of the same race. There are many obvious advantages in union, and many encouraging precedents. So far the case is clear. But, if this were all, how is it that annexation has so long struggled in vain to survive the early and now inveterate prejudice of its immorality? How is it that the most impartial writers and the most righteous men in the States have thought it worthy of their most unqualified condemnation? The question cannot be viewed thus simply. It cannot be separated from its history. Admit that annexation is a natural finale of the drama, then the plot has been most unprincipled. The United States allowed a large emigration of the most unscrupulous adventurers into Texas, under contract with the Mexican Government. If it is alleged that the latter did not or could not fulfil its contracts, it cannot be pretended that the former exhibited better faith. The circumstances of fraud and outrage connected with that immigration excited the disgust and remonstrance of every good man in the union. The federal Government allowed it,--encouraged it; saw all the while that the new population of Texas would not bear the Mexican Government and laws;--saw immigration and rebellion, colonization and independence of Mexico, proceeding passibus equis. The declaration of independence was notoriously only the conclusion of a scheme openly concocted within the limits of the union. We are now told the only possible end and aim of that scheme was annexation. Is it possible to forget these dark items in the account? Is the destiny of federalism so inevitable a fact, so bright an idea, as to hide these spots? The fatalism of power and ambition never can efface the lines of morality. Even that which must be, need not be done by detestable means. It is the moral repugnance not only of rival nations, but of America itself,--of the nation most interested and most compromised,--which has struggled all this time against an act, the object of which might be useful and inevitable, but which in itself, in its means, in its actors, was dangerous to the mutual confidence of nations, and to the cause of public morality.

LT 1845-7-31-7a United Mexican Mining

The half-yearly meeting of the United Mexican Mining Association was held to-day, and the resolutions passed at the previous meeting, for altering the deed of settlement so as to enable the directors to declare a dividend without having so large a surplus as 60,000l., were confirmed. Before putting the resolution declaring a dividend of 5s. per share, as previously announced, the chairman stated that further remittances had been received since the last meeting, and that therefore the directors were enabled to declare a dividend of 7 s. 6d. This statement was, of course, heard with great satisfaction by the proprietors, and the resolution with embodied it was passed unanimously. They were so much the more pleased as the company has been struggling through difficulties for upwards of 20 years, and this is the first dividend that has been paid since its commencement.

From the circulars of the brokers connected with the wool trade, and from other sources, it may be collected that the trade in colonial wool is in a progressive state. The series of sales commenced on the 3d and ended on the 26th instant, the attendance of buyers having been very numerous throughout. The quantity of colonial wool offered for sale being greater than ever was sold at any one preceding period, might have operated injuriously on prices had the market been in a less healthy condition. To the advance which took place at the late German wool fairs this beneficial result is partly attributed; and it is also observed, that the importation is much improved, especially from Port Philip. Out of 31, 312 bags of colonial wool there were 10,022 Australian, 7,272 Van Diemen'' Land, 8,673 Port Philip, 1,762 South Australian, and 3,148 Cape of Good Hope; the quantities from New Zealand and the East Indies being very trifling.

The Banker's Magazine furnishes the returns of the circulation of private and joint-stock banks in England of Wales for the four weeks ending respectively the 28th of June, the 5th, 12th, and 19th inst., and gives the following as the average circulation of these banks for the month ending the 19th inst. Viz.,--

Private banks            £4,478,744
Joint Stock banks        3,158,779


LT 1845-8-1-6d US and Annexation of Texas

THE ANNEXATION OF TEXAS.--While this paper has uniformly advocated the annexation of Texas to the United States, from 1837 to this time, it has as uniformly denounced the manner in which annexation was sought to be achieved by the late Congress. For annexation by treaty, we were every an advocate; but we protested most solemnly against the violation of the constitution by trampling upon the treaty-making Power. With us, then, the question has not been whether it was wise, and prudent, and patriotic, to annex Texas. To all this the Courier and Enquirer has ever been committed; and, from recent events, we are more than ever confirmed in the policy of that great measure. Our only objection, heretofore, has been to the manner of annexation, not to annexation itself; and as we remarked some weeks since, the interference of the Governments of England and France has not only reconciled nearly the whole country to annexation, but even to the manner of accomplishing it. We think we may, therefore, with great safety congratulate our readers that this great measure has been brought to a close, and that Texas is at this time virtually an integral part of the American Union. The mode in which it has been accomplished is altogether objectionable; but the very strenuous exertions of England and France to prevent the measure prove its immense importance to us, while their interference roused an American feeling which prompted nine-tenths of our people to desire annexation, even under the resolutions of the last Congress. The nation was committed on the subject; and rather than see the result which we this day announce. Our firm belief is, that the whole country will be greatly benefitted by the annexation of Texas; but more especially will the commercial and the manufacturing sections of it be directly benefitted by that event, while, instead of weakening, it will add greatly to the strength of the union. Such we know were not the opinions of most of the northern people some months since; but time and reflection have opened their eyes measurably to the true merits of the question. In regard to the question of slavery in this connexion, we have ever denounced it as a bugbear not worthy of a moment's serious consideration. Suppose a slaveholder were working 100 negroes on 200 acres of land, would any sane person think it cruelty to the slaves if he were to extend the size of his farm? Certainly not. And if by so extending h is farm he increases his ability to clothe and feed, and in time of sickness to care for the slaves, the philanthropist must rejoice at the measure. And precisely so it is with regard to Texas. From this time forward our laws extend to every square foot of land in Texas; and henceforth the introduction of a slave from any quarter save our own slave states, in piracy, and punishable with hanging. From this time forward, then, the slave trade is extinguished in Texas. This is a great measure gained--one in which every honest man in the land should rejoice; and henceforth, instead of the slaves being required to toil upon the comparatively barren soils of Delaware, Maryland, Virginia, North Carolina, Kentucky, and Missouri, where the produce of their labour barely enable their masters to clothe and feed them, they will be transported to the more congenial regions of Texas, where a virgin soil and more genial climate will render their labour far more productive, where their value to their owners will be three-fold what it now is, and where, consequently, they will be better fed, better clothed, and better cared for in the hour of sickness. It follows of course, that the northern slave states will ultimately get rid of the great curse under which they now labour, and thus add to the political weight and influence of the free states. With regard to what Mexico may do, in consequence of annexation, we need not have any apprehension. She has offered to acknowledge the independence of Texas if she would not unite with us. By this act she has virtually admitted her inability to conquer her, and given to all the world a quiet claim of her title. We care not much what she does; but if she declares war her capital will soon be in our possession, never to be surrendered, as we have heretofore said, until the Californias are ceded to the United States.--New York Courier and Enquirer. [JSW]

LT 1845-8-2-8f US and annexing principle

The following highly interesting article we copy from the New York Courier and Enquirer of July 15:--

"It is an old saying in reference to undertakings of questionable morality of expediency that it is 'the first step which costs.' This is true; but, unluckily, costly as that first step may be, it is not with it that the cost of evil, or the propensity to accomplish it, terminates.

"The success of Texas annexation, prepared from long back by emigration from this country, is acting already with wonderful efficiency, in stimulating to other like enterprises--Oregon being considered as already part ours, all peradventure, eager eyes are turned to California, and accordingly we find that a meeting was held at the court-house in St. Louis on the 30th ult., the object of which, according to the new era, was 'to project a plan to form an independent settlement in California.' Speeches were made, and the wind-work of a very flourishing settlement was completed, which leads the democratic organ in St. Louis to think 'that Mexico will find it for her interest to establish there a separate republic, or leave it entirely to the control of the adventurous spirits already preparing to settle it.'

"Thus commenced the settlement of Texas; and as the Californian emigration swells, the necessity will become more and more transparent of annexing that region also to our Anglo-Saxon inheritance.

"Now, on the subject of California, we have already said that the acquisition of that country by honourable means we do consider desirable--of that portion of Upper California at least which includes the Bay of St. Francisco, and the St. Sacravent river running into it; and to our view, the acquisition of that territory, by negotiation and purchase, would be a master stroke of policy.

"Whether now or at any near present time the Government of Mexico, whatsoever it may be, would consent to negotiate with this Government for the cession of this part of California; or whether England could be induced, by our acceding partially to her claims on Oregon, to aid with her influence any such arrangement, it is difficult to conjecture; but we think this is a course by which the interests of all parties might be promoted.

"For instance, we might consent that England should come down to the Columbia River, and have its navigation in common with us--thus renouncing some six or seven degrees of barren territory in Oregon north of that river, but which, though comparatively valueless to us, would be valuable to Great Britain, as connecting with her Hudson's Bay settlements; provided that England would yield to us the free navigation of the St. Lawrence, with the necessary depot at or near the mouth, and would interpose no obstacle or objection to our purchasing of Mexico some five or six degrees of latitude adjoining our southern boundary of Oregon, which would just enclose the Bay of Francisco and its tributary waters.

"This, with good faith and fair play all round, seems to us alike desirable and feasible; and on such a footing as this, or any analogous footing, we are for Upper California--but not by rapine--not by revolution prepared in advance in our own country, to be effected by emigrants, sent from here with the preconceived purpose of robbing and spoiling those of whom they go to ask hospitality and a home.

"With the tone, therefore, of the St. Louis paper in speaking of the preparation for emigrating to California, we are little pleased--but for California, as of more value to us--a few dozen leagues of its seaboard, thence running back into the interior--than all Oregon, we go strongly whenever we can go honestly."

LT 1845-8-4-4f

Our accounts from Madrid are of the 26th ult. According to the letters from Malaga inserted in the Heraldo , the Progresista conspiracy discovered in that city had ramifications in the Ronda, Granada, and different other parts of Andalusia. Among the persons arrested were Lieutenant-Colonel Lara, several other officers, a great number of sergeants of the regiment of Jaen, a merchant named Hervas, the lawyer Cardero, Messrs. Canadillas, Saborio, and other individuals known to profess Progresista principles. The Heraldo states, that Madrid was also to have been the theatre of a revolutionary movement, and that the police had seized copies of an incendiary proclamation, printed in the vicinity of the capital on the 23d, and which purported to be the manifesto of the "Liberal Union." Extraordinary precautions were taken for the maintenance of tranquility in Madrid, and the night before the entire garrison had been suddenly placed under arms. The authorities of Malaga had informed the Government that good order had not been an instant disturbed in that city. The political chief of Cuidad Real having seized a treasonable correspondence carried on between the Carlists of that province, had thought proper to banish three of the principal chiefs of that party. A large force was being concentrated in the neighborhood of Vittoria. Some changes were contemplated in the military department. General Aspiroz, the director of the Artillery, was to be replaced by General Loigorry, and General Soria, Inspector of the Infantry, by General Cordova.

The Three per Cents. Closed at 28 11-16 for cash, and 20 at 60 days; the Five per Cents. At 21 1/8 for cash, and 21 ½ at 60 days; and the Debt without Interest at 7 for cash.


We have received the Madrid journals and correspondence of the 28th ult. It would appear that the speculations put forward of a dissolution of the existing Cabinet were, at the least, premature. With the exception of General Narvaez and M. Martinez de la Rosa, the whole of the Ministers had returned to Madrid from Saragossa.

The Gazette publishes dispatches from Saragossa of the 25th. The Queen was to have left that city on the 28th for Tudela by the canal of Aragon, on the 29th to arrive at Tafalla, and on the 30th at Pampeluna. The dispatch states that she is in the most perfect health.

Petitions have been presented to the Commandant-General of Malaga by Moderados and Progresistas in favour of those compromised in the conspiracy discovered there; and the Captain-General of Grenada has been prayed to stay the execution of the sentences until Her Majesty's pleasure be known.

Large bodies of troops are assembling in Vitoria, and measures are taken to prevent an insurrection of the Carlists.

The Three per Cents. were rather firmer than at the last quotation. They were done at 28 ¾ for cash, and 29 1/8 at 60 days. Amount, 26,200,000. Fives at 21 1/8 cash; 400,000 done. Passives, 7 1/8 from the 15th of August. Amount, 4,000,000.



The bar bars the press from its traveling mess,
The press from the press bars the bar;
Which shall first be in need, the unfed or unfee'd--
Those who are not in case, or who are


There were present at Her Majesty's Theatre on Saturday, the 2d of August, His Majesty the King of Holland, attended by Lord Hawarden, the Baron Boud, and the noblemen and gentlemen of His Majesty's suite; Her Royal Highness the Duchess of Gloucester; His Royal Highness the Duke of Cambridge, accompanied by the Prince and Princess Radzivil, and attended by Mr. Edmund Mildmay; His Royal Highness Prince George; His Excellency the Russian Minister and the Baroness Brunow, accompanied by Lady Peel; the Dukes of Bedford, Wellington, Cleveland, and Beaufort; the Duchesses of Bedford, Somerset, Cleveland, and Beaufort; the Marquises of Ailesbury, Donegal, Clanricarde, Huntley, and Titchfield; the Marchionessses of Ailesbury, Westmeath, Essex, and Cardigan; the Earls of Wilton, Sandwich, and Shelburne; the Countesses of Harrington and Jersey; Count Kielmansegge, Count de Noailles, Count and Countess de Jarnac; Lords Francis Russell, W. Grahame, W. Beresford, Templetown, Trimlestown, Beaucahmp, G. Paget, Duncannon, and Ernest Bruce; Ladies G. Bathurst, Fitzroy Somerset, Rendlesham, Colborne, Beauchamp, Gardner, E. Fielding, Jodrell, and Clementina Villers; Honourables General Upton, Colonel A. Upton, G. Fitzroy, Mr. Fitzribbon; Honourables Mrs. Ryder Burton, Mrs. Fitzgibbon, Mrs. Tollemache.

TEXAS.--It is very mortifying to perceive that those races in America which upheld slavery and the old aristocracy of colour should be thriving and increasing in numbers, wealth, peace, and power, whilst that race which has proclaimed the great principle of human equality, and acted upon it, should remain poor and divided, its industry paralyzed, its efforts at political organization utter failures, and its very existence threatened by the encroachments of its neighbours. The Anglo-Americans and the Portuguese-Brazilians thrive; the Spanish race, even in the most favoured position, dwindles. Within 20 years the Anglo-Americans have swollen from 10,000,000 to 18,000,000; within the same time, being about the period of their freedom, the Mexicans have increased from 6,000,000 to 7,000,000, that, too being most Indian increase. There are 1,000,000 of whites in Mexico 2,000,000 of mixed race, 4,000,000 of Indians. How can such a population withstand or compete with the expansive power of the Anglo-American? And yet the philanthropist could not hesitate which to prefer. In Mexico the Indian walks armed by the side of the white man, his best support, his free labourer, and friend. The American drives his slave gang before him to the cultivation of a new soil. The worst features of humanity are prominent in the one, the best features in the other; but the bad prevails, and, as we cannot take upon us to set straight by the strong hand what we think unfitting in the ways of Providence, we must deplore and abide. There does indeed seem to be a powerful demon employed counteracting and undoing all that we have done or can do against slavery and the slave trade. Nowhere has it more completely baffled our efforts than on this very land of Texas. But the struggle was from the first a vain one. Has we, indeed, on first recognizing the independence of Texas procured a recognition of it from Mexico, and poured European capital and population into it, we might have reared an independent state; but capital refused to repair thither, the American along migrated to Texas. In such circumstances to hope that Texas would not declare itself politically Anglo-American, as it was left to become in population and commercial connexion, was idle. How strong the national current ran in that direction we see from the unanimity of the Texan assemblies. They are all American to a man. If they ever affected to desire independence, it was to force Jonathan to grant them fair terms.

This they seem to have got, though not with terrifying President Polk, by shaking hands with Captain Elliot. The conditions of the United States were churlish; the grudging Senate of Washington passed them in order that the Texans might demur, that fresh negotiations might take place, that thus the matter should again come before Congress, and allow time and European interference to defeat annexation, and acted thereon promptly by the dispatch of ships and regiments to the Rio Grande. Polk has shown himself in this a worthy son of Jackson; indeed, an improvement upon old Hickory, since he has avoided the violence and bloodshed which accompanied the General's seizure of the Floridas. The question now is, whether the British Government and that of France, having failed, will be content to refrain from all further interference. Will they give up their treaties with Texas? Will Englishmen give up their claim upon Texas, as portion of Mexico to them? Will these European Powers remain strangers to the settlement of a new frontier between Mexico and the 80th state of the union, or will attempts be made, by negotiation at Washington, to settle these in conjunction with the Oregon frontier? Mr. M'Lane is on his way to England to negotiate the latter affair. The very mission shows a desire on the part of the President to come to some amicable arrangement, and the sooner this is done the better, for the American zeal for territory having been satisfied in the direction of Texas, will now throw itself into the Oregon question with the usual fury of appeals to popular desires. It remains to be seen what attitude will be taken by the American Whigs, by those who stigmatized annexation. If Mexico remain quiet, they will have but weak arguments to bring forward. President Polk's success will add to his popularity, as well as that of the Democrats, and there seems little doubt that these are determined to follow up their victory by reducing the protecting tariff down to a tariff requisite for revenue along. It seems to be confidently asserted that Mr. Walker will propose this measure at the opening of Congress. Should it take place, it will in some measure reconcile England to the loss of free trade with Texas.--Examiner.

LT 1845-8-5-6a Mexico, state of the Mexican Navy

STATE OF THE MEXICAN NAVY.--It will not be uninteresting to our readers, in the present state of the affairs in the western hemisphere, when the decision of the question of peace or war rests with the Government, or rather the citizens of Mexico, to be informed of the present condition of the Mexican navy. The effective force consists of the steamer Guadaloupe, 778 tons, two 68 shell-guns, four of 12, and a machine for rockets; steamer Montezuma, 1,100 tons, one 68 shell gun, two long 32's, two 32-pound gunnades, two 32-pound carronades, and a machine for rockets; brig Mexican, one shell-gun of 12, and 14 zunnades of 18; brig Vera Cruzana Libre, one shll gun of 32, six gunnades of 18, and 12-pound carronades; brig Tempoalteca, six carronades of 12; schooner Eagle, one shell gun of 32, and six 18-pound carronades, schooner Liberty, one shell gun of 12; schooner Morelos, one shell gun of 12; and four gun-boats, each mounting a long 24-pounder on a pivot. All these vessels are stated to be deficient in men; and, with the exception of the two steamers and gun-boats; require repairs before they would be able to put to sea.--Liverpool albion.

LT 1845-8-6-6b

MEXICO, JUNE 29, 1845.

Since the abortive attempt at revolution, made on the 7th of this month, of which I have already sent you the particulars, Mexico has remained in a state of perfect tranquility. Rumours of plots and intended risings have circulated daily, but no disturbance has taken place, either in the capital or the provinces, and for the moment the Federalist movement is a failure. According to the general opinion, that quiet is not destined to have a long continuance, as the Federalists are numerous and powerful, and the present Government is too apathetic to resist them when they seriously begin to act. Mexico will suffer much if such a change takes place, as the actual Ministers are honest well-meaning men, who do all they can to maintain Conservative principles, and govern according to the strict letter of the Constitution. Unfortunately they want firmness and moral courage, and they seem to encourage future sedition by the very lenient manner in which they have treated the leaders of the last revolt. Rangel, for instance, through whose folly 40 lives were sacrificed, has been sentenced to ten years' imprisonment; and when you inquire, why a man stained with so much crime, and taken with arms in his hands, has not been treated with more severity, they will tell you that the Mexican Government on principle is averse to shedding blood, and that as the President holds his office only ad interim, he as reluctant to proceed to extremities. The enemies of the Government hint at the same time that the Ministers acted from poltroonery, and that they spared the lives of Rangel and his fellow conspirators to secure their own when a reverse of fortune takes place. I have no doubt the latter motive had much influence, and that any other unsuccessful agitator who perils the life of citizens, and the existence of the state, will be treated with the same leniency. Santa Anna was the only man who knew how to govern the Mexicans, but he was morally incapable of filling a great destiny, and his vices and sordid avarice reduced him to the lowest level. Latterly, though dreaded, he was universally despised, and he has not left a single friend of good character in the whole country. I have not doubt he was the prompter of Rangel's enterprise, and that he stopped at the Havannah to be at hand in case it succeeded.

The Congress is to assemble on the 1st of July, an extraordinary session having been called for the purpose of advancing the various reforms which the republic demands. I am sorry to say the alteration in the tariff, of which I gave you an outline in my last, remains over to that period. The Senate, whose sittings have not been interrupted, have discussed it more than once; but thought the two Chambers are agreed in returning to the standard of 1842, nothing official has been done, and we must wait another month for the publication of the new tariff. The bill had a narrow escape in the Senate, as one of the popular members proposed, by way of encouraging native industry, that all articles manufactured in the republic should be prohibited altogether. This appeared quite natural to several, but, fortunately, the Ministers were able to demonstrate its absurdity, and the principle of the tariff of 1842 was generally adopted. This mania of forcing manufactures has bitten the people here, as well as in Spain and Portugal. Imagine a country five times as large as France, with only 7,000,000 to 8,000,000 of inhabitants, two-thirds of whom are miserable Indians, undertaking to manufacture while four-fifths of its soil are uncultivated--a country without roads, cut up into districts which scarcely communicate with each other, but full of natural wealth, if there were only hands enough to cultivate it. The manufacturing experiments have not hitherto succeeded, though the most ample protection had been given them. Few have ventured beyond making a common calico, worn by all classes, called manta, retailed as ls. per vara, or yard; but even that article could be delivered cheaper by the British manufacturer, if its introduction were not severely prohibited. Others have attempted common cloth and ordinary prints; but I do not hear that any factory has succeeded so as to compensate for capital and risk. The amount of protection given to native fabrics can be judged by the fact, that a bale of Manchester prints which stand on board at Vera Cruz at $130, cost, with import and inland duties, carriage, commission, charges on remittance, &c., $412 before delivery to the shopkeeper who is to retail them in the interior. And yet with this protection--so true are first principles--manufacturers do not prosper in Mexico, nor will they until the soil be fully cultivated, and there is a superabundance of labour.

The election of a President will soon be made. Herrera, the presiding interim President, will probably be chosen though it is said Gomez Farias, the head of the Federalist party, has secured several votes. It is fortunate for the country that the person last named is not over-burdened with riches, for Federalist to the core as he is, and enthusiast as he ever will be, no Government could stand against him if he had the means of bribing the army, through whose agency all revolutions are made. Gomez Farias is for the moment labouring under suspicion of having been connected with the Rangel movement, and he is keeping out of the way; but he is a Mexico "waiting on Providence," and as persuaded of the truth of his theory, as if he had been a successful, and not a beaten, man. Some persons expected that Bustamente, who has just arrived from France, would have mustered votes for the Presidency, but his appearance has not caused the least sensation, and his name is seldom mentioned. In fact no event can make a sensation here; and I fancy that the apathetic, almost stagnant, Indian blood has become so infused into the Mexican people, that nothing can arouse them.

We are anxiously expecting news from Texas. The Congress was to meet on the 17th of this month; but the decision on the United States proposal of annexation has been referred to a national convention, to be held on the 4th of July. The result of that meeting you will learn through the States much sooner than I can send it through Vera Cruz and the Southampton steamer; and the train of reasoning consequent on it will be understood in England before my correspondence appears. Annexation will be a fatal blow to Mexico, and prejudice all European interests in the new world. It is clear that the American Government does not limit its views to the incorporation of a state so unproductive as Texas in reality is; but that the vicinity of Texas to the chief mining district of Mexico is the great source of attraction. The United States cove the possession of Chihuahua, San Louis Potosi, Durango, Zacatecas, and Santa Fé, all of which are more or less in its vicinity; and they are determined to have them, without forgetting the more extended plan of incorporating the territory lying between Texas and the Bay of California and the Pacific. I ask if it will suit British interests to see all the country, from which silver in such large quantities is produced, under the dominion of the United States; or will it suit the great European Powers to find, I may say, the monetary circulation dependent on the caprice of the President of the United States? These are remote consequences, you may think, but I reply, in politics our views must not be limited to 50 or 100 years, and we must foresee what may be the result of any given proposition. The United States will of course deny that they have such ambitious tendencies; but I defy them, if Texas be incorporated, not to look with a longing eye on all those treasures of neighbouring province of Mexico contain--treasures which would become tenfold if explored with that zeal and industry that distinguish the Anglo-Saxon race.

As to California, and the western coast of the Pacific, the views of the United States cannot for a moment be doubted, and gladly do we see that our Government has determined not to give way on the Oregon question. But we must not forget that the States are peopling Upper California as they did Texas, and that a regular plan of emigration is going on through the recently discovered passages in the Rocky Mountains. Numerous settlers are already hanging on the skirts of the Bay of San Francisco, one of the finest harbours in the world, whence a large steamer can go to Canton in from 30 to 40 days; and even the fort of the Bodega lately abandoned by Russia a short distance from that bay, has not escaped them. The Mexican Government is well aware of these designs, and it is holding out encouragement to emigrants from this quarter to settle in Upper California, but there is no surplus population here, and the United States must be checked by immigration into California from some other quarter. I understand that an Irish Roman Catholic clergyman who is residing in Mexico at present, but submitted a plan to this Government for establishing an Irish colony on the farther coast of the Bay of San Francisco. The Mexican Government favours the proposal. A large grant of productive land is to be assigned, him, peculiar privileges are promised, and I understand the gentleman alluded to calculated on locating 5,000 of his countrymen in that district. The treaty is nearly complete, and if the plan succeeds, a strong body of Irish peasantry will be no inefficient aid in helping out British policy in that quarter.

The late President Canalizo and the Minister Bassadre have refused to avail themselves of the amnesty under which Santa Anna submitted to voluntary exile. The trail of both is to go on, and in the mean time one is confined in the Castle or Perote, and the other in St. John d'Ulloa.

The regiment of Grenadiers who "pronounced" on the 7th have been dissolved, and the men who refused to join the movement have been draughted into other corps.

You will find annexed the parting address of Santa Ana, as well as the speech of the President on closing the first session of Congress, on the 31st of May.

The dispute between the French Minister and the Mexican Government has not yet been arranged, though the former has been induced by the good offices of the British and Spanish legation to accept for the present a promise of satisfaction. I send you full particulars, with the interesting part of the correspondence, in a separate article; so that I need only say here, that the Mexican Minister of Foreign Affairs appears to have misunderstood from the beginning the practice of diplomacy, and imagined that a violation of the "droit des gens" required no reparation but that administered by the tardy forms of a court of law. The Baron de Cypress has shown much forbearance in not insisting on the delivery of his passports, as certainly his arrest and detention by an alcalde del barrio and a sub-lieutenant was a flagrant violation of his rights, and an insult in his person to the King his master. At one moment it was generally understood that the French Minister had ceased to communicate with the Mexican Government, but I am glad to say matters have not proceeded to that extremity, though it is still possible they may do so. There are various causes of complaint arising between this Government and French residents here or in the ports on the Pacific, so that it requires but a little drop more of ill-will to make the cup overflow. Before closing this topic, I may add that the best understanding prevails between Mr. Bankhead and the Baron de Cypres, and that the latter gave his most cordial assistance in the late negotiations for the recognition of Texas. The entente cordiale is in full operation here.

Since writing thus far, I find that the Federalists are again in movement. A part of the corporation of Mexico wished to "pronounce" this morning, and it required some exertion on the part of the more prudent to dissuade them from doing so. We also learn that General Martinez has "pronounced" in Tobacco, a small province to the southwest, adjoining Vera Cruz, and a report is likewise in circulation that Tampico has declared. No importance is attached to the movement in Tobacco, but it shows that the provinces are open to seduction, and that the Federalists are determined not to abandon their hopes of governing the country.

I am sorry to find by letters from Galveston, that the affairs of Texas are taking an unpleasant aspect. Annexation is absolutely certain, though President Jones is doing all in his power to prevent it. He has declared a suspension of hostilities between Texas by the States' agents, and if, as is reported, our Chargé d'Affaires is again about to quit his post, the field will be totally abandoned. I cannot help attaching great importance to the Texan question, and I fear that annexation will be the signal for the gradual dissolution of the Mexican republic. I find a strong coincidence between the actual state of the Ottoman empire and the Mexican republic, and the aggressive spirit of Russia in the old world and the United States in this, with this difference only--that, in the one case, the great European Powers have interfered to prolong the existence of Turkey, while, in the other, not a hand is held out to save Mexico from ruin. England alone has a strong interest in so doing; but I fear she is coming into the lists too late, and that the occupation of Texas will render that extremely difficult which a few years since was comparatively easy. It is with pain I add, that there is not a single man in Mexico who has as yet appeared on the public scene capable of saving his country's honour, and that her fate is sealed.


I send you the proclamation of General Martinez and the officers of the garrison at Tobacco, in favour of Federalism, which I have just received.

The following is the speech of the President on closing the first session of the Mexican Chamber for 1845:--

"Gentlemen,--We close the first period of your sessions with the satisfaction of having established order and peace in all the republic, restored liberty and the representative system, and assured the benefits arising from the memorable 6th of December of last year. The changes which have been made--glorious in their origin as in their results--are felt in the difference branches of public administration, in the several departments, and in the additional security given to the rights and privileges of citizens. Six months have passed, and that short period, which has conferred so many benefits on our country, is still more remarkable from the hopes it engenders of the future being worthy of the rank we should hold in the civilized world.

"Our ideas are confounded in thinking on the transition we have made from a state of violence, in which laws and the constitutional system were disregarded, to one where, on every side, are met examples of love and veneration for republican institutions. The Government, nearly ruined by disorders which were foretold, is now recovering itself. The departments have met and, by their patriotic proceedings, the constitutional organization in daily acquiring additional force. The army has been inspected, discipline has been established, actions which degraded the military character have been put an end to, and character and merit are now the only grounds of promotion. In fact, all public employments are disposed of without favour or odious distinctions, and to those persons only who render good service to the nation.

"Our diplomatic relations have been satisfactorily re-established, with the exception of those regarding the United States, interrupted for more than a year, and by the official declaration recently made by the Congress and Government, in which a great aggression on the republic is openly proclaimed. Our Minister at Washington and the United States Minister in Mexico have both withdrawn, and it is not easy to determine what will be the end of those differences which neither the Government nor the republic have directly or indirectly promoted.

"The Congress, whose attention was fixed on the line of conduct to be observed with regard to Texas, has felt the necessity of putting an end to a question so prejudicial in its nature, and it has allowed the Executive to hear the propositions which Texas has made, and to celebrate a treaty useful and honourable to the republic. The necessity of appealing to a peaceful negotiation, instead of resorting to arms, for the purpose of opposing the unjust policy of the United States, has completely justified the conduct of the Government and the Chamber--in this instance actuated solely by motives of prudence and feelings of the purest and highest patriotism. The propositions of Texas having been received, and the supreme Government having shown that it was not ill-disposed to the negotiation, it now remains to be seen how the matter can be terminated in a manner useful and honorable to the nation. If Texas, in contradiction to the initiative which it has made, should determine to join the United States, the Congress may be assured the Government is prepared to take such measures as the rights and dignity of the republic may demand. The Government has hitherto done all in its power to prevent collision with the United States, as well as to impede the annexation of Texas, and it will pursue the same course as long as it is consistent with its national honour and interests; but, if we should fail in these endeavors, we shall not hesitate to act as justice and reason point out.

"A remarkable complication of circumstances, and an urgent necessity which could not be overlooked, compelled the Congress and Government to direct their special attention to the influence which the political trials consequent on the events of last December had on the state of the country. Both saw that through the events which gave rise to those prosecutions were of the gravest nature, yet that society at large had claims which could not be neglected by the Chambers or the Executive. The agitation naturally produced by political offences, prolonged by causes not easily overcome, is an evil of such magnitude that all Governments have been obliged to resort to measures of clemency, as the surest means of ensuring peace and of depriving the persons compromised in those offences of all temptations to renew them. It was not possible during the continuance of the trials to proceed in the election of a constitutional President. The law of amnesty has removed the difficulty, and we now see that the events of the 6th of December have neither deprived the Government of its clemency, nor exposed to danger liberty and its institutions. The election of a constitutional President will soon crown the good work, and place the Government of the Republic on its true constitutional footing.

"It is no longer possible for those to whom power was intrusted by the confidence of the people to abuse that trust, and turn against the nation the authority they had been invested with.

"Much remains to be done by Congress to meet the public exigencies, and the Government will not hesitate to call an extraordinary session for the purpose of discussing matters worthy of the zeal and wisdom of the legislative body. Let us labour, therefore, gentlemen, without repose, in the noble work of doing good to our country, and of removing the difficulties which naturally accompany the present state of affairs. Let us sacrifice ourselves, if it be necessary, for the public good--satisfied that Providence will bless our exertions, that the nation will approve of our proceedings, and that justice and the laws will be from henceforth the best foundation for the peace and progress of the Mexican Republic."

Santa Anna has published the following address to the nation:--

"Mexicans,--In quitting the country for ever, my heart tells me that I ought to say a few words of farewell to you. I do so with pleasure, because, under all circumstances, your cause has been mine, and my interests have on every occasion been identified with yours. I have been often honoured with your confidence and favour; and, as I never can forget your kindness, eternal will be my gratitude.

"Fellow-citizens, when far distant from you, and time has calmed our passions, examine my public conduct with impartiality, think over all I have said and done, and become acquainted with the whole truth, which now you cannot discover. The period of my dictatorship, so acrimoniously reviled, will not be found stained by cruelty or vengeance. Thanks to Heaven! I can repeat before you with a sound conscience the following declaration:--'When all was in my power, I did not avenge political offences. No citizen has been sent by me to eat his bitter bread in a foreign land, and to weep over his exile. I deprived no one of his property, or arbitrarily condemned or oppressed. Generosity and clemency were my programme.' In my conduct for many years, whether as a soldier or magistrate, I might have committed some errors, but no unworthy actions--no crimes against the country,--which I ever served with loyalty and truth. Slight errors, or the want of knowledge in the great affairs of state, may call for reprehension, but not for execration.

"The last movement which succeeded in the republic was directed solely against my person and power. A revolutionary attempt was made in Jalisco, but it was abandoned as soon as a better pretext was found out. They said, I was author or accomplice in the fatal decree of the 29th of November of the preceding year, which had for its object the control of such elections as did not suit me. I have been deprived of the first magisterial office, which the nation by its will and in constitutional form had bestowed on me. I have been declared a traitor, and driven to acts of desperation, and even at the moment when I found myself at the head of a force brave, loyal, and enthusiastic.

"Countrymen, to no one de I impute blame. I only mention these facts in order that you shall think of them at a future period, and recollect that I sacrificed myself to avoid a civil war, and a triumph gained over the dead bodies and the blood of Mexicans. Country and power, glory and self-interest, I have sacrificed from conscientious motives. My rights to the presidency of the republic were unquestionable. One or two battles, the taking of one or two towns, were sufficient to recover all, but I preferred to make the sacrifice--the immense sacrifice for me--which you cannot appreciate at this moment, to separate myself from a country which I so much love, from a soil where I first saw the light, and on which I have shed my blood in defence of your rights.

"Mexicans, in advanced age, with a body mutilated in your service, surrounded by my wife and innocent children, I submit to exile and seek a home in foreign lands. Forgive the errors I have committed involuntarily, and believe me, in God's holy name, that I laboured sincerely to make you free and independent, and that if I did not come up to all your wishes, it was no fault of mine. In whatever foreign land I may end my days, I will raise my humble voice to the Creator, praying for your prosperity and happiness, and wishing that you may be elevated to your proper place among the greatest nations of the earth.

"Fortress of Perote, May 26."


LT 1845-8-12-4a


Although the negotiations conducted by the English and French Ministers in Mexico, for the purpose of establishing the independence of Texas, have been rendered abortive by the unanimous declaration of the Texan Convention, and although Mexico was not brought to acknowledge the political existence of her former province until that existence was on the point of disappearing for ever in the bosom of the Anglo-American Union, we see no reason to regret the course which has been pursued by France and England this occasion. The mediation of these Powers between the rapacity of the United States and the debility of Mexico was ineffectual, from the moment that the leaning of Texas herself was peremptorily declared. But that mediation was the only dignified and consistent course which could be pursued by the great European Powers. The fact that it was jointly tendered sufficiently demonstrated that neither France nor England had in view any exclusive interests of their own upon that part of the continent of North America. It was highly becoming to the honour of the French Government to give this decisive proof of the falsehood of the assertions of MR. CALHOUN AND MR. KING, from which it could only be inferred that the King of the FRENCH and M. GUIZOT were holding a totally different language on the subject of Texas to the Americans and to ourselves. We believe that Mr. KING'S reports and MR. CALHOUN'S remarks upon them were utterly groundless; and, although France was not prepared, any more than England, to make annexation a casus belli, her agents have undoubtedly laboured as strenuously as our own to avert the annihilation of the Texas republic.

The policy of France and England upon this question has not been guided by their interests along, for it can hardly be said that either Power had any great or direct interest in the solution of the question either one way or the other. No one can venture to predict with certainty whether the addition of the Texan territory to the United States will ultimately strengthen the Union or dissolve it. No one can know whether the extension of a slave population over these vast regions and new states will not rather accelerate than prevent the downfall of institutions based upon a violation of the rights of mankind. In a military, naval, and commercial point of view the acquisition of Texas is not to be compared in importance to that of Louisiana and the Floridas. The United States has already ample means of maintaining a becoming maritime position in the Gulf of Mexico; and the Texan province extends her line of coast, without the slightest increase of her national defences. The Americans, who are still full of the absurd idea that some European Power, and especially England, would establish itself in Texas, and might attack their southern frontier by land, affect to regard the annexation of the country as the only safeguard against such an invasion; but the argument is as worthless as the wild theory in which it originated. It is not, therefore, by such remote and uncertain considerations as these that the views entertained by the statesmen of Europe have been governed. The motives which have influenced the opinion of the public, and the conduct of the French and English Cabinets, were of a loftier kind. The world views the annexation of Texas, if the whole history of the transaction, from first to last, be dispassionately surveyed, as one of the basest frauds and most unwarrantable acts of spoilation ever perpetuated by any nation. In the present state of public opinion in Europe such an aggression on the territories of a weak state by a powerful neighbour would be impracticable. It can only be compared to the policy of Russia towards the Turkish empire--a policy of Russia towards the Turkish empire--a policy which Russia herself is not bold or bad enough to avow, and which she has allowed the other Powers of Europe to arrest by their interference and co-operation in the affairs of the East. As far as public opinion in Europe is concerned, annexation has done for the political character of the Cabinet of Washington what repudiation has already done for the financial credit of the United States; and, indeed, with far more strict justice, since the infamy of repudiation rests upon some of the states only, and that of annexation is the result of the deliberate and determined policy of the American people and their rulers. Whatever the political results of the measure may be, it became the Governments of Europe and the organs of public opinion in Europe to show that the universal laws of public morality and justice cannot be violated, even on the other side of the Atlantic, with absolute impunity. As far as the actual consummation of the act of spoilation is concerned, the United States had no direct antagonist to encounter but the feeble Government of a distracted republic in Mexico, a specimen of whose weakness, in the shape of a declaration of war, we give in another column; but for the justification of this extraordinary specimen of democratic diplomacy America stands along against the whole civilized world. Not for Texas alone, but for the principles which she has basely violated, an indignant protest is sent forth by Europe; and we only re-echo the stern rebuke of the wisest and best of her own citizens, if, indeed, men are still willing to be called American citizens, when they must in that capacity sustain the burden of a transaction which they have themselves denounced as shameful and fatal to the true principles of their country. What says New England to these things? What is thought of them in the cultivated and intellectual society of Boston, which lately possessed in CHANNING an eloquent defender of Christian morality, and still boasts in STORY an unrivalled expositor of law and justice? The pride of the American people used to consist in the traditions bequeathed to them by the purity of WASHINGTON and the integrity of his illustrious companions; it is now stimulated by the artifices of MR. CALHOUN, and the aggressions of MR. POLK. They used to boast of a superiority to Europe in their exemption from those political errors and crimes which have so often deluged the ancient world with blood; but whilst civilization among us daily consolidates and general peace by a firm observance of public duties and international rights, the American continent seems destined to witness the fatal consequences of an eruption of those passions and follies which a wise Government and a virtuous people do must studiously repress.

The mere fact of the annexation of Texas is, we repeat, of small account in our eyes; but the spirit which it indicates on the part of the American people, and the consequences which will inevitably follow it, at no very distant period, are matters of the deepest concern for the future. Henceforward, the passion which has been roused, principally for the purposes of an unprincipled party, must at all hazards be satisfied. Men like Mr. CALHOUN or Mr. POLK, who subsist by stimulating and serving that passion, are the successful rivals of men like Mr. WEBSTER or Mr. CLAY, who aspire to the nobler task of controlling it. The same spirit is not altogether wanting in other free countries; in England it has one representative, in France it has many; but these are men thrown into opposition by the loss of the confidence of their Sovereigns and their countrymen, whilst the Government steadily pursues an opposite course. In the United States, on the contrary, the ascendancy of the restless, unscrupulous party of the democracy is complete, and with such men in power, directly the passions of the people to aggression on foreign states, no limits can be assigned to the wanton excesses which may be anticipated from such a Government. It is vain to conceal, it is impossible to overlook the fact, that the possessions of the Crown of England, and the relations of this country with the United States, are constantly and especially menaced by this detestable party. The fear of the arm of Britain is the only protection of the British possessions in North America from invasion. The possession of such a harbour as Halifax, the navigation of the St. Lawrence, and the command of the lakes, are objects of infinitely greater importance to an ambitious people than the acquisition of the wilds of Texas and of Oregon. At present, indeed, even the democratic leaders are unprepared to rush into a conflict with the forces of England; but no one can doubt that if these possessions were held by any weaker hand, they would be immediately and unscrupulously assailed. They are now defended, not by any respect for our rights, but by the conviction of our power. A man who has just committed one theft is only restrained from attempting another by the dread of resistance or of punishment; and in our dealings with the American Government we are compelled by experience to treat them as a state which respects no adverse rights of others and no engagements of its own. Under such circumstances, and at the very time when the worst part of the people, the reckless majority of a democracy, is flushed by its recent triumph over its opponents at home and its adversaries abroad by the annexation of Texas, we augur little good from the Oregon negotiation; but that subject must be reserved for future consideration. [JSW]

LT 1845-8-12-5a

LIVERPOOL, Monday, 4 o'Clock P.M.

The packet-ship Fidelia, Captain Hackstaff, has arrived in the Mersey, having left New York on the 16th ult., and completed her first voyage across the Atlantic in a little less than 26 days.

Don Manual Rincon, General of Division and Constitutional Governor of the department of Mexico, has published the following proclamation:--

The Minister of Foreign Affairs has communicated to me the following decree:--

"Jose Joaquin de Herrera, General of Division and President ad interim of the Mexican Republic, to the citizens thereof.

"Be it known, that the General Congress has decreed, and the Executive sanctioned the following:--

"The National Congress of the Mexican Republic, considering,--

"That the Congress of the United States of the North has, by a decree, which its Executive has sanctioned, resolved to incorporate the territory of Texas with the American Union:

"That this manner of appropriating to itself territories upon with other nations have rights introduces a monstrous novelty, endangering the peace of the world, and violation the sovereignty of nations:

"That this usurpation, now consummated to the prejudice of Mexico, has been in insidious preparation for a long time; at the same time that the most cordial friendship was proclaimed, and that, on the part of this Republic, the existing treaties between it and those States were respected scrupulously and legally:

"That the said annexation of Texas to the United States tramples on the conservative principles of society, attacks all the rights that Mexico has to that territory, is an insult to her dignity as a sovereign nation, and threatens her independence and political existence:

"That the law of the United States, in reference to the annexation of Texas to the United States, does in no wise destroy the rights that Mexico has, and will enforce, upon that department:

"That the United States having trampled on the principles which served as a basis to the treaties of friendship, commerce, and navigation, and more especially to those of boundaries fixed with precision, even previous to 1832, they are considered as violated by that nation:

"And, finally, that the unjust spoilation of which they wish to make the Mexican nation the victim, gives her the clear right to use all her resources and power to resist, to the last moment, said annexation:

"It is decreed,--

"1. The Mexican nation calls upon all her children to the defence of her national independence, threatened by the usurpation of Texas, which is intended to be realized by the decree of annexation passed by the Congress, and sanctioned by the President of the United States of the North.

"2. In consequence, the Government will call to arms all the forces of the army, according to the authority granted it by the existing laws; and, for the preservation of public order, for the support of her institutions, and, in case of necessity, to serve as a reserve to the army, the Government, according to the powers given to it on the 9th of December, 1844, will raise the corps specified by said decree, under the name of 'Defenders of the Independence and of the Laws.'

"MIGUEL ATRISTAIN, President of the Deputies.
"FRANCISCO CALDERON, President of the Senate.
"Approved, and ordered to be printed and published.
"Palace of the National Government, City of Mexico, June 4."


General Bustamente arrived at Vera Cruz on the 17th ult., and offered his services to sustain the integrity of the Mexican territory and the dignity of the republic. He was rather coolly received by the Government, and it is reported that he refused the military honours tendered him on his arrival. It was believed that his return was not invited by any party, and that he had no desire to meddle in public affairs.

The people generally were quiet, and not at all alarmed, notwithstanding the war cries made by the Federalists and the partisans of Santa Anna, who are loud in denouncing the Government for want of energy. The state of the public treasury was presumed to be pretty low, as the officers in the employ of the Government found great difficulty in obtaining one-fourth of their salaries.

The acting President, General Canalizo, and ex-Minister of War, General Basadre, not accepting the propositions made them by Government, to be expatriated for ten years, have been imprisoned for the same term, the former in the castle of Perote, and the latter in that of San Juan de Ulloa.

Exchange at New York on London, 109 5/8 to 109 ¾. with a moderate demand. [JSW]

LT 1845-8-13-6c

Sir,--The unblushing effrontery of the United States, which has just received a fresh impetus by the late carrying our of what was generally considered as merely a Yankee threat--namely, the annexation of Texas to the Union--is not likely to stop short at this simple act of "trememdous larceny," and as long as the British possessions of Canada, Nova Scotia, and New Brunswick hold out a temptation for a further acquisition of territory, the inhabitants of those colonies, exposed and unprotected as they are, can never divest themselves of that feeling of insecurity, which goes no little way to paralyze their commercial enterprise and attempts to improve the state of their colonies.

And there is no doubt but that this feeling does exist both in the Canadas and New Brunswick.

One important arm of defence has been unaccountably overlooked in all late reviews of the available capabilities of these colonies--viz., the native Indians, large bodies of whom are located in the western parts of Canada, dependent and a very heavy burden upon the British Government, but who could be converted into a most formidable and efficient force to defend our North American colonies, not only from the attacks of their greedy neighbours, but also from internal commotions and outbreaks to which the Canadas are, and always will be, subject, until the two races which form its populations are throughly amalgamated.

If I mistake not 160,000l. is the sum yearly expended by the British Government in supporting the Indians. A portion of this sum, judiciously expended, would organize a body of several thousand warriors, forming the most efficient and economical force which could be employed in that country. Indeed, in all military operations in the Canadas the co-operation of Indians has always been found indispensable, as our regular troops are perfectly unable to cope with the cunning backwoodsmen, who form the greater part of an American invading force.

Nothing could be objected to, on the score of humanity, in making use of the Indians. They are now much more "humanized" than in the old wars, and quite capable of being moulded into a most respectable state of discipline.

In the hope that the subject may be taken up by some one capable of doing it justice,

I remain, &c.,


LT 1845-8-18-6a

THE TIMES-OFFICE, Saturday Morning.

[The following appeared in part of our impression of Saturday:]

The British and North American Royal mail steam-ship, Britannia, Captain Howitt, arrived in the Mersey shortly before the departure of the quarter-past 8 p.m. train least evening, after a rather prolonged voyage owing to head winds. She brings 25 passengers.

The Texan Convention had consummated the merging of their country into the American Union.

The Canadian advices communicate no intelligence of moment.

On Saturday, the 19th, at about 3 o'clock in the morning, one of the most terrible fires that has ever occurred in that city, visited New York. It originated in New-street, and then communicated to the rear of a building in Broad-street, which contained a large quantity of saltpetre. The explosion that took place when this ignited was heard in every part of the city, the flames that issue firing the houses on the other side, at 100 feet distant. At half-past 7 o'clock a.m., the whole area between Broad-street, Exchange-place, Beaver-street, and Broadway, and up Broadway to the Waverley-house, was one vast amphitheatre of flame, sweeping along like a hurricane, and bearing before it immense masses of smoke, cinders and flakes of fire falling in all directions. At 10 minutes to 8 the fire had swept down Broad-street to Stone-street, and thence to the ferry, down Beaver-street, to within three doors of William-street; on Broadway from Waverly-house to No. 4, opposite the Bowling-green, and thence down Whitehall-street, nearly to the Battery. At about 1 o'clock the fire yielded to the almost superhuman exertions of the firemen, who are described as having acted in a most heroic manner. It is impossible for us to enumerate, as is done in the Extra of the Tribune, the whole of the buildings destroyed; suffice it to say that 302 houses, and property estimated at nearly $10,000,000, have been utterly destroyed. One of the gallant firemen perished, and several others were more or less seriously injured. Engine No. 22 could not be withdrawn in consequence of being attached to the hose when the explosion took place, and was consequently destroyed. It was said that some persons, who could not escape in time, had fallen victims to the flames, and that at least one half the capital of the largest insurance offices in the States has been swamped by this disastrous fire.

By the proclamation of the Mayor the military turned out to protect the property of the citizens, and their aid in preserving order, as well as that of the new police, had been most efficacious.

We annex the following extracts from the papers relative to the Annexation of Texas:--

"The people of Texas, in Convention assembled, on the 4th of July, with but a single dissenting voice, gave their unqualified assent to the re-union of that fair country to the parent stem."


"Hon. A. J. Donelson, Chargé d'Affaires of the United States, &c.,

"Sir,--The undersigned, President of the Convention assembled at this place for the purpose of forming a State Constitution for the State of Texas, preparatory to hear admission as one of the states of the United States of American, by order of said Convention, has the honour herewith to transmit to you a properly certified copy of an ordinance adopted by the Convention on yesterday, July 4th, 1845.

"I have the honour to be, with the highest respect,

Mr. Donelson's obedient servant,

"City of Austin, Republic of Texas, July 5, 1845."

"Whereas the Congress of the United States of America has passed resolutions providing for the annexation of Texas to the union, which resolutions were approved by the President of the United States has submitted to Texas the first and second sections of the said resolutions, as the basis upon which Texas may be admitted as one of the states of the said union; and whereas the existing Government of the republic of Texas has assented to the proposals thus made, the terms and conditions of which are as follows:--


"'Resolved by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America in Congress assembled, that Congress doth consent that the territory properly included within, and rightly belonging to, the Republic of Texas, may be erected into a new state, to be called the State of Texas, with a republican form of Government, to be adopted by the people of said Republic, by deputies in Convention assembled with the consent of the existing Government, in order that the same may be admitted as one of the states of this union.

"'2. And be it further resolved,--That the foregoing consent of Congress is given upon the following conditions, and with the following guarantees, to wit:--

"'1. Said state to be formed, subject to the adjustment by this Government of all questions of boundary that may arise with other Governments; and the constitution thereof, with the proper evidence of its adoption by the people of said republic of Texas, shall be transmitted to the President of the United States, to be laid before Congress, for its final action, on or before the 1st day of January, 1846.

"'2. Said State, when admitted into the union, after ceding to the United States all public edifices, fortifications, barracks, ports, and harbours, and navy yards, docks, mazagines, arms and armaments, and all other property and means pertaining to the public defence belonging to the said Republic of Texas, shall retain all the public funds, debts, taxes, and dues of every kind, which may belong to, or be due and owing to, the said Republic; and shall also retain all the vacant and unimproved lands lying within its limits, to be applied to the payment of the debts and liabilities of said Republic of Texas; and the residue of said lands, after discharging said debts and liabilities, to be disposed of as said State may direct; but in no event are said debts and liabilities to become a charge upon the Government of the United States.

"'3. New States of convenient size, not exceeding four in number, in addition to the State of Texas, and having sufficient population, may hereafter, by the consent of said State, be formed out of the territory thereof, which shall be entitled to admission under the provisions of the Federal Constitution.--And such states as may be formed out of that portion of said territory lying to the south thirty-six degrees thirty minutes north latitude, commonly known as the Missouri compromise line, shall be admitted into the union with or without slavery, as the people of each state asking admission may desire. And in such state or states as shall be formed out of said territory north of said Missouri compromise line, slavery or involuntary servitude (except for crime) shall be prohibited.'

"Now, in order to manifest the assent of the people of this Republic, as required in the above-recited portions of the said resolutions,--

"We, the Deputies of the people of Texas, in Convention assembled, in their name and by their authority, do ordain and declare that we assent to and accept the proposals, conditions, and guarantees, contained in the first and second section of the resolution of the Congress of the United States aforesaid.

"THOMAS J. RUSK, President.

Phil. M. CunyGeorge T. Wood
H. G. RunnelsG. W. Wright
Robert M. ForbesH. R. Latimer
Sam. LuskJohn M. Lewis
Jno. Caldwell;James Scott
Jose Antonio NavarroArchibald M'Neill
Geo. M. BrownA. C. Horton
Gustavus A. EyertsIsrael Standefer
Lemuel Dale EvansJos. L. Hogg
J. B. MillerC. S. Taylor
R. E. B. BaylorDavid Gage
J. S. MayfieldHenry S. Jewett
R. BacheCavitt Armstrong
James Love James Bower
Wm. D. HunterAlbert H. Latimer
John D. AndersonW. C. Young
Isaac Parker J. Pinck'y Henderson
P. O. Lumpkin Nicholas H. Darnell
Francis MooreSen. Emery Rains
Isaac W. BrashearA. W. O. Hicks
Alexander M'GowanJames M. Burroughs
Isaac Van ZantH. K. Kinney
S. HollandWilliam L. Cazneao
Edward ClarkA. S. Cunningham
Geo. W. Smyth Abner S. Lipscomb
James ArmstrongJohn Hemphill
Francis W. WhiteVan R. Irion
James Davis

"JAS. H. RAYMOND, Secretary of the Convention,
"Adopted, July 4th, 1845."
"City of Austin, Republic of Texas.
July 5, 1845.
"I certify the foregoing is a correct copy of the ordinance as adopted and signed by the members of the Convention on yesterday, July 4, 1845.
Secretary of the Convention."

"Sir,--By order of the Convention, I have the honour herewith to transmit to your Excellency the enclosed copy of a resolution adopted by the hon. Convention this day.

"Very respectfully, your Excellency's most obedient servant,
"THOMAS J. RUSH, President.

"His Excellency A. J. Donelson, Chargé d'Affaires of the United States.

"Resolution relative to the introduction of the United States forces into Texas:--

"'Be it resolved by the deputies of the people in Convention assembled, that the President of the United States of America is hereby authorized and requested to occupy and establish posts without delay upon the frontier and exposed position of this republic, and to introduce, for such purpose and defence of the territory and people of Texas, such forces as may be necessary and advisable for the same.

"'Adopted in Convention, at the city of Austin, Republic of Texas, July 7, 1845.
"'THOMAS J. RUSK, President.
"'JAS. H. RAYMOND, Secretary of the Convention.'"

The Great Western, Captain Matthew, arrived at New York, from Liverpool, on the 22nd of July, and sailed for Liverpool on the 31st at 2 p.m., and up to 8 p.m. had not arrived here.

The Cambria, Captain Judkins, arrived at Boston, from Liverpool, on the 30th of July, in 11 days 9 hours, being the shortest passage to that city on record.

We copy the following from the Courier and Enquirer of the 31st ult.:--

Wednesday Evening, July 30.

The great event since the departure of the last steamer is the disastrous fire which swept so large and valuable a portion of the business part of this city on the morning of the 19th.

It was a most destructive conflagration--annihilating probably not less than five missions of property. Yet strange to say, it seems likely to pass over without serious consequences. The insurance, generally covered, or nearly covered the losses--and these insurances will be paid--in several instances, indeed, to the extinction of the funds of the insurance companies--and in other to their great diminution--but still the great proportion of the lessees will be paid.

The money market continues very easy and tranquil, with more demand on the part of capital for investment, than of urgent applications for capital. Of the fall trade, every one we have talked with augurs well, and upon the whole, except for the mass of blackening ruins that stare us in the face there, where commerce so recently had its richest treasures and most spacious magazines, one might almost feel that no great scourge had fallen upon us.

The Stock market continues very buoyant, and within a few days Pennsylvania's have advanced. It is now known that the interest due on Friday (1st August) will be paid, and hence the rise in the good stocks. All good stocks maintain their value.

The late news from Texas, communicating the acceptance by the Convention of the terms of annexation, excites little sensation, as that result was foreseen. It is satisfactory to add, that, at the latest dates, no Mexican troops were known or believed to be advancing towards the frontier of Texas,--and, therefore, there is little danger of collision between any such force and the troops which the President of the United States has ordered to the western boundary of Texas. We adhere to the belief that Mexico herself is not likely to resort to open hostilities.

Our crops of wheat will turn out abundant. Already some new wheat is at market from the south--and in Michigan and other producing regions of the west, the accounts are, both as to quantity and quality, most promising.

A very long continued and widely extending drought inspires apprehensions as to the yield of the corn crop, and of that of potatoes--both of first necessity; they are yet, however, within reach by timely rains, if any such should fall.

Foreign Exchanges:--London, 109 ¾ to 110 and 110 ¼; Paris, 5 27 ½; Amsterdam, 39 ½ to 38 5/8; Hamburgh, 35 ½ to 35 ¼; Bremen, 78 to 78 ¼.

Tuesday, July 30.

      Offered. Asked.
United States Loan, 6 per cent., 1862 114 ¼ 114 ¾
Ditto 5 per cent., 1853 103 ½ 104

The following sentimental correspondence on the subject of General Jackson's share in promoting annexation had taken place:--


"Department of State, Washington, 23rd June, 1845.

"The undersigned, Attorney-General of the republic of Texas, charged ad interim with the direction of the department, has the pleasing satisfaction of transmitting to the Hon. A. J. Donelson, Chargé d'Affaires of the United States near this Government, in accordance with the instructions of the Executive, the enclosed copy of a joint resolution adopted by both houses of the Texian Congress, on the 21st inst., 'tendering to General Andrew Jackson, the tribute of a nation's gratitude,' together with the corresponding letter of his "Excellency the President, addressed to General Jackson, in conformity to the requirements of that resolution.

"To share with the Hon. Mr. Donelson in the honour of conveying this testimony of respect and gratitude to the distinguished personage for whom it is designed is to the undersigned a source of gratification.

"Trusting that it may reach its destination before the progress of disease or infirmities shall, in the order of Providence, have terminated the earthly career of this renowned chieftain, and that it may be received by him as one among the many evidences of regard and veneration, whereof, in declining life but increasing honours, he has so often been the meritorious recipient, the undersigned has the honour of expressing for him a lasting sense of his virtues and his worth, and again conveying to Mr. Donelson renewed assurances of the distinguished consideration with which he remains

"His most obedient servant,


"Executive Department, Washington, June 23, 1845.

"Sir,--The Congress of Texas has delegated to me the performance of the grateful office of transmitting to you a copy of their joint resolution, adopted on the 21st instant, tendering to you the gratitude of the nation. In offering to you this tribute of love and admiration, the representatives of the people have concurred without a dissenting voice; and could the expression have sprung from the hearts of the people themselves, without the intervention of their agents, it would, beyond a doubt, have been equally cordial and unanimous.

"The sincerity of feeling, the utter absence of adulation or flattery, the warmth of sensibility, and the purity of heartfelt friendship, in which this testimonial of the 'unfeigned gratitude of a nation' to the exalted merits of an individual are conceived and dictated, will, it is hoped, add value to the offering, and secure for it the merit of your acceptance.

"Could the people, whose sentiments are faintly depicted in this token of their grateful love, or could he, who is made the honoured medium through which it is communicated, be assured that its reception would contribute aught to the gratification or happiness of the illustrious individual to whom it is presented, that assurance would re-act with cheering influence upon them and him.

"Having tendered this offering of gratitude to your acceptance, with fervent wishes for your happiness and usefulness in a continued length of days, I have only to add, that I am your faithful friend and most obedient humble servant,



"Legation of the United States, Washington, TEXAS,
June 23, 1845

"The undersigned Chargé d'Affairs of the United States has received the note of the Hon. Mr. Allen, enclosing the joint resolution adopted by the two houses of the Texian Congress, 'tendering to General Andrew Jackson the tribute of a nation's gratitude; and, also, the letter of his Excellency the President of the Republic, transmitting and approving the same.

"Should General Jackson be alive, when this tribute from Texas reaches his residence, he will receive it with the emotions which are natural to a heart that has been faithful through a long life to patriotism; and he will value it as one of the highest honours ever conferred upon him. Should he have descended to the tomb before it reaches him, his country will bless it to his memory, and embalm it in its gratitude.

"In a letter just received from him by the undersigned, he concludes an account of his increasing infirmities by an allusion to the subject of annexation, in which he says--'I rejoice that the lone star will be added to our union, and that your mission has been successful.'

"General Jackson saw, at an early day, that the struggle for Texas independence was the working of a young and free spirit, which was to take shelter under the flag of the stars and stripes, as certain as that flag continued to wave over a united people.

"With this spirit, he defied in his boyhood the despotism of a foreign power, and he learned in its school that freedom could only be maintained by the union of her votaries. He could, therefore, no more oppose the progress of those general causes that have brought Texas into the family of republican states than he could abandon the hope that the pledge of those states to preserve and defend the equal rights of man will be successful. It is not that he would injure Mexico, or aggrandize his own country by the extension of its territory. Far above such selfish motives was his patriotism. He looked at government as but the creation of the superior will and rights of the people; and that these people, if identical in interest, as bound to act together, or fall a victim to foreign powers. It was territory, not as an extension of empire, but as a means of preserving and defending those who inhabit it, and who are destined to the same fate, that he desired for his country.

"On these principles, General Jackson seconded and sustained the exertions of President Tyler in aid of annexation, and it would long ago have been consummated, if his wishes could have been realized. But delay produced in his bosom neither change of hope, nor loss of confidence; because his faith was in the intelligence and virtue of the people of both Texas and the United States.

"That none of his fond anticipations respecting the fruits of the measure will be disappointed, and unanimity of its adoption by the people and Government of Texas is a high guarantee.

"In conveying this tribute to General Jackson, the undersigned will be happy to bear testimony to the sincerity of the concurrence of his Excellency the President and the Hon. Mr. Allen in the sentiments and feelings which prompted it; and the undersigned begs leave to repeat, on an occasion so agreeable to himself, the assurance of high regard with which he continues to be

"Mr. Allen's most obedient servant,


LT 1845-8-20-4c

There is a peculiar language which in England it is one of the first signs of adolescence to understand and despise. It has various names, more or less honourable, more or less within the range of polite lexicography. It may be described, however, as the language of profession. All men have sufficient moral sense, or sufficient of something which for this purpose is equivalent to moral sense, to know there are such beings as heroes and martyrs, such things as generosity and sacrifice, and such objects as the public, the universal, or the eternal good. But there is a class, in England only a class, which looks on these ideas rather as taking than desirable, as furnishing baits for others rather than motives for themselves. Such persons employ the melting tones of love and the glowing titles of virtue, when a much more pedestrian expression would better suit the undiluted cupidity or baseness of their ends. They talk on stilts, and act like reptiles. They soar in word, and grovel in deed. In England society is armed with almost too habitual a preparation against this common foe. It is become a second nature to discern it. With us the human subject gets its teeth at one year old, changes them at seven, hates a hambug at ten, and attains to the remaining use of its understanding at fourteen. At four it knows its right hand from its left, at ten a true man from a talker. Unquestionably, therefore, hypocrites with us are reduced to a minority. They are compelled to prey upon the feebler portions of humanity. They attack old women and agriculturists, love-sick maidens and people with a small independence, valetudinarians and young gentlemen in search of the greatest happiness of the greatest number. They establish an interest here and there, in religion and politics, in medicine or philosophy, as occasion may offer. But they act under great discouragement in the public arena. Profession is banished from good society. It is not in favour at Court. It experiences rough usage in Parliament. It finds little place in the great acts and documents of the State, in its proclamation and speeches, its correspondence and its annals. In these regions an unbroken calmness and neutrality of language conceal the unknown depths of national feeling.

It is not so, however, in the great republic established by our Transatlantic progeny. Among its rivers and its forests, its unappropriated continent and prolific people, there deserves to be reckoned its inexhaustible power of profession. The language of integrity and benevolence, in the absence of other capital, is the great stock in trade of the Federal Union. The credulity or the shamelessness of the citizen is taxed for the sustentation of a public hypocrisy. The fund is enormous, though, as usually happens, the people have been impoverished to produce it; for while the collective state is the greatest hero, and saint, and philanthropist among the nations of the earth, the individual American has ceased to blush. That natural act and stamp of virtue, for which the Angelo-Saxon race is so honourably distinguished, is almost extinct in the Anglo-American. The republic may safely profess, when its citizens cannot blush for its impudence.

The annexation of Texas is an act not without precedent. It is not peculiar to the United States to wrest a province from a weaker neighbour by force or fraud, or both together. Such acts are frequent in European story. But it is peculiar to the States to make it a virtue. Our humbler, if not more virtuous, European transgressors have generally thought the less said the better. They have either maintained a prudent silence, or justified the act on the modest grounds of imperial necessity, of inevitable progress, or excusable retaliation. America along can exalt its aggressions into the arduous and gratuitous achievements of virtue. "The reunion of that fair country "with its parent stem," the name given to the conquest of Texas by an army of Anglo-American adventurers, is an event perhaps inevitable, perhaps ultimately beneficial, but certainly not heroic. Certainly the ways and means were among the basest on human record. An American, a citizen of the Union, and a New Englander, shall describe it for us. We quote from Dr. CHANNING, addressing his countrymen "on the annexation of Texas" eight years since:--

"By whom has Texas been conquered? By the colonists? By the hands which raised the standard of revolt? By foreign Governments espousing their cause? No; it has been conquered by your and my countrymen, by citizens of the United States, in violation of our laws, and the laws of nations. We have filled the ranks which have wrested Texas from Mexico. In the army of eight hundred men who won the victory which scattered the Mexican force, and made its chief a prisoner, 'not more than fifty were citizens of Texas, having grievances of their own to seek relief from on that field.' The Texans, in this warfare, are little more than a name, a cover under which selfish adventurers from another country have prosecuted their work of plunder.

"Some crimes, by their magnitude, have a touch of the sublime, and to this dignity the seizure of Texas by our citizens is entitled. Modern times furnish no example of individual rapine on so large a scale. It is nothing less than the robbery of a realm. The pirate seizes a ship. The colonists and their coadjutors can satisfy themselves with nothing short of an empire. They have left their Anglo-Saxon ancestors behind them. Those barbarians conformed to the maxims of their age, to the rude code of nations in time of thickest heathen darkness. They invaded England under their Sovereigns, and with the sanction of the gloomy religion of the north. But it is in a civilized age, and amidst refinements of manners--it is amidst the lights of science, and the teachings of Christianity--amidst expositions of the law of nations, and enforcements of the law of universal love--amidst institutions of religion, learning, and humanity, that the robbery of Texas has found its instruments. It is from a free, well-ordered, enlightened, Christian country, that hordes have gone forth, in open day, to perpetrate this mighty wrong.

"Let me know ask, are the United States prepared to receive from these hands the gifts of Texas? In annexing it to this country, shall we not appropriate to ourselves the fruits of a rapine which we ought to have suppressed. We certainly should shrink from a proposition to receive a piratical state into our confederacy. And of whom does Texas consist? Very much of our own citizens, who have won a country by waging war against a foreign nation, to whom we owed protection against such assaults. Does it consist with national honour, with national virtue, to receive to our embrace men who have prospered by crimes which we were bound to reprobate and repress?

"Had this country visited with its whole power the lawlessness of its citizens; had these, notwithstanding such opposition, succeeded in extorting from Mexico a recognition of independence; and were their sovereignty acknowledged by other nations; we should stand acquitted in the sight of the civilized world of participating in their crime, were considerations of policy to determine us to admit them into our union. Unhappily the United States have not discharged the obligations of a neutral state. They have suffered, by a culpable negligence, the violation of the Mexican territory by their citizens; and if now, in the midst of the conflict, whilst Mexico yet threatens to enforce her claims, they should proceed to incorporate Texas with themselves, they would involve themselves before all nations in the infamy of the revolt. The United States have not been just to Mexico. Our citizens did not steal single, silently, in disguise, into that land. Their purpose of dismembering Mexico and attaching her distant province to this country was not wrapt in mystery. It was proclaimed in our public prints. Expeditions were openly fitted out within our borders for the Texan war. Troops were organized, equipped, and marched for the scene of action. Advertisements for volunteers to be enrolled and conducted to Texas at the expense of that territory, were inserted in our newspapers. The Government, indeed, issued its proclamation forbidding these hostile preparations, but this was a dead letter. Military companies, with officers and standards, in a defiance of proclamation, and in the face of day, directed their steps to the revolted province. We had, indeed, an army near the frontiers of Mexico. Did it turn back these invaders of a land with which we were at peace? On the contrary, did not its presence give confidence to the revolters? After this, what construction of our conduct shall we force on the world, if we proceed, especially at this moment, to receive into our union the territory, which, through our neglect, has fallen a prey to lawless invasion? Are we willing to take our place among robber states? As a people have we no self-respect? Have we no reverence for national morality? Have we no feeling of responsibility to other nations, and to Him by whom the fates of nations are disposed?"

Thus does a most impartial authority, "one of their own nation," describe an act which public functionaries, not only of Texas, but also of the States, now adorn with all the colours of patriotism. General JACKSON is the hero on whom they accumulate the honours of this villainous transaction. At the very threshold of another world, if indeed he lived long enough to hear these death-bed consolations, he received, through the Chargé d'Affaires of nation's gratitude. This "tribute of love" and "admiration," solemnly agreed to at the Texan convention, was not simply for his general "virtues and "worth," not simply for his sympathy with the Texan spoliators, but for his actual share in the work from its very beginning. The illustrious "chieftain" and "patriot" receives it from Texans--Texans by conquest and possession, Anglo-Americans in birth, connexions, and cause--from a band of marauders who issued from the heart of the republic, with is connivance, to annex the territory of a peaceful neighbour.

But the testimonial of "unfeigned" Texan gratitude, their "sincerity of feeling, utter absence of "adulation or flattery, warmth of sensibility, and "purity of heartfelt friendship," and all the other unctuous stuff with which President ANSON JONES improves the occasion, are scarcely worth a remark. They are too intelligible. It is the language of the States' functionary which authenticates and seals this unique document, and proclaims it to be genuine Anglo-American. Mr. DONELSON is pleased to remind the Texans that it had been the object of the General's life, and for this purpose quotes his Nunc dimittis. "I rejoice that the Lone Star will be added "to our Union, and that your mission has been successful." "GENERAL JACKSON," the Chargé d'Affaires continues--

"Sawat an early day that the struggle for Texan independence was the working of a young and free spirit, which was to take shelter under the flag of the stars and stripes, as certain as that flag continued to wave over a united people."

"With this spirit, he defied in his boyhood the despotism of a foreign power, and he learned in its school that freedom could only be maintained by the union of her votaries. He could, therefore, no more oppose the progress of those general causes that have brought Texas into the family of republican states, than he could abandon the hope that the pledge of these states to preserve and defend the equal rights of man will be successful. It is not that he would injure Mexico, or aggrandize his own country by the extension of its territory. Far above such selfish motives was his patriotism. He looked at government as but the creation of the superior will and rights of the people; and at those people, if identical in interest, as bound to act together, or fall a victim to foreign powers. It was territory, not as an extension of empire, but as a means of preserving and defending those who inhabit it, and who are destined to the same fate, that he desired for his country. On these principles, General Jackson seconded and sustained the exertions of President Tyler in aid of annexation, and it would long ago have been consummated, if his wishes could have been realized. But delay produced in his bosom neither change of hope, nor loss of confidence; because his faith was in the intelligence and virtue of the people of both Texas and the United States."

In these two quotations, we have the honest American moralist describing the act, and the American functionary commenting upon it. Europe, as we have said above, may supply too many parallels to the act; but the glib effrontery of the comment we might in vain try to match in Europe, or any other continent. [JSW]

LT 1845-8-29-5c

The British and North American Royal mail steam-ship Cambria, Captain Judkins, arrived in the Mersey at an early hour this morning, after a fine run from Boston, inclusive of the usual detention at Halifax, of 11 days and a few hours. She brought a large number of passengers.

The advices by the arrival are unimportant, with the exception of those from Mexico, which we subjoin:--



"CIRCULAR.--The United States have consummated the perfidy against Mexico, by sanctioning the decree which declares the annexation of the department of Texas to that Republic.

"The injustice of that usurpation is apparent, and Mexico cannot tolerate such a grave injury without making an effort to prove to the United States the possibility of her ability to cause her rights to be respected.

"With this object the Supreme Government has resolved upon a declaration of war against that power, seeing that our forbearance, instead of being received as a proof of our friendly disposition, has been interpreted into an acknowledged impossibility on our part to carry on a successful war.

"Such an error on the part of the United States will be advantageous to Mexico, because, suddenly abandoning its pacific attitude, it will to-morrow communicate to Congress the declaration of war, and excite the patriotism of its citizens to sustain the dignity of the nation and the integrity of its territory, now treacherously attacked, in utter disregard of all guarantees recognized in this enlightened age.

"You will readily appreciate the importance of this subject, and the necessity of preparing the troops under your command to march towards any point which may require protection against these most unjust aggressions.

"I am directed by the Provincial President to enjoin upon you, as General-in-Chief of your division, and as a citizen of this republic, to hold yourself in readiness to repel those who seek the ruin of Mexico.

"The Government is occupied in covering the different points on the frontiers, and in collecting the necessary means, so that nothing may be wanting to those whose glory it will be to defend the sacred rights of their country.

"I have the honour to communicate for your intelligence, and to direct your conduct.

"God and Liberty.--Mexico, July 16, 1845.

"This circular to the authorities subordinate to this office."

"Most excellent Senor,--As my notes of the 80th of March and the 7th of April of this year, concerning the deserters and recruits for the army, have not produced the effects which his Excellency the President ad interim desired, as the governors have not been able to gather a number of men by any means adequate to the wants of the army, his Excellency has ordered your Excellency to provide the materiel, to enable the different departments to furnish their quota and complete the contingent of troops required by the decrees of the 29th of December, 1843, and the 2d of July, 1844; for, although the supreme Government has not exacted with punctuality the complement from these departments, she now sees herself under the necessity of doing so, for the war which she wages against the United States, the perfidy and treachery of which Power has put her in possession of a part of this republic.

"His Excellency the President ad interim requires that your Excellency inform the Governors of the necessity which exists of detailing the number of men, so highly necessary to fill the ranks of the army, and to excite the zeal and patriotism of the authorities, that their preparations shall be so effectual as to fulfil the desires of the Government, and prevent the dignity of the nation from being in any manner compromised.

"I have the hour to communicate to your Excellency the following, to be used as occasion may require:--

"God and Liberty.--July 16, 1845.

"Most Excellent Senor, Minister of Foreign Relations and of Police.

"Transmit to the authorities depending upon your department."

"Most Excellent Senor,--It being necessary that the troops of the line should cover the frontiers of the Republic and march toward Texas to conquer that department now usurped by the United States, his Excellency the President ad interim has commanded me to transmit to you this note to excite the zeal and patriotism of the Governors that they place under arms in their respective districts all the force which can be collected in defence of the laws, to be ready to serve as a safeguard of their respective departments, according to the decree of the 4th of June of this year, and the regulation of the 7th inst.

"Your Excellency will communicate to the Governor this supreme resolution, and will inform them of the obligations under which the citizens are to contribute to the defence of their country, and to sustain rights, violated by a nation which refuses to acknowledge them, and obliges Mexico to maintain them by force, which it most undoubtedly will, or fall in the struggle.

"She will not consent to give up one-half of her territory from the base fear of losing the other. Hoping that your Excellency will furnish me with information as to the number of men which can be devoted to this important object, your Excellency will please to accept my most high consideration.

"God and Liberty.--Mexico, July 16, 1845.

"To the most Excellent Senor, Minister of Foreign Relations and Police."

The whole of the Mexican vessels at New Orleans, with one exception, destined to convey away the Mexican Consul at that city (who is stated to have closed his official relations), had obtained their clearances; and the aspect of affairs was viewed as extremely threatening.

On the 18th of July, there was a counter revolution in favour of the Government in the department of Tobasco, headed by Commodore Thomas Marin, who, with only 80 troops, succeeded in deposing General Ignacio Martinez, who was in command of the insurgents.

The ports of Tobasco, which has been closed by the Mexican Government during the time the province was in the hands of the insurgents, had been since declared open.

The Canadian advices are uninteresting. Those from Texas merely report that the Convention was actively forming a state constitution, and that the President had issued a proclamation for the election on the first Monday of September of senators and representatives to the United States Congress.

(From the New York Courier and Enquirer.)
New York, Thursday Evening, 14th.

The punctuality of Pennsylvania in meeting the interest due on the 1st inst. is a source of gratification here, as it will doubtless be in Europe. The good influences of such a course will not be confined to that state along, but will stimulate other states hitherto in default to renewed exertions to redeem their credit. Already, it is stated in the Baltimore American , that "the revenue laws are now in progress of execution in every county in the state," "thus leaving no doubt," says the writer, "with the means already accruing under the existing financial system, of the ability of the state to resume payment of her debt at an early day after the next session of the Legislature." This is not very definite to be sure, but it shows good will, and especially that the example of Pennsylvania is operative.

If the country should be so fortunate as to escape war, there is, in its present unrivalled prosperity and progress, the surest guarantee that the defaulting states will eventually make good all their engagements.

Whether or not we are to escape war, is not yet decided. More uneasiness has been felt within the last few days, owing to the march of troops in increased numbers for Texas, and the certainty that their orders are to occupy a portion of the territory on the seaboard of that country westerly of the Nueces river, heretofore occupied by Mexico, though claimed by Texas. The apprehension is, that this forward movement may appear to the Government and people of Mexico as an invasion of their territory, rather than as a precautionary movement against the invasion of Texas by Mexican troops. A week or two will enlighten us as to the view which Mexico may take of this proceeding, and meantime we content ourselves with alluding to it here, as occasioning disquietude and uncertainty.

The inland trade, indeed the trade generally of the country, is prosperous. The canal trade in this state up to the 1st insts. amounts to $1,107,269, which is within $30,000 of the unprecedentedly large receipts of last year. The trade through the Welland Canal in American produce has fallen off very considerably, owing, it is presumed, to the tariff enacted by the last Canadian Parliament.

In money matters there is no change. The banks are quite at ease, and would willingly increase their lines of discount, but have no call. The disastrous fire of the 19th ult. has not produced any perceptible effect either upon the rate of interest or the demand for money, while already new edifices are fast rising amid the ruins; and the burnt district, although still smoking with unextinguished but smothered fires, is alive with workmen preparing to renew what was destroyed.

P. S. The indications of the latest accounts from Mexico, as well as the more extensive preparations making by the United States to strengthen its forces in Texas, and enlarge its supply of munitions, certainly look very warlike.

A declaration of War by Mexico would seem a mere formality; for the state of her Treasury and the general disorganization of the Government, forbid any efficient hostilities. Our naval force in the Gulf of Mexico is sufficient to the complete blockade of the Mexican ports there. We are not, so sure that mischief may not be done among our whalers in the Pacific by Mexican cruisers from San Blas, Monterey, and other ports in that sea.

But the mere fact of the existence of war in the Gulf of Mexico, and the questions to which a blockade may give rise with powerful neutral nations, excite no small solicitude.

The operations in foreign exchange for the packets of the 16th have been to a fair extent, closing firmly at quotations.

Stocks are heavy, and prices continue to have a downward tendency.

Cotton.--The accounts from the south relative to the forthcoming crops are encouraging; and as there is every prospect of an early and bountiful supply, speculators are not anxious to operate at present prices--viz, Uplands, very ordinary to middling, 6 to 7 ½ cents; fair and good, 8 ¼ to 8 ¾ and 9 ¼ cents; Tennessee and Alabama, 6 to 7 ½ Cents; Mobile, Louisiana.


About one month since (July 15), I gave you a short account of the movement of a detachment of United States Dragoons, under the command of Colonel Kearney. It was generally understood, at the time of writing, that these Dragoons were intended as a kind of escort for the American emigrants to Oregon, and that, after proceedings on the trail of the emigrants to the South Pass in the mountains, they would return to their cantonment at Fort Leavenworth. Recently, however, the subject has excited attention, and it is now asserted by some intelligent men, that other objects than the protection of emigrants caused the movement. Whether there is any foundation for such opinions is matter of conjecture.

It is probable that the expedition of Captain Freemont (as it is said) to the Drake River, and thence to the Bay of San Francisco, has tended to increase curiosity respecting the object of Colonel Kearney, with the Dragoons (about 300) under his command. This is the third expedition which Captain Freemont has led into this almost unexplored region.

In times, however, like the present, when the talk of war is fashionable chit-chat, it is not surprising that an unexpected military movement should excite speculative opinions, and particularly so when the object is concealed, and a veil of mystery enshrouds the transaction. While I am uninformed as to the object of these movements, I cannot permit myself to believe that there is anything connected with them calculated or designed to give cause of complaint to any European Power with whom the United States is at peace. A few weeks must lay open the whole affair, and disarm unnecessary secrecy and officious curiosity of the power of doing mischief by exciting suspicions and jealousies.

There are those in the United States who consider the annexation of Texas to this country as completed so soon as Texas shall adopt a republican constitution. This is a mistake. There is something yet to be done by the American Congress. It is not improbable, however, that the same erroneous opinion may prevail in England and that based may be projected. On this subject a warning voice may not be disadvantageous.

It is apprehended by this Government that attempts will be made by bold and speculative men to import into Texas large amounts of manufactured and other goods, on paying a mere nominal duty, and that by such means they will, with the adoption of the new state, be introduced into the United States, without paying any other, or greater duty. Allow me to warn every such adventurer that the project must prove disastrous. The Secretary of the Treasury, with the aid of the different revenue officers, is at this moment engaged in preparing the necessary precautionary measures to defeat all such projects. It must be recollected that no dutiable goods can be transported without hazard of seizure from one state to another, and the parties compelled to show that the duties have actually been paid, in default of which the goods coastwise, they must come from a part of entry, and such port must be authorized by act of Congress. After Texas is admitted into the Union as a state, a port of entry and clearance may be made. In such an event, rest assured all the necessary safeguards to meet this case, and secure to the United States the full amount of their duties, will be provided. Besides, Congress may or may not, for 12 months to come, crease a port of entry in Texas. It is unnecessary to pursue this subject, and I will only add that this warning is not given on light grounds.

The war fever has not yet subsided; far from it. Whether intentionally or not, the movements of the Government are well calculated to keep it up. Other detachments of troops, and among the Flying Artillery, have received orders to hold themselves in readiness to move at a moment's warning. It is very probable, however, that the apprehended danger is from an attack of the Indians; while, on the other hand, there are those who believe that this Government has been too hasty in ordering (if such orders have been given) General Taylor and Colonel Twiggs to take possession of that region of country which lies between the rivers Nueces and Rio del Norte, a territory never under the jurisdiction or within the control of Texas.

The advices from Mexico are as late as the 23d of July, and have, if they are to be depended upon, rather a hostile appearance; but, as you will find them in the public journals, I omit to repeat them. I am, however, as yet, and unbeliever in a Mexican war. It is possible there may be some skirmishing and a majority of the community seem to incline to the opinion that the present state of affairs must terminate in war.

The most thorough Locofoco state in the American Union is New Hampshire. The House of Representatives is that state have recently passed sundry resolutions claiming the Oregon territory to the 54th degree of north latitude. The vote on the main question was,--Ayes, 129; Noes, 5. [JSW]

LT 1845-9-1-4a

The valour of the Mexican Government continues to decrepitate in proclamations, but we have yet to learn when the final explosion is to take place. Mexico, it is said in a strangely cumbrous form of language, cannot tolerate such an injury as the annexation of Texas "without an effort to prove to the "United States the possibility of her ability to cause "her rights to be respected;" and the circular from which we are quoting goes on to exhort the Generals commanding in the provinces "to hold themselves "in readiness to repel those who seek the ruin of "Mexico." All this, however, falls short of actual hostilities; and a week after this circular had appeared the "possibility of the ability" of Mexico to cause her rights to be respected by force of arms was under discussion in the Senate. We can only wonder that such a question was held to be debatable. For if on the one hand the aggression and encroachment committed by the United States on the former Mexican territory of Texas is an event which would justify an appeal to arms, and even demands a vigorous repression in order to provide for the future security of the frontier, as well as to punish a system of fraud and hostility calculated to rob Mexico of her provinces and her independence, it is equally certain on the other hand that Mexico is powerless for all offensive or defensive purposes, and that any serious attempt to resist or avenge this injury will inevitably lead to a more direct attack and more extensive losses.
As a question of military strength and sound policy there can be no doubt that Mexico had better submit to this loss and this affront than expose herself to bear the brunt of that military and adventurous spirit which is now literally raging in many parts of the Anglo-American union. But although the new Republics are very unequally matched in point of strength, there is no such disparity between their respective shares of wisdom. The impetuosity of the United States in the annexation of Texas is a reality almost as great a sign of political weakness as the vain expostulations and ineffectual demonstrations of Mexico; for the Government is in both countries alike subservient to the impulses of the people. The democracy of Mexico is probably quite as untractable a body as that of the United States; and, although their social and political habits have nothing in common with the Anglo-Americans, they are by no means unwilling to try their fortune in war. Between the nations which have sprung from the colonies of England and of Spain, the ancient and imperishable antipathies of religion and of race still exist. To these may be added a territorial dispute, and a sense of injuries which cannot be effaced in Mexico, and which is turned to scorn and defiance amongst the people of the United States. Odisse quem laseris is an old maxim and a true one; and these communities of the New World seem destined to re-enact, under the specious forms of popular government, the most odious political crimes of Europe in past ages. The state of most of the South American republics, ever since their emancipation from the mother country, has resembled the sanguinary and unsettled condition of the Old World during the middle ages. Habitual warfare has become the rule--peace the exception; and we may yet have to witness contests as incessant in the northern part of the other hemisphere, before ever the Anglo-American union can extend its authority over that vast region, and reckon subjects of another race as well as citizens of its own.

The incidents and achievements of such a war must be utterly uninteresting and inglorious, for on neither side are there any of the elements of decisive success of splendid victories. In this respect we are not more affected by the prospect, of hostilities between Mexico and the United States than by the disgusting details of the Indian war in Florida. But, as we observed some time ago, although the events of such a war are very contemptible, the state of war is in itself an event an event and a calamity of the greatest magnitude. To quote a parallel instance nothing certainly can be more uninteresting than the battles and sieges which are going on in the provinces of the Plata--battles in which nothing is ever decided, and sieges which remind one in point of duration, though in no other respect, of the siege of Troy. Yet these miserable contests upon the shores of the Plata have probably cost the merchants of this country hundreds of thousands of pounds of actual loss--we might say millions if the probable profits of the interrupted trade be taken into the account. How then will it be if war be declared between Mexico and the United States--countries with both of which we are carrying on a far more considerable traffic than with the States of South America? The American cruisers in the Gulf of Mexico and the American Court of Admiralty will, of course, apply to neutrals the general principles of maritime law, except in those instances in which the United States have by express stipulations with certain powers adopted the contrary rule of free ships free goods. "During the war which commenced between the United States and Great Britain in treatise on international law, "the prize Courts of the former uniformly enforced the generally acknowledged rule of international law, that enemy's goods in neutral vessels are liable to capture and confiscation, except as to such 'Powers with whom the American Government had stipulated by subsisting treaties the contrary rule, "that free ships should make free goods." In the treaties subsisting between the United States and France, Holland, and Prussia, and some of the states of South America, the principle of free ships free goods has been established. With Great Britain, Spain Portugal, Austria, and Russia, no such stipulation has been made, and these common law of neutrals. It is obvious, therefore, that in the event of a war in which the United States should be engaged, and all the European Powers be neutral, the former states would enjoy advantages in continuing to trade in the produce of the other belligerent state, to which the latter states, and especially this country, could not pretend, without modifying the doctrines of our Admiralty Courts on the rights of neutral Powers. The United States whilst they acknowledge the force of the established principle of maritime law, as laid down by all the authorities on the law of nations, from the earliest period, and as applied by Lord STOWELL during the late war in our own courts, have nevertheless laboured by negotiation and conventions to introduce and establish the contrary principle. Their relations with foreign Powers, considered in the light of neutrals, are therefore of too distinct and even opposite classes, if, indeed, distinctions of this kind can be maintained between countries which have bound themselves by treaty to give to each other all the privileges of the most favoured nation.

These considerations are happily still to be regarded as speculations on the future rather than as arguments on the actual state of affairs. But it is scarcely too much to assume that a rupture between Mexico and the United States is imminent; and if it take place, the first indication of hostilities may be a blow struck at the trade of one or other of the belligerent parties. The interests of our own mercantile classes are so closely connected with the commercial relations of the two states, that it is scarcely possible for such a rupture to take place without materially affecting ourselves; and it may not be premature for those who are more especially connected with that branch of trade, to take into consideration the position in which they may be placed if an American squadron appears in the Gulf of Mexico with hostile intentions, or if an embargo be laid on Mexican property in American harbours. [JSW]

LT September 9, 1845, p6 e/f: Affairs of Mexico

Message to the Mexican Congress,
Presented by the Minister of Foreign Affairs, on receiving Notice of the Annexation of Texas to the United States.

        The resolution just taken by the department of Texas, the violent measures of the Government of the United States to increase the American territory, the events which each day give to this affair a character of vital importance to the republic, and the publications that have been made in Texas, in America, and probably in Europe, induce the Supreme Government to communicate to Congress to measure it has pursued in the interests of an honourable peace and the rights and dignity of the nation.  Though secrecy be useful in a variety of cases, frankness is not the less necessary when prudence requires a disclosure of what has taken place.  The principles that have guided the Government, and the sentiments it has avowed on this subject, give it no reason to fear that when the whole truth is before the chambers its conduct will be disapproved of.  The language of truth enlightens public opinion, and that heartless opposition which makes no allowance for the difficult circumstances in which a Government may be placed, but persists in poisoning the public mind, is alone to be confounded by a plain statement of facts, and a candid exposition of the course which, in its duty to the nation, the Cabinet has pursued.  Government was in the first instance obliged to conquer the natural repugnance it felt at keeping secret the affairs of Texas, and in maintaining for a certain period the reserve indespensable in the negotiation of a treaty only just commenced.  It, however, disclosed all that was needful to be said to place beyond doubt its pacific intentions, and to show that it had no other object but that of securing to the republic an honourable peace.  On its side, Texas was equally obliged to take a decision; the functionary charged by the government of that department had already known the position which he held; he had spoken of the engagement since proposed to the republic, the motives which had induced him, by means of peace, to secure the independence of that country, and the alternative which was to be submitted to a meeting called on the determine whether Texas was to continue with Mexico, or incorporate itself with the United States.  These simple indications (without speaking of the official news received last night) will explain the conduct we have followed in this thorny affair since the 6th of December last.

        On coming into power the actual Government examined all antecedents, and became convinced of the impossibility of longer deferring the resolution which all Governments are obliged to take under similar circumstances.  Neither the urgent and important affairs that then pressed on the Government, nor the popularity which attended all its acts, nor the excitement of its friends, could prevent it from deciding on, and avowing its conviction of the course which was necessary for the country to pursue in circumstances admitting of no delay nor dissimulation.  The Governments of England and France had constantly made known to our Ministers accredited to them the propriety of recognizing the independence of Texas.  These declarations were made in the most formal and explicit manner, in the interest of the republic, and for he purpose of preventing serious injury to it.

        The representatives of both Courts near this Government gave us similar advice.  At this period the law of annexation, rejected by the Senate of he United States, was brought forward in another form by the Chamber of Representatives, and it was easy to foresee that it would in that shape be accepted by the Senate.  In fact, the Senate, by a majority of two votes, passed the bill, and thus all hope was destroyed of seeing that violent and scandalous act repudiated by the American Chambers; and the United States duly solemnized a law which will remain for ever a memorial of their bad faith, equally scandalous to the Congress, and to the Administration that had subsequently to give it effect.  Our Minister at Washington instantly retired from his mission, the Government of the republic announced the cessation of diplomatic relations with the United States, and the Minister of he States likewise demanded his passports. These several acts proved on the part of Mexico its determination to oppose the incorporation, and on the part of the United States a resolution to enforce it.  The protests then made by the minister of Foreign Affairs were all that could be done in the shape of diplomatic communication.  As long as Texas did not assent to incorporation, we felt that war could be avoided without leaving a stain on the republic.  At this period Government saw the necessity of not refusing a negotiation, if such were offered, by which war might be prevented, while at the same time it took up a position before Congress and the whole world worthy of the nation, no matter what the result of pending circumstances might be.  Such was the state of affairs in the month of March last.

        Nevertheless, though the Government was anxious to prevent or retard a rupture, it was onto forgetful of its duty to the nation and to itself.  A desire to make honourable arrangements has become so natural to civilized Governments, that in the present day even the most powerful does not feel itself compromised in taking a step of that nature, when the proposal comes from those who ask, and not from those who are to give.  Government took care to do nothing that could offend the national honour or precipitate a foreign war, while it admitted that under existing circumstances it preferred a negotiation based on our rights, worthy of the republic, and consistent with the relations Mexico should preserve towards the United States.  Texas, on its side, having received the law of incorporation, could not avoid reflecting on the alternative presented to it.  It was the necessity of taking a final step; on the one hand there was certain war, and on the other the suicidal act of destroying by its own hands that independence which would be speedily recognized by all nations.  It was natural to believe that Texas would prefer the situation such an arrangement must place it in, to being incorporated as a simple state of the Union, merely to serve the ulterior purposes of the American Cabinet.  Offended by the law of annexation, its independence supported by the policy of Great Britain and France.  Texas at last decided on proposing to the Government certain preliminary articles that were to facilitate a negotiation, and save it from the embarrassments that pressed round it.

        Having taken this step, Texas cold no longer doubt that the Government would give every assistance to hasten an arrangement, and prevent its annexation to the United States.  The moral responsibility of the Government became most serious, because it foresaw all the evils which the annexation of Texas would give rise to.  Still, to commence a negotiation was in many respects objectionable, as while on the one hand it appeared to be the most simple manner of settling the question, by establishing as a primary condition the non-incorporation of Texas, on the other it compromised the Government with respect to Texas, and favoured in a great measure the ambitious designs of the Cabinet of the United States.   Government became convinced that any step taken in advance by it would not lead to a favourable result, but it felt at the same time obliged to take every precaution to prevent a termination to the affair unfavourable to the interests of the republic.  It is not difficult to decide how great would have been the consternation of he Government if it had determined not to listen to Texas-or if, because we refused to do so, the annexation had taken place.  The Government acted in these difficult circumstances in the most cautious manner, and every lover of his country must give it credit for the patriotism it displayed, and the prudence with which it acted for the advantage of the republic under difficulties of he most distressing nature.

        Convinced that the Chambers would examine everything with care and circumspection, as its conduct has proved that it did, and persuaded at the same time that the Executive was bound to ask permission to listen to the propositions of Texas, and celebrate a convention honourable to republic, the Government addressed itself to Congress for that purpose, satisfied that it would meet the support ever given when national interests are at stake.  The Congress, resolute in that conduct which it never fails to manifest in critical circumstances, disregarded to outcry of some discontented persons who pretended to see in the Texan  question the germ of destruction to the established system; and, as the authority demanded did not extend beyond the permission to make a suitable arrangement, on which the Congress would afterwards pronounce, the Chambers and public opinion, both in the capital and departments, decided in favour of a policy, generous in itself and truly patriotic, which on the one hand secured peace, and on the other put a stop to the ambitious plans of the United States on the Texan territory.

        The Government, being authorized to treat, and penetrated with the fresh marks of confidence given by the national representation, proceeded to prepare a negotiation in the manner most suitable to the name and dignity of he nation.  The preliminaries presented by Texas were drawn up with such care and with so much respect for Mexico, that we could not find in any article a thought offensive or injurious to the state.  We had, therefore, merely to acknowledge the receipt of those preliminaries we had no other idea than that of accepting them as the opening of a negotiation which would be duly followed up by commissioners appointed by both parties.  I would not give these explanations if this note was merely addressed to the Chambers; but, as there are many persons who have thrown a false colour on these transactions, I wish to show the true character of the preliminary bases, in order that no Mexican citizen shall be ignorant of the steps taken by his Ministers in this affair.

        The preliminaries, a copy of which I have the honour to subjoin, should fix the attention of the Chambers, in order that they may be well known and understood.  The first presupposes the sovereign right and integrity of the nation, and the term consiente [sic, consents] is as honourable to it as it is to the justice and good faith of the Government then established in Texas.  The second article undertakes the formal and solemn engagement of Texas not to incorporate itself with any other nation whatsoever.  This condition, imposed on Texas by itself, excludes its annexation to the United States; and it was the more readily adopted by us, as we were determined to concede nothing that might hereafter lead to the accomplishment of he policy of the United States.  The third article, more general in its nature, alludes to other matters which should be settled by the proposed treaty, including the necessary indemnities.  The fourth article expresses the willingness of Texas to submit to arbitration the question of frontiers.  In these preliminaries we took care that nothing should be found admitting that the independence of Texas was “a fact accomplished,” and from that circumstance I am justified in again saying that the transaction was honourable to the republic.  Such is the truth, and, whatever discussion and difficulties any of these articles examined strictly might produce, we took care that in their open and evident sense no term should be found unworthy of the respect and consideration to which the Government and the nation are entitled.

        The answer given by the Ministry, of which a copy is annexed, is drawn up in a style suitable to the superior position occupied by the republic with respect to Texas.  It contains also the authorization made by Congress, as well as the obligation under which we stood of giving due notice of all ulterior proceedings to the Chambers.  The Government, without adding a single thought, or extending in the least the preliminaries alluded to, declared that it received them only as preliminaries, and that it was ready to commence a negotiation, and to receive the commissioner or commissioners named by Texas for the same purpose.

        Though this step offered no difficulty, though the initiative made by Texas was in all respects worthy of Mexico, how was it possible for this Government to imagine that Texas would yield to the measures taken by the Unite States to enforce the annexation?  Who could suppose that Texas, after having opened a negotiation and gone the length of signing a convention, would succumb beneath the violence and ambition of the American Cabinet?  Fortunately the Government took care, as the documents will show, to state in the most decided terms, that if the negotiation, through any circumstance whatever, should fail, or if Texas consented directly or indirectly to incorporate with the United States, all that had been done should be considered null and void.  With that additional explanation the rights of the republic were fully respected, and we were left at liberty to treat in the manner most conformable to the ideas manifested by the legislative body.

        We do not seek to make reflections on the conduct of any person in this affair; but the question of Texas is so essentially national, and deserves so much to be examined by all Mexicans, that we cannot do otherwise than defend our policy, and submit it without fear to the judgment of the whole republic.  When events and time shall have calmed political passions, the patriotism which has influenced the Administration will be duly appreciated.  Obliged to adopt a fixed plan, we sought not to act in any other manner; we sought, as every honourable Government should do, to secure an honourable peace, and our policy in that respect renders the less excusable the conduct of the United States.

        With this statement of the antecedents in this affair, the Government is not afraid to declare before the Chambers, that it did not offend the national dignity in accepting through this department the propositions of Texas, and that the answer given by this Ministry neither compromised the honour or territory of the republic, nor exceeded the authority given to it by Congress.  The conduct of Texas is in contradiction with itself, but we are proud to say that throughout this affair we have acted on fixed principles, and that we have preserved, even on the smallest points, the honour and dignity of the republic.

        Texas degraded-losing all consideration even among those nations who, by a policy not happily inspired, hastily recognized her independence, has yielded with shame and opprobrium to the usurpation and perfidy of the American Union.  The republic, on the other hand, has shown itself worthy of the sympathy of he whole world, and it has proved that it had no object in view beyond the preservation of peace and the triumph of civilization and humanity.  In the course of time the United States will find in this usurpation a costly inconvenience.

        They will be despised by all honourable nations, and they will be responsible for all the evils of a war they have wantonly provoked.

        With this note shall be presented all he documents relative to this important question; and notice will also be given of the measures taken by Government to defend the rights, integrity, and honour of the nation.  Supported by justice having done all that was possible to prevent a rupture having acted with loyalty and good faith-war, however painful the result, with be a new principle of glory.  It will unite the Mexican people, and, all party feelings being suppressed, we shall act together, proclaiming with one voice the necessity of uniting in defence of the rights and the independence of the republic.

Luis Cuevas
Mexico, July 16.

Documents alluded to:-

Preliminary Conditions to a Treaty to Peace Between Mexico and Texas

Article 1. Mexico consents to recognize the independence of Texas.

       2. Texas undertakes to stipulate in the treaty that it will not incorporate or become subject to any other Power whatever.

       3. The boundaries and other conditions shall be the object of a final treaty.

       4. Texas will be ready to submit all disputed points relative to territory or other matters to the decision of arbitration.

        March 29.

Ashbel Smith.

Note By Senor Cuevas

The Minister of Foreign Affairs and of Government of the Mexican Republic has received from Texas the above propositions preliminary to the arrangement of a definitive treaty between Mexico and Texas.

        The Government of the republic has asked and received from the National Congress an authority to treat, drawn in the following terms:-

        “The Government is authorized to hear the propositions made by Texas, and to proceed to the arrangement or celebration of a treaty suitable and honourable to the republic, giving notice to the Congress for its examination and approval.”

        In virtue of the preceding authority given by the Mexican Congress, the undersigned Minister of For eign Affairs and of Government declares that the Supreme Government receive tha aforsaid four articles as preliminary to a formal and definitive treaty; and, moreover, that he is ready to commence the negotiation desired by Texas, and to receive a commissioner or commissioners named for that purpose.

Mexico, May 19.


        Official Declaration.

It is understood that, besides the four preliminary articles proposed by Texas, there are other essential and important points which should be the subject of negotiation, and, if this should fail, from any cause whatever, or if Texas, with reference to the law of incorporation passed by the United States, consents to it, directly or indirectly, the answer of this date given to Texas by the undersigned Minister of Foreign Affairs shall be considered mull and of no value.

;Mexico, May 19.


LT September 10, 1845, page 5e Mexico

        The position of the Mexican Government is now precisely that which we have long foreseen it would arrive at.  They refused to negotiate with Texas until it was too late even to obtain the terms which were essential to the honour and security of the Mexican republic, or to rescue the Texan provinces from the rapacity of the United States.  Texas could then neither be relinquished with advantage, nor defended with the slightest chance of success.  The party in Texas which continued to advocate the independent interests of their country seems not to have commanded a single vote in the Congress; and the proposals which had been conveyed to the Mexican Government by Mr. Ashbel Smith, under the mediation of the agents of England and France, were virtually negatived and annulled by the unanimous and immediate resolution of those American intruders who have assumed the name of the Texan people, and the power of disposing by their sovereign will of territories unlawfully wrested from t e states of Mexico.

        This mode of settling the question having proved abourtive (though, if the assurances of the Texan Government had been worthy of credit, it did at one time offer a reasonable prospect of success), Mexico finds herself reduced to the formidable alternative of war.  War is the cry of the people, and war is so clearly the duty of the state, that as Senor Cuevas observes in one of his state papers, the republic will resign its political existence if the pecuniary means required by the Government for carrying it on be for many days delayed.  But by what means can these pecuniary means be raised?  A loan which will bring into the Treasury an effective sum of 15,000,000 dollars must create more than 45,000,000 dollars of stock, even at the present price of the active Mexican debt; but such a loan would be brought forward under circumstances of peculiar disadvantage.  In a financial point of view, the disposal revenues of Mexico are already pledged to pay interest on former loans to an amount which leaves a surplus insufficient to cover the most pressing wants of the public service; in a political point of view a state which is without a Government, without a dollar in the Treasury, and without military means of covering its frontier, occupying its own provinces, or resenting the grossest aggressions from a neighbouring Power, is really in a state of dissolution.  The events to be anticipated in a country sunk into this deplorable condition are the excesses of anarchy or the accidents of revolution.  The projectors of the annexation of Texas, like the crowned robbers who effected the partition of Poland, were well aware that the success of their scheme was insured by the decrepitude of the Power they attacked; and Mexico would not have been thus audaciously assailed and insulted if the Cabinet of Washington had not relied on the supreme impotence of its victim.  The politicians who have inoculated their country with territorial ambition and the vainglorious passion for military enterprise, are not displeased to find that such powerful causes are operating in favour of their designs; and, however brilliant the prizes of a war between Mexico and the United States might be, even Mr. Polk would probably be glad to avoid precipitating his country into so vast a career of uncertain events.

        These considerations tend to render actual war between the two republics extremely improbable; and if Mexico was unable to put down Texas in rebellion, still less can she reconquer Texas annexed to one of the most powerful states in the world.  But if the termination of this affair be pacific, it establishes in the most patent and indubitable manner the superiority of the Anglo-American race and of the United States Government over their neighbours.  These advantages the Americans will as infallibly assert.  It is now proved that no consideration of prudence, justice, or good faith can restrain them from seizing or acquiring the possessions of contiguous states.  Thus much may be foreseen,-that these excesses and encroachments will only be limited by opportunity and public caprice, until it become the interest of some great European Power to oppose them.  But what is not foreseen either by the Americans or by ourselves is the effect of these acts of violence or fraud, leading to immense extension of territory, upon their own political social condition.  Thus much only we do venture confidently to predict-that these changes involve the creation of such conflicting interests, the existence of such opposite characters and designs, the prevalence of such formidable passions, and the growth of such an enormous and incongruous people, that the feeble Federal Government of America will eventually forfeit its precarious authority, and the contests which the neighbouring states to the south of the Union are too weak to wage will at last break out in its own bosom.  We, of our time, have seen the gigantic growth of the American democracy, as rapid and enormous in its internal corruption and its external crimes as in the progress of its population and its productive powers; but, unless the eternal laws of public morality and of history be suspended, these same phenomena announce the certain approach of a period of anarchy and retribution.  It is not more possible that such a system should be carried on without leading to disastrous consequences, than that society should continue to subsist without government or law; and the reaction of the same principles which have now been allowed to assail Mexico and appropriate Texas will one day be felt in the heart of the Union.

        In these great events, extending over a whole continent and embracing the destinies of millions of men, time is a most important element.  Even this enterprise against Texas has extended over a period of 20years, and its consequences, than that society should continue to subsist without government or law; and the reaction of the same principles which have now been allowed to assail Mexico and appropriate Texas will one day be felt in the heart of the Union.

        In these great events, extending over a whole continent and embracing the destinies of millions of men, time is a most important element.  Even this enterprise against Texas has extended over a period of 20 years, and its consequences will reach to a still more distant day.  It may therefore be questioned, in spite of the impatience of a democratic people, and their increasing taste for what they term “immediate action,” whether any further demonstration will be hastily or suddenly undertaken.  For the present the boundary of Texas is in itself a sufficient morsel; for, not content with absorbing the province which had shaken off its allegiance to Mexico, there can be little doubt that the United States Government will extend its claim from the Nueces to the Rio Bravo, and follow the course of  that stream northward to Santa Fe and the mountains of Anahuac.  As no frontier line has ever been drawn between Mexico and Texas, and as the frontier of Mexico and the United States was determined by the treaty of 1819, confirmed in 1824, there is in reality no rule to go by but the greediness of one party and the feebleness of the other.  Under such circumstances it is not easy to set bounds to the concessions which may be required.

        We do not doubt that the American Government would willingly include Upper California, and especially the port of San Francisco, in these acquisitions; but we must not underrate the physical difficulties of such an enterprise.  California is, in fact divided even from Mexico by vast tracts of uninhabited country; and the difficulties which a detachment of troops would have to encounter in crossing the deserts ad prairies that intervene between the Mississippi and the Pacific Ocean will probably be insurmountable for the next half-century.

        With reference to California, we adhere to the opinion we have had occasion to express with reference to the Oregon territory.  Little is to be apprehended from invasion by land, as long as the coast is open and the country protected by sea.  The interests which may hereafter extend colonial enterprise to the shores of the Pacific are inseparable from the commerce of the east and the navigation of that ocean.  Great Britain is for all practical purposes nearer to those coasts than the Atlantic states; and we have no apprehension that the American Government will commit itself to acts of violence, which must lead to the total destruction of its fisheries and commerce in the South Seas.  They will observe a certain discretion, even in their invasion of all rights; and, however we may lament the deplorable state to which Mexico is found to be reduced in this emergency, we cannot but rejoice that the peace of the world is likely to be preserved. [ANP]

LT September 19, 1845, page 7f:  The Annexation of Texas.

To the Editor of the Times.

Sir,-“An American Citizen,” in his letter published by you this day, states that the question of the annexation of Texas is “one of honour and good faith,” and then argues it as a measure in which Mexico has no interest.

        Let the question be tried as one of honour and good faith.

        By the Florida, made between the Government of the United States and Spain February 22, 1819, the river Sabine was fixed as part of the boundary line between the United States and Mexico, and in the last clause of that treaty it is solemnly declared, “that the United States thereby cede to his Catholic Majesty, and renounce for ever all their claims, rights, and pretensions to, the territory lying west of the described line.”

        This treaty was subsequently declared to be binding on Mexico and the United States, and the Governments of these countries carried on negotiations to give effect to its provisions.

        Now, is it in accordance with any sentiment of honour for the late President Tyler, or for President Polk, to advocate the annexation of Texas on the expressed ground that it is thought by some persons, who have not taken the trouble to inquire into the truth of the statement, that Texas once formed part of Luisiana, and ought, therefore, notwithstanding the express terms of this treaty to the contrary, to be taken possession of by the Government of the United States?  Is it consistent with honour or good faith that the United States should violate this treaty, and by so doing endanger the security of the Mexican Government itself?

        The proposal for the annexation of Texas proceeded from the United States, and not from Texas.  It was not he act of he weaker power, but of the stronger, and has been the result of intrigues set on foot for the dismemberment of Mexico.  You comparison of it to the partition of Poland fails in this, that the distractions of that country and its continued anarchy invited partition to secure the peace of the adjacent states.  For the seizure of Texas there is no excuse similar to this, or any except the clamour of dishonest men to perpetrate a gross act of injustice.

        2. Mexico had a right to expect, even if Texas became independent, that the treaty of 1819 should be respected.  It had the same claim to this that the Governments of Holland and of Prussia have that the limits of France should not be extended, even if the people of he Netherlands were asked to abandon their independence.

        3. Is it not the intention of the Government of the United States to take the whole territory on the east side of he Rio Grande?  Has the consent of the people living on this river been given to the subjugation of themselves to new laws and new institutions,  and to the domination of a people speaking another language?  They are as numerous as the American citizen in Texas, and have had no voice in the change about to be imposed on them.

        4. By the constitution of Texas, not merely the descendants of blacks, but of Indian blood, are excluded from the privileges of citizens.  Most of the people on the Rio Grande, settled and civilized Mexican citizens, are of Indian descent.  The state constitution of Texas will be unaltered when annexation is accomplished, and thus the Union will be responsible for a most grievous and crying injustice.  The Christian people of the Rio Grande will be reduced to a condition of inferiority and of virtual slavery as galling as any the most despotic monarchs have sanctioned.  How can Americans say that this will be consistent with any principle of honour?

        5. The “American Citizen” says that the United States have no designs on California.  The statement is absurd.  California must pas under the dominion of America when it shall seize on the eastern bank of the Rio Grande.  On the west side there are few Mexicans even of a mixed race, and none of pure Spanish descent.  Will the Indian tribes be respected, or a policy be pursued towards them which Mexico itself cannot even in the observance of treaties made with it?

        6. Not merely has the United States violated the treaty of 1819 in this proceeding, but the constitution of the States has been violated in order to effect it.  Texas is a foreign state.  Agreements or treaties made with foreign states must, according to the federal constitution, receive the assent of two-thirds of the members of the Senate.  This assent has not been given, and annexation has been carried by a series of illegal and unconstitutional resolutions of the two houses of Congress.  What American, looking to the future, can doubt the effect this precedent will have, or how vain will be the obligations of the law when the people, opposing it, can set it aside?-

        “-And what the people but a herd confus’d,

“A miscellaneous rabble, who extol

“Things vulgar-and well weighed scarce worth the praise?

“They praise and they admire they know not what,

“And know not whom, but as one leads the other.”

Let the followers of Polk answer these words of Milton.

Lastly, the “American Citizen,” with the flippancy and bad morality which characterise too strongly the public acts of his country, says, that “nations do not observe the severe and narrow rules which govern private morality,” and he adds “that his countrymen have probably inherited our vices.”  When he shall have studied morality he will find that its rules are not narrow, and that the most contracted principles are thoroughly vicious; and when he shall know more of European politics he will find their morality better than that which he defends.  The degeneracy of our true and modern republican citizens from those republicans who were bred and educated under the English monarch-from those who thought they had founded a republic which would teach and defend virtue-hardly needed the flippancy of this criticism on us to exhibit its grossness after the many acts that we have seen of the repudiation of public obligations on the part of several of he states of America.

It is no pleasure to criticise Americans.  They may be irritated at it, but they may be assured that every man who respects honourable dealings regrets the acts which have excited the censure of the whole of Europe.

London, Sept. 12.


LT October 1, 1845, page 5e: The Oregon Question

London, Wednesday, October 1, 1845.

        Some recent accounts from the far west indicate very clearly that the Union is about to apply its usual expedient to the Gordian knot of the Oregon question.  The game of Texas is to be played over again with the whole of that land of hope to the west of the Rocky Mountains.  It is first to be overrun, then declared independent, and in due time to be overrun, then declared independent, and in due time to be formally annexed.  Oregon and California are already half absorbed.  How much further north and south the successive processes of assimilation and union are to extend is only a question of time; that is, unless something occurs to interrupt the known laws of American progress.  Texas is now a matter of history.  The beginning and the end are before us, and constitute a perfect specimen of what we must call, for want of a more degnified term, the American dodge.  It is neither an act of conquest, nor a triumph of diplomany, but an annexation.  On the shores of the Pacific, as yet, we see but the first steps of the operation.  But they are unmistakable.  Who can doubt the family resemblance of he two schemes, after perusing the following paragraph in our city article the other day?-

        “Private letters from America state the curious fact that the emigrants from the more eastern states to the Oregon territory have organized themselves into a sort of separate Government, totally independent of Congress.  The slip of land between the mountainous chain and the Pacific Ocean is said to be sought with the greatest eagerness, persons constantly flocking thither by thousands.  There is even a notion that independent Governments may thus arise in the west, powerful enough to prove formidable to the United States.  Sucha  condition of things was predicted by President Jefferson, and more recently by Colonel Benton.”

        Really, it is almost tedious to describe in the way of an Oregon prophecy what has already occurred in Texas.  The monotony is, however, in the facts.  There is the sameness of a deep and determined policy.  There are vast territories over some of which “we have rights,” as the Premier said; while Mexico retains, and is at present admitted to have, still more absolute rights over other more southern and more desirable regions.  The Union condescends to dispute and negotiate with the more powerful of the two possessors; but that is all.  The negotiation lengthens and lengthens, as if, to use the sailor’s expression, its end had been cut off.  The boundary line perpetually recedes.  The pleas are continually amended.  While the diplomatists are at work, crowds of settlers are encouraged, escorted, protected, and even deluded and entrapped into the debateable land.  Instinct with the indigenous policy of the Union, they form independent organizations.  Of course, they know they are safe enough.  As soon as they are many enough and strong enough to reduce the original inhabitants, the Mexican natives, or their British fellow-colonists to a minority of numbers and physical force, they will forth with give vent to their noble aspiration for a union with the States; and it will not be long before their spontaneous advances are gratefully acknowledged.  Were it a walled town, and not half a continent, which was in question, there would be no dispute as to the character of the stratagem.  The classical reader is acquainted with many such instances on a small scale.  While the besiegers were parleying, or perhaps in a time of profound peace, a group of peasants would straggle up to the city gate with faggots, or fruit, or wine.  They casually muster, throw off their rustic guise, draw swords, disarm the guard, and admit an approaching body of their comrades.  This was once a stale trick.  Magnitude will now give it the appearance of novelty.  The colonists of Oregon and California will muster and form, and eventually draw their swords, to open a way for the main body of the Union.

        It will be said that such is nothing more than the universal and unavoidable mode of organization in the outskirts of a spreading empire.  There must be the rude elements of order and justice before they can be formed into a whole.  A few straggling settlers must be a law to themselves.  In fact, Lynch law is seriously defended, as being the only law of which some portions of the Union are capable.  Where the forms of justice are wanting, we must be content with the naked thing.  Be it so.  This is an unfortunate accident.  It cannot be prevented.  The necessity of the case, the protection of property, the prevention of outrage, and even he cry of vengeance, bars all discussion.  But it is a wholly different thing to adopt so great and fearful and irregularity as part of the national ways and means-as portion alike of its code and its policy.  The fact of such disorders may admit of an adequate apology, but cannot be praised and nationalized.  It is at once the destruction of all government to build a territorial title on the acts of those who are not and will not be governed.

        Independence, as the concerted preliminary of annexation, is not that novel ideal which the self complacency of republican statesmen may possibly imagine.  It is a universal necessity in this class of transactions.  The marauder first insulates his plunder and then carries it off.  The gentleman who gets through your windows or your tiles at midnight, first puts the plate into a sack, and then, if he is not disturbed, takes it away.  The more youthful offender first shakes the tree to detach its burden, which he throws into his hat or his pocket.  To cut the proper tie, and to make a new one-to deprive and to appropriate at exactly the same instant of time, is a mere jumbling of processes.  Nothing would have been more injudicious than to attempt, in the first instance, the appropriation of Texas, or he immediate appropriation of Oregon and California.  For sheer  credit’s sake the rightful owners would fight for their troublesome conflict over  a booty not yet ripe for use, or ready for transfer.  Even in peace we manipulate and collect before we remove.  We do not send the cart into the wheat field close at the heels of the reapers.  The Union has been ten years reaping Texas, and putting it in rucks.  It has just now carted the crop, and added on more stack to the six and twenty which already adorned the thriving farm.

        At present the shores of the Pacific are not worth fighting for.  Their distance, their vastness, and their comparative solitude render them almost incapable of military conquest of occupation.  Marches of two or three thousand miles over mountains and sandy deserts, agree rather with the airy temperaments of Khans and Czars than with the sobriety of Yankee calculations.  Nor, again, is it possible to occupy the whole side of a continent, stretching from the frigid to the torrid zone, with half a dozen scanty posts.  There must be not only the soil, but a people, before it is wise or possible to fight for it.  While diplomacy is going through its visionary mazes, a surer process is neutralizing and mocking its labours.  While it claims the land, the States create the people.  It asserts the ownership of the soil, and they proclaim the affinity of the cultivator.  One says, “The land belongs to us;” the other, “But the people are of ourselves.”

        The universal law of nations recognises a right in mere soil.  It declares that certain circumstances create a possession in a naked territory.  Unless it is antiquated or mistaken, the process of annexation cannot  be lawful.  Plausible as every step of the process may seem;-natural, convenient, inevitable, and so forth, as the union of two sympathizing, and all but identical, populations may be, still dishonesty and treason vitiate the whole transaction from first to last.  Thus, the treaty, whatever its exact meaning or value, on which the rival claims of Britain and the States are founded, recognises only the subjects of the two empires.  It allows no independent class.  But such organizations as that referred to in our city article constitute a third party, who is a mere interloper.  The colonist is bound to allegiance either to one co-ordinate owner or the other; and either one Government or the other must be answerable for his conduct.

        Nor can any length of time or succession of processes change the morality of the affair.  Honesty is the best policy.  What is wrong at first is wrong at last, and if the consummation is bad, so also are the necessary means.  It is mere jugglery to distribute an affair of only ten or twenty years to different parties, and thus to repudiate moral as well as pecuniary responsibilities.  The Union which allowed a conquering army to be enlisted from its own citizens against the authorities of Texas, is as much one and the same with the Union under Presidents Tyler and Polk, as the Pennsylvania which endorsed the bonds of its railway companies is one and the same with the Pennsylvania which still offers only a few shillings in the pound.  To say the Union of 1835 did not annex Texas, and the Union of 1845 had nothing to do with the rebellion, is only the quibble of the two thieves in the fable, one of whom had not stolen the meat, while the other had not got it. [ANP]

LT October 6, 1845, page 5e America.  Affairs of Mexico

Arrival of the Great Western

        [The following appeared in a second edition of The Times of Saturday:-]

Liverpool, Saturday Morning.

        The steam ship Great Western, Captain Mathews, arrived in the Mersey at a late hour last night, with New York advices to the 18th ult. inclusive, and bringing 48 passengers.

        Accounts from Tampico and Vera Cruz to the 30th of August respectively had been received.  The French Minister, Baron Alleyne de Cyprey had closed diplomatic communications with the Republic on the 25th, and had intrusted the protection of the French residents in Mexico to the Spanish Minister, Senor de Castro.

        The accounts to relative to the movements of the military towards Texas are still vague and contradictory, while an account states that Paredes had induced a large body of insubordinates, who declared that they would not continue their march upon Texas unless they should receive, besides their full pay, all the equipments, perquisites, and provisions of an army of campaign, to fulfil their duties.  A second states, that the disaffected portion of the army had incorporated itself with the forces under General Paredes; that the latter refused to obey the Government; that the third division of the army which was under his command was disposed for a pronunciamiento hostile to the Government; and its is added in a third that the objects of the revolutionary movement would be to abolish the central system of government, and re-establish the federal institutions of 1824.

        The paper says-

        “Letters have been received at Tampico from San Luis Potosi, which announce that a revolution is near at hand.  There appears to be a strong demand for the re-establishment of the Federal Constitution of 1824, and, if this be not granted by the Government, it is likely to be carried by force.  In the Departmental Assembly of Tamauiipas a proposition to second the initiative of Zacatecas (for the restoration of this Constitution) has already been introduced.

        “To induce the belief that disaffection does not prevail through the army, the President on the 21st of August addressed a circular through the new Secretary of War, recalling to the minds of the military his circular of March last; reiterating his reliance upon the army to bring to a victorious issue the Texan campaign, and upon the militia to preserve order at home; denying the intentions imputed to him of destroying the army and breaking down its influence; and particularly applauding the heroism with which the fourth division, under the worthy Arista, had endured privations which the Executive had in vain sought to relieve, and was still anxious to reward, ‘that their example might excite their companions in arms to honour and glory.’

        “The appointment of General Bustamente as Commander-in-Chief of the Army of Texas is announced in El Monitor of August 22.

        “Efforts were making to organize a militia, but they were merely abortive.  In the city of Mexico, which contains 200,000 inhabitants, only 11 recruits were found enlisted.

        “The department of Tamaulipas had made, through its Assembly, a pompous tender of the services nd resources of the Department to the Central Government for the purposes of the war, but some of the papers of the same department are quite as clamorous in calling upon the Government for protection against foreign invasion.

        “Don Valentin Rios, commanding the companies of the First Brigade, had written a communication to the Minister of War, in which he states that the different officers under his command were ready to defend their country against the perfidious aggressions of the United States, and to Chastise the ingratitude of the Texans.

        “Arista, Woll, and the other leaders were quarrelling amongst themselves.”

        The Herald states, on the alleged authority of private letters, that the American settlers on the Oregon were about to send a delegate to the United States Congress at Washington, and adds-

        “Furthermore, we have it, from a undoubted source, that that delegate will be received and recognized as a member of the house.”

        Government Sixes had sold at 112, an advance of 1 ½ per cent, closing at a higher price than for some months.  The advance had been caused by the peaceful news from Mexico, which rendered a war more doubtful than ever.  The quotation of exchange on London was 109 ½ to 110.

        Advices to the 11th of August had been received at Mexico from Guatemala.  An effort was making to re-establish the bonds of federation between the states of San Salvador, Guatemala, and Honduras.  For this purpose the two former states had appointed Commissioners to meet at Zonzonate, to deliberate upon conditions.  Guatemala had also named a Commissioner to ratify a treaty of peace with Honduras, and another of commerce with San Salvador.  The Constituent Congress of Guatemala had also passed two decrees, one introducing some very strict measures of economy, and regulating the order in which the public creditors shall be paid; the other, providing that the products of Mexico introduced into that state should pay the same duties as if they proceeded from any other foreign country.

        The screw-auxiliary packet ship Massachusetts arrived from New York this afternoon.

        The Great Western spoke the Great Britain on the 1st instant, at 6:40 a.m., in lat. 51º 29’ N, Lon. 17º west; all well on board.

LT October 6, 1845, page 5d/e  Mexico, New Ministry

        We have received letters of the 29th of August from our correspondent in the city of Mexico.

        On the 15th inst. General Herrera was elected President by a great majority of all the departments.  On the following day the whole cabinet resigned, according to the agreement made on the revolution of the 7th of December last taking place, and after a week’s interval the following new Ministry was appointed.

Foreign and Home Department-Senor Peña y Peña.
Finance-Senor Ferdinand Castillo.
War-General Anaya.
Grace and Justice-Senor Cuoto.

        The French Minister not having received satisfaction for the insult offered to him at the end of May has broken off all communication with the Mexican Government, demanded passports, and placed his nationel under the care of the Minister of Spain, as Ministre de famille.

        The tariff is in a fair way of arrangement, the differences between the two chambers having been settled, and the decree authorising a new tariff published.

        No declaration of war has taken place, and the new cabinet, from want of money or from prudential motives, has remained perfectly passive.

        The public display the greatest apathy in political affairs.

        The state of credit of the Treasury is at the lowest ebb, and there is not prospect of a loan being made.

        The army of the north is in a state of absolute destitution.  General Paredes if not in open revolt is acting independently of the Central Government, and Filisola has arrived I Mecizo from Potosi to explain the cruel position of the troops.

        Upper California has petitioned Congress in favour of federation.


The New Tariff.

        “Jose Joaqin de Herrera, General of Division and President of the Mexican Repulic, to its inhabitants greeting, and informs them that the General Congress has sanctioned the following decree:-

        “Art. 1.-The Government within 40 days of the publication of this decree will form a new tariff, maritime and frontier, combining all the improvements which experience has shown to be necessary to conciliate the interests of the Treasury of Commerce and Manufacture.

        “Art. 2. The tariff shall be formed on the following bases:-

        “1. The ports already open to foreign and coasting trade, shall continue to be so.

        “2. The prohibition of foreign goods, the introduction of which was not allowed at the period of the original bases, or which has been sanctioned by the present Congress, shall continue in force.

        “3. No variation shall take place with regard to those goods which enter free of all duty, and the rules respecting them, which are found in the 5th, 6th, and 7th articles of the tariff of the 25th September, 1843, still continue in force.

        “4. With respect to the duties to be levied in future-no increase shall take place on the amount fixed by the said tariff of 1843, nor shall the duties be diminished below the standard of the tariff of 1842.  Nor can the time allowed for the payment of duties be shortened; nor the duties now payable on foreign goods similar to those manufactured in the republic be diminished below the standard of the tariff of 1842. Nor can the time allowed for the payment of duties be shortened; nor the duties now payable on foreign goods similar to those manufactured in the republic be diminished, always with the understanding that, in the opinion of Government, or the Council of Ministers, the said manufacturers are produced in sufficient quantity to meet the actual consumption.

        “5. The payment of duties shall take place n the maritime and inland custom-houses in Vera Cruz and Tampico, and in the general treasury of Mexico, with the exception of such portion of said duties as are applicable to the maintenance of the garrisons of those places, and to the interest on the foreign and home debt, all which dispositions shall remain exactly as they are at present.

        “6. The new tariff shall come into effect not sooner than six months from this date for goods coming from Europe by the Atlantic.  With regard to those arriving from the Antillas, from Asia, and the United States, or which come from Europe by the Pacific, an reasonable period shall hereafter be fixed.

        “7. No alteration shall be made in the law of the 19th February last which allots one per cent. Of all duties to the public hospitals.

        “Art. 8.-The tariff that maybe formed according to the preceding bases shall not be altered without the concurrence of Congress, which, according to its Constitutional faculties, has alone the power to do so.


(Signed)J.J. De Herrera. [ANP]

LT October 6, 1845, page 5f: Affairs of Mexico.

Mexico, August 29

        My last despatch, at the close of the month of July, left this city and public opinion generally in the republic in a state of great excitement, in the consequence of the annexation of Texas, and of he avowed and apparent determination of this Government to declare war against the United States.  That agitation lasted but for a very few days, and in the course of a week, after the most solemn declarations on the part of the Ministry and of anti-American denunciations of the part of the press, the subject was forgotten, and the Government and newspapers resumed heir usual apathetic course of existence.  This change may be attributed first to the influence of wise counsels on the President Herrera, which showed him that a declaration of war would entitle the United States to conquer and retain any part of he Mexican territory, and, secondly, to the profound indifference which reigns here on everything connected with the love of country.  Perhaps the impending election of a President, and the contingent resignation of the Cabinet had some influence on the case, as well as the terrific void which existed in the treasury.  The result was, as I have stated, perfect forgetfulness of Texas and the United States; and neither in the Senate nor Chamber of Deputies was one word said indicative of hostile intentions.

        The election for a President took place on the 15th inst. in all the departments.  The only candidates were General Herrera and General Almonte, late Minister at Washington A very few votes were given to the latter, and the former was elected by a great majority in all the departments.  As soon as the election of the President was made known, the Cabinet resigned en masse.  This step was taken, not from any difference existing between the Cabinet and Herrera, but from an arrangement entered into between all parties after the revolution of he 7th of December last, and the formation of a provisional Government.  It was imagined that the Cabinet would have been re-elected, but the several members were too glad to escape from so difficult a position, and nothing could induce any one of them to retain office.  A Ministerial crisis was the consequence.  The chief offices of a state were begging in the streets, and it was not until all influential persons were tried, and had refused, that a Cabinet was composed as follows;-Foreign Affairs, Senor Pena y Pena; Finacne, Senor Ferdinand del Castillo; War, General Araya; Grace and Justice, Senor Cuoto.

        The first of hese gentlemen is the friend of Senor Cuevas, and at his entreaty alone he was persuaded to take office.  He is an intelligent man, somewhat distinguished by a publication on national law, but he has no diplomatic experience, and is but little known tot he foreign representatives here.  The Finance Minister is equally without experience, and the banking classes generally are not pleased with the appointment.  General Arraya is a good officer, but he is unequal to the talk of cleansing the Mexican army of its impurities.  Senor Cuoto is universally admitted to be a man of talent, but is not in his department that the great evil of the country lies, or where a sufficient remedy can be found.  This Ministry, since its coming into power, has remained perfectly passive, and I do not know of a single record it has made, with the exception of its foolish proceedings against the French Minister, of which I shall presently have to treat.

        The fact is, the Treasury and the army are in such a deplorable condition that it is almost impossible for a Minister to act.  There is literally not a shilling in the Treasury; the Minister of Finance has to borrow money from day to day with the greatest difficulty, for the ordinary expenses of Government, and he sees no prospect of doing better, as the Congress has attached conditions to the initiative of the loan for 15 millions of dollars (such as the no offer can be accepted for less than 1,000,000 or at an interest of more than 6 per cent.), which render its being contracted for impossible, even if the general credit were more healthy than it is.  As for the army, its miserable destitution is so great, that except in the city of Mexico the soldiers are without rations.  A detachment lately despatched towards California are dying of hunger on the road, and even the division of Paredes, the best in the country, has neither food nor clothing.  With such desolation, what can the Government do?  And Herrera and the Ministers compelled to remain passive by the very nature of things.  The mischief will not, however, stop here, and already, it is said, numerous conspiracies are on foot to overturn the present system.  It is even rumoured that Paredes has pronounced, and that he who has been the main agent in all late revolution has determined on now appointing a triumvirate, in lieu of a president, to be composed of himself and Generals Bravo and Valencia.  Paredes is at San Luis de Potosi, about 200 leagues hence, so that we cannot get very accurate accounts of his proceedings, but no doubt exists as to his bad understanding with the Government.  His troops, and those of Genera Felisola, were marching to cover the line of he Rio Grande, but the men refused to move without a supply of rations being provided, and Paredes, to keep his command, took part with the men, and not with the Government, and commissioners sent by him are trying to settle matters with the Minister in Mexico.

        The menaces of this Government on hearing the annexation of Texas have, I find, set the United States in Movement, and a squadron of 10 ships is in the Gulf of Mexico, with orders to make reprisals should Mexico declare hostilities, and about 2,000 men have been landed in Texas.  The United States does not desire war; their plan is to steal in parcels the Mexican territory, and in the meantime to make every show of moderation.  They are trying to open negotiations with this country, by treaty, to secure their present footing in the republic, and gain, if possible, the frontier of the Rio Bravo, leaving the future open to further aggression, and to its insensible progress to the mining districts, the great object of American ambition.  As yet this Government has refused to listen to any overtures, but its poverty is so great the plans of the United States are so insidious, that I should not be surprised if the Mexican Cabinet consented to negotiate.  The march of the United States is progressive, and nothing will content them but the possession of the mining districts and the chief ports of Upper California.  We can understand what is going on in Texas, but the proceedings in California are not equally clear.  A party composed of American settlers and some natives is at work to declare in the first place independence, and in the next annexation.  That party has been in operation for many years, and, though defeated in 1836 and 1840, it is still as busy as ever, and it will ere long declare, “La Estudo Libre y Soberana de la Alta California.”  The Americans comprise the great majority of strangers in that department.  They have actually possession of San Francisco, the Rio Sacramento, and Monterey, and when the proper moment arrives they will be ready to vote for annexation, and put the parent country in possession of that magnificent province.

        I would anxiously impress on the British public, that in my opinion, unless a miracle takes place, in half a century Mexico must become a portion of the American Union.  It is already breaking up at the extremities.  Tobasco and Yucatan furnish no supplies to the central Government; Texas has gone, California is meditating revolt, and New Mexico and other northern states are speaking also of annexation.  Is it possible for 7,000,000 of inhabitants, 4,000,000 of whom are Indians, to resist the encroachment of the Anglo-Saxon?  Must not the red skin give way before the white?  Has not the north in all cases overrun the south?  And what means has he central Government of protecting a territory five times as large as France-capable of maintaining 150,000,000 of people, and having only 7,000,000, as I have already stated?  The American President Jefferson asserted 60 years ago that in the natural course of events the American Union must extend to the Isthmus of Panama.  The union is daily occupied in working out that prophecy, and I see no means of preventing its accomplishment; England must therefore think of her own interests, and secure the Bay of Francisco and Monterey, on the Pacific, to prevent those noble ports from being ports of expedition for brother Jonathan for the Chinese market.  As I lately said, a passage has been found through the Rocky Mountains, and settlers are daily finding their way into Upper California, Americans compose the great majority of strangers in that department, and, energetic and patriotic as they are, they will at a suitable moment secure its independence or annexation.  We are totally ignorant of the state of things in California, and even the Government cannot procure substantial information.

        Santa Anna remains at the Havannah, notwithstanding the engagement made with this Government to fix his residence in Venezuela.  Representations have been made to him on the subject, but he replies that he is too poor to travel, and that he does not wish, out of consideration for his country to exhibit a Mexican President reduced to destitution in a foreign land.  The fact is, Santa Anna is waiting at the Havannah in the hope of being recalled by a pronunciamento, and certainly, seeing the incapacity of all his successors, and knowing that he was the only man capable of action, I do not know whether Mexico could do better than to recall him.  It is hard alternative, no doubt as Santa Anna was a public plunderer; but he has capacity, and is the only man capable of playing a distinguished part.  He had a certain prestige, and his appeals to the country were generally answered by men and money, whereas, under the present system, not a shilling has been subscribed to the proposed national loan, and only 22 volunteers have answered out of the whole city of Mexico to the call made by the Chambers for a levec en masse.

        The tariff appears at last to be in a fair way of arrangement.  The difference between the two Chambers has been arranged.  A new initiative has been presented.  The commission has been enlarged, and in another fortnight we hope to see the thing closed.  The tariff of 1842 will be pretty nearly the standard.  I understand that there are four vessels on demurrage at the Havannah, with English goods, bound for Vera Cruz, whose cargoes are worth 1,000,000 of dollars duty.  This sum will be a godsend to the Government as well as to the bondholders, and probably it is the hope of speedily receiving it which induces the Ministers to press the tariff question in the Chambers.

        I find that General Felisola, who was to command the vanguard of the army destined for Texas, has arrived here this morning.  His object is to represent the true state of things to the Government and to show the danger the system runs from the proceedings of General Paredes.

        The affair of the French Minister, the Baron de Cyprey, and the Mexican Government, has ended in an unpleasant manner, the Baron having found it necessary after a long negotiation “to demand his passports, and to declare hat all relations between the French and Mexican Governments were suspended.”  This determination was communicated on the 25th, the day fixed by the Baron for either the reparation required being allowed or the demand of his passports, and it appears not to have altered the intentions of the Mexican Ministers, who I understand propose to submit the whole question to the Foreign office at Paris, and there to make the reparation which M. Guizot may insist on.  The Baron demanded in the first insistance the dismissal of the Alcalde who insulated and the officer who arrested and took him prisoner to the citadel.  From that reparation he has never departed, though the Mexican Government declared that, without a judicial inquiry, it could not disturb the officers in question.  The Baron more than once explained that the droit des gens was superior to all judicial proceedings, and that, as representing the person of the King, he could not submit to the delay of Mexican tribunals.  In short, he notified that, unless the reparation was made on the 15th, he would proceed to extremities; on which an interview took place between Senor Cuevas undertook, if M. de Cyprey granted a short delay, to give him full and complete satisfaction.  A note to that effect was drawn up, which met the approbation of the four assembled Ministers.  In the meantime M. Cuevas resigned, and, as if the complicate the matter more, the court-martial sitting on the officer Olier acquitted him, declaring that the officer did not know the person of the French Minister, and that if he acted erroneously the imprisonment he had already suffered was sufficient.  To the renewed demands of Baron Cyprey for the fulfilment of Senor Cuevas’s promise, the new Minister of Foreign Affairs declared that the engagement of Senor Cuevas only referred to the trying by court-martial the officer in question, and as an acquittal had taken place, no further satisfaction could be given.  This statement enraged the Baron de Cyprey, and after the delivery of a note,  in which he showed the true sense of Me. Cuevas’s engagement, and proved the absurdity of the meaning attached to it by M. Pena y Pena, he ended by declaring that if previous to the 25th inst. full reparation were not afforded, his passports must be delivered.

        On the evening of the 24th the Baron addressed the not of which I subjoin a copy, and on the following day M. Goury de Roslan, Secretary of Legation, notified that, as all relations were broken of between the French and Mexican Governments, French subjects resident in the republic were placed under the care of M. Bermudes de Castro, who, as Ministre de Famille, was necessarily charged with that duty.  Thus has ended, at a moment when Mexico wants the advice and friendship of such a nation as France, this ridiculous affair, owing to the unwillingness of the Mexican Government to distinguish between the law of the country and the laws of the nations, and between the persons of ordinary individuals and the representatives of Kings.  The origins of the dispute was most absurd, and it has only acquired importance from the pertinacity of the Mexican Minister in refusing to give the proper reparation, and from the irregular interpretation given to the promise of Senor Cuevas.  Mr. Bankhead would have had the care of the French subjects in Mexico, but etiquette requires that, in such cases, the Ministre de Famille should undertake the duty.  The chief retail trade of the city of Mexico is ins the hands of French subjects, and, if the Government choose to put the existing law relative to foreign retailers into force, the position of those persons will be most uncomfortable.

        Messrs. Lizardi, of London, have published here a long letter addressed to the Mexican Government, intended to show the great advantages its agency had created for this country, and the many obligations which they conferred on Mexico during an administration of 10 years.  The letter does not mention the proceedings of the bondholders, or allude in any way to the claims made by that body for sunis remitted to pay dividends.  It is merely an answer to paragraphs which appeared in the papers to the prejudice of Messrs. Lizardi, and it possesses no interest for the owners of Mexican bonds.

        I find at the moment of closing my despatch that the troops are consigned to quarters, and that a pronunciamento is expected.  I do not believe that matters are yet ripe for the movement, though in all probability it cannot be long deferred.

        The Mexican Government has not yet delivered passports to the French Minister, and I hear that the Baron de Cyprey has determined to constitute himself a prisoner in case the passports are not sent in.

        I subjoin the decree relative to the new tariff which appears in the Government Gazette of this morning.

M. B. H.

        P.S.-I have just received the following petition, which has been addressed to the Congress by the departmental Junta of Upper California, in favour of federation.  This may be considered as the beginning of the end in that province;-

        “We petition the Congress to adopt the form of federal government, abandoning the influence exercised by the central power in the internal matters of such state, which has been one of the principal causes of the decline of the country, making at the same time such reforms as may be necessary to guarantee individual liberty, in order that the different classes of society may be held in even balance, without any one being able to prejudice the other.

        “PIO PICO, President.

        “AUGUSTIN OLIVEIRA, Secretary.

“Cuidad de los Angeles, July 26.”


“Note from the Minister of France ot Senor Cuevas.

        “Mexico, July 30.

        The notes and memoranda which I had the honour to address to your Excellency on the 21st and 27th of this month should not, it appears to me, have caused either surprise or regret.  These acts were the necessary consequence of the promises you made to the Minister of the King, in the name of he Mexican Government, in writing, or in presence of their Excellencies the Ministers of England and Spain.

        “In the answer made by your Excellency to my note of yesterday you appear to doubt that I have properly received the friendly sentiments of the Government of the Republic, and the principles by which it has been guided.  To that I must observe, that the sentiments of a nation are better shown by acts than by words which have been attended by no result.

        “As to principles, I must avow that I cannot understand any that are opposed to those consecrated by the laws of nations.  When Mexico sought to be admitted into the family of nations, the great Powers acceded to her request on the condition that she, like them, became subject to the ‘droit des gens.’   This law, superior to all international legislation, decided that reparation for outrage must be made by one nation to another.  Mexico, therefore, is bound to give France satisfaction for the attempt made against the inviolability of the Minister of the King by two Mexican functionaries.  That right cannot be set aside by secondary considerations drawn from the internal legislation of the country.  A Government which says (I am far from applying this remark to Mexico) that it is unable to repair the outrages committed by its subjects is no longer a Government.  For two months I have displayed, by the most exemplary patience, the spirit of conciliation by which I am animated; I have even lately asked your Excellency to name the period when it would be convenient to you to fulfil the promise so distinctly made.  Not only has your Excellency avoided the fulfilment of that promise, but I find by your news of yesterday that it is indefinitely adjourned.

        “The digit of France compels me now to say, that I cannot extend the delay required by your Excellency beyond the 15th of next month.  I hope that then your Excellency will be prepared to give me the satisfaction required, otherwise the Minister of France will be compelled to break off all diplomatic relations with the republic.”

“The Minister of France to Senor Pena y Pena.
“Mexico, August 24.


        “In acceding to the wish expressed by his Excellency the Minister Pena y Pena, to obtain a further delay, for the purpose of coming to a resolution on the reparation due to France for the insult offered to the King on the 25th of May last, in the person of his Minister Plepnipotentiary, the undersigned informed his Excellency the Minister for Foreign Affairs that he would wait eight days longer, for either the deprivation of the two guilty officers of the delivery of his passports.

        “The feeble hope that the undersigned preserved of seeing the reciprocal rights and duties of nations towards each other admitted and acted on by the Mexican Government has vanished, on reading the note which his Excellency Senor Pena y Pena did me the honour to communicate this morning.

        “That note contains:-

        “1. Insinuations which show that no regard has been paid to the declarations of the Minister of he King, of the Secretary of Legation, and of the several respectable persons who accompanied the Minister, but that, on the contrary, an unjust partiality has been shown to false reports and to false evidence, collected with that precaution against strangers which has been exhibited in the whole of this affair.

        “2. Quotations which, however historically correct, are without application to a case in which the Minister of he King has demanded a just and well-due satisfaction.

        “3. A voluntary confusion between a sudden insult offered to a Minister whose quality is unknown at the moment of its perpetration, and the continued outrages exercised on a Minister after his condition was made known, and the guilty person had called him by his title.

        “4. A repeated determination to appear ignorant of the facts of the case in their successive order, for the purpose of creating doubts on the origin of the affair, though it is well known that the affair arose from the violent  treatment inflicted on the servants of the French Minister, who had been wounded with the evident intention of getting hold of the property of the Minister.

        “5. An avowal of the incapability of Government of give the desired satisfaction.

        “6. An inadmissible interpretation of the laws of nations, tending to show that the promises made by his predecessor in the office are not binding on Senor Pena y Pena, though the promises had been given without reserve by Senor Cuevas, in the presence of he Ministers of Great Britain and of Spain, with extracts of passages from Vatel, affecting to justify that doctrine.  The undersigned, far from disregarding the authority of Vatel, insists that that great authority excludes from all negotiations subterfuge and absurdity.  For the purpose of elucidating the quotation made from Vatel, the undersigned calls attention to pages 232 and 233 of chapter 15 of the second book, and to the 17th chapter of the same, in which this doctrine is laid down, that an interpretation manifestly false is contrary to good faith; that the true meaning of a promise is that which was openly declared, and that it is only by so understanding the nature of a promise that attempts to elude engagements can be counteracted.

        “Certainly the engagement made by the predecessor of Senor Pena y Pena is sufficiently explicit; and, according to Vatel, book the 2d, page 283, it cannot be construed to be null and void.  To do so would, in fact, push the absurd to the last limit.

        “The undersigned thinks it superfluous to enter further into the discussion.  He sees in the not e of his Excellency Senor Pena y Pena a positive refusal to fulfil the promise made by Senor Cuevas, and to give the reparation to the King which his Minister requested, making at the same time all concessions consistent with the dignity of France.  There remains no more for the undersigned than to require the delivery of his passport by his Excellency the Minister for Foreign Affairs, and to declare that from this moment the relations between the Legation of France and the Mexican Government are suspended.

LT October 14, 1845, page 5a/b.:  Mexico

London, Tuesday, October 14, 1845.

        That principle of the abhorrence of a vacuum which the elder philosophers regarded as one of the fundamental laws of the natural world, is far more strictly and certainly true of the world of politics.  Wherever a community of men exists-wherever society with all its various natural and artificial wants has once been constituted, the power of protecting and regulating its common interests must exist also.  The territory must be defended, life and property preserved from outrage, justice administered, and the resources of the commonwealth applied to their present objects and provided for future occasions.  How ill or imperfectly soever these duties be performed, an actual and avowed suspension of them would in fact imply the total dissolution of the body politic.  In the midst of the wildest anarchy these functions of Government are assumed by the ephemeral and intemperate sovereigns of the hour; and out of the ruins of every state in the crisis of every revolution, something must at least survive which men dignify by their obedience, and which serves to perpetuate the tradition of national existence.  Personal ambition conspires with the exigency of the times to fill the vacant throne and to provide servants for the commonwealth; and though power has often fallen into most unworthy hands, there is no example in history of a total failure of men ready to assume its dignity and responsibility.

        The present condition of the Mexican republic would, however, seem to be an exception to this universal rule.  We seek in vain for any other instance of total collapse in the powers of Government, without any external or internal cause of destruction, except the absence of men competent to govern.  In more ancient and settled countries institutions frequently do the work of men, and screed the folly or incapacity of one generation under the traditions of prejudice or of habit.  But the labour of founding and improving a new state requires the exercise of a more constant energy.  The United States may boast of a series of statesmen, from the declaration of independence to a very recent period, who were eminently qualified to develop the natural resources and the political destiny of their country.  The Spanish colonies, on the contrary, have not produced a single individual of political or military eminence since their emancipation; and in cutting off the branch from the parent tree the same disease hangs about it which has blighted the energy and destroyed the power of Spain.  We have then before us this most extraordinary spectacle-a people of seven millions of men, of whom half are of the European race, inhabiting the finest portion of the whole American continent, commanding the Gulf of Mexico on the east, and the best ports of the Pacific on the west, equidistant from the shores of China and from those of Europe-a country five times as large as France, and abounding with all the richest productions of the earth-and, in short, every conceivable element of maritime and commercial greatness and of internal prosperity; but all this so dead to improvement, so unconscious of its own resources, so depraved by indolence and ignorance, that the feather-cinctured guards of Montezuma were not more powerless, and the ancient Kings of the aboriginal Mexican people certainly deserve more respect, than the miserable chiefs of the modern Mexican republic.  The insurrection which severed the territory of New Spain from the mother-country destroyed monarchical Government in the only form in which it could exist there, and deprived the country of the benefits which it might have deprived from the enlightened administration of European statesmen, and of the protection secured to it by European arms.  But what had been done by education, by experience, or by nature to qualify this people or its local leaders for the arduous duties of self-government?  The colonial aristocracy consisted of the degenerate descendants of Spanish adventurers, eager to pawn their estates to English speculators’ and utterly unable to direct the affairs of the country.  The people were utterly devoid of that spirit which imparts vitality to democratic institutions.  From collective indolence and inaptitude for governing, what Government could be erected?  In a nation of blind men, who was to have eyesight for the dull untractable multitude?  The army along afforded candidates for political; and these were, for the most part, men of contemptible talents and of still more contemptible personal motives.  At length, after a series of changes, which were successive steps in the degradation of the country, an event occurred-the annexation of Texas by the United States-which the Mexican Ministers themselves declared to be the test of their existence as a nation.  That test has decided against them, for no resistance has been or can be offered to the act of spoliation; and the territory of Mexico will lose or preserve its independence, according to the cupidity or the forbearance of the rest of the world.

        In spite of the pride of the Spanish race, and the love of independence of all communities, even under the worst of Governments, the truth is gradually making its way among some of the most influential classes of the Mexicans, and they are becoming sensible that their Government is contemtible and fatal to the private as well as the public interests of every member of the community.  They have in fact before them no other prospect than that of passing under a foreign yoke, and being conquered by the people whose manners, religion, and race are most odious and opposite to their own.

        If Spain herself had made any progress in the art of government, and if the revolutions she has undergone had reformed and reinvigorated her powers instead of shaking them to the foundation, she might without much difficulty reconquer her ancient colonies in North America.  Such an expedition might be conducted from Cuba at no very great cost; its success after landing on the coast would be certain; and it is not improbable that the same population which threw off the yoke of Ferdinand might be re-united without much opposition to the throne of a constitutional Queen with an assurance that the country would be governed not as a mere colony, depending on the pleasure of the Council of the Indies, but as an integral portion of an empire possessing representative institutions.  In the present condition of the Cabinet of Madrid such a project may be deemed visionary and impracticable, but we cannot regard it as impossible.  If the Government of Narvaez dared to undertake it, such an enterprise would powerfully strengthen its hold upon the country; and we see no reason to suppose that the re-establishment of the Spanish power in Mexico would be viewed with jealousy by any other European State.  It would  be infinitely preferable to progressive annexation by the grasping democrats of he Northern American States; and the country itself would probably find in such a revolution the mode of government best suited to its real wants.

LT October 15, 1845, page 6e/f:  America, US and Mexico

Arrival of the Britannia.

Liverpool, Oct. 14.

        The British and North American Royal mail steam-ship Britannia, Captain Hewitt, arrived in the Mersey with the usual mails from Canada and the United States at noon to-day, bringing 73 passengers.

        The advices are of the usual meagre and unsatisfactory character.  The question of war had been universally decided in the negative.  It was rumoured that official relations would shortly be resumed with Mexico.  The domestic affairs of the United States are relieved from absolute sterility only by the accounts of the Mormon disturbances.

The Texan intelligence is detailed below.

        The New Orleans Picayune says:-

        “The Texan papers have given to the public, for the first time, the secret treaty between Santa Anna and Texas, by which the former obtained his release when a prisoner.  Originally the treaty was enclosed in a letter written by Santa Anna to General Jackson, then President of the United States, and the whole accompanied by another letter, written by General Austin, at Santa Anna’s request, to the same distinguished man, soliciting his mediation and influence for the settlement of difficulties between Mexico and Texas.  General Austin’s letter explains fully the grounds upon which Santa Anna obtained his release-all of them having reference to the solemn pledges made by the latter to use all his exertions to obtain the acknowledgment of Texan independence to the Rio Grande.  The Mexican Government never sanctioned this treaty, although they regained their army by it.”

        Another outbreak amongst the Mormonites had taken place.  A letter in the St. Louis Republican from the editor of that paper, dated at Warsaw, September 17, represents the state of things among the Mormons, or rather among the bands of lawless men who had assumed the title of Anti-Mormons, as most deplorable.  They were carrying fire and faggot into the Mormon settlements in all directions, and did not confine themselves to the Mormons only, but laid waste the dwellings of all those suspected of favouring those fanatics.  Down to the night of Sunday, the 14th, it is stated that 60 houses had been burnt down in Adams and Hancock counties.  The Anti-Mormons had entered into an extended combination, and announced their determination not to stop short of the expulsion of every Mormon from Hancock county, in which is Nauvoo; and it was apprehended that a conflict would result between the two parties.

        Our dates from New Orleans are to the 22d, and Mobile to the 23d ultimo.  Those cities were perfectly free from the yellow fever, and were remarkably healthy.  The South has not, this year, been visited by any epidemic.

        There had been hostilities amongst the Indians.

The New York Courier and Inquirer says:-

        “The Arkansas Intelligencer of the 30th ultimo states that the Indians on the frontier are quiet and peaceable, with the exception of the Kickapoos and Camanchees, who are arrayed in arms against each other.  The Comanchees have said that the Kickapoos should not hunt upon the prairie, and the latter tribe, assisted by volunteers from several small and scattered tribes, have proceeded to the hunt fully prepared to meet the Camanchees in battle, if they are molested.  The Comanchees lately took a ‘little king’ of the Kickapoos prisoner, and detained him some time, intending to put him to death, but finally released him.  He is very popular with his tribe, and has gone out with the hunting party to revenge himself upon the Camanchees.  The Intelligencer further states that the Mexicans have lately had a hard battle with the Camanchees, killing 100 of them, and taking prisoner the wife of the principal war chief.”

        The Union publishes a letter from Mr. Pakenham, the British Minister, transmitting an extract of a despatch lately received by Her Majesty’s Government from the Governor of New Zealand, containing information of the friendly and generous assistance afforded by an officer of the United States navy-Captain M’Keever, of the St. Louis-to the local authorities and the European inhabitants of that settlement, in a case of great emergency; and expressing to the Government of the United States the high sense which Her Majesty entertains of the services rendered by Captain M’keever on the occasion referred to.

        The first volume of Ingersoll’sHistorical Sketch of the Second War between the United States and Great Britain had been published.

        Mr. Everett, immediately after his arrival at Boson in the Britannia, received an invitation to a public dinner from the citizens, but replied begging to be excused, n the ground that he should be expected to make an address, and, in the wish to preserve inviolate the confidence of his late official position, he would be forced to speak of uninteresting generalities.

It is stated by the New Orleans Tropic that a steam-packet line was about to be established to Jamaica from that city.

Mr. And Mrs. Charles Kean, after a brilliant reception at Philadelphia, had gone to Baltimore.

The Hon. J. White, ex-Speaker of the House of Representatives, had committed suicide.

The Courier and Inquirer supplies us with the usual summary:-

New York, Monday Evening, Sept. 29.

        There is little change to note in political or commercial affairs.  The war fever has passed off, and now it seems on all hands agreed that between the United States and Mexico there are to be no hostilities; though in what shape the displeasure of he latter is to be manifested, or how she is to be conciliated, is yet to be ascertained.  The accounts by the Britannia gave an impulse to cotton which, is still kept up; the new crop is coming in rapidly, of good quality, and with the appearance of a full crop.  The demand for money is regular, but at ordinary rates.  Foreign exchange is at about the same quotations as our last (109 ¾ to 110), with some little more demand occasioned by the remittance of he quarter’s interest on the debt of this state, and by the partial payments in anticipation of the New York Five per Cents. Redeemable on the 1st of January next.  The quotations will be found in the subjoined list of prices.  The subscription to the Erie Railroad stock, three millions of dollars, is all but filled, lacking only bout 200,000 dollars, which will, of course, be taken, and thus the early construction of that new and important thoroughfare to the west will be secured.  Our fall trade is sound and active, and generally business is secure and prosperous.  Cotton.-The market is firm at the advance noticed upon the arrival of the Britannia.  The sales on Saturday and to-day reach 3,500 bales, part for shipment and part on speculation.  The new crop comes forward freely, 41,318 bales having already been received, and there is every prospect of a bountiful supply.  We quote Uplands, very ordinary to middling, 6 ¾ to 7 ¾ cents; fair, to good fair and good, 8 ¼ to 8 ¾ and 9 1/3 cents per pound.  Tennessees and Alabamas, 6 ¾ to 7 ¼ cents Mobiles, Louisianas, &c., ordinary to middling, 7 to 7 ¾ cents; fair to good fair, 9 to 10 cents; good and fine, 11 to 12 and 12 ½ cents per pound.  The sales since the 13th inst. are estimated at 16,000 bales.  The rates of freight are to Liverpool, for cotton, 1/4d. per pound in square bales, and 5-16d. in round; naval stores and flour, 2s. to 2s. 3d. per barrel.  To London: naval stores and flour, 2s. 6d. to 3s. per barrel.  To Havre: cotton, 5/8d. and 7/8d. per pound; ashes, $8 to $10 per ton; rice, $10 per ton.”

There had been some slight improvement in most of the state stocks, both dividend paying and delinquent.  The Herald reports relative to Pennsylvania, that “the amount of tolls received on the Pennsylvania canals and railroads up to the 1st of September this year was $807,192, being an increase of $4,750 over the corresponding period of last year, and $136,680 over that of 1843.

        As to the other delinquent states, it reports:-

        “The financial condition of Maryland is rapidly improving, and we have not the slightest doubt but that the Legislature will, at its next session, agree upon same day on which to resume payment.  Collectors of state taxes have been procured in all the counties, and so far they have been very successful in their collections.  Payments in the first three quarters of the year, on account of the interest on the public debt, have exceeded the interest which accrued in those quarters, and it is anticipated that the collections for the last quarter will be attended with corresponding results.  The efforts of he present Executive of he state of redeem its credit having been untiring, and during his administration we expect to see Maryland take rank with Pennsylvania as a solvent state.  There is very little change to note in the progress made by the other delinquent states of he Union towards a redemption of their credit, and very little can be said in relation to their financial condition until the meeting of the Legislatures.  The prosperity of every class of citizens, in every section of the country, is so great, and there has been such a rapid increase in the resources of the states generally, that we feel very confident that something more will be done this year towards extricating some of the states from their financial difficulties than in any previous single season.  We cannot look for an immediate resumption by Indiana, Illinois, or Arkansas, but we expect to se a more favourable report of their finances than has yet been given and some statements from their legislatures giving more encouragement to their bondholders than has yet been given.”


Government Securities



        The Canadian accounts, which extend to the usual date, are unimportant.  The Earl of Cathcart had made an official tour through the western portion of the province.  The arrival of M. Papineau at Boston had excited considerable speculation as to his future political course.  It was thought he would support the present Administration.  There has been an increase of 175 arrivals from sea this year over last.  Up to September 25 there had arrived, by the St. Lawrence, 184 general cargoes, of which about 125 were for Montreal.  The total number of vessels arrived this year was 1,294, and the total number cleared from the port of Quebec, including 35 form Montreal, was 1,138.

        Vera Cruz advices to the 16th ult. report that the aspect of affairs had undergone no change.  The French Minister had received his passports, and, it is stated, was expected daily at Vera Cruz en route to France.  A more authentic rumour, however, stated that the differences had been arranged.

        The intelligence from General Taylor’s camp, Corpus Christi, are unimportant.  Arista had been at Mier, but not accompanied by a military force, nor was there any indication of the concentration of a Mexican force on the Rio Grande Spies are said to have been captured by a scouting party.  It was reported that 200 Lappans and as many Camanchees had been seen by a party of traders within two days’ march form the camp.  The Indians were said to be on their way to Mantamoras (by invitation form Mexico) to join the forces against General Taylor.  The report was little credited.

        A letter from Pensacola, dated September 8, reports the arrival from Washington of a bearer of despatches, who, it is stated, "from a most authentic source,” would go out on the following day accompanied by three men-of-war, destination unknown.

        Accounts from Montery, California, to June 17, state that the Mexican Government was about to send a Governor and 2,800 men to California, to prevent that part of the Republic from being dismembered.

        The Britannia spoke the steam-ship Great Britain, Hoskins, hence for New York, on the 7th inst., in lat. 48 27. Long. 42 56.  The Cambria Judkins, arrived at Halifaz on the 1st, in 11 ½ days.

        A Pensacola letter mentions an unauthenticated rumour to the effect, that Monterey had been taken by the United States squadron in the Pacific.

        The Union publishes a proclamation, transmitted by Commander Parker, of the United States frigate Brandywine, issued by Bruat, the French governor of Oceania, decreeing, for various alleged insults and injuries received form Queen Pomare, that “the island of Raiatea is declared to be in a state of blockade, and that the laws and regulations applicable to such a state will be applied to every ship or vessel which shall attempt to violate this blockade.”

        Commander Parker, in reference to this proclamation says:-

        “Mr. Chapman, United States Acting Consul, informed me that the blockade would not prevent our Whale ships going into the port for supplies; and in a conversation with Governor Bruat, previous to the promulgation of the proclamation, he assured me that, in the absence of our cruisers, our commerce to these islands should be protected by the French.

        “Raiatea is a small island to the northward and westward of Papeete, distant 120 miles, where Queen Pomare now resides.

        “At Papeete there are no restrictions on commerce, except such as are necessary to prevent munitions of war being distributed among the natives.  There are no duties or any charges except for pilotage.”

        The following account of the success of he English demand for satisfaction from the Peruvian Government is taken from the New York Herald:-

        “The demand of the English Government for the cashiering of General Iguin, Prefect of Moquegua, and absolute inability to hold any office, civil or military, in Peru; the removal of Colonel Arancivia, Governor of the Literal of Arica; and the Apology to be written by some subaltern, to the commander of an English corvette, had been fully complied with, but not until a strong English force had assembled at Callao, and the merchants had, by order of their Minister, taken an inventory of their property; and he had sent an ultimatum allowing the Executive only 24 hours for a positive and unconditional compliance or refusal, the orders being positive from his Government on these points, and must be complied with before he could treat upon any other subjects.  The Executive had been shuffling for a week or two, as Iguin was a favorite of theirs.

        “Iguin, on receiving the news from his successor, Colonel Mendaburn, who was immediately sent to take command of the Prefecture, refused to give up, but finding that he would not be supported by any one, as he has no friend except the Executive, and would be compelled to yield to force, surrendered the command.  Iguiu is an inveterate enemy of all foreigners, and has done more to establish the present unpopular Executive, General Castillo, than any other man.

        “Unless the United States take some decisive measures with this Republic, all her demands will be laughed at.  The treaty for the settlement of some claims, and the payment of $3000,000, ratified by some two or three Executives, and refused to be ratified by the present authorities of Peru, has been submitted to the present Congress, but no payment will be made until force is used by our Government.

        “One of the Peruvian men-of-war which had been notified by the English Admiral not to leave the port of Islay at the time the difficulty occurred with Iguin, and after said notifications all were abandoned by their officers and crew, has sunk, and the remaining four vessels will soon follow.  The Peruvians claim of the English payment for the squadron, although they never set foot on board of them.”

LT October 17, 1845, page 7d: Mexico and California

-We understand from very good authority that a number of enterprising young adventurers, full of youth and enthusiasm, are preparing to start on an expedition to some of the northern states of Mexico or California, with similar views to those which animated the early settlers of Texas, who brought about the revolution and conflict in that state, which have ultimately produced the annexation of that territory to the United States.  It is generally well known that the movement in Texas which has led to its present annexation originated in the city of New York, probably 10 or 12 years ago, with some of the same persons who are now the leading men in that country.  The success of the revolution and annexation of Texas seems to point out the new way-the novel method by which stable and efficient republican Governments can be extended over this continent,-proceeding as it does from the central republic of the world, the United States.  The annexation of Texas to the United States is as much a blessing to the people of that region as life itself.  European journalists and reviewers may talk til they are hoarse about national robbery and plunder, but the people of Texas, the independent people of all classes in Mexico, California, and elsewhere, have, according to our notions, an inalienable right to annex themselves to that country under whose laws and institutions they can live peaceably and prosperously, without its being considered robbery or plunder on their part.  If Louisiana, or South Carolina, or any other border state, were to choose, in their sovereign capacity, to separate from the Union, and unite themselves to republican Mexico with the same purpose Texas had, they would possess a perfect and indefeasible right to do so.  We conceive this right to be an original principle of our nature, which cannot be explained away by abuse and denunciation, such as the European journals use.  Heretofore the republic of Mexico has shown herself incapable of self government.  Since the first moment of her independence from he military dominion of old Spain, she was during her whole career been but he grave of old soldiers and miserable politicians.  The people of the different states of that republic, seeing that Texas has now one expectation of a steady government through its union with the United States, will want to come into the confederacy for the same purpose.  An expedition, therefore, starting from New York, collecting materials all over the country, to go into the northern states of Mexico or California, for the purpose of annexing them to this country, of establishing a republican government, and securing peace, will meet with the sanction, we have no doubt, of all good citizens.  The expedition to which we now allude will take some time for preparation, but we have no doubt that in less than one year we shall see crowds crossing the Rio Grande to the northern states of Mexico, and passing through the great gap of the Rocky Mountains towards California; and that we shall have a second, third, and fourth edition of the Texan revolution all over again, and at each turn a new extension of the borders of the Union.-New York Herald.

LT October 29, 1845, page 6b: The Affairs of Mexico.

(From our own Correspondent.)
Mexico, Sept. 2.

        I have little to add to my despatch of the 29th, which went by the regular packet.  The city has remained perfectly quiet, notwithstanding the daily reports of approaching pronunciamientos and the evident alarm of the Government, whose fears are seen by the doubling of the guards and the excess of military precautions that we hourly witness.  It is said also that Peredes is on better terms with the Ministry; and I subjoin a proclamation of his to the troops destined for Texas under his command, which appears in this day’s Diorio.  This proclamation gives great satisfaction to the Ministry, as it was generally believed that Paredes had determined to pronounce against them.

        The Treasury is still in the same unprovided state.  The war initiative has not gone through the forms of the Chambers; and I understand that relative to the Texan war has not yet been looked at by the Deputies.

        Negotiations have been going on relative to the affairs of the French Minister, the Baron de Cyrey, and this Government, which, I am told, ended in disappointment.  Mr. Bank-head has been endeavouring to reconcile the angry parties, but, up to the present hour, his efforts have been unsuccessful.  M. Pena y Pena has not yet sent in the passports demanded by the Baron, in the hope of a reconciliation taking place; but the diplomatic intercourse has ceased, and the French Minister is determined not to yield.

        The proclamation of General Paredes, above referred to, is as follows:-

        “Soldiers,-The supreme Government has determined that the 1st and 3d divisions should form an army of reserve, and has done me the honour to appoint me to its command.  This new proof of high confidence calls on me again to consecrate my whole life to the service of so generous a country.

        “Companions,-The same country now raises its august presence to resist the usurpations of a neighbouring Power, which fancied that your valour was asleep, and that you are not the sons of those heroes who in a hundred battles proved their loyalty and valour.  A rapacious and grasping race has advanced into our territory, persuaded that you would not defend that patrimony which our fathers conquered with their blood.  They deceive themselves.  Let us fly to arrest the course of these usurpers, and teach them that they are no longer dealing with the Indian undisciplined tribes, whose lands they have robbed and devastated, but with Mexicans, who burn to meet in the field a people that sanction by their laws the most disgusting slavery.

        “Comrades,-When the Supreme Government commands, let us march to avenge so many injuries-to sustain the integrity of our native soil, our religion, and the worship of our fathers-the laws which they have transmitted, and the nationality which is ours by right.

        “Friends,-your mission is, moreover, one of peace-that of maintaining order, and securing obedience to the laws.  We are not only sons of the country, but its defenders and protectors.  Honour will keep us for ever in its ranks; let moderation be our guide, and let all our ardour be reserved for the day of battle when the enemy is in our front.

        “Soldiers,-To command you is my greatest glory, and to lead you to the field where immortality is to be found.  We will share the dangers as well as the laurels, and my best reward will be, to have our names united I the annals of Mexico-‘Viva the Nation’-‘Viva the Supreme Government.”

Mariano Paredes Y Arrilaga.
“Head Quarters of San Luis Potosi, Aug. 27, 1845.”

        September 5.

        It will sometimes happen that the lookers-on are better judges of a game than the actual players, and while the foreign Ministers have been writing home hat the affair of the Baron de Cyprey and the Mexican Government was on the point of arrangement, The Times correspondent alone was well informed in stating that the negotiations were broken off, and all diplomatic intercourse between both countries suspended.  The delivery of the French Minister’s passports to-day by M. Pena y Pena confirms my intelligence, and at this hour there is no representative of France in Mexico.

        This is a sad affair, and may lead to very unpleasant consequences, and it is much to be deplored that so serious an event should have arisen from so ridiculous a circumstance, and that the peace of the New World is to be risked for a trifling dispute between the Minister of France and the master of a horse bath.  Various attempts have been made to conciliate matters.  Senor Cuevas, at one period, entered into a written engagement to give ample satisfaction; but his successor put an end to the affair by giving to that promise a sense which fell short of the reparation demanded by the Baron.  Even at the last moment a verbal communication was passed from M. Pena y Pena, through one of the Foreign Ministers, offering a sufficient apology, which the Baron expressed his readiness to receive; but when the terms were reduced to writing, the Baron declared that they did not contain the reparation he expected, and the matter was again at sea.

        Some friends of the Legation wondered that the French Minister, who for so many weeks repeated that he would accept no reparation short of the dismissal of the officer and the Alcalde, could have made up his mind to accept a mere apology; but the Baron de Cyprey is best judge of his own affairs, and if he were content, the public would have been pleased with the transaction.  Probably the Mexican Government, having seen the wavering of the Baron, tried to take advantage of his apparent indecision, and imposed hard conditions on him.  The result is, however, as I have stated; the game of finesse is at an end, the Baron de Cyprey has receive passports for all persons attached to the Legation, and if the Government at home choose to take advantage of it a casus belli exists.

        The Mexican newspapers have treated this occurrence in a manner very unpalatable to the Baron de Cyprey, alleging that the dispute arose from his refusal to pay a few pence for the washing of his horses at the bath, and that he commenced the row by applying his whip to the Alcalde’s face.  The Baron, of course, has disproved these assertions; but so much ridicule has been thrown on the origin and progress of the affair, that every one regrets that the circumstance took place.  The principal paper here (the Siglo) has surpassed all others in the violence of its attacks.  I will not reproduce them, but I give from that paper of to-day its account of the closing of the dispute:-

        “We know that the Minister of Foreign Affairs has sustained with energy and intelligence the right of the Republic in this remarkable affair.  We cannot believe that he has taken any step which might deprive the Mexican Government of the advantageous position it holds.  If any negotiations did take place, and a hope of a friendly termination was entertained, we are convinced that the Minister acted in a manner not in any way to lower the dignity of the Republic.  Moreover, if the imprudence and levity of the French Minister have brought matters to their actual position, we have no reason the resort to underhand intrigues to secure a favourable termination to us.  The civilized  world will judge of he conduct of the Baron de Cyprey in the proper light, but the Mexican republic cannot yield an iota of its rights.”

        The committee on the new tariff are working hard; they have rejected the square yard or vara duty, but they have admitted the propriety of entering goods of a lesser width on a graduated scale of duty.

        The city is perfectly quiet, notwithstanding all the daily rumours we hear of an approaching pronunciamiento.

LT November 11, 1845, page 6a/b/c/d The Affairs of Mexico.

        Mexico, September 29.

        I informed you on the 5th instant that the differences between the Mexican Government and the French Minister not having been arranged, the former had sent passports to the Baron de Cyprey, for himself, family, and all persons composing the legation.  Baron de Cyprey is therefore making preparations for departure.  He has left the house in which he resided since his arrival in this city, announced a sale of horses and furniture, and means by the November packet to go to Havannah, where he expects to receive instructions from M. Guizot relative to future movements.  He will be accompanied by the Baroness, his daughter; the Secretary of Legation, M. Gowry de Roslau; and the Second Secretary, the Baron de Neufflies.  The Mexican authorities have, to justify the old adage, nearly exhausted themselves at the same time with the British and Spanish legation.  Fortunately there was smoke and no fire, otherwise it would have been amusing to see the republic at this moment of distress in offensive contact with the representatives of the United States, of France, of England, and of Spain.

        The Spanish coldness arose out of the too great susceptibility of the young gentleman who represents Queen Isabel in Mexico.  He took offence at the celebration of “the independence,” which is annually repeated on the 15th of September; and at the speeches delivered on the last occasion, in which Mexico triumphs over their Spanish masters, was landed with the exaggeration common to the Lingua Castellana.  He had the bad or good taste to close his doors and shutters on the 15th, as if his Government had not recognized the independence of Mexico; and it is said bitterly complained of the sorry compliments paid in one of the speeches above noticed to Spanish valour during the war of independence.  The Mexican Government has met these remonstra…(illegible) with its usual apathy, and M. Bermudex de Castro who apparently gained very little by his notion.

        The case of the British Government was on the point of becoming serious; but happily for all parties the address of M. Pena, of Pena, the Minister of Foreign Affairs, prevented an explosion.  As I mentioned some time since, the violent portion of the Mexican Congress had resolved on terminating the contracts made by Santa Anna with the Anglo-Mexican Mint Company, for the carriage of the mints of Zecaticas and Guana juato, under the pretext that all acts of Santa Anna’s Government not ratified by Congress were illegal.  Lord Aberdeen, however, who whom the parties represented the hardship of the case entertained an opinion totally opposed to the Mexican deputies, and inasmuch as the presidency of Santa Anna was a de facto government, his Lordship holds, that the contracts were good, and he has intimated by notes, which Mr. Bankhead delivered on two occasions, his determination to uphold them.  The last of these notes was laid the day before yesterday by the Government before the Congress met in secret session, for the annual purpose of supporting the dictamen of a commission, which quashed the contracts, and advised the mints to be put up to public sale.  The anger of the deputies, it appears, knew no bounds, and in their rage, they determined on advising the Minister to send back Mr. Bankhead’s note.  At this moment M. Pena, of Pena, interfered, and having explained that the British Government would not be trifled with, and that the sending back the note would instantly be met by a demand for passports, plainly told the Chamber that if Mexico now quarrelled with England, as well as with France, it had no other resource than to place itself at once under the protection of the United States.  This hint had the desired effect.  The deputies agreed to wait for further information, and the case stands open for another day.  I send you the dictamen of the commision, and shall only quote here the resolution it recommends for adoption to the Chamber:-

        “The contract made by the Provisional Government with the house of Manning and Manhill, for the mint of Guanajuato, on December 23, 1847, shall not be ratified.

        Consequently, the said mint of Guanajuato, as well as that of Zacatecas, with the priilege of coining, shall be put up to public sale, and sold to the highest bidder, in accordance with the general interests.

        “It is distinctly to be understood that the corporation, company, or person who may become the purchaser, shall be obliged to make good the sums which Government may have to repay to the contractors for the unexpired term of the contract.”

        War with America is not yet declared and everything, so far as hostile preparations are concerned, remain in statu quo.  The Government is completely bewildered between its desire of revenge, the taunts of the Opposition, and its utter incapacity to make a single forward step.  There is not a shilling in the treasury.  English capitalists have apparently determined to avoid Mexican negocios.  The army is in an utter state of eavement, and there is no disposition on the part of the people to furnish either men or money.  This position of affairs may be very convenient to the apathetic character of the Mexican Government, but I I am much deceived if the United States will long suffer it to enjoy that indifferent existence.  The States are now about taking the offensive-that is to say, they are bringing again forward their pecuniary claims against the republic, and if Mexico will not agree to negotiate for a settlement of those claims, and likewise of boundaries, the States will take possession of some part of its territory to hold as security, such as Matamoros on the Rio Grande, near the Texican frontier, or Monterez, or San Francisco, on the Pacific.  The fact is, the United States will not le go their grasp of Mexico; they are illustrating the fable of the wolf and the lamb, and whether by war or negotiation, they are determined to work out their ends.

        The question of boundaries will be fatal to the republic, as, in consequence of the department of Coahuila and Texas having been some years since combined in one, it is difficult to say whether the Texan frontier should not extend the that of ht Coahuila.  The pint, if not valid in law and equity, affords an excellent pretext for the aggression of the United States, and of offering, as a middle term, to accept the Rio Bravo, which divides Coahuila into equal parts, and, as I explained in a former letter, if followed from its mouth to its source in Nawa Mexico, cuts off slices from four departments of the republic larger in extent than the whole province of Texas.  The question of frontier will also be embarrassing on the Pacific coast, and interfere with ht negotiation, now going on between the British and Mexican Governments for the adoption of a frontier parallel necessary to British interests. No one can be mistaken as to the views of the United States on these points; and I find by an authority now before me-

        “That on the 6th of August, 1835, Mr. Forsyth, Minister of Foreign Affairs at Washington, wrote to Mr. Butler, Charged’ Affairs at Washington, wrote to Mr. Butler, Charged’ Affaires at Mexico, ordered to arrange the affairs to Texas, to make all sacrifices to get possession of the bay of San Francisco, by insisting on a frontier line drawn form the Gulf f Mexico, following the Rio Bravo the 37th degree north latitude, and from that parallel to the Pacific; and they will have them, unless England interferes for the protection of the mining districts of Mexico and the ports of the Pacific.

        In the opinion of many, the existence, as a nation, of Mexico, is hastening to its termination, as far as I can see, no great man appears who is equal to the regeneration of the republic.  The Government is powerless even in the capital; the departments barely hold on the central State; there is no population to till the finest soil in the world, and riches above and below ground remain unexplored for want of intelligence and hands to work them.  If England will not interfere the doom of Mexico is sealed, and in the course of a few years it must be incorporated with the United States.  The Government and people of the United States entertain no doubt on this subject.  They say that they do not interfere in the affairs of Europe, and that they are determined to European Power shall interfere with them in the affairs of the new world.  By aggression, annexation, or conquest, they are resolved on enticing all Mexico down to the Isthmus, within the union, and, come what may, that end must sooner or later be accomplished.  I am fully aware of the danger to which the monetary circulation of Europe will be exposed when the silver districts of Mexico are under the controul of the American Congress, and of the imprudence of our permitting a naval power, like that of the United States, to become the richest nation in the world; but I cannot help admitting, at the same time, that if Great Britain will not interfere, the general good of humanity must be advanced by the annexation of this country tot he American Union.  The tide of emigration will, instead of flowing directly take the current of the United States, and even millions of English, Scotch, and Irish emigrants can pass through American ports to fix us settlers in this land of milk and honey.  The wretched Indian race must give way before the influx of a white population, and myriads of acre now untilled will team with wealth and abundance.  The climate is magnificent, except on the coast, and in particular districts fever does not appear.  Every European production can be raised; and I may say there is room for all the emigration that can be poured in a quarter of a century from the British Isles.  The next good to the British occupation of Mexico is its incorporation with the United States.  We shall find when it takes place immediate employment of our poor, a consumption of British manufactures spread over this great continent, the dispensation of the English language and English feelings over an almost boundless territory.  We must, in short, make up our minds to this result, and happy will it be for the common interest of humanity, unless Great Britain should take the matter directly into her own hands, alarmed at the growing power of the United States, and their dominion over the mining districts from which our monetary circulation in furnished-when it is accomplished.

        The election of General Herrera as President has been confirmed by the Congress.  The new President is an honourable and excellent man, but he is too good for troubled times, and his health is not satisfactory.  He made a fine speech on the occasion, promising wonders; but as these discourses are mere sound, and mean nothing, I do not trouble you with them.

        The anniversary of Mexican independence was celebrated on the 10th instant, with some degree of pomp and little enthusiasm.

        The Cortes, after several weeks’ discussion, empowered, as will be seen by the annexed law, the Government to contract a loan for 15,000,000 dollars-that is to say, if they can find any bewildered capitalist disposed to lend that sum.  The several restrictions proposed in the first instance, relative to a maximum of interest of 6 per cent., and the limitation to a fixed amount of each tender, have been withdrawn, but from all that I hear the change will bring no bidder into the market, and the Mexican load in likely to remain open for many months.  Indeed, in the face of unsettled transactions, it is impossible that any capitalist can venture money on such an experiment; and I believe in their hearts the members of the Government are content, as its want of means is the best answer the Opposition deputies, who are constantly urging a declaration of war against the United States.  Indeed the Ministerial papers are obliged to court public opinion by adopting somewhat of the same tone; and I find the Diario of to-day saying, that as now the Government has got permission to raise a loan of 15,000,000, troops have been marched towards the Texian frontier.  This is, of course, a vain boast, as Paredes will not move, though he has been furnished with as much money as may keep his troops from starving.  March troops, indeed, against the United States!  Why, the expedition of California, which was organized eight months since, and on whose arrival probably the safety of the Upper California depends, has not yet set out, because Iniestra, who commands it, declares he will not move until he is assured of pay and subsistence for his men!  Tobasco sets the Central Government at defiance.  California is all but independent; and Sonora has, it is said, again made its pronunciamento.  The Government cannot even protect the road from Vera Cruz to the capital from the bands that infest it, and how can it send troops to the extremities of the Republic.  The troops in the capital are tolerably well paid, and some of the regiments have a fair military appearance.  The division of Paredes is also said to be in an efficient state, but as to the rest of the army is condition maybe judged from the fact that a general  order was lately published from the War-office calling on the officers to check the daily practice of the soldiers selling their muskets and accoutrements.

        The stocks of the cotton factories are reduced so low, that unless Government grants licenses for the importation of the raw material several of them will be obliged to stop.  No less than five factories at Puebla have closed operation for want of cotton, and I believe the stock of the most provident mill does not exceed three months’ consumption.  The Government might replenish its exhausted treasury by granting licenses for the importation of a certain amount; but so fatal is the influence of false principles, and so much difficulty exists in conciliating the interests of the manufacturers and agriculturists, that Government is unable to decide.  Poverty will force Ministers to grant the desired licenses; but probably they will only do so when a great calamity has befallen the various factories they have so improvidently encouraged.  The manufacturing experiment, though attended with some benefits to the persons engaged in it, has hitherto caused a great national loss, and it is now to be dreaded that the speculators themselves will suffer considerably.  How absurd is a system which compels the working Mexican to pay 1s. or 1s. 6.d. per yard for an article that could be imported at a fair duty, and sold 6d.

        The new tariff has at length been accomplished.  The following is the publication respecting it which appears in this morning’s Diario:-

Circular of the Minister of Foreign Affairs.

        “His Excellency requests you to forward to all consuls and foreign agents of the Republic the supplement to the Diario of this morning, which contains an extract from the principal bases of the new tariff.  You will please to recommend to said agents and consult to give the greatest publicity to this document, in order that merchants and consignees may frame their operations accordingly.

“Ferdinand Del Castillo.”


Extract from the Bases Adopted For the New Foreign and Frontier Tariff, Which is to Come into Action on the 1st Day of February, 1846.

1. No change shall be made in the despatching ships from foreign ports, the present regulation remaining in force.

2. All the ports at which importation is at present allowed shall continue open.

3. All goods now duty free shall enjoy the same advantage, no matter in what ships they maybe imported.

4. The following articles remain strictly prohibited:-

All spirits, except brandy, rum, gin, and such others as are specified in the schedule, which may come in bottles or cases, not containing more than four pounds in each lot; starch; aniseed; sugar of all classes; rice; raw cotton, save in case of special license, when the duty will be specified; indigo; copper and tin ware; firearms and swords, according to the law of the 20th of September, 1840; sulphur; men’s, women’s, and children’s boots and shoes; stamped buttons of all metals; coffee; wax; nails of all sizes; copper plates and utensils for domestic use; tortoiseshell; epaulettes, of all metals; Spanish leather; tin and tin plates; engravings and paintings, and figures of an obscene kind; bridles; bits and spurs, as are made in the republic; gold and metal lace; all leather, with the exception of those kinds not worked in the country, and that are used in manufactures; coarse frieze; wheat flour, except in Yucatan; cotton thread of all kinds and numbers; ditto thread; ditto, mixed with linen; soap of all kinds; toys and children’s playthings; earthenware; books and pamphlets that are prohibited by authority; molasses, butter; woods of all kinds, excepting ships’ masts and spars, which are permitted in Tamaulipas and Matamoras by the law of June 3, 1840; saddles; fold leaf, true or false; coarse cloths; parchment; lead; powder, except the finer kinds and that used in mines; ploughshares; rebosos (women’s shawls) and their imitations; ready made clothes of all kinds, including ecclesiastical costumes, with the exception of military scarfs; covered buttons of all kinds; shirts and drawers, woven of cotton, silk or wool; shawls, nightcaps; gloves, stockings pockethandkerchiefs, hats and braces; common salt; saltpetre; sackcloth; tallow of all kinds; tobacco in all classes, which can alone be imported by the tobacco administration; cotton goods, plain or fancy, brown or white, pure or mixed, not exceeding 30 threads of warp and woof in the square, or fast colours(by fast colours is meant such as not only resist water or sun, but as cannot, when faded, be mistaken for white goods); salted pork, not including hams or sausages; wheat and all kinds of grain with the exception of maize, according to the law of the 29th of March, 1827; shoes and slippers; sarapes or blankets of all kinds.

        The duties on goods not specified in the schedule shall be 30 per cent. On the declared value as at present, and the same bases will be used in calculating interim duties.  Harbour and municipal duties remain as they now are.

        All long goods mentioned in this tariff not being 1 vara in width shall pay the specified duty, and those more than a yard wide shall pay by the square vara.


Importation Duties


The Law Relative to the Proposed Loan of 15,000,000 of Dollars.

1. The Government is allowed to contract either a foreign or native loan foreign or native loan for the sum of 15,000,000 of dollars, to be received into the Treasury, without, at the same time, depriving Government of the power to seek such other resources as the preservation of the honour of the country may require.

2. The contractors for said Loan shall be subject to the following conditions:-

3. That the loan shall be made on the best possible terms for the state.

4. That it shall be agreed to by the Council of Ministers

5.That no repayment for account of the loan out of the public income be made until the whole sum of 15,000,000 dollars be received by the Treasury.

6.That no portion of the said sum shall be applied to the payment of anterior loans.

7.That notice shall be given to the Congress, with a copy of the terms of each loan that may be made, except in cases where the Minister declares that secrecy be called for.  The Congress on such a communication being received will have the power the modify or augment the bases of the loan.

8.For the payment of the dividends on the said loan, and maintaining the sinking fund, the Government is empowered to mortgage the national property and revenues which are not already hypothecated to other loans.

9.The Government is not to apply the proceeds of any partial sum raised in virtue of these powers to the repayment of any other loan contracted under the same authority.

      Mexico, Sept. 15, 1845.

LT November 24, 1845, page 4a/b: The Oregon Question

London, Monday, November 24, 1845.

        The Washington Union of the 31st of October publishes a declaration on the subject of the Oregon territory, which is regarded in the United States as a precursor of the President’s message, and a distinct intimation of the course which the American Cabinet are prepared to follow.  We shall not, however, deal with this reckless and injurious productions as if it were a state paper.  The pen from which it emanates is evidently alike unconscious of the restraint of public duty and the decorum of political life, and Mr. Polk will soon answer for himself, without being made to share the disgrace of such anonymous incendiaries as these.  We perceive, however, with satisfaction, that the language of the most influential journals of New York, Boston, and Philadelphia continues to be quite as temperate, and quite as averse to war for so miserable an object, as the sincerest friends of peace can desire.

        In spite of the efforts which have been made in the United States to disseminate and accredit an exaggerated and one-sided view of the American claims beyond the Rocky Mountains, the pretensions of the Government are not unanimously upheld by the convictions of the most enlightened classes, especially of the Whig party; and the politicians of New York are not so infatuated as to overlook the disastrous consequences of a war with Great Britain, for the purpose of making acquisitions upon the coast of the Pacific which must at least be indifferent or injurious to themselves.  They argue that the value of the whole Oregon territory is infinitesimally small compared with the interest, that would be sacrificed by a war, and that a question which has admitted of half a century of discussion cannot be of vital interest to the honour of the United States.  In these views, it is needless to say, we cordially concur, and we only wish they were as general as they are sound and sensible.

        It cannot be too often repeated that the question has been brought into its present embarrassing and threatening condition by the United States Government, and not by Great Britain.  It would have been easy for the negotiators and Ministers of this country at former periods to have put forward a case for the establishment of the exclusive sovereignty of England over the whole country, founded on discovery and occupation, and at least equal to any claim which American statesmen could maintain.  But nothing of the kind has been done by us.  Throwing aside all the superior and earlier grounds of sovereignty which we might have asserted, we have taken our stand upon the treaty of 1799, and from first to last we have demanded and exercised no more than the right of joint occupancy which that treaty secured to ourselves in common with the Spaniards.  The Americans, who have now succeeded by the treaty of1819 to this right of Spain, endeavour to make more out of it than Spain herself could ever have made.  They seek, by dint of introducing fresh, irrelevant, and contestable evidence, to weld an original claim of their own to exclusive sovereignty over the country upon this acknowledged right of joint occupancy between England and Spain; and the first use they make of this juggle of rights is to contend for our absolute expulsion from a country we have held, with one exception, for fifty years, and which we only seek to continue to hold  on the same terms.  Such attempts, especially when they are encouraged by vehement declarations on the part of the President of the Republic, amount to a positive invasion of our existing territorial right.  Their object is to deprive us of something we actually possess and have long possessed; and thus farther whole character of the transaction is offensive on the part of the United States, and defensive on that of England.  We can scarcely regret the extreme moderation of the conduct of former British Governments in this negotiation (though we hold it to have been below what the facts of the case would have justified), when we perceive the strength it must give our position in the eyes of the world.  If we are driven to war itself, the world will comprehend and acknowledge that we are not sacrificing the peace of the globe to the acquisition of a sterile territory-that we are not even denying the right of the Americans to form settlements in tat territory, since we admit their joint occupancy,-but that we are defending the great and fundamental right of occupation by British subjects under the faith of a treaty and the protection of the Crown; and that such a right is in every part of the globe equally inviolable.  The American case is in every respect the opposite o f our own: it is a pure aggression; it acknowledges no concurrent right in its rival; it seeks only to drive out the men who have held the country for half a century; and, as if an arrogant presumption could supply the place of real confidence, it refuses to submit these claims to the test of arbitration.  We are not much surprised at the pertinacity with which this last proposal has been rejected, for a slight degree of investigation would satisfy any impartial judge that in the course of the last 30 years the whole question has been shifted, until it has assumed a shape never dreamed of in 1814.  At Ghent in that year, and in the subsequent negotiations of 1818, 1824, and 1826, the northern boundary of the United States was considered by the American plenipotentiaries to run along the 49º parallel of latitude.   The question then pending between Great Britain the United States, as is repeatedly stated on both sides in the course of those transactions, related to the territory south of that parallel, that is, between latitude 49º and latitude 42º; the Americans claimed the whole of it, the English proposed to divide it.  But as to the northern tract of he same region, extending from latitude 49º to latitude 54º40’, no discussion whatever took place,; and until very recently no one called in question the exclusive right to Great Britain to that region, to which certainly no Spanish settlers of navigators laid any claim whatever.  This claim, therefore, extending form the frontier of Mexico the that of Russia, and excluding us from the coast of the Pacific altogether and from the Straits of Fuca, is a novelty.  It was probably originally put forward to facilitate the acquisition of he portion which the Cabinet of Washington did claim; but recent publications have confounded the whole tract together, and we are now gravely told by the organ of the American Government that Mr. Polk is prepared to declare in the most unequivocal terms the absolute right of the United States to the whole Oregon territory down to the Russian line.

        It is natural that these exorbitant pretension should meet with little encouragement in New England and New York; but the moderate party which utterly failed in preventing the annexation of Texas, will have still less chance of success in arresting the policy of the President on this occasion.  On the contrary, Texas herself will immediately send representatives to the Lower House and to the Senate, who will promote the cause of he party by which they have been themselves absorbed.  The rapid and enormous increase of population to the South and West must warn and American statesman ambitious of democratic support, that the real elements of power in such a community are in growth there, and are comparatively stationary in the older parts of he country.  The new England states will ere long be to the Union no more than the Welch counties are to Great Britain.  They are already quite outnumbered in the House of Representatives; and the party of which they are the nucleus will now be outvoted in the Senate.  To form therefore a correct estimate of the policy of such a politician as Mr. Polk we must look not to the reason and experience of her Eastern states, but to the turbulence and numerical strength of the West.  There the country runs no risk of invasion.  The adventurous habits of anew people are ever disposed to warfare.  Even the burden of taxation would fall on the mercantile class; and in the West there is a vague presentiment that another generation will cross the Rocky Mountains, and launch its fleets on the Pacific.  Such motives and tendencies as these a wise and firm Government would seek only to correct and to restrain.  But we question whether Mr. Polk has the intention or the power to do either one or the other; and we are fully prepared to learn that he is exciting what he dares not attempt to control.

        Meanwhile it must be assumed, form the language of he American official papers, that the negotiation is virtually at an end,-that is to say, not that it has been violently broken off, but that the proposals made on both sides have been respectively rejected and that no further proposal is now pending between the two Governments, unless the plan of arbitration be resumed.  Such we believe to be the true state of the case.  The assertion of some of our contemporaries, that Mr. Pakenham had proposed that the question should remain in abeyance for 20 years, and that the inhabitants of Oregon should then determine their own political relation to Great Britain or to the union, is, we are convinced, wholly unfounded, for it would amount to a disguised surrender of all the rights of the Hudson’s Bay Company.  The probability is, that Congress will give notice that the provisional treaty now in force shall expire in twelve months; and we shall then discover whether the American Government is prepared to act upon the views it profess to entertain.  As for ourselves, the effectual defence of our own position in the country and on the Columbia is all we have at present to provide for; but if the provisional treaty be terminated by either party, the principle of joint occupation will cease, and our original rights to the country will be revived to their full extent.

LT November 26, 1845, page 4b/c: The Oregon Question

London, Wednesday, November 26, 1845.

        It would be no difficult talk to compile from the materials which are already before the public a statement of the claims of this country to the Oregon territory, unanswerably strong in itself, an infinitely more conclusive than any arguments which can be adduced on the other side.  The coast was visited by British naval officers at various periods, from Drake to Vancouver; whilst he alleged discoveries of the Americans were merely the expeditions of private merchantmen.  But mere discovery, or taking possession by proclamation, is of little avail, unless it be followed by occupation.  The Americans have never held any position on the Columbia, save the fort of Astoria, which they long ago abandoned; whilst, on our side, to repeat the position we laid down some months ago in dealing with this subject, the occupation by the North-West Company, and subsequently by the Hudson’s Bay Company, recognized by the Legislative and Executive power of Great Britain, is a full and sufficient occupation of the territory according to the law of nations, and therefore absolute as against the adverse claim of any other nation, save and except the concurrent right admitted by the treaty of 1790 with Spain, and now transferred to the United States.  To these arguments might be added others derived from the French claim to the country extending from the Lake of Woods to the Pacific Ocean, which is admitted to have been ceded to us in 1763, together with the province of Canada; whilst, on the contrary, the American attempt to stretch the limits of the French province of Louisiana beyond the Rocky Mountains has been utterly confuted.

        But we are not disposed at the present moment to prolong this discussion.  The case must be dealt with as it stands.  As long as we are parties to a system of joint occupation, and as long as we continue to disclaim in our diplomatic proceedings any exclusive right to the whole country, we are constrained to keep back the strongest part of our case.  The arrangement which still subsists was a temporary compromise, but still it is a compromise; and as long as the British Government acquiesces in a state of joint occupation, which it could terminate at pleasure, this country cannot consistently advance a counter-claim to the paramount and exclusive sovereignty of Oregon.  It will scarcely be questioned by any one that this policy is the most dignified and safe that England can pursue under the present circumstances; and that if we lose anything in territory, we gain far more in the moral strength of rights so temperately, though firmly, exercised.  If indeed the Americans were to follow the advice of Mr. Calhoun, and conceal a most active migration under the mast of political inactivity, and if they were thus to turn the facilities of joint occupation which are secured to them by the treaty, into means of preponderance north of the Columbia and preliminaries of annexation, it might be proper to inquire how long our just rights would allow us to connive at this species of encroachment.  But we may safely trust to the impatience and publicity of a Democratic Government to defeat any such deep-laid scheme as this; and if it were possible to win the whole Oregon territory by stealthy advances and patient artifices, the American people would cease to care for the object when they lost the public excitement of contending for it.  In the pursuit of such objects as these, which sober reason and justice neither sanction nor avow, rashness and gasconade are inseparable form the undertaking; and the course of events may be guessed from the impulses of the multitude rather than from the combinations of statesmen or the true interests of the common wealth.

        The practical question arising out of the termination of the last attempt at an adjustment of the dispute, and out of the threatening intimations of the semi-official journal of Washington, is simply this-What do Mr. Polk and his Cabinet propose to do next?  What are the Americans prepared to undertake by way of giving effect to these claims to a remote and almost inaccessible region?  We have recently shown that if all these pretensions and declarations are more than empty wind, it rests with the American people and their Government to terminate a state of things which is incompatible with the nature of their claims, though not with that of ours.  They must, in short, either do nothing and leave the Oregon territory to the Chapter of accident; or they must discover some means not only of establishing their power in that district, but, what is far more difficult, of expelling our own.  They have a right to send emigrants in any numbers across the Rocky Mountains, and to possess themselves of any lands not previously occupied.  They have a right to let these emigrants take with them their own laws, usages, and even the jurisdiction of their country; for we have done the same thing, and the rights of both parties are equal and concurrent.  But they have no right to infringe upon any existing privilege of any British subject, nor to encroach, in any manner, on our power, which is till north of the Columbia, de facto, undivided and uncontested.  This brings us tot he point at which these anomalous and imperfectly defined rights may come into direct collision and even assume a hostile character.  But such a result cannot occur until something of an active and aggressive character be done; and whatever may be the ill-humour of the settlers, or the extravagance of the American people, there are luckily very serious impediments in the way of so deplorable a catastrophe.

        An uninhabited and uncultivated country, two thousand miles west of the frontier of he state of Missouri, situated on the coast of an unfrequented ocean, cannot by possibility become a theatre of regular war.  No army could be conveyed there, no army could be fed there; and if such a  force were, by some miracle dropped in what remote region, it would find no enemies but winter and the desert, and no position to occupy but a few blockhouses and stockades, built to protect the trappers and fur-merchants from the incursions of the Indians.  Nor is it much more easy to take armed possession of such a territory.  The Americans have already experienced  the difficulty of that kind of operations in the Florida war, and in all their contests with the red men.  Where there is no property and no fixed population, the soldier is a less powerful instrument than the husbandman, and he commands no more than the ground he stands upon.  By sea, we have still less to apprehend from any act of aggression.  The American squadron in the Pacific is strong, but it can only receive reinforcements round Cape Horn by a run of 18,000 miles; ours within the reach of our stations in China, Australia, and India.  Moreover, although the boats of a man-of-war might burn a fort by a coup de main, such an attack could have no effect whatever on the occupation  of the country.  In short, we have the high authority of Mr. Calhoun himself, backed by the opinions of the Army and Navy Departments in the United States, for the assertion, that “ the attempt to assert and maintain an exclusive right to the Oregon territory against the adverse and conflicting claim of Great Britain must prove unsuccessful .”  The reasons by which he supported this opinion are unanswerable, and cannot have been forgotten by any one who read them when they appeared in these columns.

        Are we, then, to suppose that since Mr. Calhoun delivered the memorable speech to which we allude, the progress of the American Democracy in its passion for territorial acquisitions has been so rapid that President Polk will actually attempt in 1846 or 1847 what the ablest and most unscrupulous statesman of he Democratic party pronounced to be a hopeless undertaking in 1845?  If we are to believe the Washington Union, such is the case; and to be consistent with this announcement, the first step of the American Cabinet must be to declare that the treaty o 1827 is in twelve months to expire.  Such a measure might lead eventually to hostilities, but it would not amount in itself to a casus belli.  Perfectly confident of he justice of the cause of England, and no less secure of the superiority of her forces on the north-west coast of America, we should then await the result with composure-still most reluctant to endanger the peace of the world, but most ready and resolved t punish those who may presume to break it. [ANP]

LT December 1, 1845, page 6a/b/c: The Affairs of Mexico

(From our own correspondent.)
Mexico, October 4.

            A very unpleasant circumstance took place her on Tuesday evening last, in which the French Minister, the Baron de Cyprey, who figured in the affair of the Bano de las Delicias, played the principal part.  You are aware, that in consequence of the Government having refuse to grant the reparation demanded by the Baron for the insults offered to him at the Bano, M. de Cyprey had asked for and received his passports.  The Baron and his family were engaged in making preparations for departure, arranged of the 13th inst., and it was hoped that he and his suite would leave the republic without any further scandal being given.  These hopes have not been realized, and a scene occurred at the Italian Opera on Tuesday night, which, whether the Baron be right or wrong, has raised a storm of public anger against him, and renders critical, to a certain extent, the position of his countrymen resident in this city.  It appears that an article in the Journal des Debats on the affairs of Mexico had excited the bile of some among personages here, and, among others, of one of he principal editors of journal called the “Siglo Diez y Nueve.  This gentleman gave vent to his feelings in a leader in the Siglo, in which the French in general, and Baron de Cyprey in particular, were treated with harsh, and it may be said, with abusive language.  The Baron, instead of taking this editorial explosion quietly, as his rank and peculiar situation at this moment demanded, determined to make the matter personal between himself and the principal editor of the Siglo.  Having met M. Otero, whom he supposed, from his well known connexion with that paper, to have been the writer of the offensive paragraph, in the corridor the of the Italian Opera on the night in question, and asking a M. Rosas, who was passing at the moment, to act as interpreter, he demanded, through him, if M. Otero was the author of the article in the Siglo.  To this question M. Otero replied, that if the Baron had any complaint to make, or questions to ask, relative to the Siglo, he must address himself to the editor and printer; on which the Baron de Cyprey spat in M. Otero’s face, and on M. Otero’s replying in the same ignoble manner, the Baron raised his walking stick, and applied several heavy blows to the shoulders and head of the editor of the Siglo.  I am informed, by an eye witness, that M. Otero made no resistance; but he and his party state, that he struck at the Baron with his fist.  Be that as it may, the affair terminated by a gentleman stepping between the parties and putting an end to the scandalous scene.  M. Otero retired, the Baron exclaiming as he went away, M. Otero retired, the Baron exclaiming as he went away, that his residence was known, and that he was ready to give satisfaction in any form.  To render that matter more characteristic, I must add that the Baron is double the age and one-half the size of M. Otero, and that if the latter had exercised his apparent strength, the Baron must have had the worst of a personal struggle. This disparity of age and force gives the friends of the Baron, who are hard pushed to find an excuse for his intemperate conduct, the opportunity of saying, that whatever his faults may be, he is a man of undoubted courage, and that as he offered the best satisfaction to his adversary, no reproach for want of spirit can be advanced.

        This occurrence made a great sensation in the theatre, crowds collected in the corridors, and rather a formidable group was formed in the patio, or outward square.  At one moment it was apprehended that the people would resort to acts of violence, but nothing of the kind took place, and the Baron de Cyprey, the Baroness, and his daughter retired from the theatre without a singe word being uttered against them.  There is no bdoubt the public were much excited; but eh Alcalde in his report says that he took means to calm their irritation, and otherwise the Mexicans are amiable and well-bred, and, however angry they might be with the Baron de Cyprey, they were incapable, I am certain, of insulting of him or his family.  TO add pungency to this recontre, I believe the Baron had no means of determining that M. Otero was the author of the article in question, and I am given to understand, and I am certain the fact is so, that M. Otero, though one of the principal editors of the Siglo, was not the person who wrote the answer to the Journal des Dbats.  It was expected on the day following the event, that M. Otero would have sent a message to the Baron, and curiosity was alive to ascertain whether the Government would connive at the duel, and not put the dreadfully severe laws against affairs of honour into execution.  Wednesday and Thursday, however, passed over without a challenge being delivered, and we all had reason to believe that editorial honour would be satisfied by a pen and ink vengeance.  Certainly this species of satisfaction was not spared and the Siglo, the Amigo del Pueblo, and Monitor Constitucional were filled with the most violent articles against the Baron, and, indeed, against all Frenchmen.  These papers alleged that M. de Cyprey was attended on the night of the rencontre by a band of young Parisians, who, on M. Otero being assaulted, laid hold of that gentleman’s arms, and prevented his defence.  The statement is untrue; but it served the purpose of the hour; and the feeling towards La Jeune France was so violent, that a kind of crusade was preached against it, and something like Sicilian Vespers hinted at.  The editor of the Monitor Constitucional took a forward place in these attacks; and to show that he was not afraid, he has published a general challenge to La Jeune France, or rather he professed his readiness to accept all challenges that might be sent here as he says, parole d’honneur.  Pugnaciousness is a catching malady; and no sooner did the editor of the Monitor challenge the wide world than a certain colonel in the army thought proper to present himself as the Baron’s new residence, offering to fight, in the Irish fashion, for the honour of the thing or for love’ but it appears, however, that M. de Cyprey, though rather fond of he sport, had no fancy to stand target for Mexican amateurs, and he declared that his affair was with M. Otero alone, and that he had no satisfaction to give to any other person.  This answer satisfied the Colonel, and he retired to reap laurels in the all the coffee-houses of the Portales.

        The fracas of Tuesday night caused great anxiety at the Palace, and the President and Ministers became much alarmed lest their unpleasant relations with France should be further deranged by any public outrage befalling the French Minister and his family.  They accordingly sent a guard of honour at night to protect the house where the Baron is now residing; and they addressed him on Thursday a note pointing out that his presence was no longer necessary in Mexico, and entreating him to withdraw  with the least possible delay, as they could no longer be answerable for his safety.  The Baron refused to receive this note, but its contents were afterwards explained to him at the request of the Government by the Spanish Minister.  It was stated at the Lonja and elsewhere that the note contained a peremptory order to leave Mexico within three days.  But I know that the Government had no intention of writing in that sense, and their communication was framed in the Baron’s own interests, and with consideration for  his personal safety.  This anxiety was increased by a knowledge of the fact that M. Otero had at last, namely, on the Friday, about 60 hours after the insult, made up his mind to challenge the Baron, and hat a certain count, a member of one of the first families here, had undertaken to deliver the message.  Of course the town was eager to ascertain the result of this defiance, but up to the hour I write we have nothing definitive on the subject.  A duel spoken of in this country is a duel prevented, as the laws without remorse confiscate all the property of the actors and seconds; and, of course, in this instance precaution  would be doubly enforced, as the position of the Government would be uncomfortable were the Baron killed, and there would be an uprising against all Frenchmen if M. Otero fell under his fire.  A postcript to my letter will explain the result of the episode.

        The Congress has acted, as the initiative knew it would, in the affair of the mints of Zacatecas and Guanaxuato, and the Anglo-Mexican Mint Company.  They have referred back to the Commission the dictamens of the majority and minority; or, in other words, they virtually confirm the contracts.  The company may thank Lord Aberdeen’s interference for this result, for certainly had not Mr. Bankhead delivered the not alluded to in my last, the contracts would have been annulled. Howfar this interference may lead to annoyance to the Foreign-office by other claims being pressed on the same ground remains to be seen.  But the fact is undoubted, that if Lord Aberdeen had not exacted the performance of Santa Anna’s engagements, the highly-profitable lease of the Anglo-Mexican Mint Company would have been abruptly closed.

        I am sorry to hear that the President Herrera’s health is so bad that he seriously contemplates retiring from the high station in which he has just been confirmed by a large majority of the Chamber and the Congress.  I am assured that this event, though not generally anticipated, must soon take place, and that the only difficulty at present is the choice of the person whom Herrera will recommend as his successor.  General Almonte, late Minister at Washington, is the person secretly designed, and as he is a man of activity, probably the present President cannot make a better choice.

        We have very bad accounts from Sonora, that large department to the south-east of California Civil war has recommenced, headed by the two rival families who have long struggled for mastery in that province.  Th one with a mixture of Indian blood in it has called in the Indian savages to its aid, and deplorable accounts are received of their ravages.  The Government is incapable of action in this emergency, as it is well known that its hold of California and Sonora, or, indeed, of any other distant province, is merely nominal.

        Tobasco has returned to its verbal allegiance to the Central Government.

        Mr. Bankhead on Friday last congratulated, in the name of the diplomatic corps, the President Herrera on the confirmation of his election by the Congress.  He did so in the following terms:-

        “Excellent Senor,-The diplomatic corps has the honour to felicitate your Excellency on your elevation tot he constitutional Presidency of he republic.  In offering the sincerest wishes for the prosperity of this country I convey the sentiments which animate the Sovereigns we represent; and I hope with confidence that the election of your Excellency to the supreme magistrature will be and additional motive for drawing closer the bonds of friendship which unite them to the Mexican nation.”

        To this address the President made the following reply:-

        “My administration shall bear the stamp of impartiality and justice towards all nations, but especially towards those which are in friendly intercourse with Mexico, and with particular benevolence I regard those on behalf of whom your Excellency has now spoken, for with one we are bound by the most sacred ties, and for the other we entertain the greatest gratitude, inasmuch as that country was the first in Europe to recognize our existence as one of the great family of nations; and I promise that in all our relations there shall be good faith, truth, and sincerity, which I regard as the most efficacious means of cementing our lasting friendship.”

        The French paper published in Mexico gives an account of the Baron de Cyprey and M. Otero’s adventure, which is much liked for its impartiality.  As the closing remarks represent the feelings of the French residents of Mexico in this affair, I do not think an extract from them will be misplaced.  The Courier says-

        “If we are now called on to appreciate the conduct of M. de Cyprey as a public man, we are sorry to say that we do not think it irreproachable.  He was wrong in giving way to a just resentment.  The high functions which he had just laid down required more circumspection.  He ought to have more regard for the customs of a country in which he lived so long; he should have foreseen that this imprudent step would render his formed conduct suspicious; he out, above all, to recollect that he laboured, against his will to foment that hatred which people like M. Otero so constantly labour to excite  against France in the hearts of the Mexicans.  Such is, with regard to M. de Cyprey, our frank opinion; but when we look at the other side, what a sad exhibition does it present!  Look at those public journals panting like hounds after their prey, tearing with rancorous bite the innocent as well as the guilty.  They make of a matter purely personal with the editor of a paper an affair of party, and go almost the length of menacing us with Sicilian Vespers.  One would think from the row made in the streets that an enemy was at the gates of the city.  Their provocations are empty boasts, which the nation itself regrets, and we trust that our countrymen resident in Mexico will not be induced to reply.”

        On closing my despatch I find that no duel is likely to take place, as M. Otero is confined by the authorities as a prisoner in his own house, not to be released until the departure of th Baron’s family,  which takes place on Tuesday next, the 7th. I understand that the Conde de Cortina was to act as the friend of M. Otero, and M. Bermudes de Castro on behalf of the Baron.

        Mexico is perfectly quiet.  Much talk of war; but it is all talk.

October 11.

        At the close of my letter of the 4th inst., giving an account of the discreditable squabble which had occurred between the Baron de Cyprey, French Minister, nd M. Otero, editor of the Siglo; I stated hat M. Otero had sent a message ot the Baron, and that the Count de Cortina was to act as a second tot e former, and M. Bermudez de Castro, Spanish Minister, to M. de Cyprey.  It appears that though M. de Castro was applied to, he declined acting , form diplomatic reasons, approved by te Baron, and that > Adrien Lestapis, a French gentleman of fortune, resident here, was appointed to replace him.  AN interview toook place, on the 4th between the Count de Cortina and M. Lestapis, in which the latter stated, that though the time which had elapsed between the insult given and the message sent exonerated the Baron from any responsibility, he was inclined to waive that advantage, as well as the choice of weapons, he having, as the challenged person, a right to name them, and in which the Count de Cortina positively declared that M. Otero would only fight on condition that one pistol should be loaded, the possession of that pistol  should be loaded, the possession of that pistol to be decided by lot. Matters not having been arranged at that interview, a correspondence in Spanish and French, of which the following is a translation, took place:-

“The Count de Cortina to M. Lestapis.”
“Mexico, Oct. 4

        “Muy Senor Mio,-As you are the person named by the Senor Baron de Cyprey to treat with me in the affair of Senor Otero, I will thank you to to state, if the said Baron accents the proposition which I made to you yesterday-namely, that the duel offered by M. Otero shall be made with pistols, one charged, the other blank, as such is the firm and unalterable determination  of that gentleman.

        “I have the honour to offer you my friendship and best service, and to kiss your hand.

“J.G. de Cortina.”


“M. Lestapis to the Count de Cortina.
“Mexico, Oct. 5.

        “I have received the letter which you did me the honour to write relative to the meting proposed to take place between the Baron Alley de Cyprey and M. Otero.  That letter is of such a nature as compels me to repeat the facts which were stated in the interviews I had the pleasure of holding with you.

        The question of the number of friends  was then first discussed.  You were of opinion that there should be one only at each side I thought it preferable to have two.  Still, as you appeared anxious on the subject, I was willing to make a concession, though the reason  you assigned-that of secresy-no longer existed.  From the first steps taken in the affair that reason lost its value.  The secret was divulged, though on our part we have not to reproach ourselves of any indiscretion.

        “With regard to the choice of arms our right was at least debateable, according to the usages of countries where duels are most frequent.  You rejected our right-you even refused to submit the choice of arms to chance.  We gave way again, agreeing with you that pistols only should be used.  Note this well!  Strict justice requires in similar cases chonces should be equal.  I was strong in right, though in my quality as representative of the aggressor, I thought proper to remove all obstacles of to a rencontre.

        “Unfortunately the series of your demands was inexhaustible.  In proposing that the affair should be settled with two pistols, one charged, you wished to change a duel into a game of hazard.  I could not agree with yo so far.  The letter to which I now answer is but the renewal of that proposition.  I have communicated it to M. Le Baron de Cyprey; his opinion agrees with mine.  Though I have conceded to you the number of friends and the choice of arms, the Baron de Cyprey desires me to add, that he yields to you the distance, the manner of firing, whether together, by signal, or in succession, chance deciding which of the two is to fire first; but the barbarous mode which you insist on appears to us to approach too near an assassination not to be repulsed as unworthy a gentleman.

        “Such, M. le Comte, is the determination we have to transmit to you.  The motive which dictates it is too elevated not to induce us to believe that you will conform to it.  You would not, no doubt, accept the responsibility of having such a monstrosity in an affair of honour, in which you are made the sole arbiter.

        “With assurances of high consideration,

        “I have the honour to be,

“The Count de Cortina to M. Lestapis.

“Mexico, October 5.

        “Muy Apreciable Senor Mio,-I have just received the answer you have sent to my letter of yesterday, but as tat answer does not completely satisfy me, inasmuch as you do not give a categorical answer, I request you to state specifically if the Baron de Cyprey accepts or not the duel as proposed by Senor Otero through me. I trust you will have no difficulty in giving me, under your signature, the negative answer which you gave me yesterday verbally, as the second of he said Baron.

        “When you honour me with an answer to this letter, which ought simply be reduced to a yes or a no, I will try to reply to the charges brought against me in your letter of this morning, which otherwise have no weight, under the circumstances that we are treating of a duel to the death, as has been proposed, and will ever be proposed by > Otero.  All that does not refer to the above important point is a loss of time, and has nothing to do with the question.

        “I am most happy that fate has placed me in an affair of this gravity in communication with a person like you, gifted with noble qualities, and possessing sentiments so worthy of a gentleman.  With confidence I trust you will, without loss of time, give me the categorical answer to this letter, which I demand.

        “Repeating with the greatest satisfaction the expression of my regard and esteem, I have the honour to kiss your hand.

“J.G. de le Cortina.”


“M. Le Lestapis to the Count de Cortina.
“October 5.

        “M. Le Comte,-I have tried everything to keep the affair with which we are charged in the road of honour.  I have conceded all that could legally be granted.  I repeat that M. Le Baron de Cyprey is at your orders for a regular duel in whatever manner you please; but I reject a proposition of assassination.

        “Renewing assurances of my consideration, I am,

“Adrian Lestapis.’


LT December 6, 1845, page 5b:  Mexico

        We have received from our correspondent in the city of Mexico letters of the 30 of October.

        The Mexican Government had agreed to receive a Minister of the United States, and to negotiate of frontiers and the settlement of claims.  The American fleet had left Vera Cruz, that being the first step of the arrangement.

        The city of Mexico was tranquil, though reports of Federalist conspiracies were frequent.

        The Indians called Camanches had ravaged the departments of Durango and Zacatecas, and one body was within seven days of the city of Mexico.

        The financial state of Mexico was deplorable.

        The one-third of the new Congress to be renewed on the 1st of January was composed of Radicals and friends to Federation.

        The Minister of Justice had resigned; he was succeeded by Senor Montes de Oca.

        We learn that the French Minister had left Mexico, in consequence of the disturbances that occurred four or five months ago.  He came passenger from Vera Cruz in the Medway, and landed at Havannah to await the instructions of his Government.  Santa Anna was still at Havannah.

LT December 6, 1845, page 5e/f & 6a:   The Affairs of Mexico

(From our own Correspondent.)

Mexico, Oct. 30.

        The Government of the United States has at length succeeded in forcing the Mexican Ministry into the renewal of diplomatic intercourse, the reception of a Minister from Washington, and an agreement to negotiate.  I informed you of the fact by the messenger who left this with despatches from the American Consul, as well as from the Mexican Government, on the 18th inst., and I now repeat it in the hope that it will make a due impression on the British public, and convince you and them of the successful perseverance with which the Cabinet of Washington follows up its views on this bewildered country.  The policy of the United States has been guided by the most perfect knowledge of the weakness of this Government and the unfortunately apathetic character of the people.  It has been most insidiously conducted-by threats one day, offers of friendship the next, and chiefly by insinuations of the bad faith of the only Power whose assistance the Republic could claim in the last emergency.  That Power of course is Great Britain, as England and Spain are ht sole nations now in diplomatic communication with Mexico; and it appears to be one of the expedients of Brother Jonathan to persuade this Government that our friendship is of a selfish nature, guided merely by the anti-slavery system and our present views on California.

        The note delivered by the American Consul to the Mexican Government, either in the text, or in the extract given of the instructions addressed to him  by the Minister of foreign Affairs at Washington, speaks of England as the common enemy of the United States and Mexico.  I hope before this letter is closed to have a copy of the note in question, but if I should not succeed in obtaining it, you may depend on the accuracy of my statement, and hat in the opening communication from Washington to Mexico England has been mentioned as the common enemy.  How far the British Government or the British people may be disposed t bear an uncalled for epithet like this, is not for me to say, but I feel that, important as It may be to our manufacturing interests to maintain a good understanding with the United States, the American President, or the Minister of Foreign Affairs, should not be permitted to apply such language to the British Government.  I have no doubt that ere this Mr. Pakenham has demanded an explanation, as the tenour of the note alluded to was known here a few hours after its delivery, and it is probable that competent persons did not allow the opportunity on the 18th of communicating with Mr. Pakenham escape them.  The united States Cabinet will get out of the difficulty by asserting that the offensive  expression was used by irresponsible individual, and that the American consul exceeded his authority in applying it; but if my information be correct, the Consul did not originate the phrase, and I am assured it appeared in his original instructions.  This reading is strengthened by the great pains taken to secure secrecy by the American agents, and by their anger when the result of their conference and communication became public.  The note otherwise was very common-place, dwelling mainly on the reciprocal advantages which a good understanding conference on Mexico and the United States, explaining the friendship which the States must ever entertain towards a neighbor whose form of government was based on the same principles, pointing out that the opposition of Great Britain to the annexation of Texas arose solely from its antislavery policy, and urging the necessity, to prevent future disagreement, of having all pecuniary claims, as well as the frontiers of California and Texas, definitely arranged.

        The Cabinet of Washington has displayed its usual tact in all its operations towards this assault.  We knew that Mexico could not declare war, and that if it suffered the popular excitement (illegible) from the annexation of Texas subside, the weakness of the central Government, and the apathy of the people would leave it master of he field.  This system did, in fact, redeem Mexico to absolute pervasiveness, and not a single energetic step, offensive or defensive, was attempted; and happy would Mexico have been to continue that passive existence; but such an (illegible) of things did not suit the United States; and a large float was sent to menace Vera Cruz; and the Northern Indians, the Camanches, were sent to ravage the upper departments of the Republic.  Moreover, threats, as I explained in a former letter, were made of seizing on a port  of the Pacific, to be held until the American claims were settled; and every sort of (illegible) dodge” if I can use so undignified an expression, resorted to, to force this Cabinet to receive an United States Minister, and into an agreement for negotiation.  All its plans have succeeded, and in a few weeks we expect to see an American Minister accredited to the Republic, and Commissioners named to adjudicate the claims. I think our Government will not be indifferent  to their intrigues, as the United States are determined to have the line of he Rio Bravo from its mouth to the 37th parallel, and a line from thence straight to the Atlantic.  These frontiers would cut off, on the Texan side, a territory greater in extent than Texas itself, and it would take in the important bay of San Francisco, the avowed object of American aggression in the Pacific.  I am told that the United States no claim, instead of the 37th, the 36th parallel, as the latter includes the port of Monterey, the maritime capital of Upper California, as well as the Bay of Francisco.

        I wish I could convince you that the United States, in seeking the annexation of Texas and the possession of Oregon, are pursuing a means, not an end.  At one side, their object is to approach the rich mining district of Mexico, and on the to establish their claim on San Francisco.  Texas, taken apart from other considerations, is a burden to the Central Government, inasmuch as it gives a preponderance to the southern and slave-holding states; but it is valuable beyond measure so far as it secures the line of he Rio Bravo and a sure approach to mines which furnish 3,000,000 to 4,000,000 sterling of silver annually. Oregon is an unproductive waste, and the river Columbia, in consequence of he bar and interrupted navigation, of comparatively little value.  The fur trade, which rendered the Oregon and the mouth of the Columbia as a trading station desirable, is now nearly exhausted from the avidity of the hunters; and evidently it is not Oregon, but the extension of Oregon below the 37th and 36th parallel, that the United States are resolute in maintaining.  It has been said at home, that it was absurd to quarrel with the United States for the possession of an unproductive territory possessing no interior advantages, nor a good harbour in the Pacific, but we must not forget that Oregon will embrace the bay of San Francisco, possibly the port of Monterey, and the upper part of California, should the Mexican Government yield the frontier which the United States have so long desired.  These are the real motives of American aggression on Mexico; and I can never understand the policy which our Government pursues while t suffers them to be successfully developed.  The present frontier is, I believe, the 42d degree of latitude.  There the Mexican possessions end, and there commence the disputed grounds, which are commonly called Oregon.  If the Americans can by negotiation reduce the Mexican limits to the 36th or 37th parallel, more than 300 miles of coast, including the bays of San Francisco and Monterey, and much fertile land, will be embraced in the litigated territory.  If we, therefore, accept a higher latitude in the settlement of he Oregon dispute, we play the game of the Washington Cabinet, and relinquish to America the ports for which it has been so long and perseveringly struggling.  We have it on record that in 1835 the United States offered an immense sum to the Mexican Government for the line of the Rio Bravo, and the 37th parallel.  Think you, that they will now, reduced as this nation is, relinquish a tittle of their original demands?  I repeat it, over and over again, the object of the United States is to get the above-named frontier, and to force Mexico, which, mind you, she must do, to place herself under their protection.  For this the United States will fight, if they cannot delude by negotiation, Great Britain or any other European Power that actively interferes on behalf of Mexico.  They consider all North America-from the Isthmus to the Lakes-as their natural possessions; and by slow, but sure degrees, they are determined to obtain it.  Will it suit us that a maritime power like the American Union shall arrive at such unprecedented greatness; and will our naval superiority long withstand the increased force of such an able and ambitious rival?  I lay down these truths because I believe they are too little understood in England.  Before I came to Mexico I was ignorant of the true state of the republic, and of the remote consequences of American aggression; and I am anxious to induce others to examine the question in all its details, satisfied that they must arrive at the same result as I have.

        I must be confessed that Mexico has played a very inglorious part since the Texan aggregation was proclaimed.  The Government, over and over again, declared, that war should take place the moment an official account of annexation was received; and all the papers, Ministerial and Oppositon, were filled with the war-cry and denunciations against the United States.  The President Herrera was the only person who preserved his temper; he said, from the beginning, that Mexico was not in a condition to declare war, and, no doubt, it was through his influence that the Ministers were to M. Odillon Banet, or Le Baron Gros is to replace the Baron de Cyprey; the Mexican Government has asked for the latter, as during his former mission her he gave general satisfaction.

        Several insidious but well-timed articles have appeared in the Government papers, enforcing the propriety of the church contributing its share to the relief of the public burden.  We expect to hear shortly of a contribution equal to $3,000,000 being levied.  Santa Anna had a knowing way of managing these matters; he did not tax the church, regular of secular, but he borrowed from both many millions never to be repaid.

        The Minister of Justice has resigned: he is replaced by Senor Montes de Oca.  It is said that Senor Pena y Pena, Minister of Foreign Affairs, and Senor Castillo, Minister of Finance, have also the intention of resigning.  Their successors are not yet pointed out.

        Private letters from the Havannah say, that a young man was arrested there charged with the intention of assassinating Santa Anna.  These letters add, that the individual in question was hired for hat purpose by one of the Mexican senators; and a private session of the Senate was held the other day to inquire into the truth of this assertion. The inquiry terminated in favour of he gentleman alluded  to.

        The peace of the city is undisturbed, though not a day passes without rumours of plots and pronunciamientos.

October 30.

        At the last moment I have got he substance of the American not referred to in my correspondence, taken down by a person who has just read it.

        On the 11th a conference took place between the Minister of a Foreign Relations  and the Consul of the United States, in which the latter presented a note to the following effect:-

        “When the Minister of Mexico, General Almonte, retired from the United States, the President and Government expressed their regret hat such a step had been taken by Mexico, as it was this anxious desire that the same good relation of friendship and amity which till then had prevailed between both countries, should still continue.  In accordance with this feeling, and notwithstanding that Mexico had taken an hostile attitude, the Government of the United States had authorized their Consul at Mexico, Mr. Black, to ask the government of the Republic if it would consent to receive a diplomatic agent, with the object of negotiating a settlement of the differences which existed between both counties in consequence of the differences which existed between both countries in consequence of the annexation of Texas.  This result was necessary in order that neither the United States nor Mexico should be made the victims of the machinations of the common, enemy who, in pursuance of its anti-slavery policy, had, uncalled or, interfered in the affairs of Texas.

        To this note the Mexican Government, though under the conviction that the United States has not acted with good faith in the affair of Texas, being desirous of peace and good harmony, consented to receive the diplomatic agent proposed by the Cabinet of Washington, in the hope that existing difference should be regulated in a manner creditable to the Republic.  It recommended that the agent in question should be qualified for the negotiation by a previous knowledge of the interests of both counties.  But it made and absolute condition, that previous to receiving the said diplomatic agent, the United States fleet, now at Vera Cruz, should be withdrawn, as it was not consistent with the dignity of the Republic to treat with so large a fleet menacing its principal fortress.



LT 1845/12/17 The Affairs of Mexico

December l7, l845: THE AFFAIRS OF MEXICO

We have as yet received no answer from Washington to the dispatches sent on the l8th of October, accepting the renewal of diplomatic relations offered by the American Government. We consequently remain in a state of political inactivity, which is not likely to be disturbed until the arrival the United States Minister or Commissioner. I would gladly say that the Mexican Government had profited by this temporary repose to do something effectual towards relieving the unfortunate position of the country, but nothing whatsoever has been done, and the republic is gradually crumbling to pieces without an effort being made to save it from ruin. I know not whom to blame, for as to good intentions, I believe the President and the actual ministers are animated with excellent sentiments; but these qualities are altogether negative, and it would be difficult to select a set of men more unfitted to struggle with the embarrassments that crowd on every side. The choice of General Herrera has in this respect been most unfortunate. He is an excellent person, honest and honourable, but his constitution is very delicate, and he sacrifices the future to the daily repose necessary to his health. Mr. Pena y Pena and M. Castillo, the Ministers of Foreign Affairs and of Finance, are equally well-disposed, but both look on their possession of office as temporary, and neither will risk the great experiments that are necessary to extricate the state.

The task is no doubt difficult, and I know not the public many capable of successfully carrying it through; but I equally well know that unless something decided be done the republic will not exist in a very few years; and it will split up into several petty states, until all that are worth having are annexed to the North American Union. All classes of people are convinced of this truth, but so apathetic is the national character, that nothing is attempted to direct the course of events. Gladly would the people see a despotic power rise up from amongst them; and freely would they receive a foreign prince as sovereign, provided his position was seconded by any leading European Power. But help themselves they will not, and cannot; and they await events with the most culpable indifference.

As a natural consequence of the position thus described, plots and conspiracies are every day talked of, and actually commenced; but these intrigues are so lazily conducted, that not one has been brought to a head. We have had alarms daily and nightly during the course of the month; the troops have been kept under arms, the posts all doubled, and the line of convents which connect the chain of defense all occupied, but no disturbance has taken place; and, with the exception of sending General Ampudia to a respectable distance from town, no act of severity has been committed by the Government. The conspirators are officers on half pay, or rather without any pay, of whom ab out 20,000 exist to a military establishment of the same number; but they are kept in awe if not by the power of the President and Ministry, by the dread of General Paredes, in whose hands the destinies of Mexico are for the present placed. The two great parties in the republic are the Centralists and the Federalists. Towards the latter the Government

Inclines, as it feels that it has power and numbers; but Paredes, allied with the church, arbitrates between both, threatening the Government if it favours the views of the Liberal side, and openly denouncing the Federalists, should they venture on extreme measures. Parades himself will not accept the Presidency; but he is no less the master of the country, and, as long as he and the church remain faithful to each other, his word must be all powerful. But Paredes cannot always be depended on, and his most intimate partisans cannot determine what his ultimate intentions are. We all understood a few days since that he had pronounced, as the phrase is, and even the official papers gave credit to the news. But we now find that he has not done so, and that his menaces against the Government were contingent on certain supplies of money which he then demanded, and has since received. The division of Paredes consists of nominally l0,000, but in reality of 6,000 or 7,000 men; but such is the state of Mexico, that even with that small body he is the only man on whose word the existence of the Government depends. He is at present stationed at San Luis Potosi, keeping up a communication with General Arista, who commands on the Texan frontier.

We are daily receiving most afflicting news from the provinces of Durango and Zacatecas, which the Cumanchee Indians have been ravaging, without the slightest effort being made by the Government to check their inroads. The inhabitants of these provinces have made a few attempts to meet the savages, but with plans so badly organized that they have invariably failed. Indeed, on one occasion the people sustained a loss of 40 killed and 70 wounded out of an attacking force of twice that number; and so ineffectual has the opposition been, that al the haciendas or farms have been plundered, and their horses, mules, and oxen carried away, for sale, no doubt, in the United States. The Mexican people do not hesitate to accuse Brother Jonathan of sending in these hordes, as they are better armed and mounted than they have been on former occasions; and whence could they be provided but from the States? The accusation may be groundless, in fact, it cannot be proved; but the effect has been produced, and one of the conditions proposed by the American Government is, as I understand, to force these Indian tribes to retire beyond a respectable distance from the Mexican territory, and which condition will be among the most palatable coming from Washington. The alarm occasions by these inroads was greater in the beginning of the month than it is at present, and it is hoped that the savages have retired with their booty; but at one moment the town of Zacatecas expected to be attacked, and in fact the Cumanchees were within a few days' march of the city of Mexico itself. These things can scarcely be credited, but how can the Government bring a sufficient force to repel the Cumanchees, when it even cannot insure the safety of any road within ten miles of the capital, or even the very streets of the capital, from nightly robberies and murders? It is absolutely imprudent to go out after nightfall without being armed, and there is not a suburb or road leading in any direction, except that of Tacubaya, which is generally crowded, where a stranger can be secure from robbery at any hour of the day. In truth, there is perfect impunity for crime of every kind - a large proportion of the inhabitants of every town are notorious public robbers; and so audacious are sometimes their attempts, that a plan was lately formed by a band of 500 for sacking the city of Puebla, which was fortunately discovered in time to prevent its execution.

The embarrassments of the Government have been increased by the conduct of General Urrea in the department of Sinolon, bordering on the Gulf of California, and by that of General Alvarez in the district called the Sur of Mexico, in the vicinity of Acapulco, on the Pacific. In the former Urrea, who was arrested by order of Government, was released in triumph by the people at whose head he placed himself, threatening to march on Mazatlan and plunder the custom-house; and in the latter Alvarez has, supported by a peculiar coloured race called Pintos, openly pronounced. The Government is equally powerless against both; and these upstarts and their followers are at liberty to plunder as long as they think proper; but their ravages must be confined to their own districts, as beyond these limits they exercise no control. The Central Government, therefore, takes no heed of their proceedings; and it will wait still Generals Alvarez and Urrea of their own accord return to their duty. The province of California remains in the same state of quasi allegiance. It seems to be almost forgotten by the Government, as no means are taken to advance the expedition of Iniestra, planned at least eight months ago; but if it be true that the United States are determined on forcing the fanatical and powerful sect called the Mormons to take up a settlement in California, the Mexican Government must at last awake, or submit to the loss of one of its finest provinces. I need not speak more fully on this Mormon project, as what we hear on the subject comes through the States; whence you are fully supplied with information; but the project excites a strong sensation in the city of Mexico, and all the news papers discuss it with evident alarm.

Want of money is still the apparently incurable sore of the Mexican Government. The Minister lives from day to day anticipating at an enormous discount every month a quarter's revenue. The utmost he can do is to cover absolute daily expenses; and as to meeting all demands or making provision for the future, such ideas never enter his head, and happy is he at the end of the week if he can supply the pressing exigencies of the army. Various projects are invented to cure this wretched state of things, and to a certain extent the Congress gives facility to the Government. For instance, it has just voted full powers to the Government to recognize contracts made with Santa Anna on receiving adequate compensation, which vote is calculated to draw a bout half a million of dollars from the persons interested in those contracts. It likewise tries to facilitate the import of a certain quantity of cotton wool at a duty of six dollars the quintal, but there it is met by the agricultural interest, and the cotton-growers of the district of Vera Cruz and of the Sur of Mexico threaten to pronounce if that plan be persevered in. The licenses for the importation of cotton wool, or of low priced cotton goods at remunerating duties, cannot be granted until two-thirds of the departmental assemblies give permission for the alteration of what is called the organic base. But even then there will be a violent contest between the landed and manufacturing interests, and the Government will find it difficult to carry out the only plan that would effectually relieve the treasury. The evils attending a total disregard of first principles is fully exhibited in this country. The government in attempting to reconcile the two impossibilities of giving protection, amounting to absolute prohibition, to oppose interests, has entangled itself with both. To save the agriculturists, it prohibited the importation of cotton wool, and now the mills must stop for want of an adequate supply, the quantity raised in the republic falling far short of the demand; and to protect the manufacturers it prohibited the importation of all low cottons, though a large revenue might be raised by even l00 per cent duty on the first cost. The cotton spinners are ruined unless a sufficient quantity of wool be imported, and the cotton growers are destroyed if the desired importation takes place. In the meantime, the people are paying ls.6d. for an article that could be furnished by the British merchant at one third the price, and the Government is deprived of a revenue which would bring in annually several millions of dollars. In short, free trade and encouragement to immigration are the only means of saving Mexico; but though several members of Congress are impressed with the truth of these doctrines, the great bulk of the Chambers oppose them in the most decisive manner.

Nearly all the British merchants of Mexico have left town for the great annual fair of San Juan de los Lagos, in Jalisco, which is to take place in a few days. This is the greatest fair of the year, and buyers from the most distant parts of the republic attend to supply themselves with stocks of British cottons and linens and French articles of taste. About 200,000 l of British goods are annually sold. This year the supply from Vera Cruz, Tampico, and Mexico is larger than usual; but the expected supply from Mazatlan will fail, in consequence of the non-arrival of vessels with cargoes from Liverpool and Glasgow destined for the fair. The dealers in the interior are, generally speaking, out of stock, and a smart market is expected by the British merchants, particularly as the usual quantity from Mazatlan is not to come forward; but on the other hand, the reduction in the tariff may induce holders to keep off, in the hope of lower priced importations specially being made, so that the result of the fair is still problematical. The fair of Aguas Calientes has gone on very well, so that the importers are, generally speaking, sanguine of success at San Juan de los Lagos.

I understand that reductions have taken place in the Real del Monte mining concern to the extent of 500% a month. This should have been done long since, as the concern has been overburdened by expense. But it is still uncertain whether that reduction will be sufficient, as, in consequence of the high price of quicksilver, which prevents a great quantity of ore being realized, and the vast body of water which interferes with the working of the two principal veins, the company has not of late been doing well. I have not yet personally inspected the mines; but I am told that one of the consequences of the tremendous earthquake of the 7th of April last was that such a flood of water has been poured into the two principal veins that all the power of steam cannot keep it under. It is a bold assertion to make after so many years; failure at the Real del Monte, but I am informed by sound authority that under a cheap and efficient management, and a return, in some things, to the Mexican system, the mines could be made to pay.

A shock of an earthquake was felt here about 3 in the afternoon of Thursday last. It was too slight to cause any mischief, but sufficiently strong to alarm the people. The crowds, who are extremely sensitive to such indications, fell on their knees in the great square and public streets; but their alarm and their piety were soon over, as the shock passed away without causing damage of any kind . It is said that earthquakes have been more frequent in this country within the last two years than has usually been the case; and the inhabitants of Mexico still speak with terror of the shock of the 7th of April last, which affected 

Almost every house in the city, and which, if it has lasted one minute longer, would have converted this fine capital into one heap of ruins.

The Siglo publishes the following as the plan which the conspirators in the late threatened pronunciamento threatened to enforce:--

"Revolutionary Plan"

"Article l. The existing Legislature and executive powers cease, by the will of the nation, from today their respective functions.

"2. The supreme executive power of the nation shall be temporarily placed in three individuals, the following being invited to form the junta, namely, Don Nicolas Bravo, Don Juan N. Almonte, and Don Mariano Paredes. In case these persons refuse to act, the following shall be named, -- Senores Jose Maria Jauregui, Don Gabriel Valencia, and Don Cosmo Furlong. But, should these persons decline the task, then the General-in-Chief who may be placed at the head of the garrison of Mexico shall exercise for the present the whole executive power".

"3. The Government, in the space of one month, shall call together a national assembly to be charged with the reconstruction of the republic.

"4. The said national assembly shall commence its sittings in the capital within five months of its convocation, or sooner if possible.

"5. The same sovereign assembly - always bearing in mind the several constitutions by which Mexico has been governed, and the full power which the deputies of departments possess - shall form a code of fundamental laws within the space of six months.

"6. The Government shall be empowered to take all necessary steps for the purpose of making war with due activity and energy on the usurpers of Texas, and of preserving the national entirety.

"7. The Government will call to immediate account the Administration which has this day ceased to exist for the traitorous conduct is observed in the affair of Texas and in the convention which it has initiated with the United States of America.

"8. A new political era having this day commenced, the Government will not exclude from political competition any citizen no matter what his opinions may be, provided he is possessed of honour and intelligence.

"9. The departments until the new constitution is sanctioned and published will be governed by the existing laws.

"l0. The army and clergy are guaranteed their rights and privileges conformably to justice and reason, and for the common good of the country.

"ll. Government will answer for all its acts before the first constitutional Congress.

"l2. The actual council of Government shall continue to act until the promulgation of the new constitution."

Such is the model of a constitution, copied nearly from what has been called the "Plan of Tacubaya," which the disaffected offer to the people. For the present the movement is tranquil, but a revolution must take place when the new deputies take their scats in Congress, on the lst of January next, unless Paredes and the church should determine to strike the first blow, and enforce by the aid of the army a despotic state of things.

I have just learned that Iniestra has resigned the command of the California expedition, and that the ships so long detained on demurrage, to carry the troops from Acapulco, have been discharged. This is tantamount to an abandonment of the upper California.

At the moment of closing my despatch, I have received information brought by express from San Luis Potosi, that Paredes and his division have at length pronounced, and determined to substitute for the present system a dictatorship.

LT 1845/12/17/5a US and Oregon Question

December l7, l845 AMERICA

Arrival of the Britannia
Liverpool, Dec. l6.

The British and North American Royal mail steam-ship Britannia, Captain Hewitt arrived in the Mersey at half-past 5 o'clock this morning, having on board Lord Metcalfe, who has retired from the fatigues of his responsible office. The Britannia left Boston on the 2d inst., her departure on the usual day having been prevented by fog, and consequently our accounts from Halifax extend to the 4th inst. She brought 75 passengers.

The advices received by this arrival, though indefinite, are yet highly interesting. In New Orleans, as in the northern commercial cities, the inflammatory article published in the Washington Union, under the head

"The whole of Oregon, or none," had created much excitement and alarm lest the peaceful relation existing with this country should be violently disturbed. The Locofoco press of the South had also very generally taken ground against the extreme pretensions of Mr Polk; while the power wielded by Mr. Calhoun will, in all probability, be exercised against any policy which may endanger the preservation of peace.

In Michigan, on the contrary, according to the Detroit Advertiser, the rampant nonsense of the Union was received with pleasure by the Democratic party.

A Washington letter in the Journal of Commerce thus delineates the course chosen by Mr. Calhoun on the Oregon question:--

"But what was the course of Mr. Calhoun, in the Cabinet, on the Oregon queston? This I am well prepared to state. He was determined not to yield one inch of that territory to the British claim. In making this statement I use his o wn words, as often expressed to his friends who counselled with him on the subject.

He went on with the negotiation, however, in good faith, and endeavoured to convince the British Minister, that our title to the whole of Oregon was clear and unquestionable". His last letter to Mr. Pakenham put the question in the form of a dilemma, so that in whichever way the British Minister should answer, Mr. Calhoun would be ready to make good the American claim. To this letter there was no reply, for the reason that Mr. Calhoun was turn out by the incoming Administration. From this statement, however, it will be easy to see which way Mr. Calhoun will go upon the Oregon question, as a senator. He will take the stand that he has always taken - neither relinquishing our title, no pressing it to a collision with Great Britain. Adopting "a wise and masterly in activity", he will leave the claim to work itself out".

Upon this the Courier and Enquirer of the 25th ult. Remarks:--

"There is reason to believe that this definition of Mr. Calhoun's position on this subject comes from someone who has authority to make it, and to announce the course which Mr. Calhoun will pursue in the Senate. It appears, therefore, that Mr. Calhoun will advise inactivity, in reference to Oregon, as the surest method of securing in the end all our claims - and that should this prove impossible, he will not yield one inch of the territory in dispute to the British claim. We confer we shall be greatly disappointed in Mr. Calhoun should he pursue the policy here indicated. As to the wisdom of his inactive policy, we have no doubt that it is the very best course our Government can adopt. If the territory could be allowed to remain in its present position, subject to existing tendencies for 20 years, the natural cause of events would make it American soil and transfer its sovereignty, without a blow, to the Government of the United States. The policy recommended by Mr. Calhoun, is therefore the best adapted to secure the result aimed by our Government. But it must be remembered that Great Britain is perfectly aware of this fact, and that she will therefore by no means be disposed to allow this "wise and masterly" inactivity to work out its natural result in the establishment of the American claim. She may deem it for her interest to terminate the existing convention of joint occupancy and to insist upon a final and immediate settlement of the whole dispute. We deem it, indeed, most probable that this is the course she will pursue. And in this contingency, what will be the position of Mr. Calhoun: This indeed will be the only contingency in which his action can be of much importance. And in that case, we are told that he will not yield one inch of the territory that he is maintaining our title at all hazards, that, in short, he is for war rather than compromise or arbitration. This is not the position we had hoped to see him take. In every aspect from which it can be viewed, in reference alike to the title and the interest of the rival claimants, this question is eminently one for compromise - for adjustment by mutual concession and by a surrender of extreme claims on either side. Arbitration, should negotiation fail, should be resorted to and in no event should any statesman allow himself to look to war as the probable issue of a dispute in every way so unimportant and so easily settled by peaceful means, without the slightest derogation from the honour of either party. We trust that it will appear in the end that Mr. Calhoun thus regards it, and that he will not allow himself to be made the tool of Mr. Polk, in his aspirations for a re-election, with reference either to this or any other question of public policy.

The United States Gazette writes upon the same topic:--

"We have occasion to know that Mr. Calhoun has since his visit to Louisiana expressed himself freely in regard to the Oregon question. He does not doubt as to the right of the United States to the territory, and he has no doubt that the right can be asserted and sustained, without the least disturbance of the present happy state of peace and commerce between the United States and Great Britain. But at the same time, Mr. Calhoun fears that the Cabinet will not be guarded in its language and conduct relative to the claim of Great Britain and will thus impose upon Congress the necessity of a course which might be easily avoided, and which will be full of misery and woe to the people of both countries. Mr. Calhoun looks at the Oregon question, then, as liable to precipitate us into war, not because war is necessary , but because prudence is wanted."

The New York Herald gives the following:

"We learn from our private and confidental correspondent at Washington, who has the best means of knowing that a few days since Sir George Simpson, The Governor of the Hudson bay Company, was there, and had several interesting conversations with Mr. Pakenham, the British Minister, relative to the forthcoming message of Mr. Polk, the the position of the American Government on the Oregon question. The result of the interview between the two British functionaries, was that a visit was made by Mr. Pakenham to the Secretary of Treasury, and other members of the American Government. What was the precise nature of the conversation that ensued between the British Minister and the Government, our correspondent does not profess to know; but he learned that Sir George Simpson departed, and is now in New York, highly elated with the belief that the position which Mr. Polk intends to assume on the Oregon question in his message, is highly favourable to the maintenance of peace between the two countries, and to an agreeable termination of this difficult question. Governor Simpson will probably remain in New York up to the sailing of the next steamer from Boston; the agents of the company being Messrs. Maitland, Kennedy and Co. It is the general belief among the British Embassy here, that Mr. Polk will moderate his views on the Oregon question and such probably will be the rumour in New York.

The Nashville Union contradicts a rumour that the democratic members of the Tennessee legislature intend to nominate Mr. Polk for reeelection to the Presidency.

The New York Herald, of the 24th ult., revives the remour current many months ago, to the effect that Mr. Pakenham was endeavouring to negotiate a commercial treaty with the United States Government. The Herald justly remarks that, -=-

"This would be an example for the regulation of the commerce of the world;" and that "two leading commercial nations, commencing a reciprocal system of commerce with low rates of duties, would soon cause the principle to extend to every portion of the world;" and "would also exercise on the Oregon question an influence beneficial and advantageous in the extreme.

The Boston Post gives currency to a rumour that Mr. Pakenham, "Who, it is understood, has been placed hors decombat in the negotiation about Oregon with Mr. Buchanan, will be recalled, and that a new Minister will be sent out to adjust the differences between the two nations upon more liberal terms than have heretofore been insisted upon by Great Britain."

The Washington Union, of the 26th ult,, thus attempts by a side blow, to damage the pacific influence of the Whig journals and Mr. Webster: -

"What has been the effect of the course, pursued by the National Intelligence; and other Whig papers, upon the Oregon question? Can any one in this country believe, for one moment, that the policy adopted by these journals, with a view, as we believe, to annoy the Administration to which they are opposed, has not exerted a malign influence abroad? How can it be otherwise? If the English Government shall see us divided in opinion - if it discovers that a large and respectable party, or the editorial representatives of such a part, are defending and sustaining the anti-American side of the Oregon question - will not that Government be encouraged to maintain a position which some of our own countrymen, for their own purposes, loudly proclaim she should not be called upon to relinquish?

"Again, what effect is likely to be produced in Great Britain, when the position of a person of Mr. Webster's reputation is known upon the Oregon question? Can such evidence of division and distraction in our midst whether partial or extensive, exert any other than an unhappy influence? To establish our rights to get them recognized in their proper extend, we should have harmonious action. Amity, concord will accomplish all. Division, serious division, upon such a question as that of Oregon, may be productive of infinite mischief. With this conviction, we earnestly exhort the friends of peace and of Oregon to act in unison. We invoke the Whig party - numbering, as we believe, so many who are ready to participate in the adoption of all proper measures - to assert and maintain our title to the Oregon territory, to abjure all mere partisanship, and rally, upon this national question, at leas to the support of the Administration".

Rumors having been afloat that Mr. Buchanan would be transferred from the Secretaryship of State, the "Official journal" reiterates its assertion that Mr. Buchanan will retain his present position in the Cabinet, and states that no effort has been made to "persuade" that gentleman to retire from the executive department of the Government, nor to accept a seat upon the supreme bench, whatever may have been intimated to the contrary.

The New York Herald gives the following: -- We learn from our private and confidential correspondence at Washington, who has the best means of knowing that a few days since Sir George Simpson, the Governor of the Hudson-bay Company, was there, and had several interesting conversations with Mr. Pakenham, the British Minister, relative to the forthcoming message of Mr. Polk and the position of the American Government on the Oregon question. The result of the interview between the two British functionaries was that a visit was made by Mr. Pakenham to the Secretary of the Treasury, and other members of the American Government. What was the precise nature of the conversation that ensued between the British Minister and the Government, our correspondent does not profess to know; but he learned that Sir George Simpson departed, and is now in New York highly elated with the belief that the position which Mr. Polk intends to assume on the Oregon question in his message, is highly favourable to the maintenance of peace between the two countries, and to an agreeable termination of this difficult question. Governor Simpson will probably remain in New York up to the sailing of the next steamer from Boston; the agents of the company being Messrs. Maitland, Kennedy and Co. It is the general belief among the British Embassy here, that Mr. Polk will moderate his views on the Oregon question, and such probably will be the rumour in New York.

The Nashville Union contradicts a rumour that the democratic members of the Tennessee Legislature intend to nominate Mr. Polk for re-election to the Presidency.

The New York Herald, of the 24th ult, revives the rumour current many months ago, to the effect that Mr. Pakenham was endeavouring to negotiate a commercial treaty with the United States Government. The Herald justly remarks that -

"This would be an example for the regulation of the commerce of the world.

LT 1845/12/27/4c Oregon question

London, Saturday, December 27, 1834

It is impossible but that the tone in which the President discusses the questions of Oregon and Texas must grate rather harshly on every Cin-Atlantic ear. In the old world we are not accustomed to hear statesmen and rulers announce new principles of public morality, to demand an insulation from the universal laws and sympathies of their kind, and in their place to erect a convenient system of original and axionatic claims: we only aspire to develop the old. Whoever declines to rest his claims on the ancient foundations of equity and truth, is immediately asked for his credentials, and nothing less than a heavenly sanction with satisfy us for the absence of admissible human pleas. From the beginning of time the man who promises a new morality, or what comes to the same thing, an exemption from the old, is solicited for a sign. We still confess our dependence on Divine authentications. When a miracle has been performed, and Congress has attested the presence of supernatural powers, then, and only then, shall we yield our convictions to the novelties of the American creed. Then and then only shall we admit it to be a mortal sin deserving the summary vengeance of the Union, to offer our mediation or advice to any North American state, to enforce ancient treaties and defend ancient occupation in a neutral and unappropriated American territory.

The President himself betrays the novelty of his position, when he claims at the same time independent principles and an independent sphere. Unless he had been prepared to claim a world of his own he could not have represented the obligations of all humanity. He consistently outlaws America before he establishes the laws of the old world. New laws demand a new tribunal. The old world has long been subject to a supreme international Government, which, whether by the regular operation of its rules, whether by continued negotiation, whether by treaties and conventions, in a certain effected way does more or less embrace every civilized realm. It protects the weak from the strong, and brings every claim to one and the same universal test, obviates those disastrous claims, which one allowed, are apt to divide all in a common calamity. The United States of North America proclaims to the whole world and especially to the

Family, that they are members of no such system and will be accountable to no such authority.

The United States sincerely desirous of preserving relations of good standing with all nations, cannot in silence permit any European interference on the North American continent; and should any such interference be attempted, will be ready to resist it at any and all hazards.

The people of the United States cannot, therefore, view with intolerance attempts of European Powers to interfere with the independent actions of the nations on this continent. The American system of this Government is entirely different from that of Europe. Jealousy among the different sovereign nations of Europe, lest any of them might become the powerful for the rest, has caused them anxiously to desire the establishment of what they term as the Balance of Power. It cannot be permitted to have any application of the North American continent, and especially to the United nation, than President Polk would give them credit for. They do not cut down their prospects to the compass and policy of a Presidential address. Like all other nations of the earth, they air an exercising what they consider a beneficial influence on all their brotherhood of the human kind. They feel the universally innate desire to regenerate all the world after the image and type of self. To extend the principles of "self-government" and "free institutions", to extinguish tyrants and aristocrats, to level all social irregularities, all over the world, especially where reform is most needed,, and the change will be the greatest, are objects ever on their lips and deep in their bosoms. They only hide their time to fulfill their great "mission" and execute a glorious deliverance from class legislation and territorial bondage for every nation of the earth. That golden vision is circumscribed by no continual bounds. Old and new are all alike to the American philanthropist, and philanthropy in that country is the theory and profession of every citizen. Any substantial and resolute resistance offered by an considerable portion of Europe to the dominion of the altar and the throne may almost reckon on the certainty of Anglo-American cooperation.

The classified reader will find in this theory of political insulation a most exact counterpart of one advanced with much plausibility and eloquence, though without either truth or effect, by an ancient sate, in many respects the prototype of the Anglo-American commonwealth. It was a people of great enterprise, daring, and power; famous in those days, the America of Greece, though of no great consideration now. It was the little island of Corfu; once the"far west" of civilization, now absorbed into its most central recess and innermost bosom. When another country of that colony, long after the actual independence of the latter, had some occasion to resent the arrogance of its offspring, the ambassadors of Coreyra pleaded in the Athenian assembly their distance and separation from all the old world, and independence of interests, and their habitual "practice" of non-interference, in lines which the American President might almost be supposed to have borrowed for his purposes. We will not enter into the arguments adduced on the Corinthian side of the controversy. The facts of the case were certainly against the Corcyreans, who do not appear to have made the last use of their insulation, and their theory of being, as Mr. Polk says,"the best judge" in their own cause. However, they were now forced to solicit Athenian aid, and soon became the focus of a most dreadful and disastrous war, which ended in the utter disruption of the community, and ruin of their st ate. Such was the end of their theory of political and moral insulation.

It is the misfortune of those who write for the daily press, that they are often called on to do the duty of posterity long before the sun has risen on the momentous and every-varying discussions of a midnight Legislature. In the space of two or three hours they have frequently to forecast the sentence of ages, and to review the utmost gravity of sentiment, the calmest circumspection, and most prophetic prudence, announcements, the very words and tones of which are still lingering in the ear and never attempted to propagate it by intrigues, by diplomacy or by force. We may claim on this continent a like expemption for European interference. The nations of America are equally sovereign and independent with those of Europe. They possess the same rights, independent of all foreign interposition, to make war, to conclude peace and to regulate their internal affairs.

As a matter of act nothing can be more untrue. By the proof of history America is inextricably mixed up with European politics. In the last European war the Union sympathized with our continental foes, and took advantage of our embarrassments to assert its claims. In so doing it only followed the instinct of all its contending parties, who, whatever be the nature of the quarrel, or the principles on which they maintain it, do in fact select the season of their adversary's weakness as the best opportunity of striking a blow, and cannot help feeling a common cause with other hostile parties. France sympathized with the States, and rendered them most important service in the war of independence; and that sympathy was long after returned. We cannot express the fact better than in the words of Governor Strong, addressed to the Legislature of Massachusetts on January l2, 1814: 

"The friends of peace (says the Governor) are accused of being under British influence, but their accusers ought to reflect whether partialities of an opposite kind have not produced the evils we suffer, and whether if our conduct to both belligerents had been impartial, a war with either would have been though necessary.

We had assumed the character of a neutral nation, but had we not violated the duties imposed by that character? Had not every subject of complaint against one belligerent been amply displayed, and those against the other been concealed or palliated? It has been suggested we have no connection with regard to the war, but when France and England are in a most arduous struggle, and we interfered with one of them, will any man doubt our intention to the other?"

And as it happens, and as every one moderately reacts, the more popular Anglo-American literature knows full well, our republican kinsmen do feel a more generous, more expansive, more universal and we may even say, a more humane and social ambition, then President Polk would give them credit for. They do not cut down their prospects to the States. We must over maintain the principle, that the people of this continent alone have the right to decide their own destiny. Should any portion of them, constituting an independent state, propose to write themselves with our confederacy, this will be a question. For them and us to determine, without any foreign interposition. We can never consent that European Powers shall interfere to prevent such a union, because it might disturb the balance of power which they may desire to maintain upon this continent.

The natural insulation of the new continents must be great indeed, which can justify so great a social or rather anti-social independence. It must be shown not only that there is no necessity for political relations, but not even a possibility, not even a case in which such could possibly arise. The fact, however, is far otherwise. The old and the new world are separated by much less distances than those which divide the constituent nations of each. The western nations of Europe are within a fortnight's voyage of nearly the whole North American population from the Isthmus of Darien to the shores of Lake Superior. We have more frequent and more intimate communications with the States than we have with Russia. In the same practical point of view we are far nearer to North America, we could almost add the South, "than we are to Africa and Asia. If America is a world of its own, then also is each of the four conventional quarters of the globe. In fact, there is no more reason in nature why America should segregate itself from the universal system and universal code, than any other quarter. Nor does history present any contradiction to this antecedent and natural unity of the whole world; and the President only shows the utter groundlessness of his theory, when he affects a reference to the political facts of the question:

"It is well known to the American people and to all nations, that this Government has never interfered

with the relations existing between Governments. We have never made ourselves parties to their wars or their alliances; we have not fought their territories by conquest; we have not mingled with parties in their domestic struggles; and believing our own form of government to be the best, we have never attempted to propagate it by intrigues, by diplomacy, or by force. We may claim on this continent a like exemption from European interference. The nations of America are equally sovereign and independent with those of Europe. They preserve the same rights, independent of all foreign interpretation, to make war to conclude peace, and to regulate their internal affairs."

As a matter of fact, nothing can be more untrue. By the proof of history , America is inextricably mixed up with European politics. In the last European war the Union sympathized with our continental foes, and took advantage of our embarrassments to assert its claims. In so doing it only followed the instinct, of all contending parties, who, whatever be the nature of the quarrel, or the principles which they maintain it, do in fact select the reason of their adversary's weakness as the best. [PGC]

LT 1845/12/30/4a Diplomatic correspondence with the US

LONDON, Tuesday, December 30, l845

Our columns of yesterday contained, and were almost monopolized by the prolix and interesting, but no amusing correspondence carried on during the last twelve months between our Minister to the United States and the two Foreign Ministers of the Republic, Messrs. Calhoun and Buchanan. With out at all professing to dissect these State papers with the accuracy and minute criticism which their importance deserves, we may yet lay before our readers a summary of the more important points which this voluminous correspondence presents,

The first letter of the American Minister, Mr. Calhoun, dated September 3, l8ll, commences rather ominously:

"The undersigned declines the proposal of the British Plenipotantiary on the ground that it would have the effect of restricting the possibilities of the United States to limits far more circumscribed than the claims clearly entitle them to. It proposes to limit their northern boundary by a line drawn from the Rocky Mountains, along the l9th parallel of latitude to the north easternmost branch of the Columbia river and then down the middle of that river to the sea giving to Great Britain all the country north and the United Sates all south of that line except a detached territory extending to the Pacific, and the Straits of Fuca from Bulfinch's Harbour to Hood's Canal. To which it is proposed, in addition, to make free to the Unites States any port which the United States Government might desire, either on the mainland or on Vancouver's Island, south of Latitude 49 degrees." His successor, Mr. Buchanan, concludes his letter of the l2th of July, l845, by proposing toe the British Government, in the name of the President that--

"The Oregon territory shall be divided between the two countries by the 49th parallel of north latitude from the Rocky Mountains, to the Pacific Ocean; offering, at the same time, to make free to Great Britain any port or ports on Vancouver's Island, south of ths Parallel which the British Government may desire."

It will appear, therefore, on reference being made to the map that the representative of the American Government claimed for his country all the district between the 49th degree of north latitude, including the Columbia River and the land on each side of it, and exclusive only of such port or ports on Vancouver's Island as we might wish to retain, south of this line; whilst, on the other hand, our Minister claimed on our behalf all the territory that lies to the north, and northwest of a line continued from the present boundary in the parallel 49 degrees to the northeast point of the Columbia, and drawn through that river to the sea, with the reservation of a coast district in favour of America. A glance at the map will show that the object of both diplomatists was to obtain for their respective countries the navigation of the Columbia and the possesstion of the ports at its mouth. The former of these the American Minister claims for the United States exclusively; whilst ours was content to share both the benefits of its navigation and the possession of its banks on equal terms with the counter-claimant. But the terms proposed pleased neither party. Mr. Pakenham expressed a hope that the American Government would be prepared to offer some further proposal for the settlement of the Oregon question more consistent with fairness and with the reasonable expectations of the British Government." And Mr. Buchanan replied to this in a letter which concludes the published correspondence, by withdrawing the proposition previously made by the United States Government to Great Britain.

Such is the aspect, as yet revealed, of our diplomatic relations with the American republic. It is one which presents difficulties, but not such as can only be cut by the sword. The correspondence which has taken place, while it reflects great credit on the talent, is no less creditable to the temper, of those who have conducted it; and though we might be disposed to carp at some of the verbal sophisms and special pleadings employed by Mr. Buchanan, we are more inclined to praise the unblustering and dignified tone which distinguishes both his and his predecessor's communications.

The rights on which rest the claims advanced by the Ministers of the two nations are threefold; viz., those of discovery, occupation, and the transmission of Spanish rights. England claims the valley of the Columbia River and the coast to the south of Vancouver's Island, on the authority of discoveries by Cooke, Vancouver and Mackenzie; on the authority of the Nootka Sound Convention in l790 with Spain, and of settlements effected by American traders, It will be obvious that the right of sovereignty which attends discovery, unless backed by some decisive measures on the part of the Government by whom or by whose subjects the discovery is made is worth very little. Did the rule prevail that every nation was entitled in perpetuity to the sovereignty of any territory discovered and claimed by any of its subjects, without any immediate act on the part of its Executive to enforce such claim, the tenure of most colonial dependencies at the present day would be one of very equivocal legality, and indeed there is so much obscurity and doubt hanging over the history of all territorial discoveries, that it would be difficult to suggest a worse title than that which is conferred by the assertion of such a claim, unsupported by any evidence of confirmation by the Government in whose behalf it is represented to have been made. In the present instance, the honours of discovery appear to be due to a Spanish navigator of the l7th century, Juan de Fuca, who has given his name to the strait that separates Vancouver's Island from the mainland. Nor is a much better title afforded by mere occupancy unprotected by the home Government of a state, and unrecognized by foreign nations. The question of right is thus narrowed to the consideration of the original proprietorship and subsequent alienation. The American Ministers assert, that not only the valley of the Columbia, but the whole of the Oregon territory as far as the 52d degree of north latitude - belonged to Spain, and was Spain transferred to the United States at the Treaty of Florida in l8l9. They say that they have a title not only to the valley drained by the Columbia, but also to the whole of the Oregon; and they take credit to themselves for evincing no small moderation in proposing the parallel of the 49th degree as a boundary line. The question therefore arises, which is the better claim; that which is founded on the treaty by Spain with England in l790 or that which rests on the Florida Treaty with the United States in l8l9? By the former Spain agreed to give indemnity to British subjects dispossessed of their settlements about Nootka Sound, and to guarantee the same liberty of access to the citizens of both nations "as well in those parts" which were restored to British subjects. as in the other parts of North America, which then belonged to Spain. By the latter, she ceded all her authority and jurisdiction over her provinces in North America to the United States. Now, when it is recollected that in l789 Spain abandoned her settlements in Nootka Sound, and that from this time she appears to have neglected this portion of her colonies empire altogether, it seems a very questionable doctrine to hold that any treaty made 50 years afterwards could transfer to another nation possessions left, and recognized as left in the hands of Englishmen. The only parties to the treaty of l790 were England and Spain, The country which was the subject of the treaty was afterwards abandoned by Spain. The parties expressly mentioned in the treaty as to be "indemnified" and "restored" were English. It seems difficult to avoid one of two conclusions on premises like these, viz., that the property and possession of this district were virtually ceded to England, or that Spain and England were to hold it on terms of joint occupancy. In the former case Spain could have no right whatsoever to transfer it by a treaty made 30 years afterwards; in the other she could only surrender her possessions and rights which she shared with England. In neither case can the United Sates claim the exclusive sovereignty of the Oregon territory.

But we are aware that it is not the equity of a title which is alone allowed to determine questions of this kind. .The interests of the litigant parties form an important element in the materials for the deliberation of diplomatists. It is for the advantage of the two countries that the dispute should be speedily settled; it is for the advantage of the whole civilized world that it should be settled amicably. It would be monstrous that two nations which have for twenty or thirty years been enjoying this vast territory on terms of joint occupancy, should not proceed to a violent and sanguinary termination of their several claims. It would be monstrous that claims virtually disallowed by the hitherto existing conditions of settlement, should now be set up to deprive British settlers of some of the chief advantages which they have heretofore possessed in security. If Great Britain had no right to any portion of the Oregon territory, or if the occupation of the Columbia valley was an invasion, how comes it that the United States Government did not remonstrate long ago? Why were Englishmen allowed to settle at all in Oregon? How came they there at first? The answer is plain. There could have been no exclusive right avowed on the part of the United States to the possession of this district at the period of their first settlement. There is nothing of the kind pretended to in this correspondence. The whole country was probably regarded as open to the colonists of every nation. Afterwards, the Treaty of Florida was pronounced or pretended to have ceded the entire government of it to the United States. But the very policy pursued by them shows that they felt the difficulty of acting upon such a title. And, if there were difficulties then in the way of an exclusive claim, there are no less difficulties now, when the numbers of the settlers have been increased and their relations complicated by time.

It must be a matter of arrangement. Each of the two nations has enjoyed the full advantages of the district, in respect of rivers and harbours. It would be unjust to make such a partition as would take from the subjects of either state privileges to which they have been accustomed. Great Britain proposes to divide the use of the Columbia River with America. Why should the latter reject this offer? The subjects of Great Britain have hitherto enjoyed this privilege in common with American citizens. It would be carrying concession to the verge of servility were the English Government to assent to such a deprivation, without obtaining some compensatory benefit; and why did the American Government reject the proposal of submitting the question to arbitration? The English Government has no other desire on this subject but that which inspires the English people to act in the spirit of fairness and peace. It covets no extension of empire; it seeks no unjust aggrandizement; it earnestly deprecates the notion of hostilities between two kindred nations, but as earnestly revolts from the idea of neglecting a few helpless subjects in a remote and unprotected district, or of submitting to any sacrifice incompatible with the national honour. It therefore would willingly confide the decision of its claims and the definition of its rights to any impartial arbiter, if it should be found impracticable to arrive at a satisfactory settlement by negotiation.

Form an important element in the materials for the deliberation of diplomatists. It is for the advantage of the two countries that the dispute should be speedily settled; it is for the advantage of the whole civilized world that it should be settled amicably. It would be monstrous two nations which have for twenty or thirty years have been enjoying this vast territory on terms of joint occupancy, should now proceed to a violent and sanguinary termination of their several claims. It would be monstrous that claims virtually disallowed by the hitherto existing conditions of settlement, should now be set up to deprive British settlers of some of the chief advantages which they have heretofore possessed in security. If Great Britain had no right to any portion of the Oregon territory , or if the occupation of the Columbia valley was an invasion, how comes it that the United States; Government did not remonstrate long ago? Why were Englishmen allowed to settle at all in Oregon? How came they there at first? The answer is plain. There could have been no exclusive right avowed on the part of the United States to the possession of this district at the period of their first settlement. There is nothing of the kind pretended to this correspondence. The whole country was probably regarded as open to the colonists of every nation.

Afterwards the Treaty of Florida was pronounced or pretended to have ceded the entire government of it to the United States. But the very policy pursued by them shows that they felt the difficulty of acting upon such a title. And, if there were difficulties then in the way of an exclusive claim, there are no less difficulties now, when the numbers of the settlers have been increased and their relations complicated by time.

It must be a matter of arrangement. Each of the two nations has enjoyed the full advantages of the district, in respect of rivers and harbours. It would be unjust to make such a partition as would take from the subjects of either state privileges to which they have been accustomed. Great Britain proposes to divide the use of the Columbia River with America. Why should the latter reject this offer? The subjects of Great Britain hitherto enjoyed this privilege in common with American citizens. It would be carrying concession to the verge of survility were the English Government to assent to such a deprivation, without obtaining some compensatory benefit; and why did the American Government reject the proposal of submitting the question to arbitration? The English government has no other desire on this subject but that which inspires the English people to act in the spirit of fairness and of peace. It covets no extension of empire; It seeks no unjust agrandizement; it deprecates the notion of hostilities between two kindred nations, but as earnestly revolts from the idea of neglecting a few helpless subjects in a remote and unprotected district, or of submitting to any sacrifice incompatible with the national honour It there fore would willingly confide the decision of its claims and the definition of its rights to any impartial arbiter, if it should be; found impracticable to arrive at a satisfactory settlement by negotiation. [PGC]

LT 1845/12/30/3a US and French Press


December 27, l845

"The message of the President of the United States respecting the Oregon question, observes the Journal des Debats -
"is not of a tenour to indicate that Mr. Polk is animated by a spirit of conciliation. He dwells much upon his moderation, but he shows it so little, and his tone is such, that should a similar tone be assumed by the British Government, the affair must inevitably terminate in a war. Negotiations rejecting the Oregon territory have been pending since the year l8l8. Both Powers wish to possess the river Columbia, the only important stream in the west of the New World. In the conferences which were held in l8l8, l824, and l826, it was agreed that the navigation should be free for both countries, but the United States wished to possess both banks from the 49th degree of latitude to the ocean. England offered the left bank, preserving the other for herself, both countries having the free right of traffic with the Indians. Such is the convention which at present exists, and which Mr. Polk wishes to put an end to. The President, instead of exerting himself to bring the debate to a pacific termination, appears to have done all in his power to render it impossible. During the negotiations of l844, England gave up to the United States a part of the right bank of the river, and one or more ports in the Archipelago. Thus England evinced every desire to arrange the affair amicably, by offering more than in the former negotiations. Mr. Polk, on the contrary, offered less, and was strenuous in his endeavours to prevent the English navigating the Columbia; as a compensation he consented to give them one or more ports in the island of Quadra and Vancouver - a compensation of little value. He, moreover, declared, that when he consented to leave any portion whatsoever of the Oregon territory to Great Britain, he did it, not as an acknowledgment that she had any right to it, but simply from a desire to preserve peace, and out of respect for those of his predecessors who had negotiated upon the basis of a partition with England. England having refused to listen to the offer made by Mr. Polk (and which he was pleased to consider a most gracious one), the President withdrew it, and then maintained that the whole of the Oregon territory was the lawful property of the Union. Notwithstanding the tone of the President's message, it does not follow that a war must necessarily ensue. How often in Europe have different Powers been as near hostilities? The Chamber of Representatives may vote certain offensive measures for England, it is even to be expected that such will be the case, as the President is doing all in his power to excite it to do so, but it is hoped that the pacific interests will find a refuge in the Senate. The President breathes war, and his message in that respect is a novelty, even after those of General Jackson. Mr. Polk evidently belongs to a new school; and the American democracy, since the taking possession of Texas, abandons itself to an ambition which may prove fatal to it. His message is without precedent, not merely as regards the manner in which the Oregon question is treated, but on account of the general tone which characterizes it. Up to the present time, or at least up to the time of General Jackson, it was customary in the messages to speak in a differential tone to the European Powers. The Presidents were men who had seen Europe, and who duly appreciated the power of the great states of the old continent. In those solemn documents concocted principally for the multitude, they showed themselves proud of the republican institutions, they made a pompous parade of the prosperity sans egale (the favourite term of the country), but they carefully avoided anything which might be regarded at the other side of the Atlantic as vain and ridiculous bravadoes. They exhorted the nation conformably to the last proclamation of Washington to confine itself to domestic affairs and not to aim at other conquests than those which she accomplished so honourably, as well as profitably, over the wild and uncultivated lands at its disposal. Mr. Polk, very different from his illustrious predecessors, reduces himself to the level of the rough cultivators of the valley of the Ohio, in whose opinion Europe is a collection of degraded beings groaning under the weight of monarchical government, and which it would be no difficult matter for the forces of the Union to overcome. It is impossible to explain the imprudent language contained in the President's message in any other manner. But England is not the only Power to which the arrogant message applies. France us likewise roughly handled with respect to the Texas affair. France is reproached with wishing to have Texas made an independent state instead of going to swell the American federation, and the incorporation of Texas is represented as a victory over the European monarchies. The message reminds France that she was an ally formerly of the United States, that she has a common interest with the Union - that of the freedom of the seas. France is, in truth an advocate for maritime liberty; but this liberty was not in question in the affair of Texas. France has been a useful and powerful ally of the United States. She has ever applauded the increase of the prosperity and power of America, but that is no reason that she should applaud the United States when they gave themselves up to the spirit of conquest, when by a procedure ever to be condemned they took from Mexico one of its finest provinces to appropriate it to their own use, and for the express purpose of reestablishing what the Mexicans had so nobly abolished, viz. The infamous slave trade. France although not republican, is not the less devoted t the cause of liberty. She loves justice, and could not see America openly violate the rights of men without feeling painfully hurt. A propos to that detestable hypocrisy, for in reading that document any person ignorant of the real facts of the case would imagine that it was the United States, and not Mexico, which had a right to complain. France then was acting a noble part when she negotiated with the view to put a period to those encroachments which nothing could justify."

The Press states that "The message of the President of the United States is more diffuse than any previous document of the same nature. It is with difficulty contained in nine columns of small text. The Oregon question being the most important matter eluded to in that document, merits attention before all the others. Upon that question the language of the President is clear and determined, and boldly maintains the pretensions already manifested last year as to the totality of the territory. After having, at considerable length, explained that the different proposals made by his predecessors to Great Britain had been rejected by that Power, Mr. Polk declares that, according to his judgment, the British Government could not legitimately prove any right over any portion of the contested territory, according to the reocognized principles of all nations. There were three proposals made by the predecessors of Mr. Polk to the British Cabinet. It was offered to arrange the question in litigation by surrendering to Great Britain the portion situated beyond the 49th degree of north latitude, and on two different occasions it was proposed to declare the navigation of the river Columbia free. Mr. Polk considers that those concessions were excessive and he congratulates himself that they were refused, and that consequently they may be withdrawn. The free navigation of the Columbia appears to him to be a privilege which ought not on any terms to be accorded by the American Government, and on this subject his opinion is so firmly fixed, that Mr. Pakenham, the British Minister at Washington, desparing to convince the President, had abandoned all discussion on that point. A convention passed on the 6th of August l827, between the two nations, stipulated that, pending a definitive arrangement, the territory should be occupied conjointly by the two parties. One or other of the Governments must, however, give way, or the difference must be settled by force. Notwithstanding the gravity of this question, we believe that the affair will be arranged. Reciprocal concessions will be made. The American Government has never been so absolute as it appears at present. The rights which Mr. Polk affirms to be so clear are on the contrary, contestable. His predecessors opened the way to a compromise, and he will, no doubt, return to the same course. England was wrong not to have accepted at a former period the arrangement proposed to her. She has, as she has frequently done previously, erred through being too obstinate. But at present she will, no doubt, prefer to a war which would be disastrous for the two nations, the proposal which was previously refused. The question, moreover, is now placed on such grounds that no further adjournment is possible, and the attention of the two countries ought, therefore, to be directed to it immediately. It is not doubtful that in the American Chamber of Representatives the views of the President will obtain a considerable majority. The election of Speaker, which took place on the 2d of this month, is in this respect a certain indication. The candidate of the Opposition party, Mr. Davis, was elected by l20 votes to 72 given to the Whig candidate."We want time and space, " says the National - "To appreciate in a becoming manner, the clear, firm and decided language of Mr. Polk. We will content ourselves today with stating, that the measures proposed by the President, from the abrogation of the convention of l828 to the establishment of military posts, clearly indicate the resolution of the American Government to occupy the contested territory, not temporarily, but permanently. The English press, which affects to find the President's message more moderate than it expected, will no doubt explain to us what more it had to dread than the formal declarations - lst, that the right of America over Oregon was absolute, and that she was determined if necessary to assert it by the force of arms; 2d, that no compromise is practicable; 2d, that the temporary convention must expire in a year; 4th, finally that the soldiers, laws and post office of the United States shall extend to the contested territory, and render it hereafter a truly American land. Mr. Guizot and his theory of the European balance of power applied to the American continent, will find it difficult to triumph over the principle which Mr. Polk means to uphold with regard to Europe."

"As respects the Oregon question," says the Constiutionel -

"It is easy to perceive that the President was abashed by the bad effect of the phillippies of his journal. After the warlike declamations of the Washington Union after the semi-official announcement of some of the Democratic journals that the message would contain a complete vindication of the rights of the United States, and reject all of a compromise, the language of Mr. Polk must appear singularly pale and subdued. President after referring to anterior negotiations and announcing that a compromise being no longer possible, it was time to renounce that coure and set up a claim to the entire of Oregon. He next recommended the adoption of measures of protection on behalf of the Americans already settled in Oregon. He says nothing of the mode of conducting that negotiation with England, nor does he allude in the least to the more or less probable necessity of recurring to arms to terminate the difference. So far from that, Mr. Polk subscribes beforehand and most heartily to any measure different from his own which Congress may think proper to adopt, in order to settle the question. That language is little in accord with the declaration of the Union, or the menacing and provoking tone assumed last year by Mr. Tyler on the subject of Texas and Oregon."

The Siecle observes that the "messages of the Presidents of the American Union exceed in general all the limits assigned to documents of a similar nature in the European States. Mr. Polk has enlarged the practice of his predecessors and the twelve columns of our journal would scarcely suffice to republish the detailed exposition which he thought proper to make of his policy. We shall confine ourselves at present to indicate the principal features of that message, in which all Europe and in particular France and England have been rather rudely cast at the feet of the United States. It will be seen from the perusal of the President's message that without having more intimately conciliated England, M. Guizot has succeeded in producing a serious coolness between France and the United States, which are our natural allies. Not only did not the Minister for Foreign Affairs prevent the annexation of Texas by his unfortunate interventrator, to which he aspired in the contest raised on the Oregon territory. Never, says Mr. Polk, will the United States submit this question to the arbitration of a third power. The President after having given an historical statement of the negotiations, commenced by his predecessors, declares that England, after having refused all the proposals made to her, and not having proposed in return any that were acceptable, the negotiations had closed for the present. Mr. Polk does not refuse to enter into a compromise. He declares himself disposed to follow in this respect the instructions given him by the Congress; but at the same time declares himself determined to dissolve the convention of l826, by virtue of which a joint occupation has been held, and to solicit from the Congress certain measures to extend immediately the protection of the American laws to the colonists of the Oregon. The joint occupation ceasing after a notice of twelve months, the question must then be solved by force or by diplomacy. But it is difficult to affirm that the Congress will sanction Mr. Polks proposal, although the Democratic party reckons a strong majority in the Chamber of Representatives, and a majority of six votes in the Senate. [PGC]

LT 1845/12/30/6f US, report of the Secretary of War

THE UNITED STATES, December 30, l845

We subjoin abridged reports from the several Secretaries of State, which are extremely valuable as evidence of the efficiency of the several departments:


This document occupies five columns of the Union, but the following synopsis from that paper tells the whole of a long story:

It exhibits in the first instance the organization, strength, and constitution of the regular army. The rank and file - embracing every arm of the service - does not exceed 6500men. At this time thereis stationed but a single regiment on the whole northern frontier, from Maine to Lake Superior - an extent of 2000 miles and on the whole line from the Falls of St. Anthony to New Orleans (l500 miles) only one regiment of dragoons and two of infantry. The artillery regiments - reduced by detachments of four companies from each - now garrison the fortification of the seaboard from Newport to New Orleans. The remaining and larger proportion of the army is now stationed in Texas. The report gives an interesting account of the political reasons which have induced the government to give them this destination. The secretary does not think it prudent to remove the troops from this position until our relations with Mexico have assumed a more decidedly amicable character. In the event of there being any necessity to increase the army he proposes to build upon the basis of the regiments by adding to the rank and file of each company, instead of creating new regiments. This necessity may be found in the course of Mexico, or in the conduct of the Cumanches, or of the Indians found in Oregon, or that may interrupt the increased current of the emigrations to the Rocky Mountains. By the proposed arrangement of filling up the infantry companies to 68 men and the dragoons to 60 the privates are increased without a corresponding augmentation of the officers.

The report suggests that besides this increase of the number of privates in the two existing regiments of dragoons, another regiment of dragoons or of mounted riflemen may be necessary in the event of extending our posts to the Rocky Mountains.

It states that though the concentration of so large a proportion of the army on the frontier of Texas may have, in some measure, enlarged the expenditures (certainly in the article of transportation), yet it has in some degree been compensated by the improvement which has taken place in the discipline of the troops. It renews the recommendations for establishing a corps of sappers, miners and pontoniers, to assist, among other thins, in constructing bridges, in consequence of the military occupation of Texas. L00 men will be sufficient for the purpose.

The report gives a rapid but interesting account of Colonel Kearney's expedition, during the last summer to the south pass of the Rock Mountains, the impressions it produced among the Indians, the number of emigrants which it met on their way to Oregon, to the number of 2325 men, women and children, with 7000 head of cattle, 400 horses and mules, and 460 wagons. This report of Colonel Kearney accompanies the communication of the commanding general, and will furnish, no doubt, an interesting store of extracts at a season of grater leisure. It also refers to the adventures of another detachment of the dragoons, under the command of Captain Sumner, nearly to the northern line of the United States, between Lake Superior and the Lake of the Woods.

Among the Indians whom they met with on their route, and upon whom they made a due impression with their military array, was number of bands, the half-breeds of the Red River of the North, who had come from the region of the Hudson Bay Company into our lines to hunt buffalo. They had even solicited permission to reside in the United States.

The Secretary refers to the considerations which had prompted General Gaines to dispatch the volunteers of Louisiana to the camp of General Taylor. Ample justice is done to their gallantry and Congress is invited to make appropriations for their compensation. General Taylor had also accepted the services of four Texan companies of mounted men for three months.

The estimates for the ensuing year do not greatly vary from those of former years. The item for arming the fortifications is increased l00,000 dollars. The attention of Congress is directed to the state of the fortifications - to the armories of Springfield and Harper's Ferry - to the establishment of a national foundry for cannon - to the preservation of the gunpowder belonging to the Government - to the condition of the mineral lands in the northwest, which the Secretary proposes to transfer from the management of the Ordnance department to some other (The President's message suggests to the land office).

It calls the attention of Congress to the 48 forts in process of construction, and to the propriety of erecting new forts at other points. Among these, as suggested by the reports of the Engineers, are fortifications of the narrows at Staten Island and Sandy Hook, and the condition of the long-suspended fortress at the Pea Patch; an additional work at Solles' Point, for the protection of Baltimore; and projected fortifications on the Florida reef.

The Secretary speaks with great consideration of the school at West Point, and proposes some improvements. He calls special attention to the report of the chief of the corps of Topographical Engineers to the improvement of the harbours on the lakes, which are so well calculated to furnish accommodations to steamers, that in a state of war, may be turned to the most effective purposes, and to furnish facilities to a commerce that now estimated at $l00,000,000. Annually.

The secretary speaks with enthusiasm of expeditions under Captain Fremont, and his valuable services. He refers to the reports of the pension office, which has now returned on its books 28,92l pensioners - 237l added during the last year and l438 known to have died. He devotes a considerable space to the Indian agency and the Indians - the Pottawatomics, the Choctaws, and particularly the Cherokees. He lays before the President some highly interesting communications from our Indian subagent in the territory of Oregon.

He dedicates the conclusion of his comprehensive and very interesting report to a subject which is of so profound an importance in a free government, viz., the organization of the militia. He suggests various alterations, and, amongst the rest, submits the question, whether it might not be advisable to reduce the period of service from l8 years of age to 2l, upon the ground that although citizens of l8 years of age are not too young to bear arms, they were not generally in a situation to equip themselves with arms as the law requires.


The communication of the Secretary of the Navy opens, without any preface, with the following sentence: "During the past year the usual squadrons of the navy of the United States have been maintained." In the Mediterranean, Commodore Smith had command of the Cumberland and the Plymouth. The Plymouth was ordered to the Brazil squadron, and the Cumberland returned home, and their places will be taken at the opening of the present season by a part of the present African squadron. The African squadron was organized under the command of Commodore Perry, who was relieved by Commodore Skinner; the Preble and the Truxtan contracted disease on board, and were sent home; the Southampton, with stors, was sent out to remain and was followed by the Marion and Dolphin. The Boxer is destined for the same station; and in January the Cumberland, bearing the broad pennant of Commodore Read, will relieve the Jamestown and Yorktown, which will proceed to the Mediterranean.

The disposition of the remainder of the naval force is thus stated:

On the Brazil station, Commodore Rousseau, the first officer west of the Alleghanies ever selected to command a squadron, relieves Commodore Turner. The Raritan will repair to the home squadron; the Boston is ordered to return to the United States. The Columbia, the Saratoga, the Plymouth, and the Bainbridge, will for the present constitute the Brazil squadron.

Commodore Parker, after a very successful cruize, returned from the Asiatic station in September, bringing home the Brandywine, the St. Louis, and the Perry. At the Bay of Islands, Captain McKeever, in the St. Louis, had the happiness to render valuable service to the inhabitants of an infant British settlement.

In May Commodore Biddle sailed for the East Indies in command of the Columbus ship of the line, and the Vincennes, bearing the Minister to China and the ratified treaty between the United States and the Chinese Emperor. The health of Mr. A.H. Everett, the Minister, having induced his return, the exchange of the ratification of the treaty was committed to the charge of Commodore Biddle, who will doubtless show that an able and gallant naval officer conducts satisfactorily all affairs entrusted to him.

The Constitution is on her return from China after having visited different ports and islands in the Indian seas.

The Pacific squadron, under Commodore Sloat has consisted of the Savannah, the Levant, the Warren and the Shark. The first three will return in l846 and will be relieved by the Congress, the Portsmouth and the Cyane.

The home squadron has been under the command of Commodore Conner, who has distinguished himself by sound judgment in the performance of his duty. His force, which consisted of the Potomac, the Falmouth, the Vandalia, the Lawrence, and the Somers, was weakened by the return of the Vandalia, which visited Hayti, and was driven home by the yellow fever, contracted at Port-au-Prince, where she had been ordered on duty. The squadron was increased by the Princeton and Porpoise, the St. Mary's and the Saratoga, under Commodore Stockton, and soon after by the John Adams, and the steamship Mississippi.

The Secretary visited all the naval establishments but those at Pensacola and Memphis, and they are generally in excellent order.

He recommends that the Naval Asylum at Philadelphia, at which are now more than l00 sailors, be never enlarged, but that new pensioners should be placed "in some salubrious spot near the ocean, where the aged seaman can watch ships as they come and go, and have old familiar objects in sight." There is a dash of romance in this suggestion which is rather unexpected.

He condemns as a fruitless expenditure the employment of professors and instructors on board ship and suggests midshipmen in the intervals of sea duty, may be collected together on shore and be suitably instructed. The instructors being provided, the idea was carried out by organizing a school at Fort Severn, at Annapolis, under the direction of Commander buchanan.

He recommends that the plates of all the charts engraved by order of Congress be deposited in the National Observatory building.

The grant of a large sum for the establishment of a well furnished and efficient navy yard at Pensacola is recommended, and he disapproves of the grant for the Memphis Depot, as too large for a mere work of preparation. He thinks Congress should confine the use of the money first to the construction of a rope walk, and next to simple arrangements for building and equipping steamships. He justly adds that "the United States should produce all the hemp used in the Navy and that to introduce at the west the manufacture of American hemp for the navy will prove a national benefit.

The subject of lake defenses is reserved for a special communication.

The present contract system requires modification.

No estimates are presented for the increase of the navy. The department awaits in that matter the instruction of Congress; but he remarks, that in comparison with other nations, our own is poorly supplied with sea-going steamers.

The navy is praised for its excellency and efficiency, and its able and skillful officers. He thinks the capable only should be promoted, and his position is illustrated by the following remarks:

"Many of the best among the older officers received high promotion while comparatively in early life. The younger officers of today are equally full of talent and ambition; but the present system refuses to them the opportunity of command while life is in its vigour, and reserves it for the decline of their powers."

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