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| January-June 1847 | July-December 1847 | January-June 1848 | July-December 1848 |
Index Volume/issue/page/column/date
RW48v25in1p1c1-2 4 January 1848 Estimates and Expenditures
RW48v25in1p1c3 4 January 1848 Democrat in Mexico
RW48v25in1p1c5 4 January 1848 From the Rio Grande
RW48v25in1p1c5-6 4 January 1848 Further from Jalapa
RW48v25in1p2c3 4 January 1848 Rumored Recall of General Scott
RW48v25in1p2c3 4 January 1848 Opinions in Mexico
RW48v25in1p4c2 4 January 1848 The Mexican War
RW48v25in2p2c2 7 January 1848 Twenty Regiments Bill
RW48v25in2p2c2-3 7 January 1848 General Taylor's Reception at Natchez
RW48v25in3p2c3 11 January 1848 News from Mexico via New York
RW48v25in3p4c2 11 January 1848 Polk and Santa Anna
RW48v25in3p4c4 11 January 1848 The Poor Soldier
RW48v25in4p1c3 14 January 1848 Texas
RW48v25in4p2c2 14 January 1848 The Whole of Mexico
RW48v25in5p1c2 18 January 1848 Interesting Facts
RW48v25in5p1c5 18 January 1848 Return of Santa Anna to Mexico message of the President
RW48v25in5p1c5-6 18 January 1848 Later from Mexico
RW48v25in5p1c6 18 January 1848 Reorganization of Mexican Army
RW48v25in5p2c1-2 18 January 1848 Our Mexican Relations
RW48v25in5p2c3 18 January 1848 Santa Anna and Paredes
RW48v25in5p4c1 18 January 1848 Mr. Polk and Santa Anna
RW48v25in5p4c2 18 January 1848 Later from Santa Fe
RW48v25in5p4c6-7 18 January 1848 Later from Mexico
RW48v25in5p4c7 18 January 1848 Santa Fe
RW48v25in7p1c1 25 January 1848 Santa Anna
RW48v25in7p1c3-5 25 January 1848 Subjugation of Mexico Congressional Hearing on the issue
RW48v25in7p1c5 25 January 1848 Glance at Mexican Papers
RW48v25in7p2c3 25 January 1848 Mexican Views
RW48v25in7p2c4 25 January 1848 From Santa Fe
RW48v25in7p4c5 25 January 1848 Late from Vera Cruz
RW48v25in7p4c5-6 25 January 1848 Later fro Mexico
RW48v25in8p1c6-7 28 January 1848 later from Mexico
RW48v25in8p2c2 28 January 1848 To James K. Polk City of Mexico annexed
RW48v25in8p4c1/28 January 1848 Peace Rumors
RW48v25in8p4c5 28 January 1848 Later from Vera Cruz
RW48v25in8p4c5 28 January 1848 From the Rio Grande
February
RW48259p1c2 February 1, 1848: JUDGE MCLEAN AND THE WAR
Personal statement about the war.
RW48259p2c2 February 1, 1848: CALIFORNIA AND NEW MEXICO
Info that there are armed settlers in the territories.
RW48v25i9p1c2 February 1, 1848: GEN. SCOTT
Financial estimates of the war and information on a court of inquiry.
RW48v25i9p1c3 February 1, 1848: GOVERNOR OF VERA CRUZ
News that the governor has retired.
RW48v25i9p2c6 February 1, 1848: FROM THE RIO GRANDE
RW48v25i9p3c1 February 1, 1848: MORE ANNEXATION
Talk about annexation of New Mexico and California.
RW48v25i9p3c2 February 1, 1848: TEXAS A FREE STATE
An opinion.
RW48v25i9p3c3 February 1, 1848: LATER FROM TEXAS
News about Indian wars in Texas.
RW48v25i10p1c5-6February 4, 1848: LATE AND IMPORTANT FROM MEXICO
Rumors of peace.
RW48v25i10p2c4 February 4, 1848: FROM THE RIO GRANDE
News of Mexican troop movements
RW48v25i10p4c2 February 4, 1848: POLK AND SANTA ANNA
An editorial
RW48v25i10p4c4 February 4, 1848: FROM MONTEREY
News of a review of the troops in Monterey.
RW48v25i11p2c6 February 8, 1848: LATER FROM THE CITY OF MEXICO
Assorted information about re-supply
RW48v25i11p3c1 February 8, 1848: MORE ANNEXATION
Comparison between Texas and Canada
RW48v25i13p4c2 February 15, 1848: ARREST OF MR. TRIST
Rumors of the arrest of Ambassador Trist
RW48v25i13p4c2 February 15, 1848: PEACE RUMORS
More rumors of peace
RW48v25i13p4c6 February 15, 1848: FROM TEXAS
Assorted news from Texas including murder and Indians
RW48v25i14p1c2 February 18, 1848: WAR OF CONQUEST
A letter arguing the president provoked the war with Mexico
RW48v25i14p1c6-7 February 18, 1848: LATER FROM VERA CRUZ
News of train departures in Mexico
RW48v25i14p2c5 February 18, 1848: FROM THE RIO GRANDE
Deployments of US troops along the Rio Grande to break up Mexican trade
houses
RW48v25i14p4c2 February 18, 1848: FROM NEW MEXICO
Dispute about boundaries between Texas and New Mexico
RW48v25i14p4c2-7 February 18, 1848: ON THE WAR WITH MEXICO
Exceptionally long speech by Mr. Goggin to the House of Representatives
RW48v25i16p1c2 February 25, 1848: THE TREATY OF PEACE
Outline of peace terms
RW48v25i16p1c6 February 25, 1848: MEXICAN INTELLIGENCE
Description of Santa Anna's escape
RW48v25i16p2c6 February 25, 1848: SANTA ANNA IN FAVOR OF PEACE
Rumors of Santa Anna's attitude
March
RW48v25i18p1c2 Friday, March 3, 1848: The Treaty
From the New York Tribune
RW48v25i18p2c6 Friday, March 3, 1848: The Treaty
Correspondence of the Philadelphia North American
RW48v25i18p3c7 Friday, March 3, 1848: Mexico
From the New Orleans Bee
RW48v25i18p4c1 Friday, March 3, 1848: The
Treaty
Wednesday, March 1
RW48v25i18p4c3 Friday, March 3, 1848: General Scott
RW48v25i18p4c3-7 Friday, March 3, 1848:
House of Representatives
Mr. Hudson of Massachusetts on the Loan Bill and the war
RW48v25i19p1c3 Tuesday, March 7, 1848: The Question Settled
RW48v25i19p1c3 Tuesday, March 7, 1848: The Treaty
From the Baltimore Sun
RW48v25i19p1c3 Tuesday, March 7, 1848: The Treaty and Its Chances of Ratification
RW48v25i19p1c3-4 Tuesday, March 7, 1848: Rough and Ready in Texas
RW48v25i19p1c4 Tuesday, March 7,
1848: General Scott and the Army
Correspondence for "Mustang" of the New Orleans Delta
RW48v25i19p1c5 Tuesday, March 7, 1848: Editor's Correspondence, Camp Buena Vista
RW48v25i19p1c5 Tuesday, March 7, 1848: Generals Worth and Scott
RW48v25i19p2c1 Tuesday, March 7, 1848: More of the Treaty
RW48v25i19p2c2 Tuesday, March 7, 1848: Another Pass for Santa Anna
RW48v25i19p2c2 Tuesday, March 7, 1848: From the Brazos, Death of Dr. Glenn
RW48v25i19p2c2 Tuesday, March 7, 1848: Later from Vera Cruz, Special Correspondence of the Picayune
RW48v25i19p2c7 Tuesday, March 7, 1848: From the Rio Grande
RW48v25i19p2c7 Tuesday, March 7, 1848: Census of Texas
RW48v25i19p4c1 Tuesday, March 7, 1848: The Treaty, from Albany Argue
RW48v25i19p4c1 Tuesday, March 7, 1848: General Taylor's Grammar
RW48v25i19p4c1
Tuesday, March 7, 1848: Santa Fe in Dispute
RW48v25i19p4c1 Tuesday, March 7, 1848: Pennsylvania and the Proviso
RW48v25i19p4c2 Tuesday, March 7, 1848: General Cass and the Proviso
RW48v25i19p4c2 Tuesday, March 7, 1848: The Treaty, from the Baltimore Sun
RW48v25i19p4c2 Tuesday, March 7, 1848: Late From Chihuahua
RW48v25i19p4c3 Tuesday, March 7, 1848: General Scott's Suspension
RW48v25i19p4c3 Tuesday, March 7, 1848: Commodore Perry
RW48v25i19p4c7 Tuesday, March 7, 1848: From Washington, Correspondence of the Philadelphia North American
RW48v25i19p4c7 Tuesday, March 7, 1848: The Treaty
RW48v25i20p1c1 Friday, March 10, 1848: Major Adrian Burns takes credit
for the Leonidis Letter
From the New Orleans Picayune
RW48v25i20p1c1 Friday, March 10, 1848: Untitled
RW48v25i20p1c1 Friday, March 10, 1848: House of Representatives, Deficient Appropriation
RW48v25i20p2c3 Friday, March 10, 1848: The Treaty, from the Washington Union
RW48v25i20p3c1 Friday, March 10, 1848: Congress
RW48v25i20p4c1 Friday, March 10, 1848: Mr. Gusto Sierra
RW48v25i20p4c2 Friday, March 10, 1848: The Treaty
RW48v25i20p4c2 Friday, March 10, 1848: The Navy
RW48v25i20p4c2 Friday, March 10, 1848: A letter from General Worth
RW48v25i20p4c3 Friday, March 10, 1848: Mr. Kendall and the Picayune
RW48v25i20p4c4-5 Friday, March 10, 1848:
Fourth Despatch of Major Downing to Polk
From the National Intelligencer
RW48v25i20p4c7 Friday, March 10, 1848: Congress, Senate. By Magnetic Telegraph.
RW48v25i21p1c1 Tuesday, March 14, 1848: The Treaty Ratified
RW48v25i21p1c2 Tuesday, March 14, 1848: The Treaty-Religious Corporations &c.
RW48v25i21p1c3 Tuesday, March 14, 1848: General Jackson
RW48v25i21p1c3 Tuesday, March 14, 1848: General Taylor on the Tariff
RW48v25i21p1c7 Tuesday, March 14, 1848: Naval, from the Pacific Squadron
RW48v25i21p1c7 Tuesday, March 14, 1848: Capture of Mazatlan
RW48v25i21p1c7 Tuesday, March 14, 1848: Plymouth bound for China
RW48v25i21p2c1 Tuesday, March 14, 1848: The Treaty
RW48v25i21p2c2 Tuesday, March 14, 1848: Washington Gossip
RW48v25i21p2c3 Tuesday, March 14, 1848: The War
RW48v25i21p2c5 Tuesday, March 14, 1848: Clay Democrats
RW48v25i21p2c6 Tuesday, March 14, 1848: Returned from the War
RW48v25i21p3c1 Tuesday, March 14, 1848: Later From Santa Fe
RW48v25i21p4c1 Tuesday, March 14, 1848: General Taylor's Qualifications
RW48v25i21p4c6 Tuesday, March 14, 1848: General Taylor
RW48v25i21p4c6 Tuesday, March 14, 1848: To the Editors of the National Intelligencer, on the new territory
RW48v25i21p4c6 Tuesday, March 14, 1848: General Taylor at Woodville
RW48v25i21p4c6 Tuesday, March 14, 1848: Houston, Texas, a lawyer's advertisement
RW48v25i22p1c2 Friday, March 17, 1848: Outlines of the Treaty
RW48v25i22p1c2 Friday, March 17, 1848: Mr. Cass, The Ten Regiments Bill
RW48v25i22p1c3 Friday, March 17, 1848: Correspondence
RW48v25i22p1c5-6 Friday, March 17, 1848: Later From Vera Cruz
RW48v25i22p1c6 Friday, March 17, 1848: Rumor
RW48v25i22p1c6 Friday, March 17, 1848: Guerrilla Fight
RW48v25i22p1c6 Friday, March 17, 1848: From the City of Mexico
RW48v25i22p1c6 Friday, March 17, 1848: From Tampico
RW48v25i22p1c7 Friday, March 17, 1848: Congress, Senate and House. By Magnetic Telegraph
RW48v25i22p2c2 Friday, March 17, 1848: Items
RW48v25i22p2c2 Friday, March 17, 1848: Mr. Benton
RW48v25i22p2c2 Friday, March 17, 1848: The Vice President
RW48v25i22p2c2 Friday, March 17, 1848: From the Baltimore Sun
RW48v25i22p2c2 Friday, March 17, 1848: The Ten Regiments Bill
RW48v25i22p2c3 Friday, March 17, 1848: Taylor Convention in Pennsylvania
RW48v25i22p2c6 Friday, March 17, 1848: From Mexico. Operations of General Lane
RW48v25i22p3c1 Friday, March 17, 1848: Congress
RW48v25i22p4c2 Friday, March 17, 1848: The Treaty
RW48v25i22p4c2 Friday, March 17, 1848: The News From Mexico
RW48v25i22p4c6 Friday, March 17, 1848: Another Letter from General Taylor
RW48v25i22p2c6-7 Friday, March 17, 1848: General Taylor A "Democrat"
RW48v25i23p1c1 Tuesday, March 21, 1848: The Lightening Despatches
RW48v25i23p1c2 Tuesday, March 21, 1848: Colonel Fremont and Mr. Mcnamara
RW48v25i23p1c2 Tuesday, March 21, 1848: Items: Polk, Pillow, Kearney
RW48v25i23p1c3 Tuesday, March 21, 1848: A Boston Letter
RW48v25i23p1c3 Tuesday, March 21, 1848: To Major General Winfield Scott, a poem
RW48v25i23p1c5 Tuesday, March 21, 1848: The Protest of Mr. Botts
RW48v25i23p1c6 Tuesday, March 21, 1848: Congress. U.S. Senate. Correspondence of the Baltimore Sun
RW48v25i23p2c2 Tuesday, March 21, 1848: Instructions to Mr. Slidell
RW48v25i23p2c2 Tuesday, March 21, 1848: Mission to Mexico
RW48v25i23p2c3 Tuesday, March 21, 1848: Rio Grande Items
RW48v25i23p4c2 Tuesday, March 21, 1848: Spurious Sympathy for Gen. Scott
RW48v25i23p4c2 Tuesday, March 21, 1848: A Prediction Fulfilled
RW48v25i23p4c3 Tuesday, March 21, 1848: Mr. Calhoun's Speech on the Ten Regiments Bill
RW48v25i23p4c5 Tuesday, March 21, 1848: Indian Territory - Fearful Troubles Coming
RW48v25i23p4c6 Tuesday, March 21, 1848: Congressional. By Magnetic Telegraph
RW48v25i24p1c2 Friday, March 24, 1848: Parting of Scott with the Army
RW48v25i24p1c3 Friday, March 24, 1848: The Scott Correspondence
RW48v25i24p1c3 Friday, March 24, 1848: An Immense Mass Meeting - Taylor
RW48v25i24p1c5 Friday, March 24, 1848: Congressional. By Magnetic Telegraph
RW48v25i24p2c2 Friday, March 24, 1848: General Taylor in Texas
RW48v25i24p2c3 Friday, March 24, 1848: Mr. Calhoun's Speech, the Ten Regiments Bill
RW48v25i24p2c5 Friday, March 24, 1848: From Tampico, from the New Orleans Picayune
RW48v25i24p2c6-7 Friday, March 24, 1848: Congressional. The Ten Regiments Bill
RW48v25i24p4c3 Friday, March 24, 1848: Another Minister to Mexico
RW48v25i24p4c3 Friday, March 24, 1848: From Santa Fe - The Question of Slavery
RW48v25i24p4c3 Friday, March 24, 1848: From New Mexico - Taos Burned
RW48v25i25p1c1 Tuesday, March 28, 1848: Mr. Van Buren and the Wilmot Proviso
RW48v25i25p1c2-3 Tuesday, March 28, 1848: General Scott's Correspondence
RW48v25i25p1c5 Tuesday, March 28, 1848: Congress
RW48v25i25p1c6-7 Tuesday, March 28, 1848: From the City of Mexico
RW48v25i25p2c1 Tuesday, March 28, 1848: News From Mexico
RW48v25i25p2c2 Tuesday, March 28, 1848: General Scott and Mr. Trist
RW48v25i25p2c4-6 Tuesday, March 28, 1848: Late and Important From Mexico
RW48v25i25p2c6 Tuesday, March 28, 1848: Suspension of Hostilities
RW48v25i25p4c1 Tuesday, March 28, 1848: The Trist Instructions and Correspondence
RW48v25i25p4c5 Tuesday, March 28, 1848: From Monterey
RW48v25i26p1c1 Friday, March 31, 1848: From Texas
RW48v25i26p1c4-5 Friday, March 31, 1848: Reply to Mr. Botts
RW48v25i26p2c1-2 Friday, March 31, 1848: Correspondence between Taylor and Scott
RW48v25i26p2c2 Friday, March 31, 1848: The Treaty - How the Herald and Journal Got It
RW48v25i26p2c3 Friday, March 31, 1848: Col. Haskell's correspondence, from the National Intelligencer
RW48v25i26p2c4 Friday, March 31, 1848: Reply to Mr. Botts, concluded
RW48v25i26p2c6-7 Friday, March 31, 1848: Nine Days Later from the City of Mexico by D.S.
RW48v25i26p4c1 Friday, March 31, 1848: The Tariff
RW48v25i26p4c3 Friday, March 31, 1848: Letter from Tampico
RW48v25i26p4c4 Friday, March 31, 1848: Lt. Col. Fremont to Leave Washington
RW48v25i26p4c5 Friday, March 31, 1848: From the Rio Grande
April
RW48v25n27p1c2 April 4, 1848: No title
Supper for Capt. John P. Young
RW48v25n27p2c5 April 4, 1848: General Assembly, Saturday, April 1, House of Delegates
From Col. Hamtramck
RW48v25n27p2c5 April 4, 1848: Officer to whom swords are to be given for service in the Campaign against Mexico
RW48v25n27p2c6 April 4, 1848: Late from California
Extract of a letter from a lieutenant on board the U.S. frigate Congress, dateline Mazatlan, February 7, 1848
RW48v25n27p2c6 April 4, 1848: Late from Vera Cruz
From the New Orleans Bulletin, March 27
RW48v25n27p2c6 April 4, 1848: From New Mexico - A Reported Battle
News out of St. Louis, March 31
RW48v25n27p3c1 April 4, 1848: No title
Call for Taylor meeting, Dayton, Ohio
RW48v25n27p3c1 April 4, 1848: No title
Mexico City Free American predicts Mexican rejection of the treaty
RW48v25n27p3c2 April 4, 1848: Correspondence with Z. Taylor, Orange County, February
RW48v25n28p1c3 April 7, 1848: Mr. Botts' Second Epistle
RW48v25n28p1c4 April 7, 1848: A Word of Warning
RW48v25n28p1c5 April 7, 1848: Later from Mexico
From the New Orleans Picayune, March 23: Proceedings of the Court of Inquiry; Renewal of Difficulties between Scott and Worth; General Scott Coming Home; Arrival of Gen. Twiggs; includes special correspondence of the New Orleans Picayune of March 25, March 15, and March 8; General Orders No. 2; Court of Inquiry; and From Texas
RW48v25n28p1c7 April 7, 1848: Later from the Brazos
From the New Orleans Picayune, March 23
RW48v25n28p2c1-5 April 7, 1848: Mr. Botts' Address to the Whole Whig Party of the United States and Postscript
RW48v25n28p2c6 April 7, 1848: Address of Mr. Botts, editorial comment
RW48v25n28p2c6-7 April 7, 1848: Santa Anna - Peace
RW48v25n28p2c7 April 7, 1848: No title
San Luis Potosi, Paredes
RW48v25n28p2c7 April 7, 1848: No title
Sevier minister to Mexico
RW48v25n28p2c7 April 7, 1848: No title
Gen. Kearney reached New Orleans
RW48v25n28p2c7 April 7, 1848: No title
Henderson of Texas appointed elector
RW48v25n28p2c7 April 7, 1848: Great Taylor Meeting in Ohio
RW48v25n28p3c3 April 7, 1848: No title
Coxe and investigation into how the treaty "found its way into" the New York Herald
RW48v25n28p3c5 April 7, 1848: No title
Worth to be pitted against Taylor
RW48v25n29p1c1-2 April 11, 1848: Gen. Taylor's Opinions
RW48v25n29p1c2 April 11, 1848: General Pillow
RW48v25n29p1c3-7 April 11, 1848: Proceedings of the Court of Inquiry in the Case of Generals Scott, Worth and Pillow, Mexico City, Second Day's Proceedings; Third Day, Fourth Day, to be continued
RW48v25n29p2c1 April 11, 1848: No title
Mustang to the Delta, dateline Mexico City, March 17
RW48v25n29p2c2 April 11, 1848: No title
Court of Inquiry Proceedings deferred
RW48v25n29p3c1 April 11, 1848: Congress, April 10, Senate
By magnetic telegraph
RW48v25n29p4c1 April 11, 1848: Our New Acquisitions, Saturday, April 8
RW48v25n29p4c2 April 11, 1848: General Pillow
RW48v25n29p4c2 April 11, 1848: Later from Vera Cruz
RW48v25n29p4c3 April 11, 1848: No title
Commander Wilson died at Alvarado
RW48v25n29p4c3 April 11, 1848: No title
Dr. Badan's conversation with General Taylor published in Washington Union and Richmond Enquirer
RW48v25n29p4c4 April 11, 1848: General Scott and His Persecutors
RW48v25n29p4c4 April 11, 1848: Funeral of Lt. Sidney Smith
From the Fredericksburg Recorder
RW48v25n29p4c5 April 11, 1848: No title
New York Tribune says Buchanan did furnish copy of treaty
RW48v25n29p4c5 April 11, 1848: No title
Rumor of Scott's resignation in the Baltimore Sun
RW48v25n29p4c5 April 11, 1848: General Taylor
RW48v25n29p4c5 April 11, 1848: Rumors from Santa Fe - Defeat of Col. Ralls at el Paso
RW48v25n29p4c5 April 11, 1848: From Vera Cruz
From New Orleans Picayune, April 1; and from Brazos
RW48v25n30p1c1 April 15, 1848: Mr. Botts and the Whigs
RW48v25n30p1c2 April 15, 1848: Botts pamphlet against Taylor nomination sent by Locofocos
RW48v25n30p1c2 April 15, 1848: No title
Parras, Mexico, U.S. man named himself treasurer
RW48v25n30p1c2 April 15, 1848: No title
Hamtramck now governor of Monterey
RW48v25n30p1c3 April 15, 1848: No title
Kearney and Sevier sailed from New Orleans for Vera Cruz
RW48v25n30p1c4 April 15, 1848: Letter to the Editors, signed A. WHIG
RW48v25n30p2c2 April 15, 1848: No title
New Mexico legislature adjourned without acting on annexation
RW48v25n30p2c2 April 15, 1848: No title
Col. Rogers died in Louisville
RW48v25n30p2c2 April 15, 1848: Remarkable Suicide
Death of an seriously injured officer
RW48v25n30p2c3 April 15, 1848: Letter from Gen. Taylor
RW48v25n30p3c1 April 15, 1848: Congress
By magnetic telegraph, April 13
RW48v25n30p3c1 April 15, 1848: From the Far West
RW48v25n30p4c1 April 15, 1848: Gens. Scott and Taylor
From the Louisville Republican, April 12
RW48v25n30p4c3 April 15, 1848: Military Execution - Camargo
RW48v25n30p4c3 April 15, 1848: From the Brazos
From the New Orleans Delta, April 3
RW48v25n30p4c4-5 April 15, 1848: Proceedings of the Court of Inquiry, Fifth Day
RW48v25n31p1c2 April 18 1848: No title
Accomac Locofoco Resolution
RW48v25n31p1c2 April 18 1848: Taylor Men - Clay Men
RW48v25n31p1c5 April 18 1848: Latest from Mexico
From the New Orleans Picayune, April 8
RW48v25n31p2c1 April 18 1848: Origin of the War - Gen. Taylor's Connection to It
RW48v25n31p2c2 April 18 1848: The Wilmot Proviso
RW48v25n31p2c2 April 18 1848: No title
The Pillow Case
RW48v25n31p2c2 April 18 1848: No Title
New Orleans Picayune opinion that people of Upper and Lower California don't acknowledge themselves conquered
RW48v25n31p2c4-6 April 18 1848: Proceedings of the Court of Inquiry, Sixth Day
RW48v25n31p2c6 April 18 1848: Later from Mexico
From the New Orleans Picayune, April 8: Movements of Santa Anna; Peace Prospects; Probable Return of Gen. Scott; Interesting from the Pacific, etc.
RW48v25n31p2c6 April 18 1848: No title
Capt. Alburtus arrived in New Orleans
RW48v25n31p4c3 April 18 1848: Pillow and Mr. Polk
RW48v25n31p4c5-6 April 18 1848: Speech of Hon. S. S. Prentiss at a recent Whig Meeting in New Orleans
RW48v25n31p4c6 April 18 1848: Later from New Mexico and the Plains
RW48v25n31p4c6 April 18 1848: Two Days Later from Vera Cruz
From the New Orleans Picayune, April 7
RW48v25n32p1c3 Friday, April 21 1848: Gen. Scott
RW48v25n32p1c3 Friday, April 21 1848: Later from Mexico
From the New Orleans Delta, Departure of Santa Anna
RW48v25n32p1c3 Friday, April 21 1848: Still Later
RW48v25n32p1c3 Friday, April 21 1848: No title
Proceedings continue in today's paper
RW48v25n32p1c3-6 Friday, April 21 1848: Proceedings of the Court of Inquiry, Seventh Day, Eighth Day, Ninth Day
RW48v25n32p2c5 Friday, April 21 1848: From Mexico City and Vera Cruz
By magnetic telegraph; from Mobile Tribune, April 14, dateline New Orleans, April 13, have received seventeen days of proceedings of the Court of Inquiry
RW48v25n32p2c5-6 Friday, April 21 1848: Later from Mexico
From the New Orleans Picayune, April 13: from the American Star of March 25, items from San Luis Potosi, Zacatecas; and of March 30, item from Durango
RW48v25n32p2c6 Friday, April 21 1848: Late from Yucatan
RW48v25n32p4c3 Friday, April 21 1848: From Mexico
RW48v25n32p4c3 Friday, April 21 1848: Mexican Correspondence
Special Correspondence of the New Orleans Picayune, Mexico, March 22, comment on Court of Inquiry
RW48v25n32p4c3 Friday, April 21 1848: From Texas
RW48v25n32p4c4-5 Friday, April 21 1848: Congress, April 17, Senate and House of Representatives
RW48v25n32p4c5-6 Friday, April 21 1848: Fifth Despatches of Major Downing
RW48v25n32p4c6 Friday, April 21 1848: [Doc. No. 1] Great Battle in the Court Martial
RW48v25n32p4c6 Friday, April 21 1848: Congress, April 18, Senate
By magnetic telegraph
RW48v25n33p1c1 April 25 1848: Our New Acquisitions. What We Get, and What We Give
RW48v25n33p1c5-6 April 25 1848: Very Late from Mexico
From the New Orleans Picayune, April 14
RW48v25n33p1c6 April 25 1848: Correspondence of the New Orleans Delta, Vera Cruz, April 3
RW48v25n33p2c1 April 25 1848: Peace Prospects
RW48v25n33p2c1 April 25 1848: No title
Editorial comment on the Court of Inquiry
RW48v25n33p2c1 April 25 1848: No title
Gen. Twiggs arrived in Washington
RW48v25n33p2c2 April 25 1848: General Taylor's Opinions
RW48v25n33p2c3 April 25 1848: Mexican Correspondence
Special Correspondence of the New Orleans Picayune, Mexico, March 29
RW48v25n33p4c1 April 25 1848: Mr. Clay - Gen. Taylor
Dated Saturday, April 22
RW48v25n33p4c2 April 25 1848: Book notice: An Account of the Organization of the Army of the U.S. with Biographies of Distinguished Officers
RW48v25n33p4c4-7 April 25 1848: Proceedings of the Court of Inquiry, Tenth Day, Eleventh Day
RW48v25n34p1c2 April 28 1848: No title
Death of Capt. William C. DeHart
RW48v25n34p2c1 April 28 1848: Mr. Toombs' Letter - Mr. Clay and Gen. Taylor
RW48v25n34p2c1 April 28 1848: Scott Correspondence
RW48v25n34p2c2 April 28 1848: Congressional - Californian Bill; and bill to repeal the increase in the number of general officers
RW48v25n34p4c1 April 28 1848: No title
Sword presented to Gen. Quitman
RW48v25n34p4c2-7 April 28 1848: No title
Reception planned for Gen. Scott
RW48v25n34p4c2-7 April 28 1848: Proceedings of the Court of Inquiry, Twelfth through Seventeenth Days
May
RW48v25i36p1c1, May 5, 1848: Gen. Taylor’s Sentiments – Executive Power.
RW48v25i36p1c3, May 5, 1848: Proceedings of the Court of Inquiry in the Case of Gen. Pillow.
RW48v25i36p2c1, May 5, 1848: Gen. Taylor.
RW48v25i36p2c2, May 5, 1848: The Last Battle.
RW48v25i36p2c3, May 5, 1848: A High Compliment from a High Source.
RW48v25i36p2c3, May 5, 1848: The Court of Inquiry.
RW48v25i36p2c4, May 5, 1848: Proceedings of the Court of Inquiry. Twentieth Day – (Concluded.)
RW48v25i36p2c5, May 5, 1848: From Tobin’s Knapsack. Parras, Mexico, March 20, 1848.
RW48v25i36p2c6, May 5, 1848: Congress. Correspondence of the Baltimore American. Washington, May 3. United States Senate.
RW48v25i36p2c6, May 5, 1848: Correspondence of the N. O. Bulletin. City of Mexico, April 7th, 1848.
RW48v25i36p2c5, May 5, 1848: Mexican Treaty – Mexican Trappings.
RW48v25i36p3c1, May 5, 1848: Congress. Yesterday’s Proceedings. Washington, May 4 – P. M. U. S. Senate.
RW48v25i36p4c1, May 5, 1848: General Taylor’s Letter.
RW48v25i36p4c1, May 5, 1848: Another Letter!
RW48v25i36p4c3, May 5, 1848: European Intervention.
RW48v25i36p4c4, May 5, 1848: From the Rio Grande.
RW48v25i36p4c4, May 5, 1848: Later from Santa Fe.
RW48v25i36p4c6, May 5, 1848: Congress. Correspondence of the Baltimore American. Washington, April 28. United States Senate.
RW48v25i37p1c5, May 9, 1848: Congress. Correspondence of the Baltimore American. Washington, May 5. United States Senate.
RW48v25i37p2c1, May 9, 1848: How General Taylor come to cross the Nueces.
RW48v25i37p2c3, May 9, 1848: Effect of General Taylor’s Letter.
RW48v25i37p2c3, May 9, 1848: Correspondence of the N. Y. Tribune. Washington, Wednesday, May 3.
RW48v25i37p2c3, May 9, 1848: The Union finds fault with the General’s idea of the veto-power.
RW48v25i37p2c3, May 9, 1848: American Deserters in Mexico.
RW48v25i37p2c5, May 9, 1848: From the N O Mercury, May 1. Prospects of Peace.
RW48v25i37p2c5, May 9, 1848: From the N O Picayune, April 30. Six Days Later from Vera Cruz.
RW48v25i37p2c6, May 9, 1848: Congress. Correspondence of the Baltimore American. Washington, May 6.
The Senate was not in Session to-day. House of Representatives.
RW48v25i37p2c5 May 9, 1848: (From the True American, 18 April, Vera Cruz). Arrival of Gen. Cadwallader and Mr. Trist.
RW48v25i37p4c1, May 9, 1848: The Locofoco Platform.
RW48v25i37p4c3, May 9, 1848: Proceedings
of the Court of Inquiry in the Case of Gen. Pillow. Twenty-First Day
– April 8, 1848.
Major Woods, 15th Infantry, recalled by the Prosecution.
RW48v25i37p4c7, May 9, 1848: Congress. Correspondence of the Baltimore American. Washington, May 4. U. S. Senate.
RW48v25i38p1c1, May 12, 1848: General Scott.
RW48v25i38p1c2, May 12, 1848: The Treaty.
RW48v25i38p1c1, May 12, 1848: The Allison Letter.
RW48v25i38p1c2, May 12, 1848: The Irish Brigade!
RW48v25i38p1c1, May 12, 1848: Correspondence of the Baltimore Patriot. Washington, May 7, 1848.
RW48v25i38p1c5, May 12, 1848: From the N. O. Picayune, May 2, General Gaines in New Orleans
RW48v25i38p1c5, May 12, 1848: Important News From Mexico.
RW48v25i38p2c5, May 12, 1848: From the N. O. Picayune, May 4. Postscript. Later from the City of Mexico.
RW48v25i38p4c1, May 12, 1848: Great Doings at Santa Fe!
RW48v25i38p4c2, May 12, 1848: Proceedings of the Court of Inquiry in the Case of Gen. Pillow, twentieth-fourth day.
RW48v25i38p4c1, May 12, 1848: To the Delegates of the People of New Mexico in Convention assembled
RW48v25i38p4c5, May 12, 1848: Reported for the Baltimore Sun. Congress. Washington, May 8, 1848. U. S. Senate.
RW48v25i38p4c5 May 12, 1848: Congress. May 9, U. S. Senate.
RW48v25i38p4c5, May 12, 1848: Congress. May 10, 1848. U. S. Senate.
RW48v25i39p1c1, May 16, 1848: Yucatan.
RW48v25i39p1c2, May 16, 1848: From the Baltimore American. Gen. Taylor – The Baltimore Meeting.
RW48v25i39p1c1, May 16, 1848: The Washington Union and General Taylor.
RW48v25i39p1c3, May 16, 1848: Gen. Scott
and the Secretary of War.
From the New York Courier & Enquirer.
RW48v25i39p1c7, May 16, 1848: Congress. U. S. Senate.
RW48v25i39p1c6, May 16, 1848: Whig Nomination in Georgia of Gen.
Taylor.
From the Charleston Evening News, May 10.
RW48v25i39p2c4, May 16, 1848: Court of Inquiry Proceedings, Twenty Eighth Day – April 17, 1848.
RW48v25i39p2c4, May 16, 1848: Testimony of Lieut. Rains.
RW48v25i39p2c5, May 16, 1848: Testimony of Lieut. S. B. Davis.
RW48v25i39p2c6, May 16, 1848: Testimony of Capt. E. Bogardus.
RW48v25i39p2c6, May 16, 1848: Testimony of Lieut. N McClenahan
RW48v25i39p2c7, May 16, 1848: Queretaro, April 23, 1848.
RW48v25i39p2c6, May 16, 1848: Later
From Mexico.
From the New Orleans Picayune, May-1 o’clock, P. M. Arrival of the
Steamer New Orleans. Later from the City of Mexico.
RW48v25i39p2c6, May 16, 1848: By order of Major General Butler: L Thomas, Ass’t Adj’t General.
RW48v25i39p2c7, May 16, 1848: From the American Star of April 26, News from Mexico
RW48v25i39p3c1, May 16, 1848: From the American Star of April 27, News from Mexico
RW48v25i39p3c2, May 16, 1848: Congress. Yesterday’s Proceedings. Washington, May 15, P. M. U. S. Senate.
RW48v25i39p4c2, May 16, 1848: General Taylor.
RW48v25i39p4c2, May 16, 1848: From the N. Orleans Picayune, May 5. Affairs in Mexico.
RW48v25i39p4c4, May 16, 1848: Testimony of Gen. Worth.
RW48v25i40p1c1, May 19, 1848: Another Presidential War Threatened.
RW48v25i40p1c2, May 19, 1848: Mr. Trist.
RW48v25i40p1c2, May 19, 1848: Gen. Worth’s Letters.
RW48v25i40p1c4, May 19, 1848: Tacubaya, Mexico, April 12th, 1848.
RW48v25i40p1c5, May 19, 1848: City of Mexico, January 10, 1848.
RW48v25i40p1c6, May 19, 1848: Congress. Washington, May 16-P.M. U. S. Senate.
RW48v25i40p1c5, May 19, 1848: The Court of Inquiry.
RW48v25i40p2c1, May 19, 1848: Gen’l Taylor – The Philadelphia Convention.
RW48v25i40p2c2, May 19, 1848: Gen. Taylor.
RW48v25i40p2c2, May 19, 1848: Sketch of Gen. Taylor – from the Boston Traveller.
RW48v25i40p2c1, May 19, 1848: General Scott.
RW48v25i40p2c3, May 19, 1848: Correspondence of the Baltimore Patriot. Washington, May 16, 1848.
RW48v25i40p2c4, May 19, 1848: (From the N O Picayune May 11.) Major Bliss
RW48v25i40p2c4, May 19, 1848: From Vera Cruz.
RW48v25i40p2c4, May 19, 1848: From Queretaro.
RW48v25i40p3c1, May 19, 1848: Congress. Yesterday’s Proceedings. Washington, May 18 – P. M. U. S. Senate.
RW48v25i40p4c1, May 19, 1848: Proceedings of the Court of Inquiry. Twenty Ninth Day’s Proceedings.
RW48v25i40p4c3, May 19, 1848: Thirtieth Day’s Proceedings. City of Mexico, April 19, 1848.
RW48v25i40p4c3, May 19, 1848: Testimony of Capt M J Bernard.
RW48v25i40p4c3, May 19, 1848: Testimony of Capt. Perry.
RW48v25i41p1c1, May 23, 1848: Col. Wynkoop.
RW48v25i41p1c3, May 23, 1848: General Scott.
RW48v25i41p1c5, May 23, 1848: Correspondence of the Vera Cruz Arco Iris. Campeachy, April 25, 1848.
RW48v25i41p1c5, May 23, 1848: From the New Orleans Courier.
RW48v25i41p1c5, May 23, 1848: From Yucatan.
RW48v25i41p1c5, May 23, 1848: Latest from the South. Three Days in Advance of the Mail.
RW48v25i41p1c6, May 23, 1848: Congress. Washington, May 19 – P.M. United States Senate.
RW48v25i41p2c1, May 23, 1848: Gen. Pillow and the Mexican.
RW48v25i41p2c1, May 23, 1848: Gen. Pillow and the Mexican Horse.
RW48v25i41p2c2, May 23, 1848: The Yucatan Debate.
RW48v25i41p2c3, May 23, 1848: Major Gen. Scott.
RW48v25i41p2c5, May 23, 1848: Correspondence of the Baltimore Patriot. Washington, May 18, 1848.
RW48v25i41p4c1, May 23, 1848: Secretary Marcy and Gen. Scott.
RW48v25i41p4c3, May 23, 1848: Yucatan.
RW48v25i41p4c4, May 23, 1848: The Yucatan Instructions.
RW48v25i41p4c4, May 23, 1848: Navy Department, March 8, 1848.
RW48v25i41p4c4, May 23, 1848: (Confidential.) Navy Department, May 12, 1848.
RW48v25i41p4c6, May 23, 1848: Proceedings of the Court of Inquiry. THIRTY-SECOND DAY—April 21, 1848. From the American Star.
RW48v25i42p1c1, May 26, 1848: Gen. Taylor’s Letter to Capt. Allison.
RW48v25i42p1c1, May 26, 1848: Does Mr. Polk wish a re-election?
RW48v25i42p1c1, May 26, 1848: No title. Mr. Trist, it is said, …
RW48v25i42p1c3, May 26, 1848: Speech of Mr. Calhoun, Upon the Temporary Occupation of Yucatan.
RW48v25i42p2c1, May 26, 1848: The Yucatan Treaty.
RW48v25i42p2c1, May 26, 1848: Comment.
RW48v25i42p1c2, May 26, 1848: General Commander.
RW48v25i42p2c1, May 26, 1848: Late from Mexico.
RW48v25i42p2c2, May 26, 1848: Yucatan.
RW48v25i42p2c3, May 26, 1848: Gen. Scott’s Reception at Elizabethtown.
RW48v25i42p2c5, May 26, 1848: Speech of Mr. Calhoun, Upon the Temporary Occupation of Yucatan.
RW48v25i42p4c1, May 26, 1848: Mr. Calhoun’s Speech.
RW48v25i42p4c2, May 26, 1848: Gen. Pillow and the Leonidas Letter.
RW48v25i42p4c1, May 26, 1848: Gen. Taylor.
RW48v25i42p4c2, May 26, 1848: Later from Yucatan.
RW48v25i42p4c3, May 26, 1848: Arrival of Gen. Scott.
RW48v25i42p4c3, May 26, 1848: Major General Pillow.
RW48v25i43p1c1, May 30, 1848: Mr. Polk – the setting Sun.
RW48v25i43p1c2, May 30, 1848: The Union and Gen. Cass.
RW48v25i43p1c2, May 30, 1848: General Scott.
RW48v25i43p1c3, May 30, 1848: Closing Scenes of the Pow-wow.
RW48v25i43p1c3, May 30, 1848: Gen. Scott in New York
RW48v25i43p1c3, May 30, 1848: Later from Mexico.
RW48v25i43p1c2, May 30, 1848: Gen. Butler
RW48v25i43p1c3, May 30, 1848: Queretaro, May 4, 1848.
RW48v25i43p1c3, May 30, 1848: No title. What was said in Vera Cruz.
RW48v25i43p1c5, May 30, 1848: Taylor in Ohio.
RW48v25i43p1c5, May 30, 1848: Cuernavaca, Mexico, March 20th, 1848.
RW48v25i43p2c1, May 30, 1848: Winfield Scott – Public Meeting.
RW48v25i43p2c2, May 30, 1848: Mr. Polk – An Outsider.
RW48v25i43p2c1, May 30, 1848: From Oregon.
RW48v25i43p2c2, May 30, 1848: Gen. Taylor in New York.
RW48v25i43p2c5, May 30, 1848: From the New Orleans Bee. Still later and interesting from Mexico – Arrival of the Royal Steamship Tay – Peace Prospects.
RW48v25i43p3c1, May 30, 1848: Congress. Yesterday’s Proceedings. Washington, May 29, 4 P.M. U. S. Senate
RW48v25i43p4c1, May 30, 1848: The Yucatan Question.
RW48v25i43p4c2, May 30, 1848: Still Later from Mexico.
RW48v25i43p4c3, May 30, 1848: From the N. O. Mercury, May 19. Yucatan.
June, Index onlyRWv25i44p1c3, June 2, 1848:
Gen. Scott left Washington for Frederick to attend the adjourned meeting
of the Court of Inquiry
RWv25,44p1c3, June 2, 1848: Public Meeting
At a town meeting held in Richmond the citizens voted to give great honor
to Gen. Scott for his service in Mexico
RWv25i44p1c3, June 2, 1848: Gen. Scott
Meeting at the City Hall on Tuesday invited Scott to partake in the hospitality
of the city
RWv25i44p2c2, June 2, 1848: Mexico and Peace
It appears that Herrera has not been elected President but Pena y Pena
has; a rumor reached New Orleans that the Mexican Congress has been dissolved
RWv25i44p2c1, June 2, 1848: General Taylor
Gen. Taylor has been summoned to attend the Court Martial at Frederick
and is expected in Washington
RWv25i44p2c6, June 2, 1848
Report circulating that a schooner from Tampico brought news that the
Mexican Congress had broken up in a row
RWv25i44p4c2, June 2, 1848: General Worth
Polk has assailed the honor and high spirit of the officers of the army;
pity for General Worth, he had a brilliant future
RWv25i44p4c2, June 2,1848: Prospect of Peace
New from Mexico is favorable to the ratification of the treaty; everyday
the Mexican Congress holds together is a gain for the treaty; US hopes to
acquire popularity with the government and help save it from political and
military establishments
RWv25i44p4c2, June 2, 1848; New Republic in Mexico
New Orleans papers report that there is a scheme to establish a new Republic
composed of the States of Tamaulipas, Coahuila, Zacatecas and San Louis
RWv25i44p4c2, June 2, 1848: Clay and Taylor
Letters have been received from both Clay and Taylor saying the skies
are bright for the Whigs
RWv25i44p4c1, June 2, 1848
Gen. Scott's call to the South is not from the Government but to meet
the Court Martial at Frederick
RWv25i44p4c2, June 2, 1848: General Taylor in Massachusetts
General Taylor will be nominated for President by the Whig convention
in Massachusetts
RWv25i44p4c4, June 2, 1848
Scott arrived in the city yesterday morning from NY having been called
here by recent orders from the Executive
RWv25i44p4c4, June 2, 1848: Resolutions of the Democratic National Convention
Should be assured of peace with Mexico; war provoked by Mexico; officers
and soldiers in Mexico have earned great honor for their performance
RWv25i48p1c1, June 16 1848: Gen. Taylor's Nomination
Nomination of Taylor has been met by most Whigs with great enthusiasm;
spirit of hopefulness;
RWv25i48p1c2, June 16, 1848: Gen. Cass' Vote on the Resolution Censuring
Gen. Taylor
Cass voted against the House resolution giving thanks to Taylor for his
military actions in the war
RWv25i48p1c2, June 16, 1848: The Whig Platform
Sentiments in favor of Gen. Taylor; Whig party has reason to be proud
of Taylor; his administration will bring by the halcyon days of peace and
prosperity
RWv25i48p1c3, June 16, 1848: Correspondence of Baltimore Patriot
Whigs are to have a Taylor ratification meeting here tonight
RWv25i48p1c3, June 16, 1848
Nomination of Taylor and Fillmore is everywhere and hailed with the highest
delight
RWv25i48p1c4, June 16, 1848: Direct from Tampico
El Noticioso gives an account of the murder of Don Elijio del Valle
by a band of insurgent Indians; fears are expressed that Huartus will be
the theatre of scenes of atrocity equal to those performed in the Yucatan
RWv25i48p1c3, June 16, 1848
Meeting of the Whig Central Committee resolved to recommend election of
Taylor
RWv25i48p1c4, June 16, 1848: Whig Ratification Convention
Nominated Taylor for President; chose Taylor as a Whig candidate; Taylor's
administration believed would be conducted for Peace, Prosperity and Union;
proud of the military services of Taylor
RWv25i48p2c1, June 16, 1848: Attention Whigs! A Grand Rally
Citizens favorable to the nomination of Taylor will hold a rally Saturday
evening
RWv25i48p2c1, June 16, 1848: To the People of Virginia
Comments about Taylor for President; why he would be good, why citizens
should support him
RWv25i48p2c2, June 16, 1848: The Democratic Association
Comments about Taylor's nomination by the Whigs
RWv25i48p2c6, June 16, 1848: Later from Mexico
Major Graham arrived from Mexico; comments about how the officers on board
the US steamer Water Witch arrived there; treaty of peace sanctioned by
the Mexican Senate-gives those who opposed it and those who supported it;
many have protested the treaty in Mexico; Mexican Senate has approved the
treaty; expedition was in preparation to assist the Yucatan against the Indians
RWv25i48p2c6, June 16, 1848: For the Yucatan
Number of young men have expressed a desire to go to the assistance of
the white in the Yucatan; letter received from Mazatlan has represented
the coast as being unhealthy; Pena y Pena has been chosen as President;
Gen. Lane arrived here yesterday; reprinting of an article giving a tribute
to the "hero of Contreras"-Gen. Lane
RWv25i48p4c1, June 16, 1848: Necessity of Energy
Comments about how there is no doubt that Taylor will be elected; energy
is needed to ensure the election of Taylor
RWv25i48p4c2, June 16, 1848: Opinion of a Neutral Foreigner
Editor of the Courtier des Etats Unis a Frenchman believes that
the nomination of Taylor is a good thing and will benefit the US
RWv25i48p4c1, June 16, 1848: Gen. Scott
Letter from Taylor about his name being brought up at the Whig National
Convention
RWv25i48p4c2, June 16, 1848: Locofoco Frenzy
Comments about how the nomination of Taylor has unnerved some people
RWv25i48p4c1, June 16, 1848: Invitation to Gen. Scott
Reception of the committee sent from this city to invite Gen. Scott to
visit us
RWv25i48p4c2, June 16, 1848: Dissolution of the Whig Party
Democrats distressed about the nomination of Taylor
RWv25i48p4c3, June 16, 1848: For the Whig
Advise Democratic editors to admit that the Whig ticket is strong; article
from the Baltimore Sun about the strong ticket the Whigs have with Taylor
RWv25i48p4c3,June 16, 1848: Nomination for the Presidency. Mr. Clay and
Gen. Taylor
Comments about both nominees-what they have done, what they bring; cannot
dishonor Clay if vote for Taylor
RWv25i48p4c5, June 16, 1848: Correspondence of the Baltimore Sun
Committee arrived here yesterday from Richmond to urge Scott to visit
the city-comments about how Scott received the committee
RWv25i48p4c6, June 16, 1848: U.S. Senate
Bill calling for the payment of discharged volunteers was introduced;
bill providing for the payment of the officers and men composing the Texas
Mounted Regiment was passed
RWv25i48p4c6, June 16, 1848: Court of Inquiry at Frederick
Close of Gen. Quitman's testimony was of great public interest; Gen. Shields
followed him and was examined upon various points connected with the battles
before Mexico; Lt. Col. J. Howard testified in reply to question as to the
time of Gen. Pillow's being carried into the works of Chapultepec
RWv25i49p1c1, June 20, 1848: Gen. Taylor's Alison Letter
Believe that this letter which is reprinted proves that Taylor is a genuine
Whig
RWv25i49p1c1, June 20, 1848: A Good Joke
An amusing story about Gen. Pillow; Pillow mistook the band playing outside
his Hotel window as playing a serenade for him
RWv25i49p1c4, June 20, 1848: correspondence of the Baltimore Patriot
Colonel Jefferson Davis gave a speech about the character of Taylor; response
by one of those listening to the speech; praises Taylor for his military
and civil character
RWv25i49p1c3, June 20,1848: Great Ratification Meeting at the City Hall
The Whig party on Saturday decided resolved Taylor's nomination for President-will
back it; resolved that Taylor's administration would be one of peace, prosperity
and union; resolved to form Rough and Ready Clubs; resolved that thanks
is due our military for their actions in the war
RWv25i49p1c4, June 20,1848: The letter to Capt. Alison
The reprint of the letter written by Taylor to Alison; Taylor admits that
he is not familiar with minute details of political legislation; states
that he is a Whig; believes the veto power should not be exercised except
in cases where the constitution is violated; will of the people should be
respected; rejoices at the prospects of peace
RWv25i49p1c4, June 20, 1848: The Whig Press
Were going to keep a list of all the Whig papers that had supported Clay
but were switching their support to Taylor, but the list got to long to
keep track of
RWv25i49p1c6, June 20, 1848: National Whig Ratification Meeting in Washington
Resolved give high respect to Daniel Webster and Winfield Scott for their
public service; resolved to give the nomination of president to Taylor and
VP to Fillmore; resolved to begin a Buena Vista Club
RWv25i49p1c6, June 20, 1848: To the Whigs of the sixth Congressional District
of Massachusetts
Comments about how others have approved of the nomination of Taylor for
president; even though Taylor was not wanted by those of the district, he
is a true Whig and therefore should have their backing
RWv25i49p2c2, June 20, 1848: "Extra Lewis"
Comments about how Taylor has never sought any officer nor asked for favors
or shrinks from responsibility; Taylor has received the endorsement of the
Baltimore Convention
RWv25i49p2c1, June 20, 1848: The Clay Meeting in the Park, NY
By the looks of who turned out for the Clay meeting, Taylor will be receiving
the majority of the vote of the northern and eastern states
RWv25i49p2c2, June 20, 1848: How the Speech got to Mexico
Speeches made by Americans are suspected of prolonging the war; the speeches
got to Mexico by an agency of General Pillow; the agency wanted to produce
a reaction at home, favorable to the administration
RWv25i49p2c3, June 20, 1848: Cass and Taylor
Comparison of comments made by the two men about the war and Mexico
RWv25i49p2c3, June 20, 1848: The War
Report on the amount of money that has been spent on the war with Mexico
RWv25i49p2c3, June 20, 1848: Mr. Clay a Taylor Man
Clay has expressed his acquiescence in the nomination of Gen. Taylor and
plans on supporting the Gen.
RWv25i49p2c4, June 20, 1848: Letter from Hon. John A Collier
Comments made by John A. Collier about Taylor; those who originally opposed
Taylor will be okay with him because of his running-mate Fillmore; Collier
himself did not like Taylor at first; hopes that the Whigs will unit for
the Whig ticket and not vote individually for whoever they like
RWv25i49p2c4, June 20, 1848: Letter from Hon. D. D. Barnard
Comments by Barnard about the nomination of Taylor; will support Taylor
RWv25i49p2c5, June 20, 1848: The Position of Mr. Fowler
Felt bound by the statement that majority rules to vote for Taylor even
though he believes Clay to be a better candidate
RWv25i49p2c6, June 20, 1848: Major General Pillow
Proper that the Senate should know why the nominations of certain military
figures not sent, one of those figures was Pillow; comments about Pillow-making
fun of him
RWv25i49p4c2, June 20, 1848: The Late Nomination
Taylor cannot doe anything but follow the path of the Whig party which
nominated him-it is only right
RWv25i49p4c1, June 20, 1848: Gen. Cass and the Two Million Bill
Cass does not want anti-slavery to extend into California which may be
bought with the defeat of Mexico; comments about Cass's stance on the war
and the acquisition of Mexican land at the end of the war
RWv25i49p4c1, June 20, 1848: The Clay Meeting in New York
Cannot imagine why any man would prefer Cass to Taylor
RWv25i49p4c3, June 20, 1848: Mr. Webster and Mr. Corwin
Webster does not like Gen. Taylor or so some are saying and wondering
about the influence that will have; Webster will hold a meeting tonight addressing
his support of Taylor
RWv25i49p4c3, June 20, 1848: Complimentary Address to Gen. Scot
Mr. Macfarland's address to Scott; comments about his character, how society
supports him; Scott replied with compliments about the men surrounding him
and how wonderful everyone has been since his return from Mexico
RWv25i50p1c1, June 23, 1848: Whig Ratification Meeting
Uprising in favor of Taylor; results of the Boston and St. Louis meetings
are published today and those of Baltimore will be published tomorrow
RWv25i50p1c2, June 23, 1848: From Vera Cruz
452 sick from the general hospital at Jalapa; list of officers brought
by the ship America
RWv25i50p1c3, June 23,1848: Locofoco Meeting in Alexandria
Comments about how Clay is a Whig but Taylor is not; belief that Taylor
will not get votes
RWv25i50p1c4, June 23, 1848: Immense Ratification Meeting
Gathering in Boston to give support in the nomination of Taylor and Fillmore;
answer to question many had about Taylor-such as is he a Whig; lists the
resolutions that were passed at the meeting; copies of speeches given and
letters read aloud
RWv25i50p1c5, June 23, 1848: The Great Ratification Meeting
Comments about how Taylor is gaining support; comments about a ratification
meeting in St. Louis and how the Whigs support Taylor as their nomination
RWv25i50p1c6, June 23, 1848: Correspondence from the Baltimore Patriot
More comments about the rising popularity of Taylor
RWv25i50p2c1, June 23, 1848: The Whig Rally on Wednesday Night
Report on the Whig Rally held Wednesday night in Richmond; report about
what was said about Taylor and who made the comments; comments about Taylor's
character, qualities, Whig status etc.
RWb25i50p2c4, June 23, 1848: Great Whig Meeting
Response of the Baltimore to the nomination of Taylor by the Whig National
Convention; the city of Baltimore will unite with the other Whigs in their
support of Taylor
RWv25i50p2c4, June 23, 1848: Later from Mexico
List of passengers brought from Vera Cruz; British mail steamer arrived
at Vera Cruz and left the next day for Tampico; mail from the city of Mexico
arrived at Vera Cruz on the 3rd; now that the treaty has been
approved by the Mexican government little interest is shown in the proceedings
at Queretaro; Lieut. Col. Hitchcock and Maj. Buchanan left for New Orleans;
Gen. Patterson is leaving for Vera Cruz; the sick of the command at Cuernavaca
arrived yesterday; the San Patricio prisoners will be taken to New Orleans
for their dishonorable discharge; no men will be discharged until after their
arrival in the US
RWv25i50p2c5, June 23, 1848: Further from Mexico
Prisoners known as the St. Patrick prisoners have been pardoned by Gen.
Butler; Gen. Herrera has been elected President; address of the US Commissioners,
upon their presentation as Ministers Plenipotentiary to the president of
the republic; reply of the president
RWv25i50p2c6, June 23, 1848: Richmond Rough and Ready Club
At the meeting of the Whigs of Richmond a constitution was put forth for
the foundation of a Rough and Ready Club; gives the resolutions of the constitution
and a list of the officers of the club
RWv25i50p2c5, June 23, 1848
Received news that Taylor has learned about his nomination; comments about
how Taylor received the news
RWv25i50p3c1, June 23, 1848: Congress. Yesterday's Proceedings
Mr. Foote challenged the Whigs to define the political position occupied
by Taylor
RWv25i50p4c2, June 23, 1848
Reported that some of the Whig papers only fly Taylor's name and not that
of Fillmore; RW could not get information about this remark proving it true
or false
RWv25i50p4c2, June 23, 1848: The Nomination in New Orleans
Enthusiastic reception of the news about Taylor's nomination in New Orleans
has been reported in the papers there; takes quotes from the N.O. Picayune
and the N.O. Bulletin
RWv25i50p4c3, June 23, 1848: Hurrah for the Thunderer of Buena Vista!!
More comments about the nomination of Taylor; news received yesterday
by telegraph from the Picayune
RWv25i50p4c4, June 23, 1848: Later from Vera Cruz
No late arrival from the interior of Mexico; recruits arriving in Vera
Cruz are turned back without landing to try and save them from exposure to
the fever; special correspondence of the Picayune reports that there
has been a terrible accident-an explosion of powder took place causing the
death of 12 to 20 people-details about the incident-how it happened, the
cleaning up process, what was damaged etc.
RWv25i50p4ce3, June 23, 1848: Speech of Gov. Jones
Gives his support to Taylor for the presidency
RWv25i51p1c2, June 27, 1848: What the Disaffected are Aiming at
Report that those who do not support Taylor or the democrats are going
to ban together to form their own party; asked to reflect and consider the
consequences of doing this
RWv25i51p1c3, June 27, 1848: The Treaty not Yet Received
Washington Union states that Lieut. Gardner arrived in Washington with
despatches from Mexico but he does not bring a copy of the ratified treaty
as it had been reported in the New Orleans papers; Col. Sevier will have
the honor of bringing the ratified treaty
RWv25i51p1c2, June 28, 1848: Gen. Pillow's Backers
News that one of Pillow's important witnesses sold a pay roll more than
once for the month of April-gives documentary proof of the incident
RWv25i51p1c4, June 28, 1848
Locofocos, to prevent Taylor's nomination, told their followers that Taylor
had no party and was a Democrat at heart
RWv25i51p1c5, June 28, 1848; From the National Intelligencer
Quotes from different parts of Ohio stating how Taylor will get the votes
when the time of elections comes
RWv25i51p1c5, June 28, 1848
Whig State Central Committee of Ohio has issued an address to the Whigs
of the State asking for their support of Taylor
RWv25i51p2c1, June 28, 1848: Gen. Persifer F. Smith
Speaks highly of Taylor
RWv25i50p2c2, June 28, 1848: The Campaign Opening
Comments on those who have favor in certain areas of the state with regard
to the presidential election
RWv25i51p2c2, June 28, 1848: Old Zac in Louisville
Ratification Meeting held in Louisville gave support to Taylor
RWv25i51p2c2, June 28, 1848: Rough and Ready Clubs
Call for the Whigs to organize and become undivided with their support
for Taylor
RWv25i51p2c3, June 28, 1848: Editorial Decency
Comments about how the democrats have asked for the campaign to be conducted
in a spirit of courtesy and forbearance but yet they have sunk to bad-mouthing
RWv25i51p2c6, June 28, 1848: General Taylor's Character
Comments made in a speech by Mr. Crittenden to friends of Taylor and Filmore
in Pittsburgh about Taylor's character-he is a Whig, has many abilities,
man of learning, humanity and simplicity of character, position on issues
and habits
RWv25i51p4c1, June 28,1848: The "Campaign"
Comments imposed into an article from another paper-speak of the first
Texas invasion
RWv25i51p4c3, June 28, 1848: Mr. Van Buren
Was nominated at the Utica Convention but it will appear that Taylor will
make a clean sweep
RWv25i51p4c5, June 28, 1848: Speech of Mr. Benton on the Oregon Question
Comments about how the US handled coming to a decision with France and
England about their boundaries within the US; comments about how France and
England would like to establish the boundary
RWv25i51p4c6, June 28, 1848: Is he Brave?
A Locofoco had speaking about Gen. Cass and his military bravery; however,
Cass aided Gen. Harrison, who has been called a coward
RWv25i52p1c2, June 30, 1848: Extract of a Letter from the Country
Comments about how people have called Taylor an abolitionist; Taylor is
popular with the people
RWv25i52p1c3, June 30, 1848: Correspondence of the Baltimore Patriot
Comments about how Whigs are going to support Taylor
RWv25i52p1c4, June 30, 1848: Wilmot Proviso
There is a desire to know what Taylor's opinions are when dealing with
the Wilmot Provision; believed that no matter what his opinions are on this
subject he has the advantage over his opponent
RWv25i52p2c1, June 30, 1848: The Effect of Mr. Van Buren's Nomination
The Barnburners have a considerable party in most of the Northern States
and their being subtracted from Cass' poll will give the electoral vote of
every state to Taylor
RWv25i52p2c2, June 30, 1848: Portsmouth
First whole meeting of a "Rough and Ready Club"
RWv25i52p2c4, June 30, 1848 Gen. Taylor in Trenton
RWv25i52p2c4, June 30, 1848
Letter stating that no matter who the person votes for Taylor will win
or at least that is what is believed by some
RWv25i52p2c4, June 30, 1848: Great Meeting in Worcestor
Taylor is holding strong in New England
RWv25i52p2c6, June 30, 1848
Taylor's support is growing
RWv25i52p2c5, June 30, 1848: Gen. Taylor's Soldiers
Taylor's soldiers have entered in support of his presidency
RWv25i52p2c5, June 30, 1848: Great Ratification Meeting in New York
Taylor and Fillmore received the support for their nomination
RWv25i52p2c5, June 30, 1848
Report from a man traveling from Mississippi that everyone on the road
was in support of Taylor
RWv25i52p2c5, June 30, 1848
Man from Mississippi says that Taylor will win the vote from almost everyone
in the state
RWv25i51p4c1, June 30,1848: Remarks of Mr. Baldwin at the Meeting on Wednesday
last
Comments about how gaining California and New Mexico for pure acquisition;
comments about Taylor's character
RWv25i52p4c2, June 30, 1848: Communicated
comments about support someone for presidency who supports the war with
Mexico-not a good thing; why should Americans issue proclamations about why
the Mexicans should be upset with their government?; where is the justice
in Polk's actions dealing with California;
January 1848
February 1848
March1848
RW48v25i18p4c1 Friday, March 3, 1848: The Treaty
March 1, 1848 The Treaty
From all we can see, the treaty, though destined to meet with violent opposition in the Senate, will eventually be ratified. The addition to our already overgrown territory will be enormous; to say nothing of the population it will bring in to the Union, to form in future a portion of the free and independent citizens of the U. States.
From the first, as our readers very well know, we have depreciated the addition of any territory, from a well, grounded apprehension of the convulsions that must follow upon raising the question of the admission of slavery in to the conquered country. Yet when we take into consideration the still greater perils of the war to our national prosperity and the project, not avowed it is true, by the President, but openly proclaimed by his partisans, of conquering the whole of Mexico, we must confess, that we are glad to get out of the scrape even upon these terms.
And yet a convulsion is destined to agitate this country to its very centre, before two years shall have rolled over our heads, exceeding in intensity that of the Missouri commission. The free States will never consent hat the conquered provinces shall admit the institution of slavery, and being strongest in both branches of the National Legislature, they will not fail to carry their point. It was a foresight of the evil, that induced us from the fires to deprecate, with all the earnestness that belongs to our nature, the addition of any more territory. Deplorable will then be the condition of the slave States. On the North and West of us we are bounded by non-slaveholding States, many of whose inhabitants deem it a praiseworthy act to steal our slaves, though thy will not risk a cent to rescue them from bondage. WE shall now have on our Southern frontier an immense tract of country, offering, in climate, soil and facility of living, every inducement to the natural indolence of the slave, to escape from the dominion of the master. Be the Constitution of the United States, the slave can be reclaimed any where in the Union; but the slave stealer, in the North, manages to get him off to Canada, and in the South, will contrive to smuggle him in to Mexico. IN either case, the master does, and will stand but a poor chance of recovering his property.
The only possible remedy will be a dissolution of the Union; and to that we look forward with horror, which it is impossible to repress. Should such an event occur, (which Heaven in its mercy avert,) the execration of the country, of the world, of all future ages, will pursue these who for the basest of all purposes have first kindled, and then kept in a continual flame, this unnecessary and unnatural war.
Bad as it is, however, we repeat that peace, even on these terms, is better than the protraction of a war, destined to end only in the entire conquest of Mexico. By the terms of the treaty, obliging this Government to pay fifteen millions for the ceded territory, and to assume the payment of the adjudicated claims of American citizens for spoliations, we avoided one great rock of offence, at which so many republics, of ancient and of modern date, have stumbled, and which as invariably proved the fate of them all. We allude to the lust of conquest, which when it once takes possession of the national mind, is but too apt to override all other considerations, and finally, to bury the very names of Justice and Freedom in one common ruin. We shall be spared the shame of seizing upon the spoils of a weak and comparatively helpless neighbor; Mexico will be spared the humiliation of seeing herself partitioned at the will of the conqueror. It becomes the justice4 and magnanimity of the might nation to take no undue advantage of the weakens of our neighbor, and to allow her, as far as possible, to preserve at least her honor. In this, we shall offer a striking contrast to all the other great Powers that at present, in a measure, divided the earth among them. England excites a war in India whenever she begins to feel a hankering of a new province, and never thinks of paying the wretched Governments of that country for her seizures, nor even allows them to retain nominal independence. Russia appropriates every things she can lay her hands on with as little remorse as a highwayman lightens the traveler of his purse, and with as little design to render an equivalent. France hunts down the wild Arab of the desert, exterminates his tribe, seizes on his possessions, and never thinks of offering him a price for parting with his all. Austria hold Italy and Gallicia at the point of the sword, and makes them both feel that they are slaves, not fit to treat with their masters for the price of their land and their liberty; while Prussia, as fast as she has been able, has followed closely in the Track of her might neighbors.
Not so does this treaty propose to deal with Mexico. It pays her, for her coded provinces, more than they are actually worth, and leaves her independence intact, and, so far as this Government is concerned, inviolable. By refraining from making her feel her humiliation, we neutralized much of the bitterness which never fails to attend upon conquest, and lay a broad foundation for future harmony, between two nations which should never have gone to war, and the one of which stands to the other in the capacity of an elder sister, whose duty it should be to watch over and protect the weakness of her junior, not be the first to take advantage of her infancy.
We presume the plea alleged in favor of this war, “indemnity for the past,”
will now be suffered to rest, since we pay more for what we get than it is
actually worth. —Surely, if that was one of the causes of the war, our Government,
if this treaty shall be ratified, will have shown a marvelous promptitude
in abandoning it; a circumstance which obviously indicates that it was without
foundation from the beginning.
[AEK]
RW48v25i18p4c3-7 Friday, March 3, 1848: House
of Representatives
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
SPEECH OF MR. HUDSON, OF MASSACHUSETTS, ON THE LOAN BILL AND THE WAR.
Mr. HUDSON, of Massachusetts, said that the present condition of our country is well calculated to fill the mind with the most serious apprehensions. We are, said he, in the midst of a war—a war which a majority of this House have declared to have been “unnecessarily and unconstitutionally commence by the Executive.” War in itself is at all times a great calamity; but when it is commenced without just cause, and is prosecuted for the unholy purpose of conquest, it becomes a crime of the deepest dye. —Such, I am persuaded, is the character of the war in which we are now engaged. It has already sent to a premature grave many thousands of our citizens, involved us in a heavy national debt, fill our people with a thirst for conquest, degraded us in the eyes of every civilized nation, and brought us to a point where the consummation of our ambitious designs may prove the prelude of internal dissentions more to be dreaded than foreign war itself.
I shall not, at this time, Mr. Chairman, attempt an examination of the causes of this unnatural, and, as I believe, iniquitous war. This has been done, and ably done, by others. After the repeated exhibitions of the facts in the case, the question can hardly be considered an open one. —It has been demonstrated again and again that the Texas we annexed was revolutionary Texas, and hence that her boundary was marked the sword; that she never extended her jurisdiction beyond the immediate valley of the Nueces; that her claim to the Rio Grande was invalid, and that the resolution of annexation regarded it invalid, and that the resolutions of annexation regarded it as such, and reserve to the United States the right of settling the boundary with Mexico; that Mexico had a custom-house at Santa Fe and at Brasos Santiago, both upon the left band of the Rio Grande, where our merchants and traders had long been In the habit of paying duties to the Mexican Government; that two days after the passage of the resolutions of annexation, Congress passed an act in relation to drawbacks, which recognized Santa Fe by name as a Mexican city, and that nine months subsequently the Secretary of the treasury informed the House that this act allowing drawbacks on foreign exports to Santa Fe, in Mexico, had gone into effect, and was beginning to produce the most happy results; that we had consul residing at Santa Fe when our army was ordered into the country; that Mexico had not only civil but military possession on the left bank of the Rio Grande; that the Executive apprized Gen. Taylor of that fact, and directed him not to disturb those permanent establishments, nor to interfere with the laws, religion, or usages of the people; in a word, that the whole valley of the Rio Grande, whether on the right or left bank of that river, was Mexican—a Mexican population, speaking the Mexican language, with Mexican laws, Mexican customs, Mexican jurisdiction—as purely Mexican as the city of Mexico itself. These facts are fully sustained by the public records of this Government, known and read of all men.
With a perfect knowledge of these facts, (for we cannot suppose the President ignorant of his country’s history,) the Executive ordered our army into a territory to which we had no just title—a territory in possession of a nation with which we were at peace; and there our forces, under the direction of the President, committed overt acts of war, by blockading the Rio Grande and charging the Mexican lines, before they had fired a gun or obstructed the movement of our army by force. Although the design of this war was at first concealed from the American people, the late avowals of the President and his friends leave no doubt of its object. It was commended and is prosecuted for the unholy purpose of conquest. I will not enlarge upon this point. A bare statement of the case is sufficient to show its injustice, to crown its authors with infamy, and create serious alarm in the breast of every friend of our free institutions. But I will not pursue this branch of the subject. Passing over the causes of the war and the unholy object of which it is prosecuted, I wish to call the attention of the committee to the financial embarrassment in which it has involved us.
At the commencement of the war our finances were in the most prosperous condition, there being a surplus of ten millions of dollars in the Treasury. And now, after the war has been prosecuted some twenty months, we are on the verge of bankruptcy. We have consumed the ordinary revenue, exhausted the ten millions surplus, together with a loan or Treasury notes of thirty-three million and are now called upon for a grant of sixteen millions more, to supply the wants of the Government during the present fiscal year; and this sum, I am persuaded, will be found too small by eight or ten millions, as I shall endeavor to show hereafter. So that, when the war shall have continued twenty-five months, we shall have spended, in addition to the accruing revenue, some $68,000,000. This is but a part of the burdens brought upon us by this unnecessary war. Our munitions of war, which have been accumulating for years in our arsenals, some fifteen millions of dollars worth of our public domain given, or to be given, in bounty to our soldiers, and long lists of pensions and private claims growing out of the war—these should be take in to the account, and will go far in increasing the sum. These are some of the pecuniary burdens which a weak and wicked Administration has wantonly brought upon the people.
War is necessarily expensive, and is almost another name for oppressive taxation. And I rejoice that it is so; it bears the stamp of a preventive Providence, and is calculated to awaken the people to a sense of their condition, and to induce a strict scrutiny into the conduct of their rulers. I am glad that this war has involved the Government in financial embarrassment, because the burdens of taxation may reach the grand sensorium of some men, who, mad with ambition and drunken with the idea of acquisition, seem insensible to the calls of justice and the pleadings of humanity. And I venture to predict that, if the party now in power—the criminal authors of the are—had the manliness to come forward and impose taxes sufficient to support the war, and sustain the credit of the Government, the people would rise in the majesty of their strength, and hurl indignantly form power those who have abused the trust which a confiding people have reposed in them.
It is, Mr. Chairman, from a view of the documents which have been submitted, impossible even to approximate the amount which has been wantonly wasted in this war of aggression and conquest. The reports of the Secretary of the Treasury are so obscure, and his accounts are so confused, that it is difficult to understand them. There are some items, however which are perfectly intelligible, and to these I wish to called the attention of the committee. I allude to the army expenditures; and when I speak of these, I do not include the whole military establishment, but leave out of the account the armories, arsenals, fortifications, Military Academy, and that part of the civil service which relates to the War Department.
The expenditures for the army alone during the year ending June 1845, were $3,155,027. During the year ending June 30, 1846 7,454,577. And during the year ending June 30, 1847 33,882,068.
Here we perceive at once that the expenditures of the army, including volunteers, have, during the year ending June 30, 1847, exceeded the peace establishment of the year ending June 30, 1845. $30,727,041; and for the present fiscal year the expenditure will be much greater. I am aware that the Secretary of War estimates the cost of the army for the present fiscal year at $27,798,448, being more than $6,000,000 less than it was last year; and I am also aware that these estimates are entitled to very little consideration. The secretary last year estimated the cost of the army at $27,733,096, which was $6,148,972 less than the actual cost. And how was this? What occasioned this increase of expenditure over the estimates which were made when the year had nearly half passed away? The secretary would probably tell you that the President during the last half of the year called out more volunteers than had been anticipated, and that Congress created ten new regiments after the estimates were submitted, and that these were the causes of the increased expenditures. I admit that this new force would swallow up the extra $6,000,000; but still with this increased force the honorable Secretary goes forward at the commencement of this Congress with an estimate for the army for only $27, 798, 448, being but $65, 362 more than that estimate of last year, when it was too small by $6,149,972. The ten regiments which were created, and the additional volunteers called out, could not have served more than six, and most of them did not serve more than two or three months; and if this carried the expenditures from the $27,733,096 estimated, up to $33,882,068, I cannot conceive how this increased force called into service during the war, and consequently serving during the whole of the present year, can be supported for $6,000,000 less than they were last year when they served but a short time. Besides, we have already been informed by the Executive department (see Executive document No. 2, and miscellaneous document No. 14, published by order of this House) that the appropriations of the last winter for the present fiscal year for the army were $14,014,635 too small, and that this additional sum must be provided for. And yet with these facts staring him in the face, the Secretary presents us with an estimate for the army less by $6,083,620 than the ascertained expenses for the last year. Nothing short of a disposition to conceal the real state of the Treasury can account for estimates like these. By a report of the Adjutant General, submitted with the President’s message at the last session, it appeared that the army in the campaign in Mexico amounted at that time to 24,984; and by his report submitted with the message this year it appears that the army in the field in Mexico amounts to 43,536; a fact which will justify the conclusion that instead of the expense of the army being $6,000,000 less than it was last year, it will probably be $6,000,000 more; showing the estimate to be $12,000,000 less than the probably expenditures.
Thus far, Mr. Chairman, I have confined myself to the expenditures of the army alone; but if we look at the whole expenditures of the Government, we shall come to the same result, viz. that the estimates are not at all reliable, being far below the actual expense. The ascertained expenditures of last year. The improbability of this result will appear from the facts already stated. We have already seen that the army in the field the present year is 18,500 rank and file greater than it was last year; and there are now vacancies amounting to more than 15,000 in the regular and volunteer forces, which the president is authorized to fill, and which is now filling with all possible dispatch. The Executive has informed us that they have already ascertained deficiencies in the different departments in the appropriations of the last session for the present fiscal year of $14,229,844. From every view we can take of the subject I am satisfied that the estimates are from eight to ten millions too low. It is difficult and even impossible to estimate the expenses of a campaign with perfect accuracy, but we have data before us sufficient to show that the estimates of the Departments are not at all reliable. Though the Secretary of the Treasury estimates the total expenditure for the year 1848 at $58,615,114, I have no doubt but that we may add $8,500,000 to this estimate with perfect safety, bringing the total expenditures of the year up to $67,100,000. On the other hand, I am satisfied that the Secretary of the Treasury has over-estimated his receipts. He sets down his means for the year ending June 30, 1848, as follows:
| Customs, | $31,000,000 |
| Public lands | 3,500,000 |
| Miscellaneous sources, | 400,000 |
| 34 900,000 |
No man, as it seems to me, can examine these estimated receipts without being satisfied that they are exaggerated if we compare them with the receipts of preceding years, or if we inquire into the amount of imports, we must perceive at once that the receipt of $31,000,000 from customs is out of the question. To obtain that revenue we must import fro home consumption goods, wares, and merchandise to the amount of $180,840,021; which would be $68,806,632 more than the average of the four preceding years. The average consumption of imports for the years 1844, 1845, and 1846 was $103,067,692; the consumption for the year 1847, was $138,534,480; being $35,466,788 more than the average of the three preceding years. Seeing the imports for domestic consumption for the last year were $35,466,000 above the former average, I am satisfied that the people cannot, in their present embarrassed condition, pay for an import of $180,840,021; which would be $42,305,541 more than was purchase last year and $77,772,329 more than the average of 1844, 1845,and 1846. —And yet this enormous importation must be made in order to give Mr. Walker his $31,000,000 of revenue from customs. The principal reasons why our imports were so large last year was the famine in Europe, which enabled us to send abroad $41,000,000 of breadstuffs and provisions more than the preceding year; but that cause has now passed away, and to infer that we can import, $77,772,000 more than the average while the famine existed, shows a love of the marvelous hardly consistent with financial calculations.
I believe that the revenue from customs cannot with any propriety be estimated above $26,500,000 for the year 1848; and to obtain that revenue we must import for home consumption $154,059,861; which is more than $12,700,000 above the imports of last year and more than the country can support. In estimating the revenue for the present year I have taken the last year’s imports and revenue as the basis, though that basis is altogether too favorable to the Secretary. Five-twelfths of the last year was under the tariff of 1842, where the rates of duty were from five to ten per cent higher than under the present tariff. So that to realize the $31,000,000 estimated by the Secretary, we must in fact import a larger amount than I have stated; and the $26,500,000 which I have set down as the amount to be received would in fact require an import of more than to be received would in fact require an import of more than the $154,059,000 already stated. But, as I wish to be upon the safe side, I have to adopt the ratio of the last year. If I am correct in my positions, $4,500,000 must be stricken from Mr. Walker’s revenue from customs.
He estimates the revenue from the public lands at $3, -500,000 which I believe is at least $1,500.000 more than can be realized from that source. The average income from the lands for the last three years has been $2,423,276, and there are causes which must operate unfavorably upon that branch of the revenue. By the act of February 11, 1847, it was provided that all soldiers who have served twelve months in the Mexican War, or have been killed in battle, or have been discharged in consequence of sickness incurred in the service, shall receive one hundred and sixty acres of land, or scrip to the amount of one hundred dollars. Some twenty –five thousand of these soldiers have been discharged, and these land warrants are being issued in large numbers, and these warrants will absorb a large quantity of the public lands, an sos diver the proceeds of the sales from the Treasury. If I am right in these calculations, the balance sheet at the end of the year will be materially affected. The case would then stand thus;
Expenditures estimates
| $8,500,000 | |
| Revenue from customs less than estimate | 4,500,000 |
| Revenue from lands less than estimate | 1,500,000 |
Which sum of $14,500,000 added to Mr. Walker’s corrected balance, would make $23,314,036 excess of expenditures over means on the 30h of June next; and hence the loan, including 3,000.000 to be left in the Treasury, should be $26,314,000 instead of $16,000,000.
I regard this part of the subject so important that I must beg leave to dwell upon it more in detail. I have already shown that the importations for the last fiscal year, after deducting the re-exportations, amounted to $138,534,480, and that this exceeded the average of the three preceding years by $35,466,788. It must be manifest to everyone acquainted with the laws of trade that our imports and exports for a series of years must nearly balance each other. During the last fiscal year our exports of domestic products amounted to $150,637,464, being $50,362,848 more than the average for e the three preceding years. But this excess consisted almost entirely of breadstuffs and provisions, and was occasioned by the failure of the crops in almost every part of the eastern continent. The Secretary himself informs us that the breadstuffs and provisions exported during the last year exceeded the exports of the same articles the preceding year by $41,332,282. This fact confirms my position that this large expire arose from the failure of foreign crops. This excess over former exports consisted not only in the increased quantity, but also in the increased price. But the improved harvest in Europe has checked this export, and we have no reason to expect that we shall be able to send forth the same quantity; and the reduced price will greatly diminish the value of our exports. In the articles of cotton and flour alone, the reduction of price, even if the quantity was the same, would reduce our exports several millions.
This European famine not only increased our exports and consequently our imports, but turned the balance of trade $12,102,984 in our favor. But nothing can be more fallacious than to reason from a single year. In 1837 we actually imported $4,280,000 worth of breadstuffs; but it would be absurd to argue from that fact that we should continue to import that amount. Equally absurd is it to maintain that we shall send abroad $65,900,000 of provisions and breadstuffs annually because we did during the past year, when the famine was so pinching in Europe that we sent out Government ships laden with provisions as a charity to the starving thousands.
But we need not reason upon this subject. We have facts, official and stubborn facts, which show that the tide of trade is already setting against us. The imports during the first quarter of the present fiscal year amounted to $50,675,599, while the exports amounted to only $37,937,981,showing a balance of trade against us of $12,737,618, which exceeds the balance of trade in our favor during the past year of $634,634. The entire imports and exports for the whole half year have not been received; but I have returns from some of the principal cities, as will be seen by the following tabular statement:
Imports into and Exports from Boston, New York, Philadelphia, and Baltimore,
for the quarters ending September 30 and December 31, 1847.
(See chart)
NOTE. —During the same period our imports of specie have amounted to $2,344,896, and our exports of specie to 5,937,804.
Here it will be seen that, taking these four cities, which comprise more than three-fourths of the commerce of the country, the balance of threads for the last six months is nearly #$30,000,000 against us, and that specie is rapidly leaving the country; the excess of specie exported during this period being about $3,600.000 above the import. We have had pleasing accounts of the great balance of trade in our favor; and golden dreams of specie flowing into the country and filling the vault so the Sub-Treasury, presented to us by the secretary of the Treasury. Be we already see that an average harvest in Europe has turned the tables against us, and dissipated those golden visions.
The present conditions of the money market and the general depression of business must reduce the imports of the last half of the year. All experience shows that prosperity in our industrial pursuits at home contributes greatly to the increase of our commerce; and that we never purchase foreign fabrics so feely as when money is plenty in the country. It is true that our imports at the present time are heavy, but the depression of prices shows that we have a large supply on hand, and leads us to expect that the future imports will be light. The pernicious effects of the tariff of 1846 and of the drain of specie from the country to support a foreign war are beginning to develop themselves—Manufacturers already feel the shock. The cotton, woolen, and iron interests of the country are greatly depressed; and with depressed manufactures we may soon anticipate a paralyzed agriculture and a stagnant commerce. Even if the tide of trade should continue so as to give us a large revenue during the present year, its inevitable effect would be to diminish our revenue for the next; and so leave as great a deficit on the 30th of June, 1849, as though it fell within this year. It should also be observed that the have importations of tea generally coming in the spring, and as this is free of duty, no revenue will be obtained from that source.
A brief view of the finances of the country will show the utter failure of the tariff o f1846 as a revenue measure. —Though the Secretary of the Treasury, and the President in his message assure us that the tariff of 1846 has augmented the revenue of the country, every view I have been able to take of the subject leads me to a very different result. The imports and exports, together with the nett revenue from imports for the three years ending with the 30th of June under the tariff of 1842, were as follows: (see chart)
Here we have an amount of imports for the last year of $35,466,778 above the average of the three preceding years; and yet the nett revenue falls below the average $3,060.252. The nett revenue for the years under the tariff of 1842 assessed upon the imports for home consumption would amount to a duty of 26,01 per cent, and if we multiply the imports of 1847 by that rate, it would give us a nett revenue under the tariff of 1846, from what it would have been under the tariff of 1842, of $12,384,954. While the Administration and its friends are clamorous for a loan of $16,000,000 they should remember that if they had not wantonly destroyed the best revenue system which this country ever enjoyed, they would have had more than two thirds of that sum now in the Treasury; nay, if that system had remained in force up to this day, it would completely have superseded the necessity of this loan, and have left a balance in the Treasury. Here we have a full illustration of the crude undigested system of the present Administration, a system which, had it not been for the famine on the eastern continent, would have overwhelmed its friends in disappointment. If the imports had remained at the average of the three preceding years, the revenue under the present tariff would have amounted to only $17,624,575, or$9,283,531 less than the average of the three years under the Whig tariff. Thus, by the miserable policy of the Administration, the best interests of the country have not only been sacrificed, but the Government itself has been robbed of twelve millions of revenue at a time when the largest amount from ordinary sources would be insufficient to meet the wants of the Government. The receipts from customs for the year 1847 have not only fallen off $3,060,252 from the average receipts of the three preceding years, but they have fallen $4,087,867 below the secretary’s own estimate submitted to Congress in December, 1846.
But it is hardly necessary to point out the blunders of the Secretary of the Treasury, or to show that his estimates are entitled to very little consideration. Of this, however, we may be certain—that his estimates are always in conformity with his preconceived opinions, and are designed to recommend his own visionary schemes. In his first annual report on the finances to bring the tariff of 1842 in disrepute, he estimated the revenue from customs fort he year ending June 30, 1846, at $24,500.000; but the result showed a nett revenue of $26,712,667, showing that the Secretary’s estimate was 2,212,667 to low. But when he has his own darling system before him, there is no danger or error on the same side of the question. At the opening of the Las Congress he estimated the receipts from customs fort he year ending June 1847, at $27,835,731, being $4,087,867 more than was realized – the true sum being $23,747,864. Thus we see that the secretary’s fondness for is free trade system lead s him into an error of $2,212,000 in one year, and of $4,078,000 the next.
But in view of all these blunders, and in the face of all these facts, the secretary says: “The new tariff ahs no been in operation more than twelve months, and has greatly augmented the revenue and prosperity of the country. —The nett revenue from duties during the twelve months ending the 1st of December, 1847, under the new tariff, is $31,500,000; being $8,528,596 more than it was during the twelve months preceding, under the tariff of 1842.”—While this statement may be true to the letter, it is nevertheless calculated to deceive the public, and is so manifestly unjust that I should hardly expect to see it presented as a basis of a settled principle in grave official document—his first annual report to the 29th Congress; he strongly recommended a reduction of duties, and that this subject was agitated for months before the passage of the act; that the bill was reported to the House as early as April 14, and became a law July 30, 1846. Under these circumstances, we know that the importers would naturally keep back their orders in expectation of the reduction of duties. In this manner the tariff of 1846 would operate to check importations long before it became a law. And when the bill was passed, July 30, 1846, it contained an express invitation to importers not to bring their goods into market until the reduced duties had taken effect. The 6th section of that act provides “that all goods, wares, and merchandise imported after the passage of this act, and which may be in the public stores on the 2d day of December next, (one day after the tariff of 1846 went into operation) shall be subject to no other rate of duty upon the entry thereof than if the same were imported respectively after that day.”—Such was the provision of the tariff act itself; and it requires no financial wisdom to see that, during the four month which intervened between the passage of the act and the time when it went into operation, the entries of goods would be greatly reduced below the usual standard. Our merchants would not exhibit that shrewdness which as always been ascribed to them had they not availed themselves of this opportunity of saving some eight or ten per cent on their importations. They would delay their orders; or, if their vessels returned, they would put their good into the public stores, there to remain for few weeks till the new tariff should take effect. This would greatly reduce the imports or entries, and consequently the revenue, during the autumn of 1846, and throw into the following quarter imports and revenue which did not properly belong to it. The Secretary himself has furnished us evidence of this fact. In one of the tables appended to his report, which is valuable as it furnishes evidence to confute his own fallacies, he informs us that the revenue in the months of October and November, 1846, was only $1,688,480, while in October and November, 1847, it amounted to $4,400,000—showing a balance in favor of the latter period of $2,711,520. This shows most conclusively that the e good which usually come into the country in the autumn were either kept back or were not brought into the market till after the 1st of December, when the reduced duties took effect. It further appears, by the table of the Secretary, that the importations, and, consequently, the revenue of the quarter ending September 30, 1846, were materially reduced by the Passage of the tariff of July of that year. The revenue for that quarter was only $6,153,826, while the average revenue for the same quarters for the two preceding years was $9,867,825; showing a falling off of $3,713,999 from the average. This is falling off in the revenue of the September quarter, and of the months of October and November 1846, can be accounted for on no other principle than the effect of the tariff of that year. And yet, with these facts before them, the President of the United States and his free trade Secretary came before the country with a comparison of the year ending December 1, 1846, and the year ending December 1, 1847, as containing a just illustration of the two tariff systems; a comparison the fallacy of which must be obvious to the most superficial observer.
I have already shown that, with an increased importation of $35,466,788 above the average of the three preceding years, the revenue of 1847 had fallen more than $3,000,000 below the average of those years; and that if the tariff of 1842 had been in operation during the year 1847, with the same importations, we should have realized a nett revenue of more than $36,000,000; showing a loss by the tariff of 1846 of more than $12,000,000. But the Secretary ascribes this increased importation to the reduction of duties. That the reduction of duties might contribute in some small degree to the increased importation, I am ready to admit; but that this is the principle cause, no man acquainted with the subject can believe for a single moment. The simple fact that our increased export consisted almost entirely of provisions, shows us the true cause of our augmented imports and exports; and, unless the tariff of 1846 had power over the seasons, and actually scattered blight, mildew, and famine form its wings, it had but little to do with our increased export for the last year. But, notwithstanding these plain and palpable facts, the Secretary informs us that the exports of domestic products, exclusive of gold and silver, in 1847, exceeded that of 1846 by more than forty eight per cent; and he ha s given us a table carrying this increase up to 1850, at which period our exports will reach $488,445,056! I have no disposition to disturb these pleasing dreams of the honorable Secretary; but I believe that he is the only man, even in the present administration, who would parade such visionary speculations in an official document.
I have, Mr. Chairman, thus far confided myself mainly to the receipts and expenditures of the past and present fiscal years. But, as we are now called upon to provide for the next fiscal year, it may be well to look into futurity, and ascertain, as well as we may, what will be the probably expenditure for the next year. We have the estimate of the secretary of the treasury, covering those of the different Departments, and it seems peculiarly fortunate that he is able to reduce the expenditures very much in proportion to the increase of the force called out. We have already seen the actual expense for the year ending June 30, 1847, and the estimated expenditures for 1848; and I will now call your attention to the estimates for the year ending June 30, 1849, and that they may be seen at a glance I will place them together:
| Actual expenditures for the year ending June 30, 1847 | $59,451,177 |
| Estimated " | $58,615,660 |
| Estimated " 1849 | $55,644,941 |
It will be sent hat Mr. Walker’s estimated expenditures are based on sliding scale similar to the British Corn Laws, where the duty is reduced with the increase of the price. Our force in the field is constantly increasing; and yet our estimated expenditures are reduced from year to year, the cost of the service for 1849 being $3,806,236 less than the actual expenditures for 1847, though the force is much greater. Such is the picture presented to us by the official documents. But every man who will take the trouble to examine the subject will be satisfied that the estimate for the present and for the next fiscal year is altogether too low. There appears to be a systematic attempt on the part of the Executive department to reduce the estimates to the lowest possible point; not, however as it would see, from a conviction that the sum estimated will meet the wants of the service, but with a knowledge that if greater expenses are incurred Congress cannot refuse to make appropriations to pay just debts. I speak advisedly when I make this remark.
Agreeable to law and usage, the officers of the different bureaus make out their estimates for the coming year, and submit them to the head of the Department. These estimates for the next fiscal year have undergone an unusual degree of pruning. In confirmation of this I will state a fact which will illustrate the principle, and show the reliance which may be placed upon the estimates. The Quartermaster General, on the 4ht of November, submitted to the Secretary of War an estimate of expenditures in his department for the next fiscal year. The Secretary returned the estimates, with a request that hey be reduced. The Quartermaster General complies with his request, and on the 15th of November submits his revised estimates, saying he has made “considerable reductions.” He says, however, that his first estimates “were made out from data derived from the experience of the last year.” The then adds, ‘whether these reductions be judicious, time must determine. I would not have ventured to make them, but for e the fact that two sessions of Congress will have terminated before the expiration of the fiscal year for which the estimates now submitted have been made. The sums asked for averages of the present fiscal year are not more, I am persuaded, than will be required.”
Here, sir, it will be seen that the Quartermaster General, in his second estimates, virtually admits that they are too low; lower than the service in his opinion will justify. In fact, he was so well persuaded that his estimates were too low that he says he would not have ventured to make them but for the fact that he could come in at the next session and ask for additional appropriations. The Committee of Ways and Means, being desirous of obtaining all the information requisite to a proper understanding of the subject on which they were called to act, addressed a note to the Secretary of War asking him for the original estimates of the Quarter master General. When the original estimates were sent us, we found that it was literally true that he had made “considerable reductions.” And what do you suppose Mr. Chairman, they were? How much do you suppose was cut off? I will tell you: the modest little sum of $7,901,200! But he does it under protest; declaring that he believes it will be wanted, as he founded his estimates upon the experience of the last year.
Again, sir: the Secretary of the navy gives us an estimate of $10,905,558; but after this estimate had been in the hands of the committee some six weeks, the Secretary of the Navy comes forward and informs us that we can reduce the estimate $1,500,000 without any detriment to the public service. And what reason does the honorable Secretary offer in support of this reduction? What new discovery had he made? Why, he had discovered just what he must have known when he made his estimates—that certain unexpended balances would come over from the last year. But would he reduce the actual expenditure by this means? Not in the least. It would show less on paper; but, whether the $1,500,000 were drawn from the Treasury under the law of last year or this, the sum would be the same, and the means must be provided in eh one case as much as in the other.
I have stated these facts, not because I am opposed to reduction, but because I am opposed to imposition. I have stated them to show that here is a systematic attempt to make the appropriations as small as possible. I do not believe that reducing the appropriations will reduce the expenditures, on the whole, one mill, and am perfectly satisfied that there is a great unwillingness on the part of the Executive to have the enormous expenditures of this war known at the present time. But the President does not wish to be behind hand in the good work of retrenchment; and consequently he comes in an proposes to cut off the paltry sum of some $18, 500 from the grants made to the poor Indians for the purposes of education! In several of the treaties made with the different tribes there is a provision that certain sums shall be paid to them annually, at the pleasure of the president, for their education and civilization. The different denominations of Christians who support their missionaries among the tribes, and accounts to this Government a portion of these funds, which they expend for schools among the tribes, and account to this Government for the manner in which it is expended. The Presbyterians, I am informed, expend two dollars of their won money, for purposes of education, for every dollar they receive from the Government; the Baptists expend about one dollar of their funds for every dollar they receive from the public Treasury; and the Methodists, who always act as pioneers in ever good enterprise, expend their money in aiding the Government to instruct these unfortunate children of the forest. And while these heralds of peace and salvation are willing to spend and be spent In the glorious cause of civilizing the untutored savages, and opening to their dark and benighted minds the glories of immortality, the President of the United States come forward, and taking advantage of a clause in the treaties in which a confidence is reposed in him, proposes to strike out these small appropriations granted to them for a valuable consideration. The Executive of a people calling themselves Christian appears to be unwilling that the ministration of life should be dispensed among the savages in our won country at our expense; he wants the money to dispense the ministration of death among the savages in Mexico. He wants all the resources of this country to convert, sword in hand, the wretched hordes of Mexico, not to Christianity, but to citizens of the United States, a nation which has spread slaughter through their country, and treated them, as they believe, with the greatest injustice.
Here, Mr. Chairman, a question naturally arises, why the Administration wish at eh present time to reduce the appropriations? Their motives are in their own breasts. I am satisfied of the fact, for they have revealed it; but they have not disclosed the motive. But, being a Yankee, I shall claim the prerogative of a Yankee, and guess the reason. An important election is approaching, and the Administration do not which to have the troublesome question of the expenses of the war brought before the people in the next Presidential contest. They know that, before we shall assemble here again, that question will have been decided one way or the other, and that at that time, they may safely come forward and ask us to appropriate, not fourteen millions of dollars to supply deficiencies, but thrice that sum. This is a solution of that question; and if any friend of the President on this floor thinks me uncharitable. I will ask him whether he had not a little rather these have appropriations should be put off till the next session. I know he had. If he is frank and candid he will admit it.
But sir, all these artful attempts to blind the eyes of the people will not avail. The note of alarm shall be sounded and the people shall know the fraud that is attempted to be played off upon them. The estimates that are presented are beyond all question too low; and if this miserable war continues, we shall find it so. That we may see what demands the Administration are making upon the taxpayers of this country, I will present a statement of what they ask, directly and by implication.
They ask us to appropriate certain specific sums, and these sums will involve others which are not specified; and these incidental expenses will increase with the continuance of the war. The deficiencies for this year are already ascertained to be more that $14,000,000, and it will be perfectly safe to set down the deficiencies for the next year at $16,000,000. The account, then will stand thus:
| Appropriations asked for | $55,644,341 |
| Appropriations to supply deficiencies for this year | 14,220,040 |
| Deficiencies next year | 16,000,000 |
| $85,861,982 |
Here we have direct and tangible appropriations for $85,864,900, in round numbers. But this is not all: they ask us to grant them ten new regiments of regulars, which cannot be enlisted, transported to Mexico, and supported [ . . . ] for a year, judging in from the expenses of the past above of $9,000,000. Then they ask for authority to call out twenty regiments of volunteers, which as it may in some degree save the expense of recruiting, I will set down at $17,500,000. If we comply with the request of the Executive and grant him all the force he asks, and this force thus be called into service, the account would stand as follows:
| Appropriations as above | $85,864,961 |
| Ten new regiments of Regulars | 9,000,000 |
| Twenty regiments of volunteers | 17,500,000 |
| $112,364,981 |
Here sir, we have the round sum of $112,000,000, and who will say that this statement is exaggerated? Let the whole force now asked for be called out, and let the regiments now in the field be filled up, and every dollar of this sum will be required. There are also several sources [ . . . ] expenditure which have not been taken into this account and which will be constantly increasing. If we go on borrowing money, the interest on eh public debt will make no inconsiderable sum. The pension list will be constantly increasing, and before the end of the year the numerous private claims for injuries sustained in and by the war will begin to come in, and the script which the discharged soldiers will receive instead of their land bounty will be in the character of public debt, on which interest must be paid. The exhausted arsenals must be replenished, and a thousand other charges incident to war must be taken into the account. The incidental expenses of the Florida war, nor the war of 1812, nor even the war of the revolution, are as yet all ascertained; so some of the expenses of this Mexican war will remain unpaid for a half century.
And while these enormous appropriations are asked for, and this vast amount is to be expended in a foreign country, but very little regard is paid to the interests of our own. While the Executive is wasting millions to destroy property abroad, he denies to Congress the right of saving property at home; while he is slaughtering Mexican soldiers, he will not allow us to save the lives of American seamen. When bills are passed to improve our harbors and rivers, to save the property or our citizens and the lives of our seamen, the President turns round and tells us that we have no right to improve our own country, or save the lives of our own people.
Now sir, in view of our present financial condition, what is the duty of the administration? To go on borrowing money, and so entail upon our posterity a bigger national debt? No policy can be more unwise. Every generation, as far as possible, should bear its own burdens and pay its own debts. Our country is amply able to support a war on any reasonable scale; and they will do so cheerfully if they believe the war to be just and necessary why then do not the Administration come out at once and recommend taxation? Our tariff can be so modified as to give twelve millions of revenue more than we are now receiving, and at the same time protect our own labor stimulate our own industry, and develop our own resources. This is what every enlightened statesman would recommend. And then we should impose a direct tax, apportioned among the States agreeably to the principle of the constitution. But while our expenses are increasing the administration take no measure to increase our revenue; recommend nothing but a paltry tax upon tea and [ . . . ] fee. And why do they pursue this narrow, this coward policy? The democracy in their conventions declared that free trade and direct taxation are the basis of their theory. Why, then, do not the Administration come out and recommend direct taxes at once? The money will be needed. Fifty millions in addition to all our ordinary revenues will not be sufficient to carry us to the close of the next fiscal year. And why, I ask again, does not the President direct his fiscal agent, the Secretary of the Treasury, and ask for a direct tax of $50,000,000?
The reason is obvious. He knows that he moment the people are called upon in this manner to support the way they will begin to inquire more fully into its character and the object for which it is prosecuted, and that such as inquiry would end in his won condemnation. He knows too, that these States, which are the most clamorous for the war would be totally unable to pay their portion of the [ . . . ]. I have apportioned fifty millions amongst the several States agreeably to the federal basis, which I will present to the committee:
An apportionment of fifty millions upon the several states, agreeably to the constitutional basis.
(See chart)
How would the democracy of the Keystone State be pleased with the idea of paying $5,263,000? Could they inscribe that upon their banners and fight as manfully they did under the banner of “Polk, Dallas, and the tariff of 1842?” What would the warlike gentlemen from Maryland say to tax of $1,315,000, in addition to the burdens they are now called to bear? What opinion of the war would be entertained by the good people of Alabama if it was brought home to them by a tax of $1,535,000 in a single year? Illinois would not find it exactly convenient to pay $1,535,000, nor Indiana to pay $2,192,000, annually. The sum of $657.000 would, I apprehend, [ . . . ] rather heavily upon Michigan, and $212,000 would remind Arkansas that the sinew of war were as troublesome end the war itself. The people of Texas would find the glory of the war a poor investment, when they were required and pay $438,000 as the purchase money. I might mention Mississippi and Florida, and several other States, apart whom this task would be rather oppressive; bus as they are clamorous for the war, they ought to be willing to bear their share of the burden. Particularly should the Democracy of these states advocate direct taxation, because they are in favor of the war, and of this mode of revising means?
But, Mr. Chairman, the fact is that neither the Administration nor their friends upon this floor dare recommend direct taxes. They know that the people in those States most clamorous for the war would not sustain it for a single day, if they thought that they must come forward and pay their fair proportion of its burdens. If such as tax were imposed, we should be compelled to withdraw our army from Mexico, not only because we should not be able to support them there, but because they would be needed and suppressed insurrections, which such a tax would produce.
But this fact is a striking commentary upon the character of the war, and
of the Administration which have wantonly involved us in it. The
American people are not wanting patriotism. They stand ready at all
times [ . . . ] sustain the government in war, whatever may be the aim of
taxes, provided they believe the ware to be just and necessary. The
very fact that the Administration dare [ . . . ] propose a direct tax is
a clear confession that they know they have plunged the nation in to a war
without just causes and now they attempt to avoid the responsibility, and
put off the day of reckoning by throwing the burdens of the war upon those
that come after them. Our father bestowed upon us their children, the rich
inheritance of freedom but the present administration will I fear, leave us
to the successors nothing but tarnished honor and a heavy national debt.
[AEK]
RW48v25i18p4c3 Friday, March 3, 1848: General Scott
GENERAL SCOTT.
A distinguished officer of the U.S. army, who reached Columbia (S.C.) a few days since from the city of Mexico, says:
“Gen Scott is considered by the officers of the army, the great Captain of the age. He has not only their unbounded confidence, but he is in the hearts of his soldiers. It is his habit to receive the mutilated and care worn soldier into his presence, when officers of the army are denied; administering to their necessities, not only by his influence, but BY HIS PURSE, HELPING THEM TO RETURN TO THEIR HOMES. In short, he has been their father as well as their General. Not one who has ever served under him will refuse to follow where he may lead.
“There seems to prevail an impression through the United States, that divisions in the army have been, to some extent, the result of the arrest of Gens Pillow and Worth. —So far from it, there never has been greater unanimity than at present. The circumstance was not even a nine day’s wonder. The army is a perfect unit in sentiment. Its discipline and harmony have never been more complete.
“The known justice of Gen Scott would be conviction to every officer in
the army, of the military propriety of all his acts; and the arrest of
any officer, however high in ranked, from any known breach of military
discipline, would cause no more surprise, than that of any subaltern
for a like offence.”
[AEK]
RW48v25i19p4c1 Tuesday, March 7, 1848: The Treaty, from Albany Argue
THE TREATY
The Albany Argue, anticipating the ratification of the treaty says:
“As evidence of returning sanity on the part of Mexico, (if the present government may be said to be a responsible government,) these overtures are gratifying indication s and implying concession of our rightful claims to indemnity and reparation, and of the justice of the war on our part, which will be anything but welcome to Mexican partisans and apologists in this country, whose efforts to place Mexico in the right and the United States in he wrong, have been as incessant as they have been effective, thus far, in encouraging Mexico to further hostilities. There can be no manner of doubt—the whole current of evidence which has set this way from Mexico, corroborates (we may say demonstrates) the oft-repeated allegation, that but for this treasonable supply of “aid and comfort” from the Whig leaders and presses, on this side the Rio Grande, we should long since have had overtures of peace from deluded Mexico, and a minister there to adjust the details of a treaty. —As it is, the minister being re called and his powers revoked, we have at last a proposition for adjustments—but in so questionable and uncertain a shape as to prolong and hazard the ultimate success [if success should result] of negotiations.”
We should be glad to know who are the Mexican partisans to whom the Argus alludes in this letter. Are they Scott and Taylor, Clay Hardin, Morrison, McClung and Haskell? Are they Henry Clay, Daniel Webster, John Minor Botts, who have lost brave and promising sons in Mexico, by the sword an d by disease? Or are they Mr. Polk and his Cabinet, who gave to Mexico the only Chief that could unite her distracted and divided population—create new resources—raise new armies—infuse fresh courage into a beaten and disheartened people –and direct the energies of a whole nation against our armies? Who, jealous of one General, in the very moment of victory, left him without means to follow up his successes—who gave by their own supine ness, tie to the enemy, beaten at Palo Alto, and almost overwhelmed a Resaca, to recruit his forces, to re-inspirit his troops, to lead them into the fortification of Monterrey, and to slay our troops by hundreds when they attempted to storm it? Who, while this same General was threatened by four-fold number, sunder the very Chief of whom they had as kindly sent to the aid of Mexico, deliberately took from him all his regulars, and left him with 4,700 volunteers, to sustain the shock of 22,000veterans? Who left another General at Vera Cruz, to fight his way to the city of Mexico, roughly fifty thousand men, with scarcely one-fifth of the number? Who, after that General had just made one of the most remarkable campaigns on record, reward him by an arrest, and an order for his trail by a broken down political hack, whom the Executive fiat had, ludicrously enough converted into a General, so far as a wearing epaulettes and receiving pay can make one? We ask, which of the two classes are most likely to rank as partisan of Mexico, in the eyes of posterity, the President and his Cabinet, or these Whig officers? Who have, of all others, furnished most “aid and comfort” to the enemy?
The statement that this treaty is an acknowledgment of our just claim
to indemnity, and consequently of the justice of this war, is notoriously
without foundation. If the war was just, why do we not require
the Government of Mexico to pay our citizens for spoliations, instead of
engaging to pay them ourselves? These claims amount, all told, not
to five million: why could we not have paid them at first, before so much
blood and treasure had been wasted, as well as who? As for any indemnity,
where is it? We have already wasted at least ten thousand lives in
this contest, and spent one hundred and fifty millions of dollars at a very
moderate calculation. After all, we pay for the territory which
we get, fifteen millions; much more than it is worth. This is indemnity
with a vengeance.
[AEK]
RW48v25i19p4c1 Tuesday, March 7, 1848: Santa Fe in Dispute
SANTA FE IN DISPUTE!
The Houston (Texas) Telegraph seems to be very indignant at the establishment of a territorial government at Santa Fe, the capital of New Mexico—as indeed it has a right to be, if the Rio Grande being the rightful boundary line between Texas and Mexico, that magnificent city of mud-hovels really constituted a part of the Republic of Texas at the time of its annexation to the United States! But then, while if Mr. Polk had not sent Gen. Kearny thither to conquer it, there would have been no “territorial government” in existence there at this time, it is not less certain that Don Amrijo, who slew and captured every individual belonging to the only Texan expedition ever sent thither, would have been still in his palace, administering as aforetime the laws of Mexico, and receiving the homage of the people of Mexico, who, without question, exclusively owned and occupied the soil. We do not see very clearly why the Texans should repine at the change, even if it be an invasion of their sovereignty!
The Houston paper suggests to the legislature of Texas that “a new county
should be laid off in that region, of which the city of Santa Fe expedition,
under the auspices of the Texan government, will fare differently from
that which some years ago terminated so disastrously.
[AEK]
RW48v25i19p4c2 Tuesday, March 7, 1848: The Treaty, from the Baltimore Sun
THE TREATY.
Yesterday’s Baltimore Sun has the following letter from its Washington correspondent:
Washington, March 2, 6 P.M.
The Senate adjourned at about five o’clock, the treaty having been up until that time. Its fate is as doubtful as when I last wrote. The opposition to it steadily increases, though the President and his Cabinet, with the exception of one Secretary, ware using every human effort to have it ratified. I sill hope that the president will be sustained; by he has anew and powerful odds to contend against. The upshot of the matter may be that two commissioners, (one Whig and one Democrat,) will be appointed to negotiate with Mexico in optima form juris. This will satisfy Messrs. Webster and Crittenden. Some new historical features have developed themselves. Of these I will speak in my next letter.
The National Intelligencer of the 2d inst. makes the following remarks on the subject:
“No one can say what developments have been made in regard to its ultimate fate. It is now said, with what certainty we do not know, that the treaty is not acceptable to the Senate in its present shape. Whatever becomes of it the Senate will not decide in one way or the other but upon sufficient motive. The general expectation out of this city undoubtedly is, that the treaty will be ratified.”
The Union of Wednesday night says:
“It is generally believed that it will not be ratified without a few modifications—relating principally to Spanish grants of land in Texas, California, &c. The general belief and hope are, that the question will be decided in the course of the week.”
The Union of Thursday night almost implores the Senate to ratify the treaty.
The New York Tribune says:
“Major Van Buren, who has just arrived from Washington, states that the
clause in relation to Mexican Land Claims, will not be insisted upon
by Mexico, and that when inserted, it was in deference to certain influential
men, with a perfect understanding by the Commissioners, that it would
be objected to by the U. States and would be abandoned by Mexico.”
[AEK]
RW48v25i19p4c2 Tuesday, March 7, 1848: Late From Chihuahua
A telegraphic dispatch, dated St. Louis, March 1, says: --“Dates
from Chihuahua have been received to the 2d of January. The American
force still remained at El Paso, but expected to march during the month. Their march had been delayed by the loss of their cattle, which it was found
impossible to replace. —The people had determined to offer no resistance. Governor Frias had made himself very unpopular by an assessment of taxes
upon the people, and it was understood that he would retire to Durango upon
the approach of the Americans. The trade had become very unsettled
in anticipation of that event.
[AEK]
RW48v25i19p4c2 Tuesday, March 7, 1848: The Treaty, in the Baltimore Sun
THE TREATYIn the Baltimore Sun of Sunday, we find the subjoined letters from two of its correspondents in Washington. —The writers do not agree entirely; but we presume they reflect only the varying shades of opinion in Washington:
Washington, March 3, 1848
THE FATE OF THE TREATY- WHIG SENATORIAL CAUCUS—MR. WEBSTER’S OBJECTION—SECTIONS OF THE TREATY STICKEN OUT—CODE OF VOTING ON A TREATY—THE FINAL VOTE EXPECTED TOMORROW, &c.
The fate of the Treaty in the Senate is uncertain. The senators themselves have spoken of the result as doubtful. The Whig Senators held a caucus yesterday morning, in relation to the Treaty, and, after an animated debate, adjourned without coming to any conclusion. The Whigs are as much divided in opinion as the Democrats on the subject. More than one Whig Senator expressed, last night, the opinion that the treaty would be rejected. —Others, again, deem it doubtful.
But if Mr. Webster should sustain the objection which he has made to the treaty, it must be rejected. He objects to a clause, deemed essential by the Southern Senators, which is capable of being construed, and was intended to get so construed, as to prevent the U.S. Government from passing any law prohibiting slavery in the Territories which we acquire. There are a number of democratic Senators who will oppose the treaty out-and-out, and these will, of course, combine with those who object to the treaty on some particular grounds.
There were two votes taken yesterday, which resulted in striking out two articles from the treaty—one of them, the 10th, confirming Mexican land grants.
The form of taking questions on a treaty is this—to wit:
The treaty is taken by articles, and each article, in turn, is open to amendment. A motion may be made to strike out an article or a part of an auricle. The question is, shall “the article or the words in the article excepted to” be retained as a part of the treaty? It requires a vote of two thirds to return the article or part of the article. Thus each separate article or clause must be affirmed.
After going thou with the treaty, in this manner, the question will be, “Shall the Senate advise and consent to the treaty, as altered?” There the vote of two-thirds is against necessary, and upon this last vote all those who may be opposed to the treaty, on whatever ground, may unite and reject it. But, again, it may happen that those who have dissented to particular articles or clauses may still give their assent to the treaty, in preference to taking the responsibility of its rejection. Not a single Northern Senator, Whig or Democrat, can show his fact to his constituents, if he does vote against this treaty.
The votes which have so far, been given against the retention of particular
articles or clauses, are therefore by no mean conclusive as to the fate
of the treaty as amended. The Senate here adjourned.
The Treaty, and its Chances of Ratification—Whig and Democratic Opposition—Treaty [over] Treaty—the British and Tehuantepec—Whig Movements.
The treaty is what the man said of the fever, “getting no better very fast,” but while there is life, there is hope;” and while the treaty is being considered by the Senate, the chances of it ratification are not altogether abandoned.
There was as strong article in last evening’s Union in favor of the ratification, accompanied by some singular arguments which present the subject in a new light. We are there given to understand that if this treaty I s not ratified, our chances of finding a government in Mexico that will ratify any treaty of the basis of indemnity are indeed small, if not desperate. The government which has made the treaty or sanctioned its being made with Mr. Trist, holds its breath by that treaty, and it rejection by our Senate would inevitably destroy it, and lead the way, perhaps, to a military dictatorship. This is important news, which is corroborated by private letters that have reached here, and which, from personal perusal, I have no hesitation to endorse.
The question then is reduced to ratifying Mr. Trist’s treaty or having no treaty at all. This answer of the Union is categorical, and extended for the Whig Caucus that was held yesterday, and the probable resolutions come to by the gentlemen present. It throws a very heavy responsibility on their heads. It tells them—“You who style yourself the peach party of the country—you who hesitate to vote money and rise for the prosecution of the war, spurn the only means of arriving at an honorable adjustment of our national account with Mexico.” The charge is a grave one and the alternative anything but agreeable Query, will the Whigs in a body oppose the treat? I believe not’ but between them and the Democrats who are opposed to it, the treaty, if acted upon definitely today would undoubtedly be strangled
But to return to my figure! The longer the patient is under medical treatment, the more likely are the inflammatory symptoms to subside, the more probably is the recovery.
There is a charm in that word ‘peace,’ which makes the boldest and most determinated man hesitates before he ventures to vote against it. His choice is between the positive sacrifice of blood and treasure on one side, and a prospective boon on the other; and the present and immediate considerations are ever uppermost in the minds of men.
The longer the Treaty remains before the Senate, the more public opinion will be brought to bear on the opposition to it, and the more tractable will become the Democratic Senators. It is one thing to oppose a peace and another to oppose the administration.
There is rumor in town, based on a letter received from a very respectable officer now in Mexico, that the English, during the last summer, have surveyed the Isthmus of Tehuantepec. This is said to have alarmed Mr. Calhoun and his friends but I will not positively venture to say which way Mr. Calhoun and his friends will vote. That matter will depend on the bearing of the Mexican question on that of slavery. Further than that Mr. Calhoun, is for peace, and his party with him.
I have heard it whispered that the Whigs intend to let the treaty die on
the table; but that experiment is not likely to be successful, from the
reason above stated. Neither will the Clay and Taylor Whigs agree as
to the course to be pursued, and thus the treaty may escape by a two-thirds
majority, saving as many Senators personally as circumstances admit of, and
allowing as many to vote against it as can be spaced to save the treat. Were it not for he Presidential election, the treaty would have been handled
long ere this
[AEK]
RW48v25i19p1c4 Tuesday, March 7, 1848: General Scott and the Army
Gen. Scott and the Army.
“Mustang,” the correspondence of the New Orleans Delta, in describing the departure of general Caldawader’s command to occupy Toluca, says:
“The brigade formed in the grand Pris at an early hour, when there was
an old fashioned “goodbye”—it is so warm, so enthusiastic, and so full
of the sincerity of true friendship, and invariably accompanied with
the emphatic and expressive sentiment “God bless you!” How strongly
does it contrast with the cold, unfeeling, hackneyed phrase of civilians
at home, “adieu, my dear friend.” As the column emerged from the Plaza
and marched by the quarters of Gen. Scott, who hat in hand, exchanged solutions
as they passed, the air was filled with the spirit stirring notes of “Yankee
Doodle.” The rank and file entertains the most remarkable degree of
enthusiastic feeling for the chief who has directed them through so many trying
and perilous positions, and who has conducted them to the topmost peak of
the ladder of fame. When they stand before him, or pass by him, they
appear to look better, and assume the more correct character of the soldier
than at any other time. This, however, is one of the great secrets
of the success which has attended our arms in the war with Mexico. If
the rank and file had ever doubted, or even entertained the least want of
confidence in the officers who led them, there is no judging what would have
been the result
[AEK]
RW48v25i19p1c5 Tuesday, March 7, 1848: Editor's Correspondence, Camp Buena Vista
EDITOR’S CORRESPONDENCE.
Dear-------: The report which I mentioned in my last, that the Mexicans were collecting large forces at different points in our front, has not been confirmed, and is now generally discredited. I should not have spoken of it, but of the fact that the source from which the information came has hitherto been regarded as reliable. There is no doubt, I believe that Gen. Urrea is in Durango; but his force is entirely too small for any operations of consequence in this quarter—being not over four or five thousand. Some small force is said also to be embodied in Chihuahua, --That States has all along been exceedingly hostile to us, and I have wondered that a few of us have not been sent among them to teach them a little lore humility and submission. Such an expedition would have been quite a relief to the dull, prosing life who have been compelled to lead while awaiting the means for more important operations.
A most cruel murder was perpetrated upon three of our poor, sick discharged soldiers, on Tuesday last, a few miles below Saltillo, who, in their anxiety to get home, would not await the opportunity for prolection afforded by some descending train. Being exceedingly feeble, it is supposed they had grown weary and fallen asleep by the way side, when they were come upon by a party of Mexicans and cruelly butchered. —Such is the e enemy we have to contend with! It was but the day before that one of our soldiers was hanged in Saltillo for murdering gone of their people. —Is it not high time that there was something like reciprocity in this thing? If I had my way, I would have the murderers, or hang the Alcalde in whose jurisdiction these murders were committed. He, undoubtedly, could find them out. The murdered men belonged to the Mississippi Regiment, and were named Walker, Rainwaters and Lantex—the latter but a youth of 16 or 18 years of age. Their bodies were brought back on Thursday, and interred with military honors by their comrades.
Our Colonel has had quite a blow up with the Governor (Aguerri) of this State. As commandant of our Division of the Army, he had issued a proclamation of outlawry against the robber, Gonzales, and also warned the Alcaldes that he would hold them responsible for any injuries done us by guerrillas, if they did not gibe timely information of them. These he communicated to the Governor, and called upon him to give publicity to them, which his Excellency refused to do, in a most insulting manner, and threatened to retaliate if the proclamation was attempted to be carried out. The Colonel thereupon sent a party to take him, but his Excellency ways on the alert, and made his escape. Since that time (I believe) protection has been offered to the Governor if he would return and behave himself, but he has refused to do so, and the Colonel has taken possession of about $4,000 worth of his moveable effects, which he is determined to hold as a sort of surety ship for his Excellency’s good conduct. This appears to be thee present state of the game between them, what is to come of it I don’t exactly know.
CAMP BUENAVISTA, Jan. 24, 1848.
Nothing farther of consequence has reached us from the interior. What the enemy are doing in the way of raising troops if anything, we are as much in the dark about as ever. I do not believe they are doing much however, or we would hear of it.
A new an important measure is now on foot amongst us. Arrangements are being made by the Commanding General, in this and the neighboring States of New Leon and Tamaulipas, for the collection and transfer to our uses of all their public revenue. I have heard large calculations made in regard to he amount expected to be realized in this state (Coahuila,)—not less than $500,000 per annum! Saltillo alone, from all sources, is set down at $10,000 per month, and the rest of the State at over $40.000. Upon what data these calculations are made, I do not know, but if the yield trebles the monthly estimate, I shall think, from all I can see, that we are doing very well. The entire population of the State is not over 200,000, and but a small portion of them own property, or indeed use any thing, that could well be made a subject of taxation. But the result will show.
The murderers of the three discharged soldiers from the Mississippi Regiment, whose melancholy fate I mentioned in my last, have been discovered, and five of them taken and executed. There were eighteen in the party, all Mexicans, of most villainous character, and hopes are entertained that we will get more of them, as we have the names of all. The rancho near which the murder was committed, has been destroyed by order of Col. Payne, Governor of Saltillo—several articles of clothing and other effects of the murdered men having been found in it. The order for the executions was given by Col. Hamtramck, as Commander of the Division, and his prompt action is highly approved, not only be the whole command, but by the better portion of the Mexicans themselves. The names of the men executed, were Juan Morales, Jose Maria Duxan, Samaron, Pasqual Morales, and Philipia Espinosa—several of them notorious robbers—a terror to the whole country. They were hanged at Saltillo on Wednesday, and met their fate with great indifference, smoking and talking amongst themselves to the last.
We have just heard of the arrival of the new company from Virginia, Capt, Talbots, at Monterey, and also fifty-three recruits fro the regiment, under Lt. Pegram. They are expected here in the course of two or three days.
The health of the Regiment continues good. My company has two on
the sick list, with rheumatic affections, but the cases are not at all
serious
[AEK]
RW48v25i19p2c2 Tuesday, March 7, 1848:
More of the Treaty
MORE OF THE TREATY.
The Washington correspondent of the Philadelphia North American, in his letter of the 1st instant, informs us that, among the proposition under advisement, to modify the provision f the treaty with Mexico now before the Senate is one “to strike out the southern boundary, the Gils, as is now agreed upon, and to substitute the parallel of 36 30 to the ocean, which would include San Francisco and Monterey—the Rio Grande to be adopted up to the south line of New Mexico, excluding New Mexico, and a consideration of five million s to be paid for California and the intermediate territory.” We hope that this proposition may be agreed to by the Senate, and that it may receive the final concurrence of both Governments. It will, we presume be more acceptable to Mexico than the boundary prescribe by the treaty as it now stands, while it will, in our judgment, be much more advantageous to the United States. —We should obtain less territory, it is true, but we should get rid at the same time of the obligation to pay, for that which relinquishes, more than ten times its value. The proposed line, too, as the letter to the North American says, “would avoid the slavery issue, and permanently establish a great moral boundary, predicated upon the basis of the Missouri Compromise,” (which has lately become so remarkably popular with the Locofoco politicians, both of the South and of the North, by whom it was a very short time since, as well as its illustrious author, so furiously assailed!) “It would require but one third of the money now proposed to be paid—it would discard a large portion of the wretched population which is threatened to be burdened upon the United States—it would exclude the vast desert between the parallel of 32 and 36 30, and afford every advantage, if any there, be contemplated by the present treaty, with the exception of the port of San Diego, which no one pretends is of any considerable value.” We are in favor of taking as small a portion of populated Mexican territory as possible, for, if Mexico transfer he soil and people to the United States, the latter must come into the Union with all the rights and immunities of citizens of this Confederacy—entitled not only to exercise the right of suffrage, but to aspire to the highest offices in the country. We shall be gratified therefore, at the success of any proposition the tendency of which will be to diminish the extent of the territory ceded to us by the treaty as it now exists.
Under the date of the 2d inst. The correspondent of the North American writes:
“The three most important propositions pending are
“1. To ratify the treaty with the amendments.
“2. To alter the southern line of the territory proposed to be ceded.
“3. To lay the treaty on the table and to appoint here or five ministers plenipotentiary, possessed of the views of the Senate, and authorized to institute a new negotiation.
“The explanations already made, will enable the public to discriminate as to the respective merits of these suggestions.
“The actual cost of the acquired territory, admitting the treaty to be confirmed, will be about twenty-one millions dollars and a half, exclusive of the war expenses, but including the claims against Mexico. This is a pretty round sum for a barren tract of country which nobody desires, and which must be a source of vast increase to our public expenditures.”
The Washington Union of Saturday night evinces extreme anxiety for the ratification of the treaty, and makes copious extracts from which papers, favorable to that result, in order we presume to influence Whig Senators to rally to the support of the Administration, which it seems has been abandoned, on this as upon eth Oregon question, by many of its own leading partisans! The Union says:
“The general impression seems to be today more decided in favor of the ratification of the treaty with a few modifications. Some seem to consider that the striking out of the 10th clause, respecting the Mexican grants of land, decreases the chance for its ratification. This would seem to be a mistake. On the contrary, the modification in this respect, which is recommended by the President, increases the chance of its confirmation. The question will probably be taken early in the next week.
“The Whigs have it in their power to reject the treaty. But
when it is recollected that they have professed a desire for peace on almost
any terms—that peace not only saves the expenditure of men and money,
but moreover arrests the objection to an annexation of the whole of Mexico,
it can scarcely be supposed that the Whigs will act in such direct contravention
of their own professed desires, as to reject the treaty. The Whig papers,
too, whilst they condemn certain articles of the treaty, express the greatest
anxiety for its ratifications.”
[AEK]
RW48v25i19p2c6 Tuesday, March 7, 1848: Later from Vera Cruz; and Special Correspondence of the Picayune
LATER FROM VERA CRUZ.
The U.S. steamer Edit, Capt. Couillard, arrived yesterday morning from Vera Cruz, whence she sailed on the 19th instant, bringing papers from that city of that date. –We have letters from our correspondents in Mexico as late as the 7th inst. But they are not so late as intelligence received by the Dee, although containing interesting matter. We cannot leave that there had been any arrival from the city of Mexico since the Dee left.
A rumor prevailed in Vera Cruz when the Edith left, that Santa Anna had made an application to Gen. Scott for a passport to Vera Cruz and permission to leave the country, and that Gen Scott had acceded to his request. Those who credited the rumor believed that he would arrive in Vera Cruz in four or five days, to embark for Europe or Havana. The Arco Iris of the 18th inst. contains the following article on its Spanish side:
Gen. Santa Anna. —We are assured that Gen. Santa Anna has arrived within a few days at Tuxtepec, provided with the passport which he demanded from the Government, countersigned by Gen. Scott. Would this prove to be the case, it is not improbably that we shall see his Excellency in his city, with the view of embarking for a foreign country, in search of an asylum which he has not been able to find in his native land. It is also asserted that he will not proceed to Havana, as the Government of the island has prohibited his entry. We have not much faith in this intelligence, and it would be a pity if it should be true, as it is not easy for Don Antonio to find an asylum where he could give himself up with so much liberty to his natural inclination for intriguing.
A train left for Vera Cruz for Orizaba on the 13th instant, with an escort of 250 men. The roads to Orizaba and the city of Mexico are said to be entirely cleared of the guerrilla parties.
The Edith brought over the remains of Colonel R.M Echols, 13th Regt. Infantry, and of Dr. James B. Slade.
The following named passengers came over on the Edith:
Major PA Carnes, Capt. Harding, Capt. Healy, Capt. Wheeler, Capt W Ector, 13th Regt. Dr. Watson, CH Monk, Chas Stewart, Wm Bass, JR Libsear, MD Huston, Theo Echols, John S Park, JR Jackson, JD Mix, Saml Sterrett and forty discharged soldiers. A private of the 13th Regt. Named Richard Crouder, died on the 31st inst at sea.
Since writing the above we have conversed with a passenger on the Edith, who states that he had been informed by Gen. Twiggs he had received positive information that Gen. Scott had granted Santa Anna his passport, and that he was expected in Vera Cruz by the 24th inst.
On the 6th inst., as we learn from the Star, four privates of the 5th Indiana Regiment were attacked near the Molino del Rey by a gang of Mexicans, and two of them, named David Lyons and Nimrod Rigglesburger, were killed, the others, David T. Tower and Henry Dawson, badly wounded. Eleven Mexicans were arrested the next day as being concerned in the murderous attack.
Mr. Edwin Tobey, brother to the editor of the North American, died on the 8th inst. In the city of Mexico.
The train under command of Maj. Caldwell, which left Vera Cruzon the 7th inst., was encamped at Jalapa on the 15th and was to remain there another day. It consisted of 350 government wagons, 2300 pack mules and about 50 wagons belonging to merchants. The difficulty of proceeding with such a lengthy train with any rapidity is manifest. The conduct of Maj. Caldwell and all the other officers of this command is very highly commended in a letter from a correspondent who is with the train. But one wagon had been abandoned, which circumstance was occasioned by the loss of the mules, which strayed off. It belonged to the merchants’ train.
We have been most kindly permitted by a friend to publish the following extracts from a letter written in the city of Mexico by an intelligent English gentleman, who has become intimately acquainted with Mexican affairs by a long residence in that country. It will be seen that in the second letter he gives the substance of the treaty which as been signed by the Mexican commissioners and Mr. Trist, obtained from a source which can be implicitly relied upon.
MEXICO, Feb. 3, 1848.
Dear Sir—People say here generally that the peace is signed, and that an indemnification of some ten millions will be given by the Untied States for the territory they take, while a considerable body of troops, say 10,000, will be left to sustain the Government. In the mean time the Mexican Government is in difficulty, wishing to negotiate a loan of some $800,000 only, and cannot effect it until the publication of the fact of a treaty of peace being entered into, as every one is naturally anxious to know what he may expect in future; while unless the Government can obtain this it can hardly march, as the States will stop supplies of all kinds on pretence of being for the war, and that the Government does not proceed on the wishes of the people.
The other day Gen. Scott was invited to a grand party in the Desierto, about seven leagues from here, which has been the subject of much talk. It would seem that a notorious character, named Abraham de los Reyes, a Spaniard, who has been seven times convicted of assassinations and escaped from the Acordada, was there reconnoitering, and it was rumored that the commander-in-chief would go attended only by twenty five dragoons. However, he was disappointed in his expectations of taking the General, as there was in addition a regiment of Rifles, with two pieces, and many sentinels were placed in the woods about, so that he was obliged to make himself scarce. The thing passed off very well; but the Puros, who you now know rule the destinies of the city, as they form the new Ayuntamiento gave sound toasts, which have been not a little commented on by their discontented fellow citizens. Among these was one against the Priests and Monks; and another wishing that the blood of all the Military (Mexicans) might be poured out “like the wine in this glass;” and another that the seed of the Anglo-American may take root in the soil, and that the army may not retire until it have germinated, &c. &c. I am told that it was one of the handsomest “diss de camps,” that has been given in this country.
Yesterday a body of about 700 men, cavalry and infantry, with some pieces, were dispatched or Cuernavaca, a town to the south about eighteen leagues from Mexico, the key to the Tierra caliente in that direction, and have a population of 5000 souls; though it is probably very considerably augmented now form the influx of many families from Mexico before and subsequent to our entry into the capital.
[Special Correspondence of the Picayune.] Mexico, Feb. 4, 1848
Peace stock, which had been rather on the decline of our President and Senate I have little doubt; that Pena y Pena and his cabinet approve of it; but the great sticking point I conceive to be the Mexican Congress. This body has not yet met, though they will have, in a few days a corium of members and Queretaro; but a large portion quorum will be composed of men pledged to oppose a peace upon any terms—or in other words to support Santa Anna’s claims to the presidency. Eleven members from Oajaca have declared this in express terms; and last night’s mail brought news of the adhesion of Aguascalietnes and Chispas to the plan of San Luis. La Bandera del Pueblo winds up its notices of these movements in the following terms: “The treason of the Government at Queretaro is everywhere perceptible, and public opinion begins to express itself. The towns will soon rise in a mass against the odious invader, and the capital republic will rise triumphant from the struggle, if not regenerated, as the illustrious Gen. Santa Anna said in his memorable manifesto of the 16th of August.”
At a late meeting of the members of Congress at present in Queretaro, twenty five in number, it was ordered that the members absent be notified, through he Governors or local authorities, that if they do not appear in their seats by the 20th of February, “they shall be adjudged as traitors to their country, guilty of high treason, arrested, treated and punished accordingly.” It was further ordered that this decision be published three times in eh official journals of the local and State Governments. At a subsequent meeting, held on the 1st inst the same number of members present, the Government communicated to them the late orders and instructions given to the Mexican commissioners, in their conferences with Mr. Trist, and which “may have terminated in negotiations of peace.”
In San Luis everything remains quiet, although, judging from the tone of the papers, that State will support Santa Anna body and soul. In Durango the Indians were becoming very troublesome, and the Governor was taking measures to organize a sufficient armed force to put them down.
Mexico, Feb. 7, 1848
This morning a courier arrived from Vera Cruz bringing dates to the 27the from New Orleans. Considerable excitement created by the order from Washington for a court of inquiry to be held at Puebla, on the cases of the arrested officers, dated the 17th from Washington, and the letter of “Truth Teller,” in the Picayune, dated the 18th which directly contradicts the order, and announces the recall of Gen. Scott and the release of the other officers. The knowing ones are bothered.
It would bother a brace of Philadelphia lawyers to unravel the tangled skein of Mexican politics, notwithstanding the later declaration of the Oajaca people against the peace policy of Pena y Pen, and their approval of the Pronunciamento in San Luis—which looked to Santa Anna as the proper person to fill the Presidential chair, after the present occupant has been driven out—the monitor and Eco of today both assert that he has been refused an asylum by the authorities of both the State and capital of Oajaca.
Vera Cruz, Feb. 18, 1848.
Peace continues to be the principal subject of discussion here, and an important one it is to those who have located themselves and made extensive preparations for a long sojourn in Vera Cruz. A large majority of the intelligent proton of the community, and those most familiar with Mexican affairs, do not appear to regard the prospects of peace in any brighter light than they did before the treaty was signed, and argue generally in opinion that neither Mr. Trist nor the Mexican commissioners were properly authorized by their respective Governments to negotiate, but admitting that they were, if the basis of the treaty be such as it is represented to be, the U.S. Government cannot, with honor to itself, after having carried the war so far, and in a manner subjugated the whole country, accept of peace on such conditions as set forth in that precious document.
On the other hand, you may well judge of the future by the past, that the
national obstinacy of the Mexican people to hear any propositions of
peace from the U. States still continues to reign supreme, and particularly
as these commissioners on their part have no doubt acted without authority. It is true that at several meetings of the Deputies at Queretaro, consisting
of from eighteen to twenty-five members, a large majority of them were
in favor of peace, but this is only about one-forth of the number sufficient
to form a quorum, and although every effort has been made for the sat
six months to bring them together, they are not much nearer to it now than
they ever have been since Queretaro was made the seat of Government. Again, admitting that peace will be made, it is the universal opinion that,
in the present state of things, the Mexican people would be fighting amongst
themselves in less that three months after the Americans should withdraw to
the limits which may be agreed upon; and if the peace party be not strong
enough to thrash those opposed to it, which is quite unlikely- as those generally
opposed to it are the soldiery of the country- we would be just where we were
before the war was carried into their old capital. To obtain and secure
a permanent peace with Mexico, a strong party must first be raised to support
it, and it must be raised independent of American influence and succor. Its leaders must be entirely disconnected with previous efforts to accomplish
that end, and must come forth with their own free will and accord for
that purpose.
[AEK]
RW48v25i20p4c4-5 Friday, March 10, 1848: From the National Intelligencer, Fourth Despatch of Major Downing to Polk
From the National Intelligencer.
Fourth Despatch of Major Downing.
------
[PRIVATE.]
To James K. Polk, President of the United States, and nearly half Mexico certain, with a pretty tolerable fair chance yet for the whole.
City of Mexico, Doubtful Territory.
February 14, 1848.
Dear Colonel: If any body asks you that impudent question again, “What are you fightin’ for?” jest tell him he’s a goose, and don’t know what he’s talking about, for we aint fightin at all; we’ve got peace now; got an armistice, they call it; so there’s no sense at all in their putting that question to you any more. We’ve got the opposition fairly on the hip upon that question, if no other; fairly gagged ‘em; they can’t say to you any longer now, “What are we fightin for?” This is some consolation of the shabby trick Trist has served us. That fellow has made a bargain with the Mexicans to stop the war, in spite of the orders you sent to him to come right home and let things alone. I felt uneasy about it when I see him hanging about here so long after he got his orders to come home, and I said to him, once or twice, “Mr. Trist, what’s the reason you don’t go off home and mind the President? This unlawful boldness of yourn is shameful.”
“Why, Major, “says he, “he that does his master’s will, does right, whether he goes according to orders or not. —
The President sent me out here to make peace, and it’s a wonder to me if I don’t fix it yet, somehow or other, before I’ve done with it.” And then he put his finger to the side of his nose and give me a sassy look as mush as to say, Major Downing, you better not try to be looking into diplomatic things that’s too deep for you.
Says I, “Mr. Trist, I’m astonished at you; I thought you was a man of more judgment, and looked deeper into things. Don’t you see what advantage it gives the President to let things now stand jest as they be? He’s offered peace to the Mexicans, and they have refused it. Therefore, the opposition at home can’t cry out against him nay more if he goes ahead with the war. He’s shut their mouths up on that score. He’s made the war popular, and can go into the presidential campaign now with a good chance of being elected another term. And now if you go to dabblin in the business any more, I’m sure you’ll do mischief. As things now stand, peace is the last thing in the world that the President wants. You’ve done your errand here and got your answer, and it’s turned out jest right; we can go on with our annexin all Mexico now, without such an everlasting growlin among the opposition at home, for we’ve offered the Mexicans peace, and they wouldn’t take it. So you’ve nothing to do now but to be off home, for the war is jest in the right shape as it is.”
Well now, after all this plain advice—for I felt it my duty to be plain with him—he still kept hanging about here, day after day and week after week, and the first I knew we was took all aback by being told that Mr. Trist had made a treaty and General Scott was to order an armistice. I couldn’y hardly believe my ears at first. I posted right off to General Scott to know what it all meant.
“General,” says I, “are you going to order an armistice?”
“Yes, Major Downing,” says he: “Mr. Trist and the Mexican Commissioners have signed the preliminaries of a treaty, so of course we shall have an armistice.”
“Well now, Gineral,” says I, “I don’t think the president will thank you for that.”
“Can’t help that,” says he, “I must obey the order of the Government, thanks or no thanks. And when Mr. Trist was sent out here to make a treaty, I was directed, whenever the plan of a treaty should be signed on both sides, to order an armistice, and wait for the two Governments to ratify the treaty. Well, Mr. Trist and the Mexican Commissioners have at last fixed up some kind of a bargain and signed it, and of course according to my orders we have nothing to do but to stand still and wait for the two Governments to clinch the nail.”
“But,” says I, “Gineral, you know Mr. Trist has no right to make a treaty any more than I have, for the President has ordered him to come home; and if he has made a treaty it’s no better than a piece of blank paper, and you shouldn’t mind it.”
“Don’t know any thing about them matters,” says he, “I can’t go behind the curtain to inquire what little maneuvers are going on between the President and his Commissioner. Mr. Trist came out here with his regular commission to make a treaty. He has brought me a treaty, signed by himself and the Mexican Commissioners; and my orders are to cease hostilities. Of course we can do nothing else but halt and stack our arms.”
“Well,” says I, “Gineral it aint right; it’s bad business; it’ll break up this grand annexin plan that was jest going on so nice that we might a got through with it in a year or two more; and then it will bother the President most to death about his election of the second term. That treaty must be stopped; it mustn’t be sent home; and I’ll go right and see Mr. Trist about it.”
So off I went and hunted up Mr. Trist, and had a talk with him. Says I, “Trist, how’s this? They tell me you’ve been making a treaty with these Mexicans.”
“Shouldn’t wonder if I had,” says he: “that’s jest what I come out here for.”
“Well, I must say, sir,” says I, “I think this is pretty piece of business. How do you dare to do such a thing? You know the President has ordered you home.”
“Yes,” says he, “and I mean to go home as soon as I get through the job he sent me to do.”
“Well now,” says I, “Trist, I claim to know what the President is about, and what he wants, and I’m his confidential friend and private embassador out here, and I shall take the liberty to interfere in this business. This high-handed doings of yourn must be nipt off in the bud. What sort of a bargain have you been making? Jest let me look at the treaty.”
“Can’t do it,” says he, “its half way to Vera Cruz by this time; I sent it off yesterday.”
“Blood and thunder!” says I, “then you have knocked the whole business in the head, sure enough. You’ve committed an outrageous crime, sir, and a great shame; and don’t you know, sir, that great crimes deserve great punishments? I don’t know what Col. Polk will do; but I know what my friend old Hickory would do if he was alive; he would hang you right up to the first tree he would come at.”
“What, hang me for doing jest what I was sent here to do?” says he. “For I’ve made jest such a bargain as the President told me to make; only a leetle better one.”
“That’s nothing here nor there,’ says I, “you know circumstances alters cases. And you know well enough, or you ought to have sense enough to know, that as things now stand, the President don’t want a treaty. Now, says I, Mr. Trist, answer me one plain question: Do you think you have any right at all to make a treaty after the Presidents has ordered you home?”
“Well,” says he, “I think circumstances alters cases too; and when the President ordered me home, I suppose he thought I couldn’t get through the job he sent me to do. —but I though I could, and so I kept trying, and I’ve got through with it at last, and done the business all up according to my first orders; and I don’t see why the president soudln’t be well satisfied.”
“Well,” says I, “what’s the items of the bargain? —What have you agreed upon?”
“Why,” says he, “we have the whole of Texas clear to the Rio Grande; we have all of New Mexico, and all of Upper California. And we pay the Mexicans fifteen millions of dollars, and pay our own citizens five millions that the Mexicans owed them. And we stop firing, draw our charges from the guns that are loaded, and go home.”
“Well, now,” says I, “Trist, don’t you think you are a pretty feller to make such a bargain as that at this time of day? The President will be mortified to death about it. Here we’ve been fightin near about two years to make the Mexicans pay over that five millions of dollars they owed our people, and now you’ve agree that we shall put our hands in our pockets and pay it ourselves. The whole plan of the war has been carried on by the President upon the highest principle to go straight ahead and ‘conquer a peace,’ man-fashion; and now you’ve agreed to back out of the scrape, and BUY a peace, and pay the money for it. You know very well the President has declared, time and again, that the war should go on till we got indemnity for the past and security for the future—them’s his own words—and now you’ve agreed to settle up without getting one jot of either. For the past we are at least a hundred millions of dollars out of pocket, besides losing ten or fifteen thousand men. As for the men, I spose you may say we can offset them against the Mexicans we have killed, and as we have killed more than they have, may be it foots up a little in our favor, and that’s the only advantage you’ve secured. As for the hundred millions of dollars, we don’t get a penny of it back. So all the indemnity you get for the past is a few thousand dead Mexicans—that is, as many as remains after subtracting what they’ve killed of us from what we’ve killed of them. But the cap-sheaf of your bargain is the ‘security for the future.’ The cities and towns and castles that we have fit so hard to take, and have got our men into, and all so well secured you now agree to give ‘em all right up again to the enemy, and march our men off home with their fingers in their mouths; and that’s our security for the future. —As for the fifteen millions of dollars you agree to pay for New Mexico and California, you might hest as well a thrown the money into the sea, for they was ours afore; they was already conquered and annexed, and was as much ours as if we had paid the money for ‘em.”
Here I turned on my heel and left him, for I was so disgusted at the conduct of the feller that I wouldn’t have any more talk with him, and now, my dear Colonel, there is nothing for us to do but to look this business right in he face and make the best we can of it. If there was any way to keep the thing out of sight, it would be best of you to throw the treaty into the fire as soon as you get it, and send word on to Gineral Scott to go ahead again. But that is impossible; it will be spread all of the country and known to every body. And I’m convinced it will be the best way for you to turn right about, make out to be glad of what can’t be helped, and accept the treaty. The nominations for the President is close at hand, and you must get ready to go into the election for your second tem on what you’ve got, and make the best show you can with it. If you should reject the treaty, the opposition would get the advantage of you again; they would cry out that the Mexicans had asked for peace and you had refused it; and there would be no end to their growling about this oppressive war of invasion. But if you accept the treaty, it puts an end to their grumbling about the war.
To pacify our friends that are very eager for the whole of Mexico, you must tell ‘em to keep quiet till after your next election is over, and may be you’ll contrive some plan to be cutting into ‘tother half. Keep Mr. Ritchie blowing the organ, all weathers, to the tune of half of Mexico for a song. Tell the whole country, and braze it out to every body that you’ve made a great bargain, a capital bargain, much better than Jefferson made when he bought Louisiana for fifteen millions of dollars: tell ‘em for the same sum of money you have got a great deal more land and more men on it. I’am satisfied this is the best ground to take; we must go for the treaty, and bitter pill as it is, we must swallow it as though we loved it. I spose it will have to go before the Senate, as the Constitution now stands, (the constitution is very defective on that pint, and ought to be mended, for it’s dangerous trusting important matters to the Senate,) but you must drive your friends all up to vote for it; don’t let it fail on no account; don’t let ‘em go to fingerin it over and putting in amendments that will make the Mexicans so mad that they will kick it all over again. For that would put things into such hurly-burly I’m afraid you would lose your election.
Ratify the treaty, and then gather up all the glory that’s been made out of this war, twist it into a sort of glory that’s been made out of this war, twist it into a sort of glory wreath round our head, and march with a bold step and a stiff upper tip right into the Presidential campaign, and I shouldn’t wonder if you bet the whole bunch of all your enemies and your friends. And if you went into your second term on the strength of half of Mexico, it would be a pretty good sign that you might go into a third term on the sterns of the whole of it.
I remain your faithful friend.
MAJOR JACK DOWNING
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RW48v25i19p4c7 Tuesday, March 7, 1848: From Washington, Correspondence of the Philadelphia North American
FROM WASHINGTON.
Correspondence of the Philadelphia North America.
Washington, March 5, 1848
If ever the injunction of secrecy is removed from the correspondence of Mr. Trist, modified, amended, and suppressed and revised as it has been, even for the use of the Senate, of our government, a tale of corruption will be opened to the public view, such as ought to make every good citizen blush for the honor of his country. No appliance of that infamous system of diplomacy which ahs characterized the secret negotiations of European powers, ahs been neglected in these transactions with Mexico. Instead of frank and honorable intercourse, corresponding to the name and nature of our institutions, men have been approached through every conceivable avenue which passion, prejudices or interest, could suggest.
The Treaty comes to the Senate under many suspicious and perplexing circumstances. It is wholly objectionable in itself, and the manner in which it was negotiated, is an insult to the Government, and particularly to the Senate. —I mean to make no war upon its ratification, for the opinion of both sides is nearly determined, and if it was not, I am not weak enough to believe, that my views would influence a vote.
That it is unacceptable may be inferred from the fact, that the whole debate from the first day to the last, since the Treaty has been submitted to the Senate, has been absorbed by the majority, almost exclusively. Mr. Webster has spoken very briefly to an incidental question and not to the merits of the Treaty at all, as has been represented. —Mr. Badger and Mr. Reverdy Johnson are the only two Whigs who have engaged in the broad discussion, Mr. Johnson being for it, and Mr. Badger opposed to several of the principal articles. These are no secrets, for the Senators are under no restrain, as to their own conduct or sentiments.
There is one remarkable fact connected with this negation, which I have accidentally neglected to mention. —Every syllable of the Treaty is in the handwriting of Mr. Mackintosh, the British Consul at Mexico! The instrument and his original letters in possession of the Senate have been compared, as any doubting “Democrat” may ascertain by applying to Mr. Senator Allen. This mere fact would not affect its value in my estimation; but, in connection with other matters, which I have presented in former letters, it is quite evident the treaty is not altogether American or solely for eh protection of American interests.
Yesterday was consumed in the Senate, by a discussion between Messrs. Cass, Davis of Mississippi, Foote and Douglass, on an amendment proposed by the last, to strike out a section of the fifth article, which provides that the boundary established between Mexico and the United States by the treaty shall be religiously respected by the two Republics, and shall forever stand as the boundary line, unless by the mutual consent of the contracting parties, to be declared through the proper constituted authorities.
If there is any article in this caricature of a treaty that recommends it to favorable consideration it is this, because it stops the process by which Texas became admitted into the Union. Mr. Douglass shrewdly suspected the object of the clause, and therefore introduced his motion to present the opportunity of nominal colonization in the departments of Sonora, Durango, Chihuahua, Coahuila, &c. then of revolution and independence, and finally of annexation.
I rejoice to say that a sufficient number of democratic Senators united with the Whigs to defeat this proposition. If we are to have a treaty, it is a most fortunate escape, though I greatly fear that even so solemn and binding a compact as this will not save these departments, upon which the eyes of the progressive and ultras are already fixed, from the fate of absorption, unless we begin now, by foreclosing the principle of acquisition in the treaty, when and where are we to end?
Among the many striking and imposing objections to the treaty, there is one, which as yet, ahs not been urged before the Senate, and has not been touched by the press. The ninth article stipulates that the most ample guaranty shall be enjoyed by all ecclesiastical and religious corporations and communities in the enjoyment of their prosperity of every kind, whether individual or corporate. This guaranty shall embrace all property destined to the support of these religious corporations, or that of schools hospitals and other foundations for beneficent purposes. No property of this nature shall be disposed of by the American Government, or ever be diverted to other uses. Those are not the exact words of the article, but they represent the substance fairly.
It has been shown by Mr. Benton and others, that nearly all the valuable lands in California have been granted away under one pretext or another. Some of them in quantities of 40,000 square miles to a single individual, --in document No. 75, recently published by the Senate, entitled “California Claims. Col Fremont and various witnesses testify as to a single grant of 3000 leagues to one Eugenio McNamara, who describes the purposes for which these lands were to be applied in the following words, to be found at page 21 of the document, in an address to the President of Mexico:
“If the means which I propose be not speedily adopted, your Excellency may be assured that before another year, the Californias will form a part of the American nation. —Then Catholic institutions will become the prey of the Methodist wolves, and the whole country will be inundated with the cruel invaders.
The question is not for what object Macnamara designed to appropriate these lands, or to what cause or religion—these are matters entirely foreign to the case, in my judgment. By the treaty we fix forever the absolute right t of the grantees in those lands, and we revive that odious and despotic system which prevailed over and impoverished England from the time of the Plantagenets down to that of Henry VIII when it was uprooted by his power of holding estate with the dead hand. The United States is prohibited from exercising any authority over the lands for the treaty purposes, to ratify them in perpetuo, and stipulate that they shall never be diverted to other uses. The admission of such a feature in connection with any territory to be recognized as under the jurisdiction of the United States is monstrous in the extreme; it is at war with every notion of republicanism, and there is no State in the union which has not protected itself against such a system.
Under this article, the Mormons, now collected in California, could and doubtless would establish an ecclesiastical tribunal as they did in Illinois and try and condemn their people in defiance of the laws of the State or Territory. No civil power could reach them. Let the people and the press ponder upon this odious feature in the treaty, and ask whether an American Senate would be justified in retaining an article, which is to cover California with privileged grants, inalienable from their very nature, and so confirmed by the highest compact known between civilized Governments.
If the treaty is ratified on both sides, it is confidently, predicted, that Mr. Mackintosh will be among the very first arrivals from Mexico, with an assignment or mortgage to cover the whole three millions stipulated to be paid after ratification. This is good democratic prophecy, and is worthy to be remembered.
The indications grow stronger that the present boundary will be expunged or some other leading article, so as eventually to lay it on the table, which requires a bare majority. If this is done, the Senate will then authorize a Commission, and the responsibility will devolve upon the President of selecting persons competent to represent the Government and the Magnitude of the interests at stake.
This course does not involve the rejection of the treaty, for the Senate
can still hold it in possession, liable to ratification at any moment, should
the pressure of events dictate so odious an alternative.
[AEK]
RW48v25i21p1c1 Tuesday, March 14, 1848: The Treaty Ratified
THE TREATY RATIFIED!
We copy from the Washington Union of Friday Night the following important annunciation:
Friday Night, 10 o’clock.
The Senate adjourned, to night, a few minutes past 9 o’clock, after a session in closed doors of nine hours—The labors of the Senate have been very sever for several days.
We congratulate the country on the result of their deliberations. The treaty has been ratified, it is understood, by a vote of 38 to 15—tree Senators, of course, being absent.
The constitution provides that “He [the President] shall have power, by and with the advice and consent of the Senate, to make treaties, provided two-thirds of the senators present concur.” This treaty is, therefore, ratified by more than the constitutional majority of two thirds.
It is also understood that the votes both of the majority and minority are made up of both political parties.
It is said that the original treaty has been ratified with some modifications—as proposed by the President, or adopted by the Senate.
The seal of secrecy has not been removed; and, in fact, we do not understand that nay proposition was made to that effect. It cannot, therefore, be expected that we should at this time enter into any specifications of the precise modifications that have been adopted, or of the names of the senators who voted in the affirmative or negative. —It is presumed, however, that the boundary line, as said to have been originally specified by the treaty, or the amount of the money to be paid, ahs not been changed by these modifications.
We congratulate the country upon the result—as furnishing some hope and some augury of the restoration of peace. We trust that the Mexican government will not be so blind to the true interests of both countries, as to refuse is final ratifications of the treaty, now about to be sent back to them. We have obtained glory enough by our valor. We shall rejoice if the blessings of peace shall now succeed to the clash of arms.
We shall wait, of course, with some anxiety of the decision of the President and Congress of Mexico. We pursue that intelligence of the general result will be immediately forwarded by a special express to our commanding officer in Mexico—to be followed, as soon as possible, by an authentic copy of the ratified treaty, and with accompanying instructions.
The Senate have adjourned over till Tuesday next, for the purpose
of enjoying some relaxation after the sever labors to which they have been
subjected for these two weeks past.
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RW48v25i21p1c7 Tuesday, March 14, 1848: Capture of Mazatlan
CAPTURE OF MAZATLAN
The National Intelligencer has the following letter dated—
Mazatlan, Nov. 16, 1847
On the 10th of November the squadron under command of Commodore Shubrick, consisting of the frigates Independence and Congress, sloop of war Cyane, and transport Erie, arrived and anchored near to the town of Mazatlan. At six o’clock the next morning Capt La Valetta, accompanied by Lieut. Henry Lewis, and the Commodore’s Secretary, Mr. La Rientrie, went on shore with a flag of truce, the Independence at the same time hoisting one at the fore, to demand the surrender of the place, and granting the authorities until 11 o’clock to respond. Tellis, the military commandant, said that his honor forbade his seeing or listening to any proposal of surrender, and that he should fight us if we landed. His troops, consisting of some six hundred well-armed and well-drilled men, were encamped about a mile and a half from the town. At eleven the Independence hauled down the flag of truce, and the squadron prepared to land their crews. At twelve the signal to land was hoisted, and we all pushed off from the respective ships in high glee and quite ready to meet our expected for. After a pull of some twenty minutes or so, five hundred jolly fellows, full of fight, were landed at the mole, and under the immediate command of the commander-in-chief. Our land was, I am sorry to say, entirely unopposed, and we were greeted y some thousands of inhabitants with looks of what I thought delight and gratification bearing from countenances. The men were formed in sections, and gaily marched through the [ . . . ] with [ . . . ] playing “Oh whar did you come from?” Men women, and children followed us in all our meanderings through the streets. In the meantime the United States flag was hoisted on the Cuartel of the city, so lately and [ . . . ] deserted, and was saluted with twenty-one guns from the Independence, now under the command of Lieut. Frederick Chatard. The Cuartel was now taken possession of by our men, that is, a portion of them, and the reminder withdrew to their respective ships. The troops remaining on shore to guard the city consisted of one company of fifty men from the Independence and her guard of marines; for companies of forty-five each from the Congress, with her marines, and the marines and one company of forty men from Cyane.
On the 15th of November, landed from the Independence two long 24-pounders and two mortars and planted them in front of the building. The building is now well defended and we defy all attacks from the enemy.
Several skirmishes have taken place between our [ . . . ] and the Mexicans, and in one of them, near a little place called “Nonas,” they had some five or six killed and a good number wounded, whilst on our side one man was killed and eight or ten wounded—some badly.
The Portsmouth sloop of war has arrived, and sails shortly for home. The Southampton has been here, and has sailed for La Paz, Lower California. The health of the squadron is generally good. Some few cases of fever have made their appearance.
Yours, truly,
W.
A letter from La Paz, Lower California, dated Dec. 10, 1847, published in the New York Tribune, says—
“We are all well and in good spirits. We have plenty of stores on hand, sent us from the store ship Southampton, now lying here. The sloop Cyane is at anchor in the bay, We have the place well fortified with a deep trench encircling our camp, and a fresh supply of ammunition. We are in a condition, therefore, to maintain a long siege, and the probability is that eh enemy will soon give it up for a bad job.”
There had been some skirmishing between the American forces and the Mexicans,
in which the latter were defeated, with a loss of 35 killed and as many
wounded. —The Americans had one man killed and one wounded.
[AEK]
March 14, 1848 Approach of peace hailed
Nothing appears to us to demonstrate more entirely, the hearty disgust of all parties in the Union, with the provocation of the present war, then the very general joy with which the approach of peace is hailed. Whig and Democrat, agreeing in nothing else, seem to come together upon this. We never expected to see the day when the Intelligencer and the union, the Enquirer and ourselves, would be found rejoicing together at the same great political event. We should as soon, indeed, have looked for the advent of the Millennium, in our own day. Yet it has actually come to pass.
A remarkable feature of the whole transaction, connected with this treaty is, that no body seems to be entirely satisfied with it, and yet all are so thoroughly sick of the war, that they willingly adopt it as a choice of evils.
In such a light we ourselves regard it, and as such, we rejoice that it has been ratified. The terms, it is true, appear to us to be fraught with danger to their Republic. We adopt as citizens, an immense number of the most worthless of all God’s creatures—creatures with no proper conception of rational freedom, or constitutional Government, depraved in mind, debauched in habits, restrained by no sense of moral obligations, ignorant, degraded and stained by every vice that can possibly pollute mankind, when least elevated above the brute creation—we receive an immense amount of territory, a great part of which is uninhabited, the certain effect of which will be to stimulate to superhuman activity that brood of vampires, the Land Speculators, who are always the bane of new countries—we excite in the nation a passion for conquest, the most deadly of all diseases that ever preyed upon the vitals of a Republic—we throw open for discussion, a question of such fearful import, that Mr. Jefferson compared it to a fire-bell at midnight, at a time when parties are already in a state of bitter exasperation. Yet so thoroughly do we execrate this war, that even with all its disadvantages, we are willing to take as an alternative.
We, as our readers very well know, were from the first opposed to taking
any more territory into the Union; but the time has long passed when
it would have been possible to prevent it. it is now a question of how
much or how little shall be received; and as we believed that this treaty
gives us the smallest possible quantity, we are disposed to receive it. Every day’s continuance of the war added to the chances of enlarging our demands,
and we verily believe that after one year more of hostilities, it would have
been impossible to have stopped short of the whole of Mexico. The same
evils, then to which we have already alluded as introduced by this treaty,
would have followed in a form, enormously aggravated, under any other that
could be ratified. In addition, we should have seen in Mexico a standing
army of 50 or 100,000 men—we should have beheld, without being able to counteract
it, the patronage of the Executive, already too great, swelled to a
degree that would enable it to set law and constitution at defiance—we
should have stained our souls with the guilt of trampling under foot the
independence of another nation while we were boasting and justly, of
our own. All these things, it appears to us, would most certainly have
come to pass; and involving most deeply as they do the fate of the Union
we are glad that they are put off, by any sacrifice.
[AEK]
RW48v25i21p2c1 Tuesday, March 14, 1848: The Treaty
THE TREATY.
We announced yesterday the conditional ratification, by the Senate, of the Treaty of Peace recently entered into between Mr. Trist and the Mexican Commissioners. We say, the conditional ratifications, because it is understood that several very essential modifications have been made it its provisions, and we have yet to learn whether or not those modifications will be acceptable to the Mexican Government. Notwithstanding its ratification, however, by more than the requisite constitutional majority of the Senate, the treaty is, we learn, far from being satisfactory to many of those, who, believing that the restoration of peace, upon any terms not actually dishonorable, is preferable to the indefinite prolongation of this most unnecessary and unconstitutional war, with the uncertainty of its results would it be farther prosecuted, were reluctantly persuaded to vote for its ratification. Certainly, it seems remarkable, that, while the war has been professedly waged, for some time past, for two great objects—“indemnity for the past, and security for the future,”—the treaty by which it is proposed to terminate it requires us to pay to Mexico some twenty millions of dollars, by way of INDEMNIFYING HER for the territory she has been required to cede, while, so far as we are able to learn, there is no stipulation whatever (as indeed we do not perceived very clearly how there could be) having reference to that “future security” about which so much has been said. If the Administration had gone only for indemnity, it would have taken only so much of Mexican territory as would have been sufficient to have satisfied that requirement. But the fact that Mexico has been compelled to sell a large portion of her territory more than was deemed by our own Government adequate as “indemnity”—a fact demonstrated by the payment to her of a sum of money greater in amount than Mr. Jefferson gave for Louisiana, or than Mr. Monroe gave for Florida, the value of either of which is incomparably greater than that part of the Mexican Republic which is hereafter to constitute a portions of this Confederacy—establishes beyond controversy the truth of the assumption, so often denied by the friends of the Administration, that the ostensible pretexts for this war are materially differently from the real causes. No one can doubt that it was instigated by a foregone conclusion on the part of Mr. Polk and his advisers to obtain from Mexico, by purchase or by conquest, or by both combined, such portions of her territory as those gentlemen deemed it important to possess. For our own part, while we have been desirous to see the treaty ratified, and while we hope that the changes made in its provisions may be acquiesced in by the Mexican Government, we nevertheless believe that it is on our part, in the pecuniary aspect of the question, a very hard bargain. To the acquisition of Upper California, though we believe that the advantages of its possession have been even more exaggerated than were those promised, but not yet realized, from the possession of Texas, we should have had no particular objection; and that territory we presume, might have been regarded as sufficiently valuable to have fully indemnified the United States. We should not have objected to it, because, in addition to the commercial facilities anticipated from its possession, that province is sparsely inhabited, and may consequently be soon Americanized. But we confess that we do not like the idea of paying twenty millions of dollars for New Mexico, which, although not very densely settled, is nevertheless occupied by a comparatively large number of Mexicans, how are uniformly represented to be the most ignorant and most depraved even of that degenerate race. If twenty millions of dollars be necessary to induce the Mexicans to consent to make peace, we should greatly have preferred to have given that sum to her for California alone, rather than for California and New Mexico together. Indeed, we think it would be wise, even now, to pay Mexico a handsome sum, in addition to the amount stipulated the treaty, to take New Mexico back again. We have no doubt that we should save money by the operation, while we should get rid of territory in no point of view valuable, and the possession of which may give rise to controversies that cannot fail to disturb the tranquility and to jeopardize the existence of the Union. As the prolongation of the struggle, however, might and probably would have led to the acquisition of several other Mexican provinces, on the Rio Grande frontier, we confess that we are gratified at the prospect of its termination upon such terms—even by giving instead of getting “indemnity,” and by resting for the future “security” of our rights, upon our power to enforce a proper respect for them from nations far more powerful than the Republic of Mexico is or has ever been.
We subjoin an interesting extract of a letter from the Washington correspondent of the Philadelphia North American, giving an account of some of the most important changes made in the treaty towards the close of the Senate’s deliberations upon it:
Correspondence of the Philadelphia North American.
Washington, March 9.
The Rubicon is at last passed, and the votes this day given on the treaty, indicate the final result as clearly as if it was already recorded.
At the outset of the discussion, the active opposition was confined entirely to the majority. The Whigs took no part in the debate, but proceeded calmly and dispassionately to investigate and analyse the details and stipulations of the treaty. After a week of anxious solicitude to adopt some effectual means of bringing about a stable and honorable peace, predicated upon the basis of this negotiation, but differing as to the cession of territory, and partly as to the extent of consideration to be paid to Mexico, though the amount would never have interposed any serious obstacle, they frankly submitted their vies to the chamber, and various independent propositions were offered, calculated, in the estimation of their movers, to accomplish more satisfactorily the result so anxiously desired by the good men of all parties. These efforts were not responded to by the majority, and were discountenanced by the Executive, to whom they were communicated. It was then that the most direct opposition of a portion of the Whig party—of men animated by the highest and most patriotic motives, ranking the first intellects in their number—discloses itself. From that hour the hostility on the other side began to diminish, until now, it is within the competency of the President to number his majority on the final vote, or to reduce it at pleasure.
From ignorance or from some other cause, those who have been most influential in carrying through the treaty, have been misrepresented to the public, through correspondence from this city, as directly adverse to the positions which they have occupied throughout the whole struggle. Every estimate that has fallen under my eye has been erroneous, and based upon nothing else but wild speculation. Mr. Calhoun, Mr. Butler, Mr. Crittenden, Mr. Mangum, Mr. Dayton, and others, have been gazetted over and over again, as the most irreconcilable among the opponents of the treaty, while it is well known to those who have opportunity of knowing correctly that no other members of the Senate have labored as earnestly and as honestly to procure its passage, upon the conviction that it was the lesser of two great evils.
If any single individual on the Democratic side, is entitled more than the other, to the credit of the adoption of this treaty, though he would greatly have preferred other terms than those negotiated, it is JOHN C. CALHOUN. His repugnance to many of its provisions was never concealed, but still all his efforts were directed to ratification as the preferable alternative. He had it in his power, at any moment during the last ten days, to have rejected it beyond recovery.
I shall take a favorable occasion to explain the reasons that divided our friends on this question, but I may say now, after having enjoyed the privilege of understanding the views that operated on many of them, that no body of men ever acted under purer motives or influences so entirely disconnected from personal or partisan considerations. Had they regarded political policy only, or at all, quite another state of things would have been disclosed, than will be tomorrow or the next day. But I shall leave this subject for the present, to resume it more opportunely.
The debate was animated, but in a better temper than at the adjournment last night. The principal amendment was introduced by Mr. Davis, of Mississippi, to understand which I must explain an article in the treaty. Two modes of payment are contemplated, to liquidate the fifteen millions stipulated for the cession of territory; but both provide for the payment of the three million son the ratification by Mexico, or as the President has recently directed, on the exchange of ratifications. One mode proposes four annual installments, with interest from the date of ratification, payable in gold and silver in Mexico. The other, an issue of six per cent, stock, redeemable by the United States.
If Mexico preferred the latter alternative, as she had a right to do under the treaty, it was apprehended that the Government might at once negotiate a sale of the whole amount, and being subject to popular revolutions, might be displaced before our army could be withdrawn from the country. This would, perhaps, subject the United States to a loss of money and to a renewal of the war.
It was contended on the other hand, that by limiting the treaty to the provision of annual installments, we should be able to preserve a lien on the good faith of Mexico in the execution of the contract, and enable the negotiating government to maintain itself more permanently—at all events, that we should extricate ourselves from the present embarrassing position, by retiring within the boundary prescribed by the treaty.
This argument prevailed and Mr. Davis’ motion to confine the payment of the twelve millions to annual installments, was carried and the alternative of stock was expunged. Ina word, the transferability of the money has been stricken out. It is conjectured, that this amendment will not be particular by acceptable to Mr. Mackintosh and those who are connected with him, for they are really the person who are to receive directly or indirectly, the great bulk of the fifteen millions for advances. They would most undoubtedly have preferred our public stocks, for they are the agents of all the important mining operations in Mexico, and could readily have supplied the specie on the spot, and the difference in their favor would have been the difference of exchange between the countries on the whole amount, or something like a million and a half dollars. There are Senators who think this alteration will be productive of injurious consequences, by diminishing the cooperation of Mr. Mackintosh; but I apprehend that peace is of such urgent importance to him and the capitalist for whom he acts, that this restriction will be forgiven. If I am rightly informed, they have good reason for acknowledging the truth and force of the homely old axiom, that “half a loaf is better than no bread.”
The
provision in the Treaty, which limits the claims of our citizens against
Mexico to three and a quarter millions, is particularly unacceptable to those
immediately interested, who have conjured up demands and damages to the tune
of ten millions or thereabouts. There is a remarkable difference of
opinion on this subject, for Mr. Calhoun, who gave it a thorough examination
a few years ago, is decided in the conviction, that the amount stipulated,
will more than cover the just rights of the claimants, --yes, fully by a
million at least. A propposition to strike out this clause and
to leave the extent of obligations that our government was to assume, unlimited
and dependant upon the awards of the Commission that is provided for under
the Treaty, was lost without even the form of a division.
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RW48v25i22p4c2 Friday, March 17, 1848: The News From Mexico
THE NEWS FROM MEXICO.
It will be seen by the last intelligence from Mexico, that, notwithstanding the armistice, and the negotiation of a treaty of peace, the guerilla war still rages, and that several of our gallant men have been slain in a late encounter. From a private letter from Vera Cruz, which we find in the New Orleans Mercury of the 7th, we take the following interesting speculations in regard to the prospects of peace. The Mercury says they are the views of an intelligent observer:
“A convoy was to leave Mexico for this place on the 22d inst. and it is looked for on or about the 10th prox. I anticipate brisk times on the arrival of this convoy—as many, in consequence of the foolish idea that a peace has been signed, are anxious to get goods into the city of Mexico before the Mexicans get on the throne again. I am perfectly willing that they should think so, and will sell them all the goods they choose to buy of me at my prices—but as regards myself, I do not believe, for on moment, that peace is at all near. I am by no means prepared at present to believe that stars and stripes will ever be seen to recede from the points they now cover—consequently, is very few words, my opinion is, that our government will be compelled by force of circumstances, to occupy permanently the whole country.
“The United States have to choose between two alternatives—either
the occupation of all Mexico, or another foreign war, which will be found
to be far more troublesome than this. Mark what I say, and let
time show if I am correct. There is not sufficient sound material
left in the country, wherewith to form a government; and so soon as peace
is made, and our troops are withdrawn, Mexico throws herself into the arms
of the nations of Europe, and a monarchy is the result.”
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RW48v25i22p1c5-6 Friday, March 17, 1848: Later From Vera Cruz
From the New Orleans Mercury, March 7
LATER FROM VERA CRUZ.
The arrival, early this morning, of the steamship New Orleans, four days from Vera Cruz places us in possession of Mexican papers to the 2d inst. The Free American of that date contains the official report of Santa Anna, in regard to his surprise by Gen Lane, and request for his passport to retire from the country. This dispatch is dated Feb. 1st and explains how closely the hunters were upon the heels of the fox. He says to the Minister of War:
“At Tehuacan I was preparing the accompanying note, to be forwarded to your Excellency, when the people were suddenly invaded early in the morning of the 25th ult. By four hundred dragoons of the enemy, under the command of General Lane. They came from Mexico, and by the express order of Gen Scott, to take possession of my person some way or other Gen Lane, by hurried marches and journeying by night succeeded in reaching the vicinity of Tehuacan without being perceived. Fortunately, however, I was informed of his approach two hours before he came and thus was safe from his clutches, with my family, and with a small escort which accompanied me, I took refuge in the town of Teotitlan del Camito, where there was a force from the State of Oajaca. My persecutors forced open the door of my habitation, and searched for me with extraordinary activity, extending their search to different houses of the place. The greater part of my equipage was destroyed by the invading soldiers, and their chiefs took my wrought silver plate, two canes, a new uniform, and other things of less value, as I have been informed.
“After two days, Gen Lane proceed to Orizaba, where he remains, having left no very favorable recollections of himself in Tehuacan. I left for this place in order to look about me, and see whether I shall go, and place myself beyond the reach of the enemy, now that I cannot fight against them, in consequence of the mournful condition to which I have been reduced by the Government, which ordered that I should throw aside my arms. I am sensible that spurious Mexicans and the invaders persecute me at the same time—the one calling me a traitor, and the others, the only obstacle to the negotiator of peace. Fatal position in which I am placed by the injustice of some of my fellow citizens.
When I shall have found an asylum which offers sufficient security,
I shall make it known to your Excellency, for the information of the First
Magistrate of the Republic, in compliance with my duty.”
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RW48v25i22p1c6 Friday, March 17, 1848: Rumor
From the Free American.
RUMOR. —At a late hour last evening, we learned that an express had arrived
from Mexico. How true it is, there is no saying. All we know is,
that it is rumored that an armistice has been agreed upon for two months,
by General Butler and the Mexican Commissioners. Strange if true!Mitchell.
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RW48v25i22p1c6 Friday, March 17, 1848: Guerrilla Fight
GUERRILLA FIGHT—LIEUT HENDERSON KILLED. A desperate conflict between Lieut. Col. Biscoe’s command and a powerful force of guerrilleros occurred on the evening of the 13th of February, at a place called Matacordero, on the Orizaba road, in which Lieut. Henderson, of the Louisiana Volunteers, was killed. He fell in a hand to hand conflict. Four of the Georgia Dragoons, who were part of Col. Biscoe’s command, were also killed, and three men of the Louisiana Battalion wounded. The Guerrilleros having been driven from the field, Col. Biscoe’s command proceeded unmolested to Oajaca. The body of Lieut. Henderson was brought to Vera Cruz on the 1st instant. It is to be sent to this city for interment.
The following officers were in the engagement: Lieut. Col. Biscoe, commanding; Capts. Wafford and two Lieutenants, Georgia Mounted men; Capt. George Keri; Lieuts Henderson, Berry, Hook, Hunter and
[From the New Orleans Picayune, March 8]
A train of 160 wagons arrived at Very [sic] Cruz on the 29th
ult. Escorted by a portion of Lieut Col Boscoe’s Mounted Volunteers,
consisting of the companies of Captains Fairchild, Connelly and Keri, Capt
Howe’s company of the 2d Dragoons, and two companies of Michigan infantry—280
in all. According to the Free American of the 1st inst. a
Mexican, who arrived with the train, reported that on or about the 23d ult.
Gen Santa Anna, with 2000 men, had an engagement with about 400 American at
Tehuacan, and that eight men had been killed on the American side.
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RW48v25i22p1c6 Friday, March 17, 1848: From the City of Mexico
From the City of Mexico.
The dates from the city of Mexico are to the 25th of February. Letters written that day say that an armistice for two months would be signed by Gen Butler the following. Our correspondent at Vera Cruz agrees with the Free American that such an armistice had been arranged and determined upon.
We have no letters from the city of Mexico so late as the 26th ult., and the New Orleans sailed so soon after the arrival of the express from the capital, that the news by it had not finally transpired. Our latest papers from the city of Mexico are to the 19th ult.
Mexico, Feb. 19, 1848
Gen. Cushing, with an escort of two companies of Dragoons, left here on the 15th for Puebla, to assist in organizing the Court being organized, it will adjourn to this city and here transact its business.
On Sunday night a Texan Ranger named Adam Alsence, of Capt. Robert’s company, was attacked by a number of Mexicans in the suburbs of the city and killed. He was mangle din a brutal manner, and the Texans, exasperated at the cruel death of their comrade, sallied into the streets the next evening, to the number of fifteen or twenty, and proceeding to the quarter where Alsence was killed, took fearful vengeance upon a party whom they found armed with pistols and knives. Seventeen of the Mexicans are reported killed, and forty wounded. Alsence was a German, had served in Bonaparte’s cavalry, and was a good and faithful soldier.
Yesterday Col. Jackson, bearer of dispatches from Washington, arrived with a small escort from Vera Cruz in six days. Shortly after his arrival it was known that he brought despatches both to Generals Scott and Butler, and the inference was at once drawn that the former was recalled, and the latter placed in chief command of the army. This proved true, and enclosed you will find the farewell address of the late general-in-chief to the army. It is brief, pointed, and feeling. Now that he is leaving the scene of his glorious exploits, those who shared danger and victory with him in many a great battle, weep like children parting with a father. His recall may possibly have an effect upon the treaty, should it ever be returned from the United States ratified. No doubt the gentleman who succeeds him, will do all that he thinks his duty requires, but Gen Scott had identified his fame with a peace as a result of his operations in this valley, and would have exerted himself more than any other man to bring the war to a close. He, too, from his longer residence here, has a better acquaintance with the Mexicans, and therefore knows better how to operate upon them. It is added that the despatches bring orders to restore the swords of Generals Pillow and Worthe and Col. Duncan. If I can before the mail leaves, I will learn the certainty of this.
Gen Lane, with the same command he had in his expedition to Tehuacan and Orizaba, left here about one o’clock in the afternoon, day before yesterday, and took the Guadalupe road. The expedition is a secret one, and many are the conjectures as to its destination. From the road taken, the most plausible supposition is, that the General is after Jarauta, or Rea.
D.S.
We copy from the American Star of the 19th ult. The following article in regard to General Scott’s withdrawal from the command of the army in Mexico in obedience to the orders of his Government, regretting extremely that the whole farewell address of the Commander-in-Chief has not reached us. It has unaccountably, been lost.
MAJ. GEN. SCOTT. —BY REFERENCE TO GENERAL ORDERS it will be seen that Gen Scott has turned over the command of the army to Maj. Gen Butler. We promised to inform our readers of this when officially advised on teh subject, and we now do so, though with regret. Although we were told in Puebla that the General had requested to be relieved when active operations ceased, we were not prepared to received the news that such had been the case. We do not think that either the Government or Gen Scott’s inclinations should take him from the army until a peace is made. He has accomplished so much and against such great odds, that we regret to see him part with his companions in arms, and we have no hesitation in saying that such are the sentiments of the American army. It matters not how accomplished and gallant his success may be, under the circumstances his place cannot be filled, and if we know Gen Butler, we believe that he will echo that sentiment, for he is not so much weighed down by ambition as to applaud the re-call, although the act places him in command of the proudest army in the world.
Winfield Scott this morning, takes leave officially of the army, of that gallant band with which he has carried his and their names upon the highest point of fame’s column. Many an eye will fill with tears this morning, when they read this last order.
Even in his shortly order he pays the following deserved compliment to his successor—a brother officer, who was his companion in arms in1812, as he was here until today.
“In taking official leave of the troops he has so long had the honor
personally to command in an arduous campaign—a small part of whose glory has been, from his position, reflected on the senior officer—Major Gen Scott is happy to be relieved by a General of established merit and distinction in he service of his country.”
The latest dates from Queretaro are to the 17th ult. The American Star of the 19th thus sums up the news.
Queretaro. —Advices have been received from the seat of Government up to Thursday last. Several new deputies had arrived, but the meeting of Congress was going on very slowly, and some were beginning to lose all patience. The Monitor’s correspondent says he shall forward the names of all those who have presented themselves, and also the names of those who have not, with the opinion in regard to the matter, of the States to which the latter belong.
At the meeting on Monday last, thirty deputies were present, though we infer, from previous letters of the correspondent referred to, that more than this number have presented themselves, and are ready for action as soon as there is a prospect of a quorum. A communication was received from the Minister of Relations, stating that he was using every possible means for the assembling of Congress, enforcing the penalties, ordered at a previous meeting of the members, and such as he was constitutionally invested with.
The writer adds that the passport asked for Santa Anna, by Sr. Trigneros, had been made out for him.
The Arco Iris of the 1st inst. ahs rumors that Santa
Anna had changed his mind about leaving the country and that he was about
to try his fortunes again amidst the internal convulsions which threaten
to distract the nation. —He is represented as being in the neighborhood
of Tehuacan, at the head of eighty followers. His design is said to
be to unite his fortunes with the Vice Governor of San Luiz and Gen Alvarez
and then march upon Queretaro, over throw the Government of Pena y Pena, and
establish a Dictatorship. But before executing this grand design, he
proposed striking a blow at the Americans, in order to recover the credit
with his countrymen. The Arco Iris puts as little faith in this project
as we do; but that Santa Anna is still lurking about Tehuacan there would
appear to be no doubt.
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RW48v25i22p2c6 Friday, March 17, 1848: From Mexico. Operations of General Lane
OPERATIONS OF GENERAL LANE.
Special Correspondence of the Picayune.
Mexico, Feb. 10, 1848
Gen. Lane arrived here early in the afternoon yesterday, last from Teotihuacan, or, as it is sometimes called San Juan de Tehuacan.
From Tiapal to Teotihuacan, nothing of particular interest occurred. Occasionally arms or ammunition were found in haciendas and taken or destroyed. The General having now positive information that Rea, with from 4 to 500 men, was in the neighborhood, constantly seeking him, and small squads were continually employed in sourcing the plains on each side of the road, but in vain. Within about half a half of Teotihuacan, however, it was learned that eighty to a hundred men, under command of Col. Manuel Falcon, were in town, and Maj. Polk was directed to pick twenty-five of the dragoons and riflemen, best mounted, and push for the town as fast as possible. The order was scarcely given before the squad was galloping into the town, and, as it entered, the rear of the enemy, all of whom were well mounted, was seen to pass out. A chase was now commenced and the enemy, all of whom were well mounted, was seen to pass out. A chase was now commenced and the enemy’s horses being fresh, for some two or three miles they had the advantage; but then the superior bottom and great stretch of the American horse told, and our people began to gain on them. Finding this, some of them abandoned their horses, and made for the mountains. The majority, however, wheeled and formed; but, after a single fire, they scattered in every direction, before a charge made by Major Polk and Lieut Claiborne with nine men. Eighteen or twenty of the enemy were killed and three prisoners taken, two of who are Lieutenants. On our side the enemy caused no injury, but is the pursuit Lieut Haslitt, one of the 3d Dragoons, was thrown from his horse and received a slight wound in his arm, and a private of Capt Duperu’s company, his pistol having exploded by his horse falling dead under him, was shot through the fleshly part of the leg. The horses of the greater number of the squad gave out long before the enemy was overtaken, and six or seven were run to death. The gallantry of Major Polk, and of the officers and men who were fortunate enough to be up with him at the charge, receives the very highest praise. Among those who participated in the affair, whose names I have not mentioned, are Capt Crittenden of the Rifles, Lieut Marcy of the Dragoons and Lieut Butler and Dr. Hunt of General Butler’s staff—the first mentioned and two last volunteers in the expedition. Mr. Colbert, the Adjutant of the Rangers, too, distinguished himself, and was among the leaders in the pursuit.
In searching the town it was evident it had been a recruiting station
or rendezvous. Army clothing and arms were found in abundance, all
of which were destroyed. —The General, with a view of inducing Rea to
attack him in the town, or to give battle the next day on the road to Mexico,
gave out that his ammunition was entirely exhausted, sad to complete the
RUSE, mad a requisition upon the arcade for a supply, which, as was anticipated,
he said he was unable to meet, there not being, he declared, a pound of powder
in the town. His word for it was of course taken, but all failed, and
the command marched into the city without firing a gun, with the exception
of a few of the Rangers in advance, who shot eight or ten straggling guerrillas.
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RW48v25i23p1c2 Tuesday, March 21, 1848: Colonel. Fremont and Mr. Mcnamara
COL. FREMONT—MR. MACNAMARA, &C.
Our attention has been attracted, by an article in the New York Courier, to a series of most extraordinary facts developed by the petition of Col. Fremont, for some time under investigation in the Senate, relative to the claims of certain citizens of California, &c.
It is well known that Mexico has always charged upon the United States that she assisted in fomenting the difficulties which arose between her and Texans, and that our Government has always disclaimed it, in he most direct and explicit terms. The press both of England and France, taking their cue from Mexico, has continued, even to the present day, to ring the changes upon our supposed delinquency, and stigmatizes our conduct in this particular as not only insidious and mercenary, but, in view of all the circumstances, absolutely atrocious. The care which has been taken to repel these imputations shows that not only the Government but the public intelligence of the country is well aware of the utterly inexcusable nature of the charge, provided it could be proved. We have no means of ascertaining what was done with regard to Texas, but the petition of Col. Fremont leaves us no room to doubt of the course pursued towards California.
It is evident from that petition, that, before war had broken out between the United States and Mexico, he, Col. Fremont, an officer in the service of the United States, aided in a rebellion in California, the object of which was to sunder that province from Mexico, and erect it into a free and independent Government. He succeeded completely, and after the revolution had been conducted to a successful issue, and the independence of California established, upon receiving intelligence of the war between this country and Mexico, he tore down (not the Mexican flag, but) the flag of the free State of California, and erected the stars and stripes in its stead. The expense of all these proceedings, volatile as they were of all ideas of international law, and even of common justice, Col. Fremont engaged to have paid out of the coffers of the United States. The facts are substantially set forth in the following passage from the petition:
“The petition of John Charles Fremont, a citizen of the United States, Respectfully Shows: --That in June of the year 1846, being then a brevet captain of topographical engineers in the service of the united States, and employed as such in California, he engaged in military operations with the people of the country for the establishment of the independence of California, before the existence of war between the United States and Mexico was known, and was successful in said undertaking; the independence of California, being proclaimed at Sonoma on the 5th of July, and the Mexican forces routed and dispersed. That, immediately on hearing of the war between the United States and Mexico, the flag of independence was pulled down and that of the United States run up in its place, and under the flag military service was rendered to the United States until the conquest was complete, and supplies obtained from the people mostly on credit of certificates given for them. That, after the conquest, a temporary government was formed; the expenses of which, like those incurred for military operations, are mostly yet paid, and should be paid by the United States, to whom all the benefits of the conquest of California has accrued.”
From the following letter it will be seen that a portion of the claims which from the subject of the petition, is for services rendered before there was any war between Mexico and the United States:
“WASHINGTON CITY, OCTOBER 8, 1847.
“Sir: in the discharge of my official relations in California, as military commandant and governor of that territory, I incurred liabilities for which the faith of the government, as well as my own, were pledged, and same of which I think it absolutely necessary to bring to your attention. —
These are:
The payment of the volunteers for their services during the war, and for supplies in arms and other necessaries furnished by them.
Payment to citizens of that territory of money loaned to me by them, required and expended in the administration of the government and partial payment of the troops.
“The principal amount required for payment of the troops is comprised in what is due to the volunteer emigrants for services during the insurrection.”
Before it had become so fashionable to set the constitution at open defiance, such conduct as this would have exited one united cry of indignation all over the land; but now, in the midst of a host of more dangerous infractions, it is hardly noticed. We have yet to learn whether or not the officer in question acted under order; whether or not he is up held by the Executive in assisting to establish an independent nation, and then at will subverting its independence.
Col. Fremont states, as an apology for this summary proceeding, that the British Government had already formed designs upon California, which would have been successful but for its own promptitude. In his evidence before the Military Committee, he says:
“There is good reason to believe, and evidence at hand to sustain that belief, that the revolutionary movement prevented a design of the Californians to put their country under the flag of the British, and also prevented the completion of the colonization grant of 3000 square leagues to Macnamara, who was brought to California in the British sloop of war Juno in the month of June, 1846. Admiral Seymour, in the Collingwood of 80 guns, arrived at Monterey on the 16th of July. Macnamara was on board the Collingwood when I arrived at Monterey on the 19th, and was carried away in that vessel. The taking possession of that place on the 7th had anticipated him, and the revolutionary movement had checked the design of the Californians to place the country under British protection and also prevented the fulfillment of the great grant to Macnamara.”
The evidence to which he alludes was found at the city of Los Angelos, the most conspicuous of which is the proposition of the notorious priest Macnamara, an Irishman by birth, addressed to the President of the Mexican Republic, which was to the following effect: that unless prompt measures be taken, California will soon cease to be part of the Mexican Republic—that those measures consist in settling the coast with a body of emigrants capable of maintaining themselves in their possessions—that these emigrants should profess the Roman Catholic religion—that men of the right stamp, not existing in Mexico, it is necessary to look to Europe for them—that of all others, the Irish possess the highest and most numerous recommendations—that he has a triple object in view in settling Upper California with a Colony of Catholic Irishmen, viz. to advance the cause of Catholicism, “to throw every obstacle in the way of farther usurpation on the part of an irreligious and anti-catholic nation,” and to benefit his won countrymen. He proposes to establish the first Colony at San Francisco, and gradually to settle the whole coast. Four thousand acres of land are required for each family, one thousand of whom were to be imported immediately, and so on until the whole coast is settled. The grant would amount to about 14,000,000 acres.
In a second letter he urges the President to make haste, saying that unless his project is speedily accomplished, “before another year the Californians will form part of the American Union, and their Catholic inhabitants become the prey of Methodist wolves.” This proposition was accepted, as appears from a proclamation of the Governor, Don Pio Pico, also in evidence before the committee. It farther appears that immense tracts were granted to British subjects for little or no consideration, in order to give the British Government a pretext for protecting the rights of their subjects, and thereby entering California.
Col. Fremont defends his conduct by saying that these schemes could only
have been defeated by his prompt interference, but we regard this as
a clear non sequitur; for, had he but had the patience to wait
a few months, long before Macnamara could have imported his Irish Colony,
he would have found a war ready made to his hand, and might then have proceeded
without incurring the guilt of having palpably violated the law of nations.
[AEK]
RW48v25i25p4c5 Tuesday, March 28, 1848: From Monterey
From Monterey
The Monterey Gazette of the 26th ultimo is filled with a graphic account of the celebration of the anniversary of the battle of Buena Vista. The celebration took place at the Governor’s palace on the 23d. The officers of the 16th infantry gave a splendid dinner to Gen. Wool and the officers of the army now with the division who shared with him the perils and achieved the victory of the ever-memorable 22d of February 1847. The general was in excellent health and spirits, and entered with zest into the festivities. Toast, story, reminiscence, song, and sentiment went round the sumptuously spread board, and several very pertinent speeches were made. We copy a sketch of that made by Gen. Wool, in giving the following toast:
“General Taylor: He has returned to the bosom of his family crowned with a wreath of laurels, and bearing on his shield the victories of Palo Alto, Resaca de la Palma, Monterey, and Buena Vista.”
Gen Wool remarked that he thought it a proper and fit occasion, seeing
so many gallant spirits present, to contradict a statement which had
been published in the United states, and recently as coming from the other
line, that at some period of the two eventful days of the 22d and 23d
of February, 1847, when, as Santa Anna said, blood flowed in torrents, and
the field of battle was strewed with the bodies of the dead, that he had advised
Gen. Taylor to fall back, or retreat from the position occupied by the American
troops at the pass of Angostura. He declared statement to be wholly
and totally false, and without the shadow of foundation. The idea of
abandoning that position had never for a moment occupied his mind; so far
from it, he considered it the only position in the valley of Saltillo where
a small force could maintain itself against a large one; and had selected
it as early as the 23rd December, 1846, two days after his
arrival at Agua Nueva, under the earnest entreaty of General Worth to come
and assist to repel General Santa Anna who he supposed was approaching Saltillo
with a large army. He was confident that he could defend it with
his column, at the time about 2,700 strong, against any force with it was
probably Santa Anna could bring against it. he further remarked that
such was the strength of the position that but for the unfortunate and most
unexpected retreat of Col Bowles’s regiment, the 2d Indiana volunteers,
the Americans would have defeated the Mexican army early in the day. The attack in the centre had been repulsed with great loss by Washington’s
battery; the advancing columns sent to attack and force the left had also
been repulsed and dispersed; when, at this moment, Bowles’s regiment fled,
under his order to retreat, the field of battle. The engineer in the
staff of Santa Anna says in his report of the battle that if the Americans
at the time they dispersed the advancing columns had pushed on, the Mexicans
would have been defeated; Santa Anna seeing our troops flying the field,
hastened up fresh columns of lancers, drove back Lieut. O’Brien, now captain,
and forced our left.
[AEK]
RW48v25i25p1c6-7 Tuesday, March 28, 1848: From the City of Mexico
FROM THE NEW ORLEANS PICAYUNE, MARCH 18.
FROM THE CITY OF MEXICO
By the arrival yesterday of the U.S. brig Mary Jane, Capt. Hussey, from Tampico the 8th Inst. we have received papers from the city of Mexico to the 23d of February. —The papers previously received were only to the 19th.
It will be recollected, however, that a courier reached Vera Cruz just before the New Orleans sailed who left the capital on the 26th of February. The only glimpse of news derived from him was to the effect that an armistice for two months had been assented to by Gen. Butler, and that it would be formally signed on the 27th. By this arrival from Tampico we have nothing so late as this, but by the Star of the 22d we see that both the commissioners to negotiate and armistice had arrived. They are Gen. Mora y Villamil and Senor Quijano. The Monitor says that Gen. Scott had had an interview with them, adding, as we learn from the Star, that “though suspended in his functions as general-in-chief, we understand this presents no obstacle to the negotiation of an armistice.”
The same Monitor says that Gen. Butler had consented to the suspension of the payment of the assessments levied upon the people of the city for the space of four days, and that this was granted in consequence of the request of the above commissioners.
The Star gives an extract from a letter dated Toluca, February 18th, which says that Gen. Alvarez was within half a day’s ride of that city; that the American troops were under arms, and the town full of people. No apprehension is expressed by the Star or its correspondent.
The Toluca diligence was robbed, as before mentioned by us, on the 16th ult. One of the persons robbed says that the chief of the robbers is a deputy of the State.
The Monitor Republicano mentions an outrageous act of Gen. Perdigon Garay, at Tula. Under pretence of performing a military duty, he sent to the house of a Lieutenant colonel had him brought out and received twenty-five blows of the kind of known to the Mexican Service. — The unfortunate lieutenant colonel had but a short time before, and in the same place, in agreement with Perdigon, inflicted some lashes upon two of his assistants for robbery. The colonel has brought charges against Perdigon.
The following are the first general order issued by Maj. Gen. Butler upon assuming the command of the army of Mexico:
HEADQUARTERS ARMY OF MEXICO,
Mexico, Feb. 19, 1848.
Orders No. 1
Pursuant to the order of the President of the United States, and the instructions of Major Gen. Scott, communicated in his General Order No. 59, of yesterday’s date, Major Gen Butler hereby assumes command of the army of Mexico.
On entering upon the duties assigned him, Gen Butler cannot be unmindful that he succeeds a general familiar alike with the science and the art of war, and who has but recently brought to a glorious termination one of the boldest campaigns to be found in its annals. He feels, however, less diffidence in assuming the important and responsible command assigned him, from the conviction that the is sided and sustained by many of the talented and experienced officers who contributed nobly to our recent success in arms, and by a gallant army who have learned too well the road to victory easily to mistake it.
The orders and instructions issued by Major Gen Scott for the government of this army will be continued in force.
By order of Major Gen. Butler:
L. THOMAS, A.A.G.
The following article is from the Star of the 22:
“Santa Anna—The Mexican papers of yesterday contain a long communication from Santa Anna dated at Coxcatlan on the 5th inst. It is addressed to Senor Ross, the Minister of Relations, in reply to his circular to the Governors of the States on the subject of the late attempt at a revolution in San Luis. It contains a long and rather severe review of that circular, more particularly in reference to the implied charges in it against Santa Anna himself, and closes with an extract from that document as applicable to himself. It is that passage which says that the present generation cannot judge impartially and do justice to those who established the government when the nation was without a head—though posterity will do them justice and perhaps do them honor.”
The Star does not translate this manifesto on account of its length. We ourselves received a copy of it by the New Orleans and upon careful perusal of it, we thought it not worth translating, throwing no light upon Mexican politics or Santa Anna’s designs. The Monitor and the Eco del Comercio are both sever upon it, indulging in language which would be deemed harsh towards Santa Anna in the mouth even of an American.
A train of eight wagons, under Capt Moore, A Q M., escorted by Lieuts Berry and Cooper with fifty men arrived at the city of Mexico on the 20th ult. From Cuernavaca. —Lieut Williamson, Quartermaster of the15th Infantry arrived with them. Every thing was quiet at Cuernavaca and the troops in good health. Two Mexican Generals arrived in Cuernavaca on the evening of the 18th inst. but their names are not given.
Since Mr. Peoples has returned to the city of Mexico he has had the misfortune to lose four of this expresses. By the following order of Gen Butler it will be seen that we shall not much longer require the aid of expresses:
HEADQUARTERS ARMY OF MEXICO.
Mexico, February 20, 1848.
Orders—No. 3.
As soon as suitable arrangements can be made a mail will be sent from Vera Cruz to the city of Mexico on the 1st and 15th of each month, and returning, will leave this city the third day after the arrival of the upward mail. — An escort of not less than twenty-five mounted men, to be commanded by a commissioned officer, will be sent with the mail, to be relieved at each of the following stations, viz: National Bridge, Jalapa, Perote, post intermediate between Perote and Puebla, should one be established, Puebla and Rio Frio. The detachment will remain at the station at which they halt, to receive the downward mail. —The mounted corps will furnish the escort, but in the event that this cannot be done—as my sometimes happen at some of the smaller garrisons—horses will be furnished to mount the necessary number of foot troops.
As far as possible, letters and papers for the several stations will be made up in different packages, with way bills, and addressed accordingly, and only those having the addresses of any post will be taken from the general mail on its arrival thereof. Packages marked “Miscellaneous” may be overhauled and examined at any intermediated post between Vera Cruz and Mexico, but none others; unless in very special cases, when it will be done under the personal supervision of the commanding officer of the post.
The quartermaster’s Department is charged with making the necessary arrangements for carrying out the above order; and commanding officers of the posts designated will see that no unnecessary delay takes place in sending forward the mail from their respective stations.
By order of Major Gen Butler:
L. THOMAS, A.A.G.
Col Randall, Deputy Paymaster General and Chief of the Pay Department with the army, has been appointed to receive the assessments levied for the support of the army in the Federal District of Mexico. The same order announcing the appointment likewise announces that Lieut. G. W. Lay, 6th Infantry, had been appointed aid de-camp and military secretary to the commander-in-chief. Lieut Lay held the same post under Gen Scott.
The third brigade (Col. Riley’s) was reviewed and inspected on the plains of Molino del Rey on the 21st ult. By Major Buchanan, Acting Inspector General. It is needless, says the Star, to speak of the perfection of this command when it is known that the 2d Artillery, 2d4th and 5th Infantry and Voltiguers compose the command.
The Star mentions the receipt of a letter from Rio Frio, now occupied as a military post by Capt Little’s company of Illinois mounted men. A member of the company, John E. Wells, had died; otherwise the health of the company was good.
The 22d February was to be observed in various modes appropriate to the day, in the city of Mexico.
Some idea of how we are raising money in Mexico to pay our troops may be gathered from the following, which we copy from the Star of the 20th:
“Assessments, --Observe at the corners of the streets a large handbill, issued by the ayuntamiento, containing the names of person, shopkeepers of every class, pulque venders, and dealers in every kind of business, with the sums which each is to pay towards the assessment of $100,000 levied upon the district by the American authorities. The catalogue contains about four hundred names, divided into different classes according to their means and standing as person of wealth. The first class of merchants pay $12 per annum and the lowest $2. The lowest contribution per year by different trades is $1.20 per annum. It is stated in this large document that one-third of the amount assessed, or four months, is to be paid at the end of three days after its publication.”
We have received a copy of El Iris Espanol of the 23d, but find
no news in it. The dates from Queretaro are only to the 17th
ult. –the same which we received by the New Orleans. The Government
is said to be reduced to straits for want of money, but the agents of stock-jobbers
were in the city endeavoring to come to terms with it for a loan. —We may
shortly expect later news from Mexico by the way of Vera Cruz.
[AEK]
RW48v25i25p2c1 Tuesday, March 28, 1848: News From Mexico
NEWS FROM MEXICO.
The important intelligence just received from Mexico leaves us but little
space for other matter. The negotiation of an armistice, which
provides for the suspension of hostilities throughout the whole of the Mexican
Republic, is the most decidedly favorable indication of the probability of
the ratification by Mexico of the treaty lately negotiated that we have seen. It must nevertheless be remembered that the treaty has undergone several material
changes, which may deprive it of the support of influential foreigners resident
in Mexico, and especially of Mr. Mackintosh, under whose immediate auspices
it is supposed to have been formed. It is probable, however, even should
his influence be exerted against the treaty, that in the existing prostrate
and hopeless condition of the Mexican Government and people, the returned
treaty will be confirmed in he shape given to it by the Senate. We
hope so, most certainly; for although it be one of which, as has been
truly said, no one can be proud, even they who are most ashamed of it will
not the less rejoice at the termination of the war upon such terms—terms less
humiliating in themselves, that, from the nature of the issues that must grown
out of them, they are threatening to the future tranquility and perpetuity
of the Union.
[AEK]
RW48v25i26p2c6-7 Friday, March 31, 1848: Nine Days Later from the City of Mexico by D.S.
NINE DAYS LATER FROM CITY OF MEXICO
Punctual to her day, the royal mails team packet Great Western, Capt. Chapman, arrived a Ship Island at 11 A.M. On Wednesday last.
By this arrival we have letters and papers from our correspondents—our dates from the city of Mexico being nine days later than our last accounts.
The Great Western left Vera Cruz on Saturday afternoon, the 18th, bringing letters and papers from that city to her day of sailing.
It is said that Gen Twiggs expresses great anxiety to visit the U. States, having been five years absent from his family.
The Free American of the 17th inst. Announces the death of Lt. Col. Allen, of the 2d infantry. He had but recently arrived in Vera Cruz, in his way to join his regiment in the interior.
Santa Anna has applied to Gen. Twiggs, through Col. Hughes, for permission to pass through Vera Cruz and out of the country. A special express from Jalapa reached Vera Cruz the evening of 16th inst. with the application, and as the General at once granted the permission asked, it was supposed the Ex-President would arrive there in a day or two.
A report is current in the city that the steamer was detained at Vera Cruz from the 17th to the 18th, to receive Santa Anna on board, and that he is in truth a passenger on her. We mention the rumor, but without putting confidence in it. At all events, it was not known to the passengers with whom we have conversed.
We have seen a private letter from the city of Mexico dated the 14h inst. The Mexican and English couriers arrived there on the 12th from Vera Cruz. There was nothing talked of at the capitol but peace. It is said that foreign merchants are more displeased at it than any other class, dreading as they do the insecurity which will follow the reinstatement of the Mexican rule.
A merchants’ train which lately went up from Vera Cruz to Orizaba was stopped by the guerillas and the merchants forced to pay a heave duty on their goods.
El Ingenio, published at Morelia under the date of the 9th inst. says: “A revolution has just broken out in Guadalajara, against the Government of the Union, against peace and in favor of Gen. Santa Anna.” This we find in eh Star of the 14th—the latest paper from the city of Mexico. A revolution in the powerful State of Jalisco has long been apprehended. That Department has long been a hot bed of revolutions. Should this news prove well founded, it bodes no good to the cause of peace, but we hope that Santa Anna may be well out of the country before the revolution reaches a crisis. In the North American of the 14th, we find the following paragraph, which favors the idea that Santa Anna will leave the country:
Santa Anna and Paredes. —The Monitor states that there is a rumor afloat that Santa Anna and Paredes had made up their minds to issue a joint pronunciamento in San Luis, but this, he adds, cannot be so, as two cats could not live in the same bag, and that a person worthy of credit has assured him that he has seen a letter from Santa Anna to a friend desiring him to place money fro him in the island of Jamaica.
The Star of the 9th says Senor Quijano, one of the armistice commissioners, had gone to Cuernavaca, with instructions from the Government to make use of every means in his power to suppress the Indian rebellion in that vicinity, which we have before mentioned.
The North American of the 10th inst has accounts of a revolution in Guatemala. If that paper be accurately informed, Gen. Carrera has been deposed from the presidential chair, and the Vice President is acting in his place, and endeavoring to put down the Insurrection.
This is not the dullest place imaginable and will continue so during the armistice. Several officers anticipating no further active service, have resigned and returned home with the train which left here on the 6th inst. in charge of Col. Black, of the Pennsylvania Volunteers; and others have returned on leave which will not terminate until with peace is made or the armistice ended.
Among them is General lane, who found on his arrival from his last expedition, letters informing him that the great flood of the Ohio had made sad havoc with his plantation in Indians, sweeping off all his stock.
CITY MEXICO, MARCH 13, 1848
In a letter I wrote you on the 8th inst., I enclosed a copy of an armistice concluded at Guadeloupe on the 2d. In my letter of the 8th I briefly adverted to the armistice in terms of censure. More mature reflection has fixed me in the opinions I then expressed in relation to it, and the army, so far as I have been able to canvass its opinion, is unanimous in pronouncing this the most one-sided “military convention” we have had during the war.
From the tone of the papers received here from the United States, but little doubt exists that the so called treaty will be ratified at Washington, and we suppose the great question with you now is, “will it be ratified by the Government at Queretaro?” It is as difficult to answer than question now as it was a month ago, and judging from the inactivity of the President, and allowing him to be sincerely deserving of peace, the presumption is that he is awaiting to make an energetic effort to assemble a quorum of congress and to obtain its approval. The friends of the administration justify his inactivity in this manner, and say in Congress were assembled before the treaty comes back from Washington, his strength I the body to obtain a ratification would be frittered away by the debates and quarrels fort he break up in a row. This is plausible enough. I do not doubt the President’s sincerity, but the uncertainty of ratification here consists in this ability, first, to bring together a quorum, and next to exercise sufficient influence to control the requisite majority. He has at Queretaro, in Tolaca, in this city, and scattered through he country now between sixty and seventy members, ready, it is said, to meet whenever the treaty is returned from Washington with the approval of our Government, but he considers it necessary to hold elections for other members, in some, if not all the cities and States occupied by our army, not only to secure a quorum, but to secure the assembling of a much larger number in order that his opponents and the opponents of peace may not defeat his object either by non-attendance at Queretaro, or if there, withdrawing from Congress what the question is put and break the quorum. This last is a common trick in Mexican congresses, and among the members who avow their willingness to go to Queretaro, and who are there, some ten or twelve are reported to be either opposed to peace or inimical to the administration.
Your will see by the extracts from the papers which I send to you, that insurrectionary movements against the government at Queretaro still continue to break out it the State of San Luis Potosi, notwithstanding the effects of that Governor to suppress them, and it is also said that Paredes is there fomenting rebellion. Santa Anna also, although it is reported he has applied through the Mexican government to General Butler for a passport to leave the country and obtained it, we hear, at one time, is on his way to San Luis Potosi to head a revolution, and another, that he is in Tehuacan again with eight hundred men, preparing at the first opportunity to upset that existing government. His power, however, is not of the feeblest, and it may be if the has such a force, he is waiting the withdrawal of our arms to re-establish himself in power. Alvarex, too has by the seizure and imprisonment of Governor Olaguibel, and the numerous acts of disobedience manifested contempt for the power of the government. You will notice that the replies of the Governor of the States to [ . . . ] circular in relation to the treaty are various. Some demand the publication of the treaty; a few express themselves desirous of peace, and in such manner as lead to the supposition they will favor almost any terms that can be obtained, while others openly avow themselves war [ . . . ]. Problems in Mexican politics are always difficult of [ . . . ]-tion, and never more so than now. Notwithstanding however, the demoralized state of the country and the [ . . . ]indifference of the great body of the population [ . . . ]War, if the past be a guide to the future, Pena y Pena by a judicious us of the two millions and a half which is advanced him by the parties here peculiarly [ . . . ] peace, can overcome on opposition of so many condemning elements and obtain a congress to ratify the treaty. [ . . . ] In this it is impossible to say what will ever in a day week or a month.
Generals Watson and Cushing and Col. Balkasck, members of the court appointed
to enquire into the differences between Generals Scott, worth and Pillow,
said Capt. Duncan, arrived here yesterday, together with Captain [ .
. . ] the Judge advocate, from Puebla. They were escorted by a company
of Louisiana mounted men. Capt. [ . . . ] came up with the escorts. The court met this morning entransacted some preliminary briefness with closed
[ . . . ]. Day after tomorrow the court meets against, when the
case to be taken up will be chosen, and the next day the examination
of the witnesses will commence. Col [ . . . ] came up from Puebla with
the Court. He intends to return in about a week.
[AEK]
April 1848
May 1848
RW48v25i36p1c1, May 5, 1848: Gen. Taylor’s Sentiments – Executive Power.
So far as we have had an opportunity of conversing with the Whigs, since the appearance of Gen. Taylor’s letter to Mr. Allison of New Orleans, we are gratified to say, there is a very general concurrence of opinion, that the views embodied in that document are entirely satisfactory; and we do not doubt that there will be a general, if not a universal, acquiescence in the opinion. We have, of course, not conversed with many of the Whigs in the brief period that has elapsed since the General’s letter has reached the city; but among the few we have seen are gentlemen who had heretofore been decidedly opposed to the General’s nomination as the Whig candidate for the Presidency. It is now placed beyond all doubt, to use his own expressive words, that on “CARDINAL PRINCIPLES,” Gen. Taylor’s sentiments are in entire harmony with those of the Whig party; and it would be obviously preposterous to suppose that the MEASURES of an Administration recognizing such principles would not be equally in accordance with Whig POLICY. The one must result from the other, as any other effect from its cause. We need scarcely say to the intelligent reader that the limitation and restraint of the power and influence of the Executive, is the prominent idea in gen. Taylor’s letter. Eleven years ago, when the President of the United States had not been bold enough even to dream of the daring encroachments and usurpations that have since been perpetrated with impunity, the then Editor of the Enquirer admonished the country, that the power and patronage of that department of the Government had not only fearfully increased, but that they were daily increasing, and that they must be diminished, if we would preserve the integrity of the Constitution, the just influence of the co-ordinate Departments, and the liberties of the people. We need not recapitulate the great events that have since transpired, beginning with the project for the “immediate” annexation of Texas, which burst upon the country like a bomb-shell, as Mr. Benton well called it, from the laboratory of the State Department, without the slightest premonition to Congress or the people of its approach, and following them successively to the legitimate fruit of that act, the war with Mexico, commenced by the President without the knowledge, much less the consent of the war-making power, and the long train of Executive encroachments by which its brief history has been characterized. The vents to which we refer are fresh in the memory of the country; and, it seems to us that that man who perceives in them no indication of a gradual but thorough revolution in our system—quite as complete, though less violent and sudden than that which has occurred in France—is as blind to the past as he is heedless of the future. Gen. Taylor is not alone in the apprehension, that from the “undue and injurious influence” hereto fore exercised upon the Legislative department of the Government by the Executive, “our system is in danger of undergoing a great change from its true theory.” According to that theory, the President, it was feared, had been clothed with even too little power to render the past an object of ambition to great minds; but in practice, it has become almost the sole power in the State—originating such measures as it desires to pass, preparing bills for the action of Congress, overawing its deliberations by the terrors of an official press, corrupting its members by the distribution of its patronage, vetoing its acts, when unpalatable, upon mere considerations of expediency, and, more to be deprecated than all, exercising, even in the presence of that body, without deigning to consult it, powers expressly inhibited to the Executive, and exclusively vested in the Legislative department. Is it not time that the people should be aroused to the magnitude of this questions—compared with which all others are of minor consideration, and indeed in which all others are to a greater or less extent embraced? The Enquirer, which we are not surprised to learn, has found some difficulty in digesting General Taylor’s last letter, may tell us, in a sneering tone, that General Taylor “is willing to be President, and register the edicts of Congress”—but even if this were a fair construction of the General’s language, for one we would say, give us KING Lee rather than KING STORK.—Better, far, have a President who would register the edicts of the People’s Representatives, speaking the People’s will, than a Monarch, whose edicts are servilely registered by Congress, overawed by party combinations or corrupted by Executive patronage—a King in every thing but the name, deriving his existence from a Constitution which he tramples under foot, and from a People whose will, as expressed by their representatives, he sets at defiance.
The limitation of Executive Power and Influence, indeed, within the boundaries prescribed for it by the Constitution, and which it can never transcend without deranging the system of which it constitutes a part, is not only one of the “cardinal principles” of the Whig party—it is its chief-corner-stone. Mr. Calhoun once asked in the Senate, when he occupied a leading position in the Whig ranks, battling against the usurpations of the One Man Power, and who we again hope to see enlisted in the great work of curbing its ambitious attempt to subjugate the co-ordinate Departments of the Government to its will—Mr. Calhoun asked, what had given rise to the sudden revival in the United States of the name of WHIG—which had been endeared to the friends of civil liberty in all lands, by the long struggle for supremacy in Great Britain, between the Commons and the King, that resulted in the recognition and establishment of Popular Rights. It indicated, as he said, that the struggle was to renewed here—and that upon the Whig party in the United States, as in Great Britain, would devolve the task of arresting the progress of Executive encroachment and usurpation. But, unless this great and vital object can be accomplished by a change of dynasty, we, for one, believe the struggle is, for the present at least, a hopeless one. The President is too strongly entrenched and fortified in his position—he is surrounded by too many ready survivors of his will—he wields too many and too formidable means and appliances—to be reached by any constitutional process, however flagrant may be his misdeeds. Even with a majority of Congress against him, it is almost impossible to impose any efficient check upon the will of the Executive. This fact was rendered apparent during the administration of John Tyler, who nevertheless was strong enough to paralyze the action of Congress, and in almost every important matter to carry out his own views. Is it not, then, apparent to the dullest mind, that a popular President, backed by a party majority in Congress, or with a small majority against him, if disposed to overleap the limitations of the Constitution, may with impunity usurp any power and exercise any “prerogative” to which he may be stimulated by ambition or by any baser passion? Experience has satisfied all candid observers that this is the true source of danger in our institutions, as in those in Europe. It is in the Executive Department that despotism first rears its head—and it is from the Executive department that the streams of corruption flow into the halls of legislation buying opinions, and seducing from their allegiance to the people the Representatives whom they have deputed to guard and protect them. Keep that Department pure—and it can never be pure either while its powers are vague and undefined, or if defined, if it be not kept rigidly within the orbit prescribed for it—and the Legislative department will be pure likewise. But once permit the Executive to transcend the just limit of his powers, and begin to trench upon those of the Legislative Department—let him do acts which it is important Congress should sustain in order to shield him from the condemnation of the people—and it needs no ghost from the grave to warn us that Executive patronage will be employed for the purpose of sustaining Executive usurpations, until, to use the strong language of Gen. Jackson, “CORRUPTION WILL BECOME THE ORDER OF THE DAY,” and Congress, instead of bring the representatives of the People, will be the servile instruments and mouth-pieces of an arrogant and Imperial Despotism. It will be, in other words, PRECISELY WHAT IT IS NOW.
Concurring with the Whigs, as Gen. Taylor does in this great “cardinal
principle,”—this vital, practical issue,—we, for one shall be willing, in
the event of his nomination by the Philadelphia Convention, to support him,
with all the zeal and ability that we possess. It is the original
platform of the Whig party—the great cementing principle that first bound
together men of opposing sentiments upon almost every other subject. Let
us stand upon it again; and we shall again see flocking to it men, who, though
they may not have agreed with the Whigs heretofore on certain questions of
vastly inferior magnitude, do agree with them—as the Richmond Enquirer itself
did eleven years ago—in this: that Executive Power and Patronage have alarmingly
increased, are still increasing, and ought to be restrained and diminished.
[BWP]
RW48v25i36p1c3, May 5, 1848: Proceedings of the Court of Inquiry in the Case of Gen. Pillow.
EIGHTEENTH DAY—April 5, 1848.The Court met at the usual hour—the members all present. The proceedings of the last day were read.
Lt. CLARKE called and sworn.
By the ProsecutionQ—Has the witness any recollection of being Judge Advocate or Recorder of some Court Martial of Court of Inquiry at Puebla last summer; and if so, was not major Burns a witness, and examined as such before the court?
A—I was a Recorder of a Court of Inquiry which commenced its session at Puebla on the 18th of July last, convened by general orders 217 and 220, of the 17thof July, to investigate the circumstances connected with the loss of a certain amount of money, about $2000, whilst being brought from the city of Vera Cruz to Puebla.
At this point the defence interposed an objection.
Maj. Gen. Scott said that Paymaster Burns, when before the court, had stated in an appeal for protection made by him to the court, that he had never before been a witness before a military court, and to the best of his recollection before a civil court. That the present witness was called to show that that statement was false.
The court was here cleared, and after some consultation the following decision was announced.
It does not appear from the record that Paymaster Burns has stated under oath that he never had been a witness before a Military Court, nor to the best of his belief before a Civil Court. The Court is therefore of opinion that Lieut. Clarke’s testimony to show that Paymaster Burns had been a witness before a Court of Inquiry is irrelevant.
The Court requires that hereafter all objections to evidence, either by the prosecution or defence, shall be in so many words—“I object to that evidence,” and that the reasons for and against such objections shall be stated in writing.
Gen. Scott said he wished to place upon the record his protest.
Capt. Taylor called and sworn.
Question by the Prosecution.—Did the witness chance to see Major Gen. Pillow in the night of the 19th August last; if so, where, at about what hour, and what declaration or remark, if any, did the said Pillow then make respecting the continued attack that night of the next morning by the American forces on the entrenched camp of Contreras.
A—On the night of the 19th August last, some time after dark, I think it was between 8 and 10 o’clock, I am not positive as to the hour, it was after dark, I went to se him and found him outside the guns of my battery, and after exchanging salutations, I asked him, I think, how things looked. He replied, badly, and I remarked, I was afraid so. He said the position of the enemy was very strong, too strong to be attacked, and that he was going to report that fact to Gen. Scott, advising him to leave it and get in the rear of San Antonio. I also asked him if artillery could not get where he had been; he told me not; that it was impossible to get along on horseback; that was the substance, and I believe, nearly the words of the conservation. Gen. Twiggs then called him and asked him if he was not going on, and he went on and we parted.
Q—The witness has said the conversation he has given took place near witness’ battery—where was that battery at the time?
A—Just outside the cornfield, on the edge, or perhaps in the Pedregal, and within range of the heavy guns of Contreras, in front of the enemy’s camp.
Question by Gen. Pillow.—Witness will please say who was with Gen. Pillow at the conversation referred to.
A—I do not know. The night was very dark, and I do not know who was with General Pillow. When I say Gen. Twiggs called, I knew by his voice, and not by sight. When I say that I don’t know who was with him, I mean I did not recognize those who were with him. They were on horseback, and I could see that there were horses, but could not distinguish the faces of those on the horses.
Q—Has the witness detailed all the conversation that occurred at the time?
A—I think I have. I think of nothing more. The conversation was a short one, and soon interrupted by Generate Twiggs calling out to Gen. Pillow to come on.
Q—Did Gen. Pillow tell witness that he had been at or near any position occupied at that time by American troops?
A—I don’t think he did; I stated before that he said he had found great difficulty in getting along; that it was no place for artillery, for he could not get his horse along.
Q—Did Gen. Pillow tell the witness, or did the witness understand that General Pillow had attempted to cross the Pedregal to join the troops in the village of Ensaldo, and that he had been unable to cross the Pedregal in consequence of the darkness of the night and the extreme difficulties of the ground?
A—The conversation opened by my asking Gen. Pillow as to the state of things as they then wee. My question was put in reference to artillery, whether he said he could not get over himself or not, I do not know. I think, however, on recollecting particularly, that he observed that it was very difficult to get along, even on foot, much more upon horseback; he made, as well as I remember, some remark of that kind, but I am not positive.
Q—Does witness know whether Gen. Pillow referred in that conversation to the work being too strong to be carried or attacked at all, or that it was too strong to be varied by the front assaults?
A—The word front was not used in the conversation, I understood it exactly as I have stated, that the work was too strong to be attacked.
Q—Does the witness know of the repulses of any of the forces or of any new light or information, which Gen. Pillow had received at that time and did witness not know that the American troops cut off the communication of the enemy’s line with the capital, and held possession of the village of Ensaldo?
A—I knew but very imperfectly the position of our troops, and spent a very anxious night, knowing that a large body of the enemy had come out of the city, and the enemy was posted in an entrenched position, with a great deal of artillery. I knew nothing of Gen. Pillow’s information, except what he himself stated, nor did I know of any repulse of any of our forces. About an hour previous to the conversation =, one of Gen. Scott’s staff, I think Lieut. Lay, said that an attack was to be made upon the enemy’s position by Gen. Smith, about 3 o’clock the next morning. That conversation had removed in part my anxiety, until it was brought back by the conversation with Gen. Pillow, which renewed it. I supposed that our troops had interposed between the two forces of the enemy.
Q—Did witness know where Gen. Pillow had been that night?
A—I did not, I suppose he had been with the troops as far as we had gone.
Q—If Gen. Pillow had not been at the position occupied by the American troops across the Pedregal, had not heard from there, had been lost in the Pedregal, in his efforts to cross to the village, can witness conceive to what Gen. Pillow alluded, when he said things looked gloomy—could he have alluded to the gloomy prospect before the army (which had met with no reverse or disaster,) or to the prospect before himself this night?
A—I presumed then, and now think, that he meant that, there was a strong work to take, which our forces would be unable to take, when he said things looked badly. I will alter the answer, and say, I know from that conversation that he alluded to the position of the troops in all respects, as well as our own, as those of the enemy. The conversation is fresh in my mind. I know this, because it was in answer to my question, “how things looked?”
Q—As the witness’ memory is very fresh, he will state whether he can recollect equally well, that it was about 8 or 9 o’clock. Can witness say in fact it was not as late as half past 11 o’clock?
A—My memory is very fresh, as it regards the important matters of conversation, but as regards the exact time my memory is not very fresh.
Capt. Grayson called and sworn.
By the Prosecution.—
Q—Where was the witness early on the morning of the 20th August last; did he chance to see Gen. Pillow on that morning, and about what time?
A—I was in San Augustin on the morning of the 20th Aug. last. I had been woke up by my servant, about 25 or 30 minutes after 6 o’clock. I know it was this time, or about this time, from the fact of having overslept myself, and I looked at my watch when I got up; I dressed myself hurriedly, and in passing by the window opening on the street, I saw Maj. Gen. Pillow pass the window. I remarked “Good morning, General;” the General turned his head, and rested his eye not upon my window, but on that of Capt. Irvin, whose room was immediately adjoining mine; Gen. Pillow answered the salutation, but I do not believe that he saw me. From the time of my getting up, to the time I saw Gen. Pillow, I should suppose it to have been about 15 minutes or about 20 minutes before 7 o’clock.
Lieut. BEAUREGARD called and sworn.
By the PROSECUTION.—Q—Was the witness present a meeting between Gen. Scott and many General and Staff officers at Piedad, on the 11th Sept. last, and if so, state the general character of the meeting, particularly so far as the witness may remember, in respect to the views and preferences of the said Scott and Gen. Pillow, as to an early general attack upon the enemy?
A—I was present at that meeting; which I entered the room, Gen. Scott was there, exposing his views to the officers present, relative to the advantages or disadvantages of immediate attack on Chapultepee, or the Garita of San Antonio. In so doing, he expressed a decided preference for the former, but at the same time invited the officers present, without regard to rank, to express their views freely on the subject, unblessed by his own preferences.—Thereupon, many of the officers spoke on the subject without coming to any positive conclusion; their remarks consisting principally in inquiries; made of the engineer officers, relative to the nature of the ground in the vicinity of the enemy’s works, in each of the above places. Among those who spoke, I remember distinctly that Gen. Pillow in concluding his remarks, expressed a preference for the attack in the direction of the Garia of San Antonio. That which struck me the more, was, on the evening preceding, whilst completing a reconnaissance of the same works, I met Gen. Pillow near the broken bridge of the Nino Perdido road, and there, whilst conversing with him on the intended attack of the enemy’s works, he expressed to me his opinion, or belief, that the time of attacking that point had passed by, and I partially coincided with him, stating that we would know better what conclusions to come to, after the reconnaissance of the next day, which then confirmed me in that opinion.
Q—Did the witness himself express any opinion on the questions propounded, and discussed by the said Scoot; at about what time of the meeting, and what were the views and opinions of the witness as then expressed?
A—Yes, I did express my opinions on the subject towards the end of the meeting, not feeling bound to do so before that time, wishing to know first the views and opinions of the other engineer officers present who ranked me, and it was only upon the suggestion of one or more officers present, that I did express them. I coincided, or rather supported, as well as I could, the opinions expressed by the General-in-Chief, relative to the advantages of an immediate attack on the works at Chapultepec, and I believe I was the only engineer officer present, who entertained those views.
Q—Did the said Scott at the Piedad meeting, or in the discussion of the reconnaissance with the engineers, show or give any evidences of being stunned, cast down, or in any way unnerved by the late event at M__ del R__(illegible), or elsewhere?
A—Not in the least, to my mind. No doubt we were all under the sad influence of the severe loss we had experienced at that place, but I could discover no other feeling.
By Gen. Pillow—Q—How many guns were in position at the San Antonio Garita, on the morning of the 9th September, and how many were there on the afternoon of the 11th September, when the consultation was held?
A—I was not present at the reconnaissance made on the 9th, but was present at the one made on the afternoon of the 8th, and also at those of the 10th and 11th. On the afternoon of the 8th I counted three guns at the Garita of San Antonio and I believe two on the works leading from the Garita of San Antonio to the Garita of Nino Perdido, of the latter two I am not certain, and by the sketch of the works that I made on the 10th, I find that I have seven guns in position on the works, immediately around the Garita of San Antonio, and late in the evening as I was completing the reconnaissance, I saw the enemy bring 5 more guns to be place in position, as I supposed then, either on those same works or those about the Garita of La Vega, and so expressed myself at the council of war on the 11th, and although on the 11th I did not notice that they had increased the number of guns on the above mentioned works, still they seem to have increased the strength of the works themselves, having strong working parties employed on them during the whole time.
Q—Were the enemy’s line of entrenchments in a much more complete state on the 1thh then on the 8th, meaning the batteries immediately around the garita, as well as the line constructing there?
A—I should suppose they were. In fact I feel positive of it, from the circumstance of their having such a strong force employed upon them.
Q—Could the lines in the direction of San Antonio have been much more easily forced in your opinion on the 8th, 9th or 10th, than at any subsequent period?
A—I should suppose so, up to the afternoon of the 10th, when all those additional guns were brought into position, because those works derived their principal strength not only from the nature of the ground in front, but also from the number of guns they had in position.
By the Prosecution—The witness has spoken of a council of war, held at Piedad; at that meeting did Gen. Scott call fo votes, or take the ayes and noes, on any question whatever?
A—He did not; certainly not whilst I was present.
James L. Freaner recalled:
By the Prosecution—Has the witness ever had any particular conversation with Maj. Gen. Pillow on the subject of the interest he, the said Pillow, took in the newspaper, printed in New Orleans, called the Delta, and respecting what the said Pillow would do for the benefit of that paper? If so, when, where, or in what particular connection was such conversation held? Give also the substance or the words of the conversation, as far as memory may serve?
A—It was on or about the 23d of August last, at Mixcoac, and I think in the afternoon, while in conversation with Gen. Pillow, Gen. Pierce entered the room; Gen. Pillow introduced me to Gen. Pierce, as being connected with the New Orleans Delta, remarking at the same time to Gen. Pierce, that this is one of our friends, and said, I don’t recollect whether it was immediately after, or in the course of that conversation that he intended to make it, or words to that effect; I can’t use the precise language; I think the words were to that effect; my impression is, those were the words used. I replied to Gen. Pillow, that no one person could make the Delta; that it had met with a success from the time it went into existence, which no other paper ever had I the Southern country, and it was mainly indebted for it to the energy, industry and independence of its proprietors. It was in the course of a general conversation while I was talking to Gen. Pillow, that afternoon.
Q—In the conversation which the witness had given, did Maj. Gen. Pillow hand to the witness any letter or article for the delta; and if so, what letter or article was it.
A—I did not receive any article from gen. Pillow that afternoon; when I returned, according to his invitation, in the evening, I received the paper marked No. 1, which is before the Court.
By the Defence—State if Gen. Pierce was present, participating in the general conversation which you have detailed.
A—Gen. Pierce was present and I believe about starting for the conference to be held by the commissioners in reference to the armistice. There was a conversation between Gen. Pierce and Gen. Pillow, which I did not enter into, considering it was a matter in which I had no business. Gen. Pierce addressed but few words to me at that meeting.
Q—Previously to this period, had not the Delta defended Gen. Pillow against the assaults of other newspapers—if yes, was the interest Gen. Pillow manifested in its welfare at all extraordinary or unnatural?
A—The Delta did defend Gen. Pillow from the assaults of other newspapers; he was defended there as a Gen. Of the American army, and I believe without any personal considerations. It was much more warm, the interest which he manifested was much more warm, than that of the other officers who were defended a the same time, neither of the others ever spoke to me upon the subject, nor manifested more than an ordinary passing acquaintance towards me, as far as I was connected with the paper.
Q—Did you communicate this conversation to General Scott yourself, if not, state if you know, or have reason to believe you know, the channel through which this conversation was communicated to him?
A—I have had no hesitation in stating that in general conversation, and whenever asked about it, I have stated it, and have spoken to many persons on the subject: I have no direct or positive knowledge of who could have communicated it to gen. Scott. The only manner in which I could judge, was being asked by some person, whom I do not recollect, whether Gen. Pierce was present at the time, and from that I could only infer that either Gen. Pierce may have communicated it directly or indirectly, or that this person who asked me may have done so; I don’t recollect who it was that asked me; I do not recollect ever having mentioned Gen. Pierce’s name in connection with the matter previously.
By the Prosecution—Did Maj. Gen. Pillow, in the conversation in question, place his design “to make the delta” on the ground of its previous defence of him, or did the witness, the same evening, on receiving the paper marked No. 1 on the files of the court, have reason to connect the declaration in favor of making the Delta, with that paper No. 1?
Gen. Pillow objects to the last question of the prosecution, as it does not call for facts, nor for Gen. Pillow’s statements, but for the witness’ conclusions and train of thoughts in connecting the conversation already detailed by him, with a paper delivered to him some time afterwards. He (Gen. Scott) cannot call for his own witness’ opinions or train of thought or conclusion, but must confine his examination to facts, or to the statements of Gen. Pillow. He is willing that all legal testimony shall come, but he is not willing to be tried by the opinions of the witness.
To the above objection, (submitted in writing by Gen. Pillow,) the prosecutor simply begged the Court to read over the questions just put to the same witness by Maj. Gen. Pillow in the way of cross-examination.
The Court decides that the witness may state the facts, or declarations, (if any) of Gen. Pillow, which led to certain conclusions, but not the general opinion of the witness.
This declaration was made previous to the receipt of that paper, and, therefore, I could not come to any conclusion or form any opinion since that time. So far I have stated all the facts connected with it as far as my memory serves me.
Gen. Scott presented the following protest against the decision of the Court in the case of the evidence of Lt. Clarke, 8th Infantry by whom he had intended farther to impeach the testimony of Major Burns.
MR. PRESIDENT and GENTLEMEN OF THE COURT.—I beg that the following statement and protest may be permitted to go upon your record: Major Gen. Scott being before the Court as prosecutor in the case of Major Gen. Pillow, and intending further to impeach the testimony of Paymaster Burns, a witness in the part of the defence, who had been before the Court some days earlier, introduced this day a witness, Lieut. Clarke, of the 8th Infantry, to contradict the said Burns in this particular. The said Burns, after having been examined in chief by the said Pillow, and particularly examined by the said Scott, came into Court the following day, at its re-opening, with a paper carefully written, praying the protection of the Court under the cross-examination; alleging his inexperience in military tribunals, and solemnly declared, in his capacity of witness, that it was the first time he had ever been before a military court as a witness.
And when the said Clarke, called as above, had proceeded to the extent of some sentences, in answer to a question propounded through the Judge Advocate by the said prosecutor, and had evidently shown that he was acquainted with the facts sought for by the question on the record, the said Pillow, the defendant, interposed an objection to the question or to the answer, if not to both.
Whereupon the Court was cleared, and decided to stop the witness’ further answer to the said question.
Against that decision the said Scott protests on these grounds:—1. The said Burns offered his paper to the Court in his capacity of a sworn witness, which paper being read in open court, and with all the benefit to the said Burns sought by him, is, or ought to be, on the records of the Court. 2. The said Scott ought, as prosecutor, to se allowed to contradict, by competent evidence, any solemn declaration made in the said paper in common with any other assertion made by the said Burns, as a witness before this or any other Court; and 3. That being cut off from that, as the said Scott believes, legal resource, he is, to that extent, deprived of the means of attaining the ends of public justice sought for in the institution of this Court. Respectfully submitted.
The Court made the following decision:—The Court will not hereafter receive any protest against any decision it may make; but the parties will be heard in writing, if they desire it upon any question pending, before the same shall have been decided.
The Court then adjourned till 9 o”clock to-morrow morning.
NINETEENTH DAY—April 6, 1848.
The court met at the usual hour—all the members present. The last day’s proceedings were read.
JOHN H. PEOPLES called and sworn.
Question by the Prosecution—Did the witness receive, some time in October last, a note or letter from Maj. Gen. Pillow respecting an article recently published, signed Leonidas; and had the witness, about the same time, any conversation with the said Pillow, respecting the course of a newspaper called the American Star, of which the witness was editor, if so, produce the letter, and state the particular conversation or conversations and when and where it took place?
A—I received a note from Gen. Pillow at his own house on the 22d October, I think. I had given notice on that day or the day previous, that I would republish the Leonidas letter with such comments as I though the production merited. During that day Gen. Pillow sent an orderly to my office and requested I would call on him at his quarters; I did so immediately; when I entered the room, he either showed or handed me this note, saying that it was his intention the day before to publish it over his signature, but that he had been advised not to do so, and he had sent for me on the subject of this letter and of the Leonidas letter. The conversation afterwards turned to the Leonidas letter, and I think Gen. Pillow asked me if I had read it over, or what I thought of it; I remarked, that in my opinion it was a letter that would do the General a great deal of harm; he asked me, I believe, if there were no truths in the statement. I do not know that the word truth was used. I do not recollect my reply, but I ended by saying that I thought still it would do him infinite harm.—He asked me what kind of a notice I intended to preface it with, I answered that I had written nothing yet; well, said he, I have confidence enough in you, to believe that I will be justly dealt with, or that you will do me justice. You must recollect, as I said before, that I never forget my friends nor forgive my enemies. At that time the late Capt. Smith, 3d Infantry, came in, and the conversation stopped. After Capt. Smith had left the room, I asked Gen. Pillow if he would allow me to take that letter which he had addresses, but not sent, to me, that could shape a contradiction, as he authorized, from it. He reminded me again, then I got up to leave the room, that he was second in command, and if Gen. Scott should go home or any thing were to happen to him, he then would take command of the army.
Q—The name of Gen. Pillow at the foot of the letter presented by the witness, and also the postscript, are both canceled, but not the initials to the postscript; does the witness chance to know who made these cancellations?
A—I do not know; they were there when the letter was handed to me, and I suppose he scratched out the name when he declined publishing the letter.
Gen. Pillow said he cancelled the name and address himself.
Lieut. TILTON, Voltigeurs, called and sworn.
Questions by the Prosecution—Has the witness chanced to hear Maj. Gen. Pillow, since the entry of the American army into this city, speak of the effects of the battle of the Molino del Rey upon the energies of Maj. Gen. Scott, and that he, the said Scott, subsequent to that battle, required to be stimulate to further action by the said Pillow? If so, give the remarks of the said Pillow on the subject.
A—On or about the 22d of Sept., I, together with another officer, paid a visit of ceremony to Gen. Pillow. Upon that occasion, the conversation turned upon the battles preceding our entrance into the City. Maj. Gen. Pillow stated to us that the battle of Molino del Rey was an unfortunate affair: He informed us that we had lost 860 men, which loss we (meaning the General officers) sedulously concealed from the army, lest it might have a dispiriting effect on the men, and that Gen. Scott was stunned or paralysed by this lose; and consequently, upon himself, as second in command devolved the subsequent movements—or words to that effect: I don’t recollect exactly the words he used. I was also given to understand at the same time, by gen. Pillow, that the conception, as well as the execution, of the assault upon Chapultepec, originated with himself. With the exception of some personal compliments on ourselves and the Voltigeur Regiment, that was, I believe, the substance of the conversation.
By Gen. Pillow—Witness will state what officer was present with him when this conversation was held which he detailed. And where was Gen. Pillow, and what was his condition?
A—Capt. Barnard was with me. There were one or two officers there when we came,—but I don’t know who they were,—together with a citizen, an Englishman.—Gen. Pillow was in bed, apparently suffering from his wounds.
Q—Witness speaks of Gen. Pillow’s remark that we lost 860 men—did gen. Pillow say there were that many killed and wounded?
A—My recollection is, that the 860 men referred to the general loss, killed and wounded; my impression is, that the men were disabled for subsequent engagements.
Q—Witness will state if in speaking of the conception of the attack on Chapultepec, Gen. Pillow did not say that gen. Scott’s plan of attack upon that work was, that Gen. Pillow, with his division, should march along and attack the enemy and battery stationed on the road north of Chapultepec, and that Gen. Quitman should march along the road leading from Tacubaya, on the south of that work, and attack the battery on that road, that Gen. Pillow and Gen. Quitman should shake hands a t the junction of these roads, and make Chapultepec feel its isolation, and then that both commands should attack Chapultepec; which plan of attack, he Gen. Pillow, had opposed so warmly , that Gen. Scott gave up his plan, and that the plan of attack, that was carried into successful operation, on his (Pillow’s) side of the work, was the substance of the conversation about the conception of the attack?
A—I have no recollection of the plan of attack: with regard to the shaking of hands, I never heard the expression before. On that occasion, my understanding was, that the plan, as well as the execution, was that of Gen. Pillow, and that I believed. The details of the attack I did not understand. Q—Did you understand that Gen. Pillow was speaking of the plans of attack in which his own division carried that work upon the final assault?
A—At the time, I understood that no other division was in the attack upon Chapultepec proper, but Gen. Pillow’s division alone. We were speaking at the time of the attack upon Chapultepec, which commenced on the morning of the 13th of September, which I believed to have been made solely by Maj. Gen. Pillow’s division. Maj. Gen. Pillow stated that whilst he was lying wounded a the foot of the hill, he received an order from gen. Scott to carry the work at all hazards, and this led me to believe that that division alone had the main assault.
Q—Was the witness with the Voltigeur Regiment in that assault upon Chapultepec; were you among the first who entered that work, and was that regiment in the advance in this assault?
A—Upon the Western side, in the redoubt, a storming party of infantry formed with us at the foot of the hill. Being struck down myself at that place, I know not which party entered first, but on overtaking them a few minutes after I recovered, I found them pell mell; upon a second rush the Voltiguers got the advance. The first ladders were planted by my order, by the men under my command, and the five first that went up I knew were from the Voltigeurs, indeed I myself was the fifth, the Voltigeurs were certainly the first men in that part of the work. I saw no other when we got in. What happened on the other side of the hill I know nothing about.
Q—The witness had spoken of the storming party of infantry. Does he mean the 9th and 15th Infantry of Gen. Pillow’s Division?
A—No sir; I mean the 250 regulars of the old regiment, under a Captain whose name I can’t recall to memory.—When I stated that they formed with us, I meant that we waited until they came up, by order of Major Caldwell, and then a rush was made.
The Court was cleared here, in order to consider whether an objection, offered by Gen. Pillow, to a portion of the witness’ testimony, which he considers as irrelevant to the charges and specification under investigation be received. Gen. Pillow submitted the following:
Gen. Pillow moves to exclude the following passage of the witness’ testimony, viz: “and consequently upon himself, as second in command, had devolved the subsequent movements, or words to that effect, I don’t remember the exact words, but that was the idea I received”—upon the ground that there is no matter in the charges and specifications to which it has reference, and it is therefore irrelevant and improper to go on the record as proof. The witness’ testimony was recorded before its character and its irrelevancy were manifest to Maj. Gen. Pillow.
Gen. Scott submitted the following, in opposition to Gen. Pillow’s motion to “to strike out”:
Mr. President, and Gentle me of the Court:
In reply to the motion just made by Maj. Gen. Pillow, the defendant before the Court, in respect to a part of the testimony of Lieut. Tilton, a witness on the part of the prosecution, Maj. Gen. Scott, the prosecutor, begs to say that he deems the evidence to be legal, relevant, and material to the support of the fourth specification, second change, now under consideration.
Nothing is here said in particular of the LEGALITY and MATERIALITY of the evidence, as those points do not appear to be objected to by the defendant; I shall therefore, limit myself to the remaining point—RELEVANCY.
The specification alleges, in substance, that the said Pillow claimed that, in consequence of the stunned or paralyzed state of the said Scott’s energies, consequent upon the results of the battle of the Molino del Rey, the said Scott would not have undertaken or ordered the attack on the castle or fort of Chapultepec but for his, the said Pillow’s interposition: and the testimony of the said witness, giving the declaration of the said Pillow, is substantially to the effect of the allegation.
Respectfully submitted.
The Court thereupon decided that the testimony of the witness would not be stricken from the record.
Q—Did the witness know that Gens. Worth, Quitman and Twiggs all had divisions, which they commanded in the operations of the army after the battle of Molino del Rey; and did witness understand Gen. Pillow as claiming to be in command of these other three divisions as well as his own; or did the witness understand Gen. Pillow as referring to his own division, in the conversation already detailed about command?
A—My understanding was that Gen. Pillow commanded his own division alone, but in the absence or disability of Gen. Scott would exercise a general command over all other officers in the army.
Q—Witness has said that Gen. Pillow expressed the opinion that General Scott’s energies seemed paralyzed, as he thought, by the great and unexpected loss at the Molino del Rey. Did witness intend to be understood as saying that the command of whole army, in consequence, devolved upon him; or that Gen. Pillow claimed to have conceived the particular plan of attack which his own division executed in the assault upon Chapultepec on the 13th September?
A—I did not understand him to say that the command of the army had devolved upon him at all; I did not understand him to say so, but that he then stated, from the then stunned and paralyzed state of Gen. Scott, that Gen. Pillow’s suggestions and advices had been followed, and that the plan as well as the execution of the assault upon Chapultepec was Gen. Pillow’s exclusively: that was my understanding.
Q—Did Gen. Pillow, in the conversation you refer to, say that Gen. Scott gave him no special orders as to the plan of attack upon Chapultepec, so far as his division was concerned? Did Gen. Pillow say Gen. Scott left him (Pillow) to exercise his own discretion as to his dispositions of the forces of his own division, &c.?
A—No. He did not say any thing about it. He gave me to understand that the only order he received from Gen. Scott was that he received after he was wounded—“To carry the place at all hazards”—that is, to the best of my recollection.
Q—Did you understand Gen. Pillow when speaking of the plan of attack upon Chapultepec, all the time as having reference to the plan of attack which he pursued in the assault by his own division?
A—Yes, I understood that.
By Gen. Scott—Does the witness chance to know on what part of the field Maj. Gen. Pillow was at the moment the castle of Chapultepec was carried by the American troops, and how long it was after that event before the said Pillow came or was brought to the top of the hill, or to the captured Castle?
A—I do not know where Gen. Pillow was at the time the place was carried. He gave us the order to enter the woods, and I then lost sight of him. I saw him brought in in a blanket by four men into the Castle, some ten or twelve minutes after the event. I think that was about the time.
Mr. TRIST recalled.
By the Prosecution.—Was, or not, the witness in Major General Scott’s room at San Augustin on the night of the 19th August last, when Major General Pillow and other officers were present. If so, please give the names of the principal officers of rank who were present, and add any remarks the witness heard from the two Major-Generals, in the hearing of each other and the witness respecting the impending operations about and against the enemy’s entrenched camp at Contreras. Also, please give any separate conversation, after leaving, said Scott’s room, between the said Pillow and witness, respecting the said operations, wither that night, or early the following morning?
A—I was in Gen. Scott’s room on the night of the 19th Aug. last, at the time when he returned and got back to San Augustin, until he was ready to go to bed. During that period, I was absent from his room only a few minutes at a time, and I think on but one occasion. Besides Gen. Scott that were present Gen. Pillow and Gen. Twiggs, who came in together late in the night, and among the officers present,—the number of which was quiet large at different times during the night,—there were Capt. Lee, and Lieut. Stevens, of the Engineers—the officers of the General’s staff, probably all of them. The only conversation that I recollect, after the two General officers came in, was on the plan of attack to be made on Valencia’s entrenched camp, of which Capt. Lee had brought intelligence from Gen. Smith, previously to the arrival of Gens. Pillow and Twiggs. Capt Lee had not only explained the plan, but a great many details respecting the relative positions of the forces, and the accidents of the ground about it; and after those Generals had come in, Gen. Scott made that whole matter subject of explanation to them. The only remarks on their part, that I recollect, was one from Gen. Twiggs, echoing an expression of great confidence in Gen. Smith, and in the result of anything undertaken by him. If Gen. Pillow made any remark, it has made no impression on my memory. The company dropped off until at a very late hour of the night, when preparations were made by gen. Scott to go to bed, and he had a bed made in his room also for gen. Pillow. Upon my leaving the room to of to my own, Gen. Pillow followed me, and went with me to me room. He then, in a very solemn tone, said to me, this is going to be a failure; I answered that things had certainly not looked very bright at nightfall, but my own spirits had been very much raised by Capt. Lee’s arrival and the information he brought with him. Gen. Pillow did not notice my remark, but, in a tone and manner implying that I had interrupted him, went on to say, that I call on you now to remember and bear me witness hereafter, that I have had nothing to do with it. At that time, I looked upon these words as the dying charge of a man who expected to be killed next day, and in manner corresponding to that expression, I made him a promise, as well as I recollect, “I will not forget.”—He then began some further remarks in the same strain, giving his views of what ought to be done. Those remarks made no sort of impression upon my memory; I attached no sort of consequence to his views, and I interrupted them by saying that he had better return into gen. Scott’s room. That it was late, and he would keep the General waiting. This is all that I recollect of that conversation.
Q—Does the witness remember any orders given the night of August 19th last, to the said Capt. Lee, respecting the intended attack next morning, upon the entrenched camp of Contreras, and what remarks, if any, the said gen. Pillow did there make on the subject of the orders given to the said Lee?
A—I recollect that Capt. Lee was dispatched with orders to Col. Ransom, who was the senior officer present of the troops of Gen. Pillow’s division at a point on the hither side of the road that gen. Pillow and others had crossed. The order required that some troops, small bodies which had been reported as being in the neighborhood of Col. Ransom, should be collected and united with him, and that by those troops an attempt or an attack, according to circumstances, would be made upon Valencia’s front, agreeably to the request sent by Gen. Smith through Capt. Lee. I have no recollection whatever of any remarks made by Gen. Pillow.
Q—Was the witness present at a meeting of many general and other officers of the army, at Piedad, about the 11th September last; were Maj. Gens. Scott and Pillow present at that meeting, and if so, the witness will please state what were the views and plans of these two Major Generals, respecting an attack the next morning, upon the enemy’s works at Chapultepec, and the gate of San Antonio. Also, whether the witness had nay particular conversation, and to what effect, apart, with the said Pillow, about the same time, on the subject of the best time for the next attack upon the enemy, or his works?
A—I was a the meeting. Gen. Scott took the chair, and said at the time of taking it, or subsequently, that he would not rise from it, until he had made up his mind as to which of the two points should be attacked the next morning.—He went into a very detailed explanation of his views, showing his preference for taking Chapultepec, as the point of attack, and concluded with a general request to all the officers present to give their views. If Gen. Pillow gave his, which I think he did to a very limited extent, they made no impression on my mind then, and have left none on my memory. I recollect that he said very little, but was quite reserved. About the same time, that is after the affair of the 8th, and before the attack was commenced on Chapultepec, I had a visit from Gen. Pillow in my room, at gen. Scott’s quarters. He had been with gen. Scott, I believe, and seemed a little irritated when he came in. He began by assurances of his friendly regard for me personally, by way, as it seemed, in contradistinction to Gen. Scott; and when on with w remark, after alluding to the Molina del Rey disaster, that if he makes many, or any more such experiments, he will soon have no army left. I interrupted him there again, by saying it was no experiment of Gen. Scott’s; that I knew it was not, and that I was a living witness to it, as long as I lived. I made some other remarks, somewhat at length, when Gen. Pillow resumed, by expressing it as his very decided opinion, that there should be no more active operations until the army was reinforced. He then entered again upon his views and plans, as before, which amounted to occupying positions, some new and some old; the only additional one that I recollect, was Mexicalcingo. After listening for a while with such patience as I could command, I observed, tha tit was to late to talk about any plans now; the ball had been opened and mus tbe danced out; I think I made use of these words.—One thing I forgot to state at the commencment of the conversation; it was before commencing to speak of his military plans, he remarked, I am going to speak to you now in the strictest confidence; tha tis the only time I ever recollect his specially making such an injunction, as these words implied.
Q—The Witness has spoken of the disaster, or disasters, of the 8th; what does the witness mean by the 8th, and is the word “disaster,” or “disasters,” the witness’ own term, or that of another?
A—It was, as far as my memory can be relied on, the word used by gen. Pillow. By “the 8th,” I mean the attack on the Molino del Rey, and the operations of that day. I will add that I considered the word used by Gen. Pillow, whatever it was, as having reference to great losses suffered that day; it was “disaster,” or some word equivalent to it—I think “disaster” was the word used.
Q—Were the witness and said Scott together during the month of September last? Had they at meals and other times frequent conversations respecting military operations, pending and intended, and what, according to the witness’ observation, were the state of the said Scott’s spirits and resolution, or want of resolution, about that time?
A—We were together throughout that month; I was a listener to a great many conversations between Gen. Scott and other officers, and sometimes ventured a remark; occasionally Gen. Scott explained his views to myself individually. With regard to the state of his mind and spirits, he was very much grieved, and repeatedly expressed that grief, at the loss he had met with—referring sometimes to particular individuals as valuable men to the country, and persons between whom and himself there existed a strong personal attachment. I recollect, particularly, Martin Scott was one of them. His mind, in other respects, was precisely what I have always known it to be, in regard to all operations of the army, busy all day in receiving reports and in comparing views, perfectly clear and collected. If there was any difference between his condition then and on former occasions, he was more animated.
The Court then adjourned until 9 o’clock to-morrow morning.
TWENTIETH DAY—April 7, 1848.
The Court met at 9 o’clock, agreeably to adjournment.
Mr. TRIST re-examined.
By the Defence.—Q—In witness’ examination by the prosecution, he stated that Gen. Pillow followed him into the room on the night of the 19th of August, and there held a conversation with witness; was no one present at the interview, and was it entirely private?
A—It was entirely in private; he closed the door after him.
Q—When did you disclose this conversation to Gen. Scott—was it before his charges were preferred, and how long before?
A—A disclosed it to Gen. Scott soon after his position with reference to Gen. Pillow had become decided, as arising out of the correspondence between them, in regard to the statements contained in Gen. Pillow’s report. It was in gen. Scott’s parlor. Col. Hitchcock I know was present and some other officers, whom, I do not recollect. Mention was made of the underscored words in Gen. Pillow’s report, claiming credit for the whole of Contreras. I rose from my seat and said, gentlemen, I will astound you, while stating a thing which I had determined to bear witness to, to the country, but had not expected to do so on that occasion, and then stated what Gen. Pillow said to me at San Augustin that night.
Q—Did Gen. Pillow’s report claim the whole credit of Contreras?
A—I so understood it—the whole credit which a general officer should have had, such as plans, &c.
Q—You say Gen’l Pillow told you this—that the attack upon Contreras was to be a failure. Did not witness know that the order of attack by Gen. Scott that night was the same as that previously given by Gen. Pillow?
A—Did not say the attack on Contreras—I used no such words. I did not know the order of attack given by Gen. Scott that night was the same as that previously given by Gen. Pillow. I never heard of any order of attack given by gen. Pillow; had I known it, I should not have promised to bear witness that he had nothing to do with it.
Q—Did witness understand that under the order of attack given by Gen. Scott on the evening of the 19th, that General Smith was to make an attack at 3 o’clock next morning?
A—Agreeably to the plans of Gen. Smith, as explained by Capt. Lee, the attack was, so far as I can recollect, to take place at 3 o’clock, and, as far as I can recollect, the plan was generally approved by Gen’l. Scott, whatever orders he gave, they were in conformity with them. I could not at this moment recall any precise recollection of those orders, except the one sent Col. Ransom.
Q—As Gen. Pillow was known by witness to be at San Augustin, and intended, under Gen. Scott’s orders, to stay there that night, and as the attack that night, or rather the next morning, was to have taken place at 3 o’clock, how is it that witness regarded the pretended conversation as the dying charge of a man who expected to be killed next day?
A—That question implies that Gen. Pillow was ordered by Gen. Scott to remain at San Augustin that night, and by answering it without pointing out this fact, I should make myself a witness to that order having been given. I know of no such order, and I believe it was not given, unless the offer of a bed can be construed into an order. That same offer was made to Gen. Twiggs also, who went off to the battle field.
(Here the President requested that the witness would give his evidence with less of a spirit and tone of hatred than the witness seemed to feel, &c.)
The Witness Resumed—In answer to that part, I said I expected that there would be hot work next day; and took for granted that Gen. Pillow would hurry to take command of his troops.
Q—Did witness hear Gen Pillow express any doubts to Gen. Scott of the success of the movements explained by Gen. Scott in the room where the conference was held?
A—I did not, so far as I can recollect, hear a word from him on the subject.
Q—At what time did the confidential conversation before referred to take place? Was it strictly confidential and where did it occur?
A—The time was on one of the days after the 8th September, and before the 11th. It may have been (possibly) late in the afternoon of the 8th. I think that it was on the day preceding the meeting at Piedad—that is to say, on the 10th. It was most strictly confidential, as appeared from the words that prefaced it. No one was present, that I could see. This was at Tecubaya.
Q—Witness will say if he saw gen. Pillow—to hold any conversation with him—after he left the battle-field?
A—On the 8th of September after he left the battle-field; I have no recollection now of seeing him.
Q—The witness has said in a previous answer that Gen. Pillow said, that if Gen. Scott were to make any more such experiments as the battle of Molino del Rey, that we would have no army; that the witness replied that it was not an experiment of Gen. Scott, and that he, witness, was a living witness, as long as he lived, of the fact, what does witness mean by that expression?
A—by the expression of being a living witness, I meant that I was always ready to testify to that fact, that it was no experiment of Gen. Scott’s, I should be ready to testify that there were no such experiments, as well as to facts.
Q—Witness will say, if it was not Gen. Scott’s experiment, whose it was, and how is it if Gen. Scott gave the order for that battle, that he did not make the experiment, and what are the facts referred to or understood to be spoken of in witness’ last answer?
A—I did not call it anybody’s experiment, in saying that it was not Gen. Scott’s experiment, I meant merely to repel a slur or insinuation cast upon him, and unjustly cast upon him, as I knew, and as the person who puts the question subsequently told me he knew, whatever there was diss…[illegible] (to use his own expression) in that day. The order given by Gen. Scott in regard to any operations on the morning of the 8th was strictly and peremptorily confined to the destruction of the foundry as its sole object; I never knew him to feel so much anxiety on any point as on this one, that nothing beyond the destruction of that foundry should be attempted.
Q—Does the witness know the fact that Gen’l. Pillow communicated to gen. Scott that the machinery could have been rendered powerless by the withdrawal of the water, also that the machinery was removed from the foundry, and does witness know that that machinery was found in the city afterwards?
A—I recollect that Gen. Scott received from a great many sources information in regard to the existence and nonexistence of the machinery in the building. I have no recollection of his having received any from Gen. Pillow; if I knew it at the time, it had escaped my memory; with regard to turning off the water, the state of my mind at present is similar; it was, I think, mentioned by a number of persons, but I have no recollection of who they were. I do not know that the machinery was removed from the city, although I have no doubt of the fact.
The Court was here cleared, to consult on the admission of evidence of a peculiar nature on the part of the defence. After some time the Court opened, and the Court had some to the conclusion that the testimony given should remain, but it came to no conclusion as to future evidence.
Here Gen. Scott made his objections in writing regarding future evidence being put of similar nature. Gen. Pillow also replied to the objections of Gen. Scott.
Q—The witness has said, on a former occasion, that Gen. Pillow sought to make him the depository of his confidence, and thus constituted him a party to a scheme of villainy, &c; did witness ever object to the reception of confidential matters or did he intimate that he objected to become the recipient of his confidential views?
A—I had, at the time of receiving those confidences, no idea of the uses to which I was to be made subservient, and I did not know, till the expressions made use of by Gen’l. Pillow were poured into my ear, what they were to be.—I made no objection, and never sought them by any means whatever.
Q—Does witness recollect that while his negotiations were pending under the armistice, that Gen. Pillow addresses to the President of the United States a letter, opposing, warmly and earnestly, the agreement of witness to receive and send to his Government a proposition of the Mexican Commissioners, to make the country between the Nueces and Rio Grande forever a neutral territory? Say if Gen. Pillow did not show this to witness at Tecubaya; and upon witness declining to read it, did he not tell you the views therein expressed, and offer to permit you to read it? That up to that time the friendly relations between witness and Gen. Pillow had been uninterrupted?
A—I have no recollection whatever of the letter mentioned. I do recollect very well a conversation between us, in which Gen. Pillow entered at length on his views on the subject referred to, explaining to me what he considered the position of the Democratic party in regard to that point. I made light of Gen. Pillow’s views, and limited myself to telling him that our views differed. With regard to the interruption of friendly relations, it was just about that time, a little previously, that I saw those underscored words in his report, to which I have already referred, and which made me perceive the alternative in which his confidence at San Augustin had placed me, viewed in connection with that statement in this report.
Q—Has the witness now disclosed all the confidential revelations made to him by Gen. Pillow, in this prosecution? Can he remember any other letter or letters he has written to the American Senate, for the purpose of defeating Gen. Pillow’s confirmation, or the Secretary of State, or any other public functionary, to save them from the deep and damning disgrace, by reason of their connection with Gen. Pillow?
A—With regard to the private and confidential disclosures, the two that I have stated became rooted in my memory, by incidents connecting themselves with them. I have a general impression that many minor matters have occurred, exactly in keeping with those two, and if I were to tax my recollection, I might recollect the particulars, with regard to letters. I was interrupted by Gen. Pillow, on the occasion of my first examination, when giving an account of them, and I don’t recollect where I was stopped; the letter mentioned to Mr. Dix, of the Senate, was the only one, I am satisfied, that I ever wrote any member of either house of congress.
Here some of the letters written by Mr. Trist to persons in the United
States, were read by the Judge Advocate—and Mr. Trist said those were the
only ones he wrote on the subject.
[BWP]
RW48v25i36p2c1, May 5, 1848: Gen. Taylor.
The Enquirer flatters itself that we are in “a sort of dilemma,” in regard to Gen. Taylor’s late letters. Not at all. When we read the General’s letter to the editors of the Republican, which seemed to intimate his determination to be a candidate for the Presidency, whether nominated by the Whig Convention of not, we saw that it was impossible, with such an understanding of his purpose, that his name could be presented to the Whig National Convention even for its consideration. The friends of no man have a right to ask that his claims shall be considered, in a body of that kind, who proclaims in advance that he will pay no respect to its decision unless that decision be favorable to himself. As a member of such a Convention, we would not insult it by asking it to deliberate upon a matter already pre-determined—or in other words, to decide by vote whether a certain individual should be a candidate, when that individual had forewarned it, that, having been already announced as a candidate, he would remain so, be its decisions what it might. Nor would we consent to weigh even the claims of such a man, if presented by another. What business has such an one indeed, in a Convention at all? Yet the language of Gen. Taylor’s letter to the editors of the Republican, seemed to us to be susceptible of no other interpretation; and consequently, pursuing the course we have heretofore done in regard to that gentleman, and which we shall adopt towards other aspirants, all of whom, in our estimation, stand upon a level platform and have equal rights, we promptly and explicitly expressed our decided dislike of a position, which, while General Taylor had a perfect right, if he thought fit, to take it, must of necessity have been regarded, under the circumstances, as grossly offensive to other aspirants for the Whig nomination, and as a defiance to the Whig party itself. And had it so remained, we, for one, would no longer have considered that Gen. Taylor’s friends had a right to present his name to the Whig Convention as a candidate for its nomination. But we had scarcely finished our comments upon that letter, when the Southern mail brought us the much more interesting, explicit and satisfactory letter from Gen. Taylor to Mr. Allison of New Orleans, in which his meaning, upon this point, is distinctly expressed: “I have (says the General) consented to the use of my name for the Presidency.* * * * * Having, at the solicitation of many of my countrymen, taken my position as a candidate, I DO NOT FEEL AT LIBERTY TO SURRENDER THAT POSITION, UNTIL MY FRIENDS MANIFEST A WISH THAT I SHOULD RETIRE FROM IT. I WOULD THEN MOST GLADLY DO SO.” This we have said, is entirely satisfactory. It shows that although Gen. Taylor will not withdraw his own name, his refusal to do so results, not from any egotistical or ambitious or envious motive, but from the peculiar circumstances under which he became a candidate, and in consequence of which he does not “feel himself at liberty” to change his position. But he leaves the matter in the hands of his “friends”—by which expression we presume he means something practical and practicable. How are his friends to be consulted, and how are their views to be ascertained? No one will do General Taylor the injustice to suppose that he meant that each one of his friends, from Maine to the Gulf, is to be consulted—and that, in that case, there is to be entire unanimity of opinion on the subject. We take it for granted that the General meant, what every other candidate who consents that his name shall go before a Convention means, when he uses the same expression—and that is, that his friends in Convention shall, before it proceeds to deliberate, announce their intention to abide by its decision—and that annunciation will be to Gen. Taylor a sufficient manifestation of their wish that he should not be a candidate, in the event of his failure to obtain its nomination. That the great body of his friends, throughout the country, would concur in the manifestation of this wish, we cannot doubt; because they would clearly perceive not only the impossibility of his election, but the probability of his failure to obtain a single Electoral vote—an attitude in which, as his true friends, they would never consent to place him. Thus understanding Gen. Taylor’s letter to Mr. Allison, as giving the true meaning of the less explicit language, upon this point, in his letter to the Republican, we had no hesitation, while we permitted our comments upon the latter to remain as we had written them, to add that we should not have deemed it necessary to write them at all had the former reached us before they were penned. So far, indeed, from being thrown into “a sort of dilemma,” by the two letters, that to Mr. Allison extricated us from “a sort of dilemma” into which we might have been thrown by that to the Republican, had its meaning been unexplained.
But the Enquirer thinks the Republican has cut away this last plank from us. How? Because that paper says that not only Gen. Taylor cannot withdraw, but that he “will not be withdrawn;” and, as Gen. Taylor has written a letter to the editors of the Republican, ergo, says the Enquirer, they “certainly ought to know what the Old Hero means.” But this is neither logical nor plausible. We have received in our time sundry letters without being able to comprehend the meaning of the writers; and we are very sure that we have sometimes been aided in reaching just conclusions by the acumen of others who had never received a line from our correspondents. It by no means follows, therefore, that our neighbors of the Republican are better qualified to interpret the General’s language, because he has written a letter to them, than other folks who have not had the honor of a correspondence with him. Certain it is that the General himself no where says that he will not permit his name “to be withdrawn.” He means no such thing, whatever the Republican may mean; and we admit that the determination of the editors of that paper to run him, “nolens volens,’ has not been at any time matter of doubt, except perhaps during the sitting of the Whig State Convention, when, as its editors were members of that body, we took it for granted they were prepared to abide by, as well as willing to participate in its deliberations. Nor do we suppose that the general means that expressions of this sort, though there should be a hundred of them, in as many different parts of the Union, are to control his course, rather than the embodied sense of his “friends” who may be members of the National Convention, and who, if they go into that body at all, must do so in no such uncompromising spirit as that evinced by the Republican. For it cannot be expected that the friends of other gentlemen, in that body, (experienced gamesters too, as they have been dubbed,) will consent to play at “Open and Shut” with those of Gen. Taylor or of any other man.
The writer of this article voted in the Virginia Convention for the resoluion nominating Gen. Taylor; but he is no farther committed to him by that vote, or by any thing that has appeared in the columns of this paper, than are the ultra friends of the General in that body committed to action of the National Convention—the second resolution of the State Convention having referred the whole matter to the decision of the meeting in Philadelphia, by whose determination its members, una voce, pledged themselves to abide. We confess to no such intense affection for Gen. Taylor—whose high qualities both of head and heart we nevertheless duly appreciate and honor—as to induce us to regard the “union of the Whig party” and the permanent ascendancy of Whig principles, as of subordinate importance to his nomination—and so we say of Mr. Clay, and of nay and every other man in its ranks. Hence, while, for reasons, some of which we have already stated, and others we may hereafter have occasion to make known, we have expressed a preference for Gen. Taylor, we do not intend, by any act of ours, to intimate a belief that “the world was made for Caesar.” And, if the Corporal’s Guard, who talk of running him as an “independent” candidate, should the Whig Convention refuse to submit to their arrogant attempt to dictate to it—as it will refuse, of that attempt shall be made—should “slough off,” as they threaten to do, they will constitute a “forlorn hope,” and will scarcely be missed when the vote shall be counted; or if they be rather more numerous than we suppose them to be, residing as they do in States which, with perhaps two exceptions, never have heretofore voted for a Whig candidate for the Presidency, they will, like the fly upon the coach-wheel, kick up a great dust to very little purpose. They may render themselves ridiculous, while they place their candidate in the mortifying attitude of having run as the “people’s favorite,” without receiving an electoral vote in the Union, as he will not if he permit them to keep him in that position.
But Gen. Taylor is not to be held responsible for what a portion of his
“friends,” isolated here and there, may say. Their opinions are of course
entitled to respect, but they are not to be regarded as conclusive. If his
friends in the National Convention shall speak that language, it will of
course have more weight; and, the effect of it may be to prevent a nomination
altogether—certainly to prevent the nomination of General Taylor.
But we have too much confidence in their sound judgment and their love of
fair play to suppose them capable of taking a position, which, as every one
must perceive, must render the assemblage of the Convention itself an act
of supreme folly.
[BWP]
RW48v25i36p2c2, May 5, 1848: The Last Battle.
The following letter from Col. Hamtamck to R. H. Gallaher, of the Republican, gives a more particular account than we had before seen of a battle in Chihuahua, the result of which has been heretofore annexed:
HEADQUARTERS, Saltillo, Mexico, April 2d, 1848.
My dear friend: I have but a moment to say that I have just received an express from Gen. Price’s column, announcing the pleasing intelligence that Gen. Trias, with all his forces, has surrendered to our arms. Gen. Price entered Chihuahua on the 9th of March, and immediately gave pursuit to the enemy, whom he overtook at Santa Cruz de Rosalio, a strongly situated town some 60 miles south of Chihuahua, on the 16th. The place was invested, and after fighting all day, the plaza and church were nearly attained by burrowing through the houses when the enemy surrendered. Our loss is one Lieutenant, two non-commissioned officers, and 12 privates—the enemy’s loss is 300 and odd killed, and 72 wounded, his whole force, (800,) all his artillery, (12 pieces,) 2,000 stand of arms, some eight hundred thousand dollars worth of public property, many field officers, and Gen. Trias at their head. Col. Rall’s command on one side, and Col. Lane’s on the other, acted most heroically, and took the place.
My letter from Col. Ralls is dated March 22d.
I am, in haste, yours, &c.
JNO. F. HAMTRAMCK, Col. Com’g, &c.
Rob. H. Gallaher, esq.
—-
Col. Haskell, of Tennessee, delivered a Lecture in the city of Washington,
a few evenings since, on Mexico. His main points were that Mexico can never
be subdued or reclaimed—that the country is not adapted to the Caucasian race—that
they will become enervated and degenerate in such a climate in a few generations,
and that, consequently, we had better give up the idea of annexation, and
develop our inexhaustible resources at home. He also gave as his opinion,
from the character of the Mexicans, that the treaty will not be ratified,
and that we had as well prepare o fall back upon the line we intend to occupy,
as our only safe alternative.
[BWP]
RW48v25i36p2c3, May 5, 1848: A High Compliment from a High Source.
The New Orleans Bulletin publishes the following letter from Gen. Persifer F. Smith, the distinguished commander at the battle of Contreras, written to a friend in New Orleans. It is a beautiful, and we doubt not a just tribute to the character of General Taylor, from one who has had ample opportunities to judge of it. It is at once gratifying to the General’s friends, and is a fitting rebuke, though not so intended perhaps, to those who take pleasure in depreciating the capacity of the hero of Buena Vista:
MEXICO, April 8, 1848.
General TAYLOR’S military exploits are not the CAUSES of his popularity, they are only the occasions for the display of his sound judgment, energy of character, lofty and pure sense of justice, and incorruptible honesty. He has as much reputation for what he has WRITTEN as for what he has DONE, because, even if the composition is not his own, the sentiments, motives and feelings are his, and every thing he says, as every thing he does, is marked by the purity and greatness of his own character.
I have never heard of any one, however corrupt or base himself, that after five minutes conversation, with Gen. Taylor, has dared to propose, or even to hint, at anything dishonest or mean, and no intercourse in the ordinary events of common life, can give the true idea of the loftiness of his character.
I remember that you asked me at the time he was put in command at Corpus Christi, whether he was equal to the circumstances? I told you in reply, of his sound judgment and inexhaustible energy, as I learned them in Florida, but I did not then properly estimate the other and higher points of his character. In the campaign on the Rio Grande I saw him tried under all circumstances, and he always came out pure gold.
His profession that he will be the candidate of no party will, if he be elected, be carried out in his practice; not that his opinions on matters of policy may not be those of one or the other party, as on most of these he is a Whig, and he is not the man to act adverse to his own opinions, but no party management or power, can ever lead him to do a mean, or what he thinks, a wrong thing.
As soon as Gen. Taylor was furnished by events, with the opportunity to
display his character, you see that it was at once properly estimated, and
I come back to the proposition I started with, that the people will always
properly measure great men. I do not say that they will always reward them
properly, for they cannot always give a direct expression to their feelings,
and the less worthy may have their vote without their wishes.
[BWP]
RW48v25i36p2c3, May 5, 1848: The Court of Inquiry.
No one can have read the proceedings of the Court of Inquiry, in the Pillow case, without having been struck with the inconsistent decisions of that tribunal in regard to the legality and the relevancy of testimony. Its course, indeed, is well calculated to justify the suspicion that its members, having been selected for a specific purpose, are not indisposed to accomplish it. “MUSTANG,” the well known correspondent of the New Orleans Delta, adverts to this circumstance in the following indignant language:
“You have no doubt read the proceedings with a great degree of interest; if you have not, I hope you will. The proceedings of the Court are well worth the study and attention of all military and civil lawyers. The decisions of the Court remind me of the story of a raw recruit, whom the drill sergeant could not make recollect his right hand from his left. In order to strengthen the memory of the recruit, the sergeant blacked one hand and told him that was his right hand: then taking hold of both hands, and turning them on over another in quick succession, asked the recruit which was his right hand. “Why,” replied the fellow “you have mixed them up so that I cannot tell t’other from which.” So it is with the Court—they have got the decisions so mixed up, that I do not believe they or any one else can tell what has been the rule carried out any two days in succession, unless it is that Gen. Scott is always wrong, and the defence always right, let the question be what it may. If precedent were law, the decisions of this Court would support an attorney in argument on any side of any question whatever. One day Gen. Scott complains of the course of proceeding of one of his antagonists, and the Court says—“It is a matter over which they have no control.” In the course of a few days a complaint is made that Gen. Scott has done what the Court had said they could not control, and then the Court decides that it is “indelicate and highly improper.” Put a peg there, and save the mark! Gen. Pillow asks a witness for his opinions, or the reasons for belief in a certain matter; the Court at once decides he must state it; in five minutes after, Gen. Scott asks the witness what were his opinions in reference to another matter. Objections are made—the Court is cleared!—and, after some forty minutes’ wise, knowing, and very honest [?] consultation, decide that the witness may state the facts which led him to conclusions or opinions, but he must not state what those opinions were. And so it had been from first to last. I have endeavored to find out what system of rule has governed this Court in their decisions, but without effect; and I am sorry to say that I look upon it as an anomaly in military jurisprudence.
“However, the evidence and documents brought out in the course of the trail, show, most conclusively, the determined and deliberate efforts, on the part of the Administration, to overthrow and break down Gen. Scott—to consign to infamy and disgrace the warrior Chief who has accomplished the most wonderful achievements recorded on the pages of American history—and who has done all this, with the prejudices and influences of the Government at home against him, and the political aspirants in his own camp playing second fiddle to them. The private bureaus, and the confidential correspondence of the departments at Washington, have been ransacked, and every paper that could be brought to bear, directly or indirectly, on the questions at issue, have been copied and sent to the defence, in hopes to influence the decisions; private correspondence to the military bureaus, written at a time when it was impossible to forward regular official communications from here, have been published in the Union, and the letters, with the names of the officers, sent to the defence, in hopes that it would prove that persons belonging to Gen. Scott’s general or personal staff had written letters for publication, or that it was the practice of officers to write letters, in order that they would find their way into the public prints.
“But the Administration have made a great mistake.—When they aimed at the object of their destruction, they selected a gun with too small a caliber.”
It is stated that the President has nominated Colonels Harney and Riley to the Senate as Brigadier Generals.
Why is it that the President has never sent in the name of Maj. Gen. Pillow
for the action of the Senate? That General has for more than twelve months
held his present commission alone by Presidential appointment. Is Mr. Polk
afraid to trust his own friends?
[BWP]
RW48v25i36p2c4, May 5, 1848: Proceedings of the Court of Inquiry. Twentieth Day – (Concluded.)
Capt. Hager recalled.
By the Prosecution—Q—Did the witness chance to be in Major Gen. Scott’s room on the night of the 19th of August at San Augustin, when he gave some instructions to Capt. Lee regarding the operations of the next morning; was Gen. Pillow also there, and did he make any remarks?
A—I was in Gen. Scott’s quarters on the night of the 19th of August; I did hear the orders and directions given; Gen. Pillow was there, but I do not recollect that he remarked on the orders given.
Q—After the battle of August last, did the witness chance to fall into conversation with Gen. Pillow respecting the plan or plans of battle which had been executed that day, and if so, state the substance of the conversation?
A—I had no conversation with Gen. Pillow, discussing this subject, but accidentally met him at the hacienda of San Antonio on the evening of the 20th, after the battle, I rode up to him to congratulate him on his safety and success of the day, which had turned out as well as we could have wished from the prospects of the previous night. The General replied, Yes, sir, I am getting along very well; I had arranged all my plans, which had been successfully carried out, and that Gen. Scott was perfectly satisfied with it.
Q—When in September last did the witness receive orders to select sites, in connection with the late Capt Drum and others, for batteries to be placed against the castle of Chapultepec, that is how long before the attack by the batteries was it, that such orders were received?
A—The orders received by me to make reconnaissance of the battery, was on the morning of the 11th of September, just before Gen. Scott left Tacubaya to so to Piedad, my directions were to select the sites, and that the General would make up his mind before he returned about making the attack. On his retiring that evening, the erection of the batteries was determined upon, and the engineers instructed accordingly, and I was ordered to bring up the guns that night, and the batteries opened in the morning (the 12th).
Q—Had the witness many official or other interviews with Gen. Scott between the 7th and the 12th of September, and what was the impression received by witness of those occasions, regarding said Scott’s energy compared with earlier occasions in the campaign?
A—I have had frequent interviews with Gen. Scott during the stated time, and as the occasion required any great energy; I think he always displayed as much or more energy, both of mind and body, as I observed on lesser occasions.
Q—Does the witness chance to know any thing about the collection of scaling ladders, and what time the orders were given on that subject?
A—I do not know that scaling ladders were ordered, for I met some of the Quartermasters collecting them about Tacubaya, on the 11th Sept. in the morning; at what time they received their orders I don’t know.
Q—What did witness understand from said Scott to be the object in placing batteries against Chapultepec, or what did the witness learn from the same source, to be the plan of attack upon that Castle?
A—Gen. Scott had asked my opinion of the effect heavy guns would have upon the Castle, and I gave my opinion in which he concurred; a very considerable effect could be produced on the Castle, by the fire of our heavy batteries, and though we could not approach it so as to make any considerable breach in the walls; but the fire would so annoy and harass the garrison, it would greatly facilitate its being carried by storm, which I understood was his plan. These conversations occurred on the morning, before Gen. Scott went to Piedad.
Lieut. BEEMAN called and sworn.
By Prosecution.—Did the witness chance to hear, previous to the order for this Court, Paymaster Burns say any thing on the subject of the Leonidas letter, if so what was it?
A—Some few days after the American army entered the city, I met Maj. Burns at a public Fonda, near the National Theatre; he, without having any particular acquaintance with me, showed me a paper, in which were some verses about gen. Pillow. Some time after this the Leonidas letter made its appearance, and I then immediately reverted to this affair; my impressions were that Maj. Burns might be its author. Some short time after the appearance of the Leonidas letter, I think about a month, I met Maj. Burns again, he asked me of he had not shown me, before, those verses. I remarked that he had made some change in them; he said he had, as they were going to the United States, for publication, and that when they came back, they would create a great excitement here. I replied, as great an excitement as the Leonidas letter, I suppose? He replied, that he did not write the Leonidas letter, that he had been accused of it before. He said this, in a serious manner, as if it appeared I was taking a liberty with him, in indirectly accusing him of the authorship.
Q—Does the witness know that here were any officers other than Gen. Pillow introduced into said verses?
A—I do not know a single word of the verses; I only know that the tune was JIM CROW, and that Gen. Pillow’s name was introduced into the chorus, and he remarked that he had changed the tune.
Major Woods called and sworn:
Q—Has the witness, at any time since the capture of Chapultepec, heard any remarks from Gen. Pillow, relative to plans connected with that attack, &c.?
A—I heard Gen. Pillow make several remarks concerning the capture of Chapultepec, though I do not think the remarks are called for by the question.
This question was withdrawn by Gen. Scott.
Lieut. McConnell called and sworn:
Q—Was the witness present at the taking of Chapultepec? If so, when and where did he see Gen. Pillow during that battle?
A—I was along with the storming party at Chapultepec, which was commanded by Col. ___, 2d Artillery. It was at least twenty minutes after the place had fallen that I saw Gen. Pillow, when he came up. I ascertained the length of time by this circumstance: after every thing was comparatively quiet—that is, when there was no enemy to be seen, except such as were killed or made prisoners, and no firing to be heard from Chapultepec—I collected some of my men together, and went out to search for and collect the killed and wounded of my command; among the killed was Lieut. E. T. Rodgers, of my Regiment; I had his body taken up and accompanied it myself to the building of Chapultepec; when I was near the building, I saw Gen. Pillow borne along on the backs of some soldiers. I remember it was at this time that they were carrying him along, for I stopped a moment to look at him, and, seeing that he did not appear to suffer much hurt, and remembering a circumstance which happened some time previous, I passed on, thinking that he was but slightly hurt.
Q—At what point was Gen. Pillow when the witness first saw him, and how far was that point from the body of the captured work?
A—I did not see Gen. Pillow until I saw him carried along inside the work.
Q—How long, after the place fell, was it before the national flag was hoisted?
A—I am not able to judge precisely as to the time, but I think that all firing was over when it was hoisted; I did not see it when it was hoisted.
Q—Where were the soldiers taking Gen. Pillow when you saw him?
A—They were taking him to a shed against the side of the wall—the same place in which was Lieut. Tower, after he was wounded.
Q—How long had the National flag been hoisted before you saw Gen. Pillow go into the work? Was it before or after you saw Gen. Pillow?
A—I do not remember whether it was before or after. I think it was after; I am pretty positive, from the fact that I saw Lt. Pickett and another in the yard. Lieut. Pickett I believe was on the top of Chapultepec when the National flag was raised.
Q—In what direction was it, from the main gate; was it towards the east end of the building that they were carrying Gen. Pillow, or towards the main entrance of the Castle, or towards the shelter a the east end of the building.
A—They were carrying him almost parallel to the south wall of the building; the shed was about ten or fifteen paces to the right of the main entrance of the Castle as you enter.
Q—Had Gen. Scott arrived before Gen. Pillow, or did he arrive afterwards?
A—I did not see Gen. Scott a the time he arrived.—When I did see him, he was making some congratulatory remarks to our troops at the main gate; how long he had been there speaking, I do not know.
Q—Does the witness mean to say that they were carrying Gen. Pillow to a shed in the main building, or to a shed near the main building?
A—They were carrying him to a shed near the main entrance.
Q—Was Gen. Pillow put by those who were carrying him under or by the shed you speak of?
A—He was placed, to the best of my recollection, a few yards from it, when the men laid him down; he may have been removed afterwards.
Q—Did witness chance to notice on what Gen. Pillow was laid, when laid down?
A—He may have been laid upon a Mexican mat, as there were some about there; whether he was or not, I don’t know.
Q—How close was witness to Gen. Pillow when he noticed him?
A—Within a yard or two.
Q—Is witness sure that Gen. Pillow was carried on a blanket when he saw him?
A—It was either a blanket, or a piece of cloth made to answer the purpose. I am pretty positive it was a blanket.
LIEUT. SIMPSON called and sworn.
Q—Was the witness present at the capture of Chapultepec? If so, at what time and place did he see Gen. Pillow there?
A—I was present at the taking of the castle of Chapultepec, and at a certain time in the morning I saw Gen. Pillow carried by me in a direction to the castle; I had no watch to observe the hour of the day, but to the best of my knowledge, it was more than twenty minutes after the place had fallen. I judge of the time from the happening of certain events, and the probable time between each one of them.
Q—What event transpired between the capture of the works and the moment at which the witness first saw Gen. Pillow in or about the place?
A—I entered the work, passing over the round or second ladders resting on the wall and in the ditch. I passed in front of the building, and entered near the principal entrance of the castle, for the purpose of going into the interior of the building, which I found impossible. I then went round towards that end of the building towards the Molino del Rey, and went into a room where I found a number of pick axes, shovels and other instruments—Some of the soldiers were standing near me, whom I directed to go and break open the doors in the interior of the building. I followed them, and saw the work done. The rooms were found to contain a number of Mexicans, who were made prisoners. I then passed from the interior of the building to the outside, to the south-western extremity, where I saw Gen. Pillow. A soldier of my company accosted me, and desired me to render him some assistance. About the same time we made the capture of Gen. Bravo, who was standing near by. After doing for the soldier all that was in my power to do, I passed to the other extremity of the castle, to see if any more Mexicans were concealed in the rooms. I went leisurely through all the rooms in that part of the building, and not seeing any of my party, I concluded that they had gone round to pursue the enemy. I then left the building, and went in the direction of the aqueduct, stopping frequently to drive soldiers out of houses, and to destroy the liquor they contained. Not finding any of my party, I returned to Chapultepec.
Question by Gen. Pillow.—Where was Gen. Pillow when you first saw him, in or outside of the main gate?
A—Inside the main gate.
Q—Were they carrying Gen. Pillow into the main building?
A—They were carrying him to that part of the main building, or what is now an opening in that part; I do not know whether there was an opening there then or not?
Q—Was it toward what is now called the main entrance and opening in the building?
A—It is not what is called the main entrance; the main entrance was partially covered with sand.
Q—Was it before or after the national flag was raised that you saw Gen. Pillow?
A—I have no recollection of seeing the flag when hoisted upon the works.
Q—Where was the entrance of which you speak, and was it leading into some private room, or through the building into the back yard?
A—It was the entrance which leads to the back yard; I do not know whether it was open or not.
Question by the Prosecution.—Does the witness mean to say that no flag had been raised a the time witness speaks of, or that the flag, if he saw any that forenoon, was hoisted before he observed General Pillow in or about the castle?
A—I have no recollection of having seen any flag at all that day.
The Court here adjourned till nine o’clock next day.
[BWP]
RW48v25i36p2c5, May 5, 1848: From Tobin’s Knapsack. Parras, Mexico, March 20, 1848.
Eds. Delta—I am again in “dear, delightful Pawas.”*—The Camanches have made another descent, and made another clean sweep of horses and mules. Don Manuel y Ibarra tells me he has lost 4000 head. The Indians were only a small party, but the Peons, or rather serfa, had no arms to fight them; and even if they had, they don’t know how to use them. Such is the policy of the Mexican government. The rancheros are a splendid-looking set of men; and when this country is annexed, they’ll make capital Sepoys, if led by American officers, with a few companies of white men sprinkled amongst tem.
Capt. Adams, with his company of Texas Rangers, is here, and four companies of the Virginia Regiment—all under command of Capt. Harper, one of the most gentlemanly officers I have ever met with. You may believe it when I tell you so, and I am not inclined to flatter him, as he has wounded me in the most delicate point, by dancing all night with a lady, who, they say, is going to marry me; but it’s doubtful, ‘cos she hasn’t asked me yet, although it is leap year.
The Virginia Regiment is a splendid one: no wonder Col. Hamtramck is so proud of it. It is the best I have ever seen, always excepting the “Washington regiment, Labrigade,” of which said regiment the Mount Zionites, Co. D, commanded by myself, was the flower, as Lieut. Col. Forno used to Say. Give him my love, and kiss him for me, if he will permit you. Ask him, too, if he remembers the day he swore he’d be d—d if he’d let me go over the Rio Grande to Matamoras; and also how I blarneyed him out of it, by taking a testament out of my pocket and reading him a verse. The testament was given me by the Rev. Arthur Meister, British Chaplain at Rio Janeiro, when I was LYEING in sick in the hospital there. If this should meet his eyes, I wish him to accept the thanks of one to whom he was very kind when the object of his kindness was very poor and friendless. But, if I talk sentiment, you’ll put it down for the emblem of german literature, viz: a big butcher blubbering over a calf he has just killed.—The verse I read to Col. Forno, was from a letter written by a gentleman named Paul, to a COSSOON called TIM something. It’s in the 1st Epistle, 5th chapter, 23d Verse, and runs thus: “Drink no longer water, but use a little wine for thy stomach’s sake and thine often infirmities.” The Colonel then told me to do to the realms reigned over by Lucifer, but to be back for the evening parade; I didn’t go to the place directed, but I was back for the parade.
Writing of Paul puts me in mind of a dispute between two sailors, when I served on board the war schooner “Invincible.” One of them said Paul was a saint; the other asserted that he was not. The matter was referred to the boatswain, an old Englishman from the Hard of Portsmouth. He decided that Paul was not a regular commissioned saint, but that he had a brown paper warrant.
Two of the Virginians have just come in, cut up into sausage-meat by the Mexicans. They had been missing some days, and as they were known to be excellent men and not deserters, a search was made for them; and Capt. Harper himself brought in their bodies, beautifully mangled with knives. They had been buried a day or two.
I had a narrow escape here from an inebriated virgin heifer I bought from Dan Manuel. Lieut. McGowan, of the Virginians, and myself, were watching the operation of tying her down, and when the Vacheros had fixed her so that she couldn’t move, she got up and made a tilt at us; we both ran at quarter-horse speed, and I had only time to close the door of the corral, or yard, when she came butt on to it, within an inch of Mc.’s posterities. “How do you feel, Mc.?” Said I. “That showed some presence of mind in you; come down to Campo’s and take a drink,” said he. When we returned, I shot the lady; and on disemboweling her, I discovered a fine little masculine calf which I soon skinned, and I made a pot-pie of the little gentleman. That trick I learned from a Seminole Indian.
An express has come in, stating that Capt. Adams, of the Rangers, has had a brush with the Camanches, and had 7 of his men killed, and that he killed 5 of them. I don’t know how true it is, but if we learn anything more before the mail closes, I shall let you know. The incarnate fiends actually came (a fresh band) within one league of us, but vamoosed the ranch when they learned that we were here. Capt. Adams, and all the Virginia officers who could obtain leave, started after them. I could not go, but I loaned all my horses, except one, to the Virginia Officers, and my double-barrel to Lieut. Garnett. I hope none of them are among the killed, or I shall be minus my gun and horses; and I’d rather lend my wife than my horse—that is, if I had a wife. I wonder how I’d look, walking down Chartres street, with a Mrs. T. on my arm, and a dozen little small T’s toddling on after us. If I did send her, I’d only follow the example of an ancient philosopher:
“Heroic, Stote, Cato the sententious,
Who lent his lady to his friend Hortensius,”
Some of Gonzales’ people stole my fine horse “Belzebub,” and shot another; the one I now bestride has two eyes, but one of them’s out—however, he has speed and bottom.—On St. Patrick’s Day he tried to eat the Shamrock out of my cap, and I had to get on the blind side to mount him.—He is most angelically wild, and when we get together there’s a pair of us, the boys say. He has received Christian baptism, and bears the euphonious name of “Rip Van Snout.” The boys are bothering me, and that will account for all the scratches and mistakes. We gave one fellow fifty lashes this morning for stealing—he was a greaser; and I’m going out now to look for another, who cheated me out of 81. If I catch him, I’ll break half the bones in his body, as certain as that the Lord made small apples.
We have just buried the murdered Virginians; their names are Peck and Hurt. If I be not much mistaken, our people mean to immolate a hecatomb to their manes. A Hecatomb used to be 100 oxen, from Hecatos (100) and Bous, (a ox,) but the modern Ancients, (when beef grew scarce,) interpreted it into Hecatos, (100,) and Tombos, (1 foot,) making altogether 25 cattle; thereby whipping the Devil round the stump and cheating, “Jove high thundering,” out of the smoke and incense of 75 beeves.
In this isolated place, I have no news, and must make up this letter by a joke or tow. Gen. Urrea, (they say,) is coming down on us, and within one day’s march, with 10,000 men; and as the fighting must be done from house to house, (we are but 300,) we’ll have “bloody politeful” times.
I caught Lt. Coleman, Va. Reg’t in a beautiful fix, making a unique tableau, composed of himself and a calf and a cow, and a little girl. The cow was spancled by the hind legs, the calf engrossed two tits, (have tits two T’s or three? The Lord help me, I’m forgetting how to spell,) Coleman had one the girl had the other, and both were milking into one pot, except the calf, who was milking into his own and Coleman’s mustache was saturated with the milk and looked like a fresh flake of snow. I should have wished a daguerreotype of the group, taken by Mr. Maguire, and for the trouble of taken it, I should willingly have given him my note, payable 21 days after convenience. Coleman asked me what his friends at home would think if they saw him? Please ask them.
There’s a true joke about Major Ben Mcculloch. The day after the battle of Buena Vista, I went to Saltillo with him, and stopped at the Great Western’s. I was then Orderly Sergeant of his company, and had on the frock coat I wore when Captain, with the straps, however, taken off. We asked the Great Western for supper; the Major had not a ball dress on; she told me I could have it, but as to the Major, she kept no house for teamsters, although he might eat after the gentlemen got through. I roared and laughed, and the Major was leaving when Col. May came in, and invited him to supper. Master Ben declined, and the madame asked Col. May who he was. On learning that he was Major Ben of the Rangers, she ran out, brought him back, gave him supper, charged him nothing, opened a monte bank and took $18 off him. Next morning I caught Ben adjusting a shawl round her shoulders. Ben’s a sly one.
This is perhaps the last time you’ll ever hear from me, as Gen. Urrea is close by, according to Mexican accounts; and if he attacks us I shall, as a matter of course, be in the thick of it, and I don’t intend to be made a prisoner of, because I’ve served so long on horseback, that it would be mighty inconvenient to circum-pery-ambulate on foot, through all the country between here and Mexico, and be displayed like a wild beast, instead of the quiet, bashful Christian I am. Yours, G. H. T.
P.S.—The lady says she’ll have me, if I get baptized by a priest and become a legitimate good Catholic. I don’t like the idea of abjuring the trifle of religion my mother taught me, and if the lady persists, I’ll grow desperate, go out and turn regular Turk, and then I can marry every body (wot’s willing.) G.H.T.
*The dear, delightful Pawas is a joke, well known among the Va.
Regiment here.
[BWP]
RW48v25i36p2c6, May 5, 1848: Congress. Correspondence of the Baltimore Americans. Washington, May 3. United States Senate.
Petitions and memorials were presented by Messrs. More, Sturgeon, Bagby, Crittenden, Johnson of Maryland, Johnson of Louisiana, Borland, Cass, chiefly in reference to the purchase of Mount Vernon by the Government, to the duties on timber exported, and to the Western Indians.
Several private bills were reported from committees.
Mr. Hannegan introduced a resolution, providing for the removal of the remains of Mr. Ashley whenever requested by the widow of the deceased. Adopted.
Mr. Bell gave notice of a bill to authorize the holding of a special term of the District Court of the United States in Tennessee.
Mr. Underwood reported a bill for the relief of the American Colonization Society, for the operation of the law relating to passenger vessels.
Mr. Westcott reported without amendment House bill providing for the holding of a term of the United States Circuit and District Court at Chicago, Illinois, on the first Monday in May in each year. Passed.
On motion of Mr. Crittenden, the bill extending the pension of Harriet Barney, widow of Com. Barney, was taken up and passed.
Mr. Butler, from the Judiciary Committee, to which had been referred certain resolutions of the Kentucky Legislature, in favor of the passage of a law in relation to Slaves escaping from Slaveholding to non-Slaveholding States, made a long report, accompanied by a bill, providing for their arrest, and the examination of testimony, before any Judge, Clerk, Marshal, Post-Master, Collector, or Commissioner of the U. S. for the State where the arrest, is made and for their return to their owners. The report and bill were read, and on motion of Mr. Atchison, 10,000 copies were ordered to be printed.
Mr. Hale offered a resolution, which was adopted, instructing the Judiciary committee to inquire whether any legislation is necessary to protect the colored population of the non-slaveholding States in the rights guaranteed tot hem by the Constitution.
Mr. Douglass moved to take up the bill granting to the State of Illinois the right of way through the public lands, for a railroad between the Mississippi and northern lakes, and alternate sections of these lands to and in the construction of such road.
Mr. Hale moved to take up the question of granting him leave to introduce his bill relative to property destroyed by mobs in the District of Columbia, but the motion of Mr. Douglass prevailed.
A debate ensued, and a few amendments,—one of which stipulating the conditions upon which the U. States Mail shall be conveyed over the road, when completed—were proposed. The debate was participated in by Messrs. Douglass, Crittenden, Cass, Benton, and Foote, in support of the bill, and by Messrs. Clarke, Butler, Niles, Calhoun, and Bagby in opposition; the constitutional question as to the powers of the General Government to aid in the construction of works of internal improvement, being of course introduced incidentally.
In the course of Mr. Baby’s remarks, some allusions made to aspirants for the Presidency, supposed to refer to either Mr. Cass or Mr. Calhoun, which called up Mr. Calhoun, and induced a very sharp reply also from Mr. Foote, and not less pointed rejoiner from Mr. Bagby. Mr. B. said that his allusions were mainly directed to the Senator from Kentucky (Mr. Crittenden) and for him had thought them a very small matter. The debate finally took a very pleasant turn, and terminated after this episode, in the passage of the bill, yeas 24, nays 11.
Mr. Cass gave notice that he should to-morrow, at 1 o’clock, move to take up the bill authorizing the raising of twenty additional regiments of Volunteers.
Mr. Atherton gave notice that he should call up the West Point Appropriation Bill.
Mr. Foote introduced a bill for the relief of the West Feliciana Railroad Company, which was twice read and referred.
Mr. Borland gave notice that he should, on Monday, introduce a bill, granting to the State of Arkansas the public lands therein unsold, in consequence of overflow, for purposes of internal improvements or other objects, under the direction of the State.
The Vice President laid before the Senate a communication from Wm. Brent, presenting to Congress a portrait of Baron De Kalb. Adjourned.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
Mr. McClelland reported a bill to set apart a portion of the public lands to aid Mr. Whitney in the construction of a railroad from Lake Michigan to the Pacific. Read twice.
The bill to extend the time for locating Virginia Military Land Warrants in the State of Ohio, was taken up, discussed, and finally referred back to the committee of the whole on the state of the Union.
The House then, in committee of the whole, resumed the consideration of the bill extending the provisions of the act granting bounty lands to soldiers in the Mexican war to those officers who may have been promoted from the ranks, the question pending being the amendment offered by Mr. Thompson of Mississippi, to include officers so promoted during the last war with Great Britain.
The discussion was continued until the hour of adjournment, and a further amendment to the amendment, was proposed by Mr. Lumpkin of Georgia, including also officers in similar cases during the Florida war.
Without any action on the bill, the House adjourned.
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RW48v25i36p2c6, May 5, 1848: (Correspondence of the N. O. Bulletin.) City of Mexico, April 7th, 1848.
Mr. Editor: The treaty, as ratified by the U. S. Senate, arrived here some days since, and the general impression amongst those having the responsibility of affairs here, is, that we will have peace, but probably not so soon as we generally anticipated some months ago or more.
The great difficulty appears to be the impossibility of getting the Mexican Congress together. All efforts on the part of the Executive up to this period, have failed. Many members held back under plea that they had not means to pay their traveling expenses to Queretaro? The Executive transmitted them the necessary funds, and they have replied to the renewed summons to them to appear in their seats—that the money has not been received!
However, I believe the President and Cabinet are of the opinion, that during all of this month, the Congress will convene. It is hardly expected that they will act upon the treaty with dispatch, the dignity and importance of the assembled wisdom of the great Mexican nation, and the momentous subjects embraced in their decisions, will prevent the ratification of the treaty, until the last moment of the days of grace, allowed them.
We are beginning to reap the fruits of the idleness and demoralization which have been growing up here amongst our officers and troops.
The robberies and murders that were prevailing in the neighborhood of the City, are transferred within the walls, and house breaking and robbing individuals in the streets, are by no means uncommon.
A few nights ago, a most horrible murder was committed by a band of desperadoes, who attempted to rob a wealthy mercantile house, in one of the most populous streets of our city.
Seven or eight of the gang have been apprehended.—Several Volunteer officers have been implicated, and a deep gloom and mortification hangs round the heart of every lover of his country, a the disgrace of the American Flag.
Any observing, reflecting person, long since would have known, that the gambling and debaucheries that prevail here amongst the American officers, to a great extent, must necessarily terminate in degradation to themselves, and distress and mortification to their friends. A great responsibility rest somewhere, for the outrages that are committed here against the welfare of society.
Those who ought to have rebuked vice and frowned upon iniquity, have winked at and tolerated it here; until nothing but a moral courage and firmness, that we need hardly expect from those who look forward to political preferment at a future day, to possess, can stay the torrent of immortality and vice as exhibited in our midst.
The health of the army is improving. We have had several hard rains recently,
which has improved the health of the city very much.
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RW48v25i36p2c5, May 5, 1848: Mexican Treaty – Mexican Trappings.
We had a rumor last night of the ratification of the treaty. We understand that the President had information of the probability that it will be ratified, direct from Mr. Clifford, at Puebla. If it fails, the defensive line will yet be adopted, unless the Baltimore Convention should throw itself forward upon the annexation of the whole of Mexico.
General Sam Houston has received a magnificent set of Mexican trappings
for a charger, saddle, bridle, &c., gold mounted, cost $500, from the
city of Mexico. They are now to be seen in the Rotunda. The general is
proud of them; and if not nominated for the Presidency, he will probably
ride all the way back to Texas before the election on that gold mounted saddle.
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RW48v25i36p3c1, May 5, 1848: By Magnetic Telegraph. Transmitted for the Richmond Whig. Congress. Yesterday’s Proceedings. Washing, May 4 – P. M. U. S. Senate.
Mr. RUSK, from the Committee on Foreign Relations, reported a bill to enable the President of the U. States to take temporary military possession of Yucatan, and moved to make it the special order of the day for to-morrow.
Upon this motion, a long debate ensued, in which Messrs. CALHOUN, HANNEGAN, FOOTE, CASS, HALE, and NILES participated. The debate lasted three hours. Finally, the motion making the bill the special order for to-morrow, was agreed to.
After the transaction of some unimportant business, the Senate adjourned.
After sending us the above, the Telegraph ceased operations.
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RW48v25i36p4c1, May 5, 1848: General Taylor’s Letter.
There can be little question that letter-writing has been the death of more than one Presidential aspirant, of not occasionally of a nominee for that office. Yet what is a gentleman who occupies this (in our judgment) most unenviable position, and who is too frank and candid in his nature to desire to stand before the country in an equivocal attitude,—what, we ask, is such an individual to do, when ardent friends as well as curious foes throughout the Union are perpetually pressing him with interrogatories, demanding to now whether he has ever said this, or done that, or thought the other, or what he intends to say, do or think hereafter? An adroit politician, like James K. Polk, need not fear such searching inquisition—for however closely such an one may be pressed, he finds in the ambiguity of language adequate means of confounding those who insist on “putting him to the question,” by the use of phrases—such as those in the Kane letter, for example, which may be cited as the model of an electioneering epistle—that are adapted alike to all shades of opinion and to all degrees of latitude. But when an ingenuous, unsophisticated, unambitious man, like Gen. Taylor, who has nothing of the artifice or chicanery of a trained politician about him,—or when an open, frank and fearless man like Mr. Clay, who although long in political life, has not learned the art of holding two sets of opinions at the same time, or of concealing any that may be unpopular,—when such men are asked respectfully to answer interrogatories, it is to be expected, if they answer at all, as they are very apt to do, that they will reply in categorical and explicit terms.—Hence, the triumph of Mr. Polk in 1844, which may be attributed to the fact that he would write but one letter—and that of so enigmatical a character, that, while Mr. Buchanan proved from it that he was even more in favor of a Protective Tariff, then Mr. Clay, his friends in the South on the contrary, held it up as the condensed manual of the Free Trade School! Hence, too, the defeat of Mr. Clay, who answered all questions, whether from friend or foe, careless of all consequences, and only desirous that his views on all questions of public policy might be understood. But we digress. General Taylor, it be already said, has written too many letter—especially, as, having been precluded, by the very position assumed by him in the outset, from giving a detailed exposition of his opinions, he had necessarily very little to say—a position from which he could only be relieved from flagrant misrepresentations of those opinions, such as have recently appeared, given to the public in the shape of his own positive declarations. We were satisfied, when those publications were made, that they did gross injustice to Gen. Taylor. They bore, indeed, upon their very face intrinsic evidence of their falsehood. But we had other and more conclusive reasons for this opinion; and we had good reason to believe that in due time the most conclusive refutation of these narratives of professed conversations would be laid before the country. This is now done in the following letter from gen. Taylor to the editors of the Republican, I answer to certain questions addressed to the General by those gentlemen, the character of which is sufficiently indicated by his reply.
BATON ROUGE, La., April 20, 1848.
Dear Sir: Your letter of the 10th inst. which alludes to certain statements that have recently been made in some of the papers at the North, and which submits several inquiries for my consideration, has been received.
To your inquiries I have respectfully to reply:
FIRST—That if nominated by the Whig National Convention, I shall not refuse acceptance, provided I am left free of all pledges, and permitted to maintain the position of independence of all parties in which the people and my own sense of duty have placed me—otherwise I shall refuse the nomination of any convention or party.
SECONDLY—I do not design to withdraw my name if Mr. Clay be the nominee of the Whig National Convention—and, in this connection, I beg permission to remark that the statements which have been so positively made in some of the Northern prints, to the effect, “THAT SHOULD MR. CLAY BE THE NOMINEE OF THE WHIG NATIONAL CONVENTION,” I had stated, “THAT I WOULD NOT SUFFER MY NAMES TO BE USED,” are not correct, and have no foundation in any oral or written remark of mine. It has not been my intention, at any moment, to change my position—or to withdraw my name from the canvass, whoever may be the nominee of the National Convention, either of the Whig or Democratic party.
THIRDLY—I have never stated to any one that I was in favor of the Tariff of ’46—of the Sub-Treasury, nor that I originated the war with Mexico. Nor, finally, that I should [if elected] select my cabinet from both parties. No such admissions or statements were made by me, at any time, to any person.
Permit me, however, to add that should such high distinction be conferred upon me as that of elevation to the Executive Office, the Constitution, in a strict and honest interpretation, and in the spirit and mode in which it was acted upon by our earlier Presidents, would be my chief guide. In this, I conceive to be all that is necessary in the way of pledges.
The election of another candidate would occasion no mortification to me, but to such a result, as the will of the people, I should willingly and calmly submit. As I have had no ambition to serve, but in the desire to serve the country, it would bring to me no disappointment.
With sentiments of high respect and regard, I remain your most ob’t servant, Z. Taylor.
The denial by General Taylor of the authenticity of the conversations ascribed to him by certain Mississippi letter-writers, places him precisely where he stood before those letters were published. We are satisfied not only that he never expressed any such opinions, but that he does not entertain them. The declaration in the above letter, that, in the event of his election, he will, in administering the Government, make “our Earlier Presidents” his model, is, indeed, by direct and necessary implication, a repudiation of the systems and measures of our later Presidents, as emphatic as if his hostility to those systems and measures had been expressed in so many words. In one word, we have not the shadow of a doubt that he is in all essential points “A WHIG UPON PRINCIPLE;” and, entertaining this undoubting conviction, we are prepared to support him cordially and zealously, IF HE BE THE NOMINEE OF THE WHIG PARTY. WE regret, therefore—and it is the only thing we much regret to see in the foregoing letter—that Gen. Taylor, while expressing a willingness to receive, under any circumstances, the nomination of the Whig National Convention, should have deemed it necessary to say, inso many words, that, should he fail to do so, he will, so far as it depends upon himself, remain a candidate. Such a declaration is calculated to deprive him of that nomination, if there were otherwise a certainty of his getting it. “Heads I win, Tails you lose,” is rather too strong a game, in politics, as in less important matters. The very basis upon which Conventions are organized is a spirit of compromise,—the members, as well as those who are willing to received the vote of such bodies, consenting, for the sake of a common triumph, to submit to the chances of an individual sacrifice. If this rule is to be violated—if one of the individuals willing to received its vote, may say, “if you nominate me, I will accept the nomination, but if you do not, I will be a candidate in opposition to your nominee,” it is manifest that Conventions are themselves solemn farces, or even worse. It can scarcely be expected that some two hundred and fifty gentlemen will consent to meet in Philadelphia, in June next, from the most remote parts of the Union, a t great inconvenience and expenses to many if not all of them, simply for the purpose of NOMINATING A GENTLEMAN WHO IS ALREADY IN THE FIELD, “NOLENS VOLENS;” and intends so to remain, whether a majority of them shall think it advisable or inadvisable. For one, we confess we do not like this part of Gen. Taylor’s letter; and, foreseeing that it will constitute an insuperable objection with some, who would be otherwise in favor of Gen. Taylor’s nomination, we regret that he has been induced to assume an attitude so embarrassing to all of his friends, except the handful who expect to support him as an “independent” candidate, and which may have the effect of defeating his own nomination and election. That the General does not care to be elected, one may readily infer from the language of his letter; but, if he be thus indifferent to his own success, he ought to feel some anxiety for the triumph of sound principles and wholesome measures; and we do not very clearly comprehend, therefore, why he has determined so pertinaciously to cling to his position as a candidate for an office that he does not want, in opposition to both the Whig and Democratic nominees, IF BY DOING SO HE SHALL WEAKEN AND DEAFEAT THE FORMER, and render the election of the latter inevitable.
But we have already extended these comments to an unreasonable length,
and we commit the whole subject to the consideration of the country.
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RW48v25i36p4c1, May 5, 1848: Another Letter!
Since the foregoing remarks were written, we have received, in a slip from New Orleans, following important letter from gen. Taylor. It distinctly and with minuteness shadows forth his principles and opinions; and we may add that we are more pleased with it than we have been with any previous exposition of his views. Indeed, as an enunciation of GERNEAL PRINCIPLES, it meets out unqualified approbation; and had we received it before our comments had been prepared on his letter to the Editors of the Republican, we should have deemed them unnecessary. But as they are written, we let them remain. We understand, clearly, now, that, although Gen. Taylor will not WITHDRAW HIS NAME in the event of the nomination of another individual by the Philadelphia Convention, yet his FRIENDS are at liberty to do so whenever THEY may deem it expedient; and that they will unquestionably advise his withdrawal in the event of the nomination of any other Whig, cannot be doubted. The peculiarity of the circumstances under which the General was brought forward as a candidate, AUTHORIZES and almost COMPELS him to take this ground; and for one we are satisfied with it; as indeed we are with the admirable sentiments—and especially those relative to EXECUTIVE POWER and INFLUENCE—embodied in his letter. But our space is already exhausted, and we must defer further remark until to-morrow:
BATON ROUGE, April 22d, 1848.
Capt. J. S. Allison.
Dear Sir: My opinions have recently been so often misconceived and misrepresented, that I deem it due to myself, if not to my friends, to make a brief exposition of them upon the topics to which you have called my attention.
I have consented to the use of my name as a candidate for the Presidency. I have frankly avowed my own distrust of my fitness for that high station, but, having, at the solicitation of many of my countrymen, taken my position as a candidate. I do not feel at liberty to surrender that position, until my friends manifest a wish that I should retire from it. I will then, most gladly do so. I have no private purposes to accomplish—no party projects to build up—no enemies to punish—nothing to serve, but my country.
I have been very often addressed by letter, and my opinions have been asked upon almost every question that might occur to the writers, as affecting the interest of their country or their party. I have not always responded to their inquiries, for various reasons.
I confess, whilst I have great cardinal principles, which will regulate my political life, I am not sufficiently familiar with all the minute details of political legislation, to give solemn pledges to exert my influence, if I were President, to carry out this or defeat that measure. I have no concealment—I hold no opinion which I would not readily proclaim to my assembled countrymen; but crude impressions upon matters of policy, which may be right to-day and wrong to-morrow, are perhaps, not the best test of fitness for office. One cannot be trusted without pledges, cannot be confided in, merely on account of them.
I will proceed, however, now, to respond to your inquiries.
FIRST—I reiterate what I have often said—I am a Whig, but not an ultra-Whig. If elected, I would not be the mere President of a party. I would endeavor to act independent of party domination. I should feel bound to administer the Government, untrammeled by party schemes.
SECOND—The Veto Power. The power given by the Constitution to the Executive to interpose his veto is a high conservative power, but in my opinion, should never be exercised, except in cases of clear violation of the Constitution, or manifest haste and want of consideration by Congress. Indeed, I have thought that for many years past, the known opinions and wishes of the Executive have exercised undue and injurious influence upon the Legislative department of the Government, and from this cause I have thought our system was in danger of undergoing a great change from its true theory. The personal opinions of the individual who may happen to occupy the Executive Chair, ought not to control the action of Congress upon questions of Domestic Policy, nor ought his objections to be interposed, when questions of Constitutional power have been settled by the various Departments of Government, and acquiesced in by the People.
THIRD—Upon the subject of the tariff, the currency, the improvement of our great highways, rivers, lakes, and harbors, the will of the people, as expressed through their representatives in Congress, ought to be respected and carried out by the Executive.
FOURTH—The Mexican war. I sincerely rejoice at the prospect of peace, My life had been devoted to arms, yet I look upon war at all times and under all circumstances, as a national calamity, to be avoided if compatible with national honor. The principles of our Government, as well as its true policy, are opposed to the subjugation of other nations and the dismemberment of other countries by conquest. In the language of the great WASHINGTON, “why should we quit our own, to stand on foreign ground?”
In the Mexican war, our national honor has been vindicated, amply vindicated; and in dictating terms of peace, we may well afford to be forbearing and even magnanimous to our fallen foe.
These are my opinions upon the subjects referred to by you, and any reports of publications, written or verbal, from any source, differing in any essential particulars from what is here written, are unauthorized and untrue.
I do not know that I shall again write upon the subject of national politics. I shall engage in no schemes, no combinations, no intrigues. If the American people have not confidence in me, they ought not to give me their suffrages. If they do not, you know me well enough to believe me, when I declare that I shall be content. I am too old a soldier to murmur against such high authority.
Z. TAYLOR.
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RW48v25i36p4c3, May 5, 1848: European Intervention.
Quite an animated debate arose in the House of Representatives, last Saturday, on the Special Message of the President in regard to the proposed “immediate” relief to the province of Yucatan, with but an ill-concealed expectation of its ultimate annexation. Mr. Holmes, of South Carolina, took occasion to advert, as Mr. Calhoun had done in the Senate, to the President’s reiteration of Mr. Monroe’s doctrine, (as it is called,) and to which Mr. Polk seems to think this Government “pledged” –as any President or any Congress can bind its successors—that European intervention in the affairs of this Continent shall not be hereafter permitted. Whether that doctrine be a sound a one or not—whether the United States Government had the right to dictate political institutions to the independent States of this Continent, and force them to accept the gift, any more than Russia has to set herself up as the great REGULAROTR of European affairs, and to prescribe a form of government for France—we agree with Mr. Holmes that there never was a more inappropriate time of occasion for the assertion of that doctrine. As Mr. Holmes proceeded to remark:
“Because the Yucatenese told them that they were about to be exterminated, and , in obedience to the law of nations—salus reipublica suprema Lex—which in all minds should be above all other considerations, to save their lives, appealed to other countries, did this country, in this enlightened age, when all Europe was responding to the sentiment that a people have the right to select for themselves their won guardians in a manner and form agreeable to their own institutions—should we say, while we are unable to rescue them from the difficulties by which they are surrounded, that we will interpose between them and any other country that should attempt to give them the necessary aid and protection? Should we, in advance, throw ourselves before other nations and bid them defiance, and say to them respectively, Stop; if you do afford protection, if you do throw the aegis of your protection over these people to whom we are not able to afford assistance, we will meet you in a conflict of arms? That doctrine of Mr. Monroe was applied, be it remembered, at the time the allied sovereigns were about to interfere with self-government. When the States of South America had disenthralled themselves, the allied sovereigns, fearing difficulties in Europe from the diffusion of free sentiments and the establishment of republics in South America, contemplated bringing back to colonial subjection the southern hemisphere. But we promptly met them; and the people, feeling the justice of the course—feeling a hearty sympathy with South America—were willing to support Mr. Monroe; but did that include the doctrine that Yucatan should not choose who should be her protector? Did it prohibit her from calling upon any nation for protection? He warned gentlemen—he warned this country—while we are assuming this bold attitude, not to be so lofty in their pretensions. There was yet one nation that had not lost the imperial diadem, and such pretensions might involve us in a calamitous war. He protested against that doctrine which the President in his message had promulgated, and he hoped it would not be sanctioned by this House.”
There was a time, indeed—and that, too, long after the proclamation of Mr. Monroe’s doctrine—that James K. Polk, then occupying a position much better adapted to his capacity than that tot which he has been since elevated by blind and capricious Fortune, HIMSELF VEHEMENTLY OPPOSED THE DOCTRINE of which he has recently become so violently enamored. In 1828, as a member of the House of Representatives, when John Q. Adams, then President, appointed Ministers to Panama, to confer with those of other American Republics, as to the best means of mutual protection against European aggression—not to set up this nation as the “Grand Protector” of all the rest,—Mr. Polk made the following remarks, which constitute a striking commentary upon his Yucatan message:
FROM MR. POLK’S SPEECH ON THE PANAMA MISSION.
“He had voted for it [a resolution adverse to the message] because he
believed it was declaratory of that uniform course of policy so happily pursued
by the Government, form the adoption of the constitution to the present period;
because it was, as he conceived, still the true policy of the country; and
because, being opposed, as he was, to the proposed mission to the Congress
of Panama, under any circumstances, he wished to signify to the President
and his Cabinet, by a distinct expression of opinion by the popular branch
of the Legislature of the Union, the views which they entertained of THE
TRUE POLICY OF THE COUNTRY.—That object had been effected by the vote of
yesterday.—By that vote it was distinctly announced by a majority
the House, as their opinion, that our policy with foreign nations is the
same now as that laid down by WASHINGTON, in his Farewell Address to the
American People; that no circumstances had occurred in our foreign relations,
or in the political connexions of other Powers with each other, which authorized
us to change that policy or to hazard the experiment of a new one. We had
distinctly declared it as our opinion, by the adoption of that amendment,
that our policy was now, as it ever had been, to observe a strict neutrality
between all belligerent Powers; that in extending our commercial relations
with foreign nations, we should have with them as little political connection
as possible; that we should preserve peace, commerce, and friendship with
all nations, and form entangling alliances with none; that we should not
form any alliance, offensive or defensive, or negotiate respecting such an
alliance, with all f nay of the South American Republics; nor should we become
parties with them, or either of them, to any joint declaration for the purpose
of preventing the interference of any of the European Powers with their independence
or form of government; or ‘to any compact for the purpose of preventing colonization
on the continent of America.’ These are sentiments, Mr. P. said, to
which he most willingly subscribed. However strong his sympathies might
be in favor of liberty and republican institutions, in whatever part of the
world they might make their appearance, the peace, the quiet, and prosperity
of his own country were paramount to every other consideration.”
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RW48v25i36p4c4, May 5, 1848: From the Rio Grande.
By the arrival of the schooner, H.L.Scranton, Capt. Taber, from Brazos Santiago, we have dates from Matamoros of the 8th inst., and Monterey to the 29th ult. There is but little news upon the Rio Grande of much interest, the stirring scenes which have been enacted upon that line having given place to the utter and insufferable dullness of a line of garrisons where a robbery or murder is looked upon as a great event.
The Monterey Gazette of the 25th ult. states that a report is in circulation in that city that several American merchants have been murdered near Mazapil, but is unable to trace it to any authentic source.
The same paper states that the 16th Infantry, who have been garrisoning the city, have been ordered out to Walnut Springs.
Appropriate honors were paid to the memory of John Quincy Adams at Monterey by the 16th Infantry, on the 22d ult. A cannon was fired every half hour during the day from the citadel, and thirteen in the morning and twenty-nine at sun-set.
The Gazette learns from its agent in Saltillo, who had just arrived from Parras, that three Virginia volunteers had been murdered there a short time previous. The perpetrators had been arrested.
The news of the ratification of the treaty by our Congress was received
by Gen. Wool at Monterey on the 29th inst.
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RW48v25i36p4c4, May 5, 1848: Later from Santa Fe.
Advices have been received at St. Louis, by an arrival from the far West, which contains accounts from El Paso to the 3d ult. and Santa Fe to a correspondingly later date.
Gen. Price had finally marched for Chihuahua with his whole disposable force, in fine order and spirits, and eager to meet the enemy, who were reported to have mustered in strong numbers to oppose their entry into the capital of the State.
At Santa Fe there were indications of another attempt at insurrection, the Mexican population daily becoming more insolent, and appearing disposed to take advantage of the absence of Gen. Price with his command. Precautionary measures had been taken to suppress any EMEUTE.
Intelligence from Iowa, received a St. Louis, has settled the question of the contested election in that State. It is ascertained from the returns, that Harlin, Whig, has been elected Superintendent of Instruction by 75 majority over Thos. H. Benton, Jr. the candidate of the opposite party.—This sets at rest the rumors that have been floating about in favor of each.
An explosion had taken place in a powder and fire work establishment in
Cincinnati, by which two persons were killed and three seriously injured.
Names not given.—Much damage was done the houses in the neighborhood by
the concussion, in broken glass, &c.
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RW48v25i36p4c6, May 5, 1848: Congress. Correspondence of the Baltimore American. Washington, April 28. United States Senate.
The Senate transacted no business to-day. Shortly before 12 o’clock, the Committee of Arrangements and Pallbearers, with the coffin containing the body of the deceased Senator Ashley, beautifully decorated with flowers, entered the Chamber, followed by the Senator and Representative of Arkansas, the widow, daughter and personal friends of the deceased. The President and Private Secretary, with Messrs. Buchanan, Walker and Marcy, entered immediately afterwards, and were soon followed by the members of the House of Representatives.
There were also present several officers of the army and navy, members of the corps diplomatique, and other distinguished gentlemen; but the number of spectators in the galleries and lobbies, owing to the state of the weather was no so large as is usual when the last honors are paid at the Capitol to distinguished men of the nation.
The services commenced with an impressive and eloquent prayer by Rev. Mr. Gurley. The funeral discourse was delivered by Rev. Mr. Slicer, from I. Peter, 24th and 25th: verses: “For all flesh is as grass, and all the glory of man as the flower of the grass: the grass withereth, and the flower of the grass fadeth away: but the Word of the Lord endureth forever.”
The Reverend Speaker commenced with an allusion to the fact that within the short period of eighteen months, Death had six times visited that Chamber, Heaven thus demonstrating not only the mortality of public men, but the facility with which that mortality reaches even the most elevated. The only fact stated in the course of the discourse, which has not already been published, was that the last words of Mr. Ashley, to those who surrounded his bed of death, was—“Pray for your country, and prepare to meet me in Heaven.”
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
The House met at 12 o’clock, and the journal was read, when the members proceeded to the Senate Chamber to attend the funeral of Mr. Ashley.
(The remains of Mr. Ashley were deposited in the receiving vault at the
Congressional Burying Ground. His remains, it is understood, will not be
removed to Arkansas, and the National Cemetery will be his final resting
place.)
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RW48v25i37p1c5, May 9, 1848: Congress. Correspondence of the Baltimore American. Washington, May 5. United States Senate.
Mr. Atchison introduced a bill granting the right of way through the public lands in Missouri, and granting alternate sections of the same, for the construction of a railroad between certain points on the Missouri and Mississippi rivers.The resolution offered by Mr. Johnson, of Md., inquiring of the President whether any officers, civil or military, were acting under commissions from the President, whose ap-ments had not been submitted to the Senate for confirmation, and why? Was taken up and adopted, but the vote was subsequently reconsidered, on motion of Mr. Allen, and held over.
On the motion of Mr. Hannegan, the Senate proceeded to the consideration of the Bill to enable the President to take temporary military possession of Yucatan.
Mr. Hannegan addressed the Senate, in reply to the remarks of Mr. Calhoun on the day the message of the President on this subject was presented.
He was unable to discover the dangers in which the Senator had alluded, but had not stated. He could perceive no hidden rocks upon which we were to …shipwreck, if the measure was adopted and the old required furnished.
The President, he said, does not ask …expressly prohibits, the permanent occupation of Yucatan. Considerations, it is true, might arise, which would render it necessary to turn it into something more than a temporary occupation, and he desired now to make this declaration, for he wished no disguises.
We have positive information not only that England intends but that she has interfered in the affairs of Yucatan. She has taken possession of the Belize, and advanced her troops from Honduras into Southern Yucatan, under the pretence of protecting the interests of her own subjects.
But her desires, he entertained no doubt, were to obtain possession of Yucatan, and he had no more doubt that if she did obtain Yucatan, her efforts would next be directed to the obtainment of Cuba also.
Give her Cuba, and she would control the mouth of the Mississippi as easily as she now controls the mouth of the Thames; and her power would be extended to the entire North American coast. Would the Congress of the United States stand by and see this?
It had come out; in the correspondence with Mr. Sierra, that the agent of England had actually furnished the Indians with the very arms which they are using against the white population of Yucatan.
He represented that it was not the intention of the President, or of the bill, to take permanent possession of Yucatan, unless compelled by unavoidable circumstances, and then the whole matter would be within the control of Congress.
Mr. Clayton gave his reasons which would influence him in voting against the bill. The President says, in his Message, that, during the continuance of he war with Mexico, if he could spare the troops, he would take possession of Yucatan and offer the aid desired. But the bill provides for tan indefinite occupation of Yucatan. It was true the word “temporary” was introduced, but that was a very indefinite expression. He desired to know how long it was contemplated by this bill to continue this occupation?
The bill also, he said, was in violation of the treaty of peace with Mexico, and of the terms of the armistice. A Congress was about to assemble at Queretaro, with a fair prospect of ratifying that treaty. And was not it probable that when the intelligence that this bill is before the Senate reached them, this would throw the treaty to the wind—reject it—considering the movement not as intended to repress the incursions of the Indians, but to take permanent possession of one of the States in her confederacy.
The passage of this bill would be a violation of the treaty, unless we obtained from Mexico her consent to send our troops into her territory.
Mr. Jefferson Davis said Yucatan was recognized as a part of Mexico, and being so a part, we had the right, during the existence of the war, to send our troops into that territory. The President only asked for troops to carry out objects entirely consonant with the prosecution of the war with Mexico.
As to the question of seizing certain points in the gulf, in the exigency to which the Senator from Indiana had referred, he declared that he would not hesitate for one moment. And even if we had no war with Mexico, he would still stand by the people of that country in their present struggle.
But here there was no such difficulty. We are at war with Mexico, and the only event in which we are allowed, during the existence of the armistice, to take possession of any other territory of Mexico had transpired—it had been rendered necessary by “acts of the Mexicans themselves”—“there had been a military movement by Mexicans.”
He moved certain amendments, in conclusion, not affecting the character of the bill, but designed so to modify its provisions as to merely establish a “new military post,” leaving the right to take possession to the authority given under the act “recognizing the existence of a war with Mexico.”
Mr. Crittenden opposed the feature of the bill which provided for raising additional volunteers, to take the place of those withdrawn from other portions of the service in Mexico. Where was the necessity, he said, of any provision, when there is already another bill before the Senate providing for 20,k000 additional volunteers? If the exigencies of the war required it, he was ready to vote for any additional number; but no such exigency had yet arisen.
The measure proposed, so far from having was in view as its object, is presented as a measure of charity, of humanity. And he could not perceive that under the terms of the armistice, we could take possession of a province not in our hands at the time the armistice was made. It could not be contended that such would be a fair construction of the armistice.
He was also opposed to the bill, on the ground of inexpediency. It was contrary to sound policy to involve the country in a difficulty of this character. He was opposed to any such intervention by one country in reference to the affairs of another, even as an act of humanity—to engage in that which might lead to war throughout the world, and thus, by endeavoring to allay one calamity, to create a greater. We should allow every nation, as we would every family, to manage its own affairs.
He would succor the distressed and relieve the needy, but it was impossible to do this by any general system, regulating such intercourse between nations, as here proposed.
The Indians whom it was proposed to put down, were as much citizens of Yucatan as those whom it was proposed to succor, and entitled to the same privileges. But he would rescue the white population if possible, even though they had, for ages, oppressed and borne down their present oppressors. But he would not do it by withdrawing our troops from other portions of Mexico.
We would only make our interposition effectual by placing an army in Yucatan, and that he had no disposition to do until he understood fully everything connected with this question—until he could reconcile the whole subject with the great principle of non-intervention.
Mr. Jefferson Davis replied to a portion of Mr. Crittenden’s remarks; and was followed by Mr. Foote. The evidence before them, he said, was of such a character that, if they did not act, they would disgrace the country, and justly incur the execration of the whole civilized world.
In the course of his remarks he expressed, in strong terms, his opinion that neither Yucatan nor Cuba should be permitted to fall into the hands of any European power, even if we were compelled to go to war to prevent it. And he declared also, if he were President of the U. States—a position which he never expected to occupy—he would not hesitate now to apply to the government of Spain to transfer, on just terms, the Island of Cuba to the government of the United States.
At the conclusion of Mr. Foote’s remarks, the Senate adjourned to Monday.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
After several unsuccessful efforts were made to introduce resolutions, the Speaker laid before the House a communication from W. W. Brent, stating that he had just received, addressed to his care, from Robert Walsh, United States Consul at Paris, a portrait of Major Gen’l Baron de Kalb, to be presented to Congress, as an offering from the surviving family of De Kalb, persons of great distinction and worth, and asking the decision of Congress in regard to the reception and disposition to be made of the picture—referred to the Library Committee.
Mr. Stewart, of Pennsylvania, asked the unanimous consent of the House to introduce the following:
Resolved, That “the power given by the constitution to the Executive, to interpose his veto, is a high conservative power, which should never be exercised except in cases of clear violation of the constitution, or manifest haste and want of consideration by Congress.”
Resolved, That “the personal opinions of the individual who may happen to occupy the executive chair ought not to control the action of Congress upon questions of domestic policy, nor ought his objections to be interposed when questions of constitutional power have been settled by the various departments of the government, and acquiesced in by the people.”
Resolved, That “upon the subjects of the tariff, the currency, the improvements of our great highways, rivers, lakes, and harbors, the will of the people, as expressed through their representatives in Congress, ought to be respected and carried our by the Executive.”
Resolved, That war, at all times and under all circumstances, is a national calamity, to be avoided if compatible with national honor,” that “the PRINCIPLES of our government, as well as its true POLICY, are opposed to the subjugation of other nations and the dismemberment of other countries by CONQUEST—for, in the language of the great Washington, ‘why should we quit our own soil to stand on foreign ground.’”
Objections being made, the resolutions were not received.
On motion of Mr. Rockwell, the House then resolved itself into committee of the whole, for the consideration of private bills, and after taking up one or two of this character, found itself without a quorum, the roll was called, the committee rose and reported the names of the absentees to the House, and they were ordered to be entered on the journal.
A quorum having appeared, a number of private bills were subsequently
considered in committee of the whole, reported to the House, and passed.
And then, at 20 minutes past 1 o’clock, the House adjourned until to-morrow.
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RW48v25i37p2c1, May 9, 1848: How Gen’l Taylor come to cross the Nueces.
Notwithstanding the pertinacity with which the supporters of the Polk Administration have defended the order given to Gen. Taylor to march to the Rio Grande, on the false and flimsy pretext, as admitted by themselves in various official acts, that that river, from its source to its mouth, constituted the true boundary between Texas and Mexico—an assumption, which, if it had been well founded, would not only have justified the order in question, but rendered it imperative—they have nevertheless impliedly confessed that it was a great blunder, by endeavoring to divide the responsibility of that act between the Administration and Gen. Taylor—which they would never have done had the act itself been a defensible one. For this purpose they seized, in the first place, upon an expression in one of Gen. Taylor’s letters to the War Department, to the effect that the army ought promptly to take its position at some eligible point on the Rio Grande, if the President had determined to insist, as a sine qua non, upon that river as the boundary. But this perversion of a suggestion founded upon a contingency over which the President alone had control, into a positive recommendation, is manifestly so preposterous and absurd that it has been abandoned except by a few of the more unscrupulous party hacks, who, like the witness that had testified that a certain horse in dispute was fourteen feet, instead of fourteen hands high, refused, as he had once sworn to it, to retract his declaration. More recently, however, a convenient witness against Gen. Taylor upon this point was found in one Dr. Kimmell, of Hinds county, Mississippi, who transmitted to one of the representatives of that State in Congress a fabulous narrative of a conversation between Gen. Taylor and himself, in which the General was made to assume the entire responsibility of bringing on the war with Mexico, byt eh movement of his army from the Neuces to the Rio Grande, and entirely to exculpate Mr. Polk from all censure in respect to it!—Even if the fact were so, we are at a loss to conceive why the friends of the Administration should in one breath contend that all the territory between the Neuces and the Rio Grande belonged to Texas, and therefore that the President was bound to take possession of it, while they assert in the next that he would not have discharged this high and solemn obligation had he not been prompted so to so by Gen. Taylor’s advice! They betray, by this mode of argument, their own conviction, that the order to Gen’l Taylor to advance from Corpus Christi was unjustifiable in itself.—Otherwise they would place the President’s vindication upon the impregnable ground of right and duty, instead of endeavoring to show that it was necessary that he should be instigated to its performance by Gen. Taylor’s recommendation.
The New Orleans National throws some additional light on the subject, by the publication of the following letter from Baton Rouge, (Gen. Taylor’s place of residence,) written, it informs us, “by a gentleman acquainted with the facts,” (not improbably by Major Bliss.) It not only exonerates Gen. Taylor from all agency in advising that act of war, but shows that he would not even CROSS THE NEUCES until he had received positive instructions from the War Department:
BATON ROUGE, April 27, 1848.
Editor of the Evening National.—The National Intelligencer of the 8th inst. contains the proceedings of the lower House of Congress of the previous day, the spirit of which is, to force the impression on the people of the country, that Gen. Taylor originated the order, and marched on to Matamoras by his own will and judgment. That any member of congress should be so unscrupulous or so ignorant of the true history of General Taylor’s movements, is a matter of surprise, as documents already published by the “War Department” give the outlines, if not the particulars, relative to the subject, so clearly, that there need be no justifiable cause of misinterpretation.
When Gen. Taylor was ordered to Mexico, he was i8nstructed to take up
a position NEAR the Rio Grande, POINT ISABEL BEING NAMED AS A PROPER PLACE,
but in consequence of having large discretionary powers, he preferred to
take a position on undeniably American soil, rather than infringe upon disputed
territory. He therefore made his head quarters at Corpus Christi, a place
that, beyond its being within the acknowledged boundary of Texas, was inconvenient,
and in no way favorable for an encampment—still Gen. Taylor prepared to suffer
every evil incident to his situation, rather than in any way compromit his
government. After Gen. Taylor had been some time at Corpus Christi, Maj.
Donaldson, the representative of the United States government in Texas, came
to Gen. Taylor’s camp for the especial purpose of advising General Taylor
NOT TO CROSS THE NUECES, lest he should involve the government in a war in
Mexico; Gen. Taylor in the mean time having been informed by “the government”
that it wished him to confer with Maj. Donaldson. In the course of events,
Maj. Donaldson left Gen. Taylor’s camp, and there came on from Washington
letters to Gen. Taylor, informing him that he should move part of his force
west of the Nueces. Gen. Taylor not wishing to divide his small command
and the government having relieving him of the responsibility of crossing
the Nueces, he took his whole force over, as he could by so doing, readily
obtain a good camping ground, and a depot convenient for his military stores.
The events that followed this movement on the part of Gen. Taylor are familiar
to the world. The above is a true statement of the preliminaries that led
to the advance of our army on Matamoras.—The main facts can be gathered,
as I have stated, from the “public documents” already published, containing
the correspondence of Gen. Taylor with the war department, previous to the
battles of the 8th and 9th of May. Othe facts stated
can be proved if denied. The most superficial observer must perceive, that
Gen. Taylor has never been inconsistent, and that charges made against him,
whether frivolous or of weight, when examined into, only cause his prudence
and strict “obeying of orders” to be more and more admired. The statements
made in Congress that some individual from Mississippi had called on General
Taylor at Baton Rouge, and that in a long conversation he had with General
Taylor, the General admitted he took the responsibility of moving across
the Nueces, caused me to write you this letter. The publication of an admitted
private conversation is certainly very indelicate, but when it professes
to give the details of a conversation that NEVER TOOK PLACE, it amounts to
the committal of the most offensive falsehood.
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RW48v25i37p2c3, May 9, 1848: Effect of General Taylor’ Letter.
The tone of several of the leading Whig presses at the North, heretofore most decidedly opposed to the nomination of Gen. Taylor, or even to the consideration of his claims by a Whig Convention, has undergone a marked change since the publication of the General’s letter to Capt. Allison. Among these is the New York Express, the opposition of which to Gen. Taylor has been of the most decided character, which now says: “The Allison letter is a good enough Whig letter for us, we must confess; and but little or no fault can be found with its promulgation of a Whig creed. Nobody wishes a Whig President to be the President to administer the government trammeled by party schemes. It is a Whig doctrine, too, that as Congress represents the people in the matter of the currency, internal improvements, tariffs, &c. the Executive should yield to the people’s will, and not set up any opinion of his own against the public representation in Congress. All this, however, has been the reverse of the Democracy, since Gen. Jackson made the vetoes of one man the ‘Democratic’ doctrine of the many. * * * We should have no hesitancy in supporting him if nominated by the Whig Convention.”
But perhaps the most significant sign is the letter of the Washington
correspondent of the New York Tribune, extracts from which we subjoin: (see
next article).
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RW48v25i37p2c3, May 9, 1848: Correspondence of the N. Y. Tribune. Washington, Wednesday, May 3.
The letter of Gen. TAYLOR to his brother-in-law, Capt. ALLISON, which appears in the City papers to-day, gives new strength to the party of his friends here. Of late there has been some lukewarmness in his cause. But from the feeling manifested to day, all the enthusiasm hitherto felt for his services and for his character is destined to a powerful revival, aye, and to an increased strength.
The effect of his late production is no better developed in the increased
animation of his friends than in the increased apprehensions of his opponents.
The UNION of this morning devotes a whole column to his demotion—columns
of such kind the honest soldier need no more regard than such a she dispersed
at Buena Vista.
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RW48v25i37p2c3, May 9, 1848: The Union finds fault with the General’s idea of the veto-power.
The Union finds fault with the General’s idea of the veto-power. Its own idea would seem to be, that the power was lodged in the hands of the President, to save the people from their own madness—a breakwater against the consummation of their own wishes. The true deduction from which premises is, that the President, elected for a term of four years, should, of his own arbitrary will, interpose and neutralize the action of the people as expressed by their immediate representatives. Such in theory is it under the English constitution; in practice, however, it is less formidable there than with us.
There is a striking resemblance between the views of Gen. TAYLOR on this
subject and those communicated by Mr. CLAY in his Senatorial term: it is
a resemblance, in truth, not confined to idea, but extending to the words
themselves in which the two distinguished gentlemen make known their opinions.
The interposition of the Executive veto should never take place where questions
of Constitutional power have been established by the uniform practice of
the various Departments of the Government, and have been acquiesced in by
the People. Such was the opinion of MADISON and MONROE, sanctioned by their
practice—such is the opinion of WEBSTER, of CLAY, and of TAYLOR. Of course,
this letter of Gen. TAYLOR, will be productive of abundant commentary. At
present, perhaps, it requires mostly a paper perusal.
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RW48v25i37p2c3, May 9, 1848: American Deserters in Mexico.
The New Orleans Delta contains a letter from the city of Mexico, under the date of the 8th ult., which says:
Last night, about twenty soldiers and teamsters deserted, taking with them the best horses they could lay their hands on, together with their full arms and equipments. It is supposed, with good reason, that their object is to form a banditti, for the purposes of plundering the highways, the haciendas, and the churches of the small towns: We learn that there is already a band of American deserters and followers of the Army, to the number of about 100, now organized and operating in this way. They may have Mexicans connected with them, for all we know. Active measures have been taken to ferret them out, but as their places of rendezvous are in the mountains, they will be hard to break up, as a party large enough to destroy them could not move as fast as they can, and a small party they would be able to defeat, for there are some very desperate men among them.
Last evening, as the Rev Mr. McCarthy, Chaplain of the Army, was riding
through one of the streets in this city, two leperos placed a pistol at his
head and made him dismount, and then very quickly robbed him of his watch,
all the money he had in his pockets, and his horse. Shortly after Lt. French
came along the same place, and they attempted the same thing with him, but
with not so mush success—he drew his sabre and soon extricated himself.
[BWP]
RW48v25i37p2c5, May 9, 1848: From the N O Mercury, May 1. Prospects of Peace.
There is much reason to fear that it would be impossible to assemble a quorum of the Mexican Congress at the seat of Government. The absentees arrive very slowly.
The Arco Iris, of the 20th ult. says that at a preparatory meeting of Deputies held at Queretaro, on the 10th ult. it was resolved—
The same paper of the 17th ult says: “Various persons write to us from Queretaro that the disorders committed by the officers are insufferable, and the soldiers have become so infected with their pronunciamento mania, that a certain very well known general, who possesses the confidence of the government asserts, that as soon as the Yankees have left, he will pronounce against the Federation.”
FROM GUATEMALA, YUCATAN, ECUADOR, &c.—A letter from Merida, dated March 21st says:
“Yesterday the Spanish corvette Luisa Fernanda arrived at Sisal. Three other vessels of war, belonging to the same nation, arrived with her. We have received the guns, cannon, powder, and everything we expected, excepting the $200,000, which it was not possible for the authorities of Havana to land us.”
Another letter in the same paper, from Campeachy, dated April 9th, contains the following:
“Concerning the unfortunate condition of our country, I can only tell you that yesterday the schooner Aparecida arrived here from New Orleans. She brings information that the government at Washington had ordered Commodore Perry to this point, with some troops, in order to save those points which have not yet fallen into the power of the Indians, who still continue their advance upon the capital, committing the most outrageous acts of barbarity.”
GUATEMALA.—A treaty has been entered into between Great Britain and Guatemala. It was signed on the 22d of February.
Gen. Bustamente is taking measures to suppress the formidable insurrection
of the Indians in the State of San Luis Potosi. A part of his division had
marched against a large body of Indians who were concentrated at the town
of Xichu, to which place they had retired, after having burned the town of
San Diego del Biscocho.
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RW48v25i37p2c5, May 9, 1848: From the N O Picayune, April 30. Six Days Later from Vera Cruz.
Return of Mr. Trist and Gen. Cadwalader.
The steamships Augusta and Virginia left Vera Cruz on Saturday, the 22d inst. The Augusta came up to town, yesterday afternoon, while the Virginia, having got a drift log in one of her wheels, was obliged to come to anchor a Poverty Point, fifteen miles below the city. It is hardly probable that she will come up before our paper goes to press.
Gen. Cadwalader and Mr. Trist came over passengers on the Virginia, and will no doubt come up to town this morning. The great mail sent by the Virginia, but we received a package of letters and papers by the Augusta containing Vera Cruz papers to the 22d, and from the city of Mexico to the 15th. In another column we have given the twenty-sixth day’s proceedings of the court of inquiry. We understand that the impression was that the court would not adjourn for three weeks, and that Gen. Scott would await its adjournment. The Star of the 15th says that he is in fine health.
The burden of the editorial articles in the Star is that there is yet no quorum of Congress at Queretaro. It is obvious from the Star’s reiterated complaints that there is great fear lest no quorum should meet at all. We have not room to-day for its articles, but this is the burden of them.
Major Stewart, of the Pay Department, arrived in the city of Mexico on the 14th.
Paredes as late as the 11th inst. had not been arrested by the Mexican Government. He was still at San Luis, and, accosting to a letter in El Eco de Comercio, “taking up his residence with the different lawyers in the place.” We hear nothing more of his designs.
There is no further news from Chihuahua.
The ship American sailed from Vera Cruz for this port on the 19th inst. with ninety-two sick soldiers in charge of Dr. Wright.
We gather some miscellaneous intelligence from the Vera Cruz papers.
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RW48v25i37p2c6, May 9, 1848: Congress. Correspondence of the Baltimore American. Washington, May 6. The Senate was not in Session to-day. House of Representatives.
The Senate was not in session to-day.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
Under the new rule, Mr. Go.. handed to the Clerk notice for a motion for leave to introduce a bill allowing compensation to the members of the Senate and House of Representatives, and to the Delegates from Territories, and appealing all other laws on the subject.
Mr. Rockwell of Conn. Offered a resolution for terminating the debate in Committee of the Whole on the bill for the relief of the legal representatives of Richard W. Monde, in two hours, after it shall again be taken up.
The motion was modified so as to read “Friday next, at 2 P. M.” and then agreed to.
After some unimportant business, the House, in Committee, took up the
bill for the relief of R. W. Monde, which was discussed until half past 2,
when the House adjourned.
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RW48v25i37p2c5 May 9, 1848: (From the True American of the 18th). Arrival of Gen. Cadwalader and Mr. Trist.
A train arrived yesterday from the city of Mexico. The escort was commanded as far as Jalapa by Lieut. Col Emery, and from Jalapa to this place by Major Gardner. The mounted escort was under the command of Lieut. Waters, of the Louisiana Volunteers.
Gen. Cadwalader and MR. Trist, framer of the treaty, accompanied the train.
On the road, near Passa la Vega, a Mexican reported to the commander of the escort that he had been robbed of some mules, and stated that the robbers were in the chaparral. Lieut. Hawkins dismounted ten of his men and started in search of the ruffians, and shortly afterwards returned with them, having surprised and taken them in the most admirable manner. They are now in custody.
This train left Mexico on the 7th inst. and on the 10th day after its departure arrived here.
A grand banquet was given in Vera Cruz the evening of the 16th inst. by the French residents and others in honor of the revolution in France. It is quite out of our power to give place to the enthusiastic proceedings. The Americans were to celebrate the same glorious event on the 22d inst.
The Free American remains of opinion that there is little prospect of peace. On the 19th its language is:
“We announced, a few days ago, that we had conversed with a gentleman from Mexico, who was of opinion that the members of Congress would not vote for the treaty as ratified at Washington. We have since seen two letters from influential men, one at Queretaro and the other at Mexico, who coincide with the opinion of the gentlemen in question. Another letter says that should the members of Congress violate the constitution of Mexico by ceding any part of the territory, the same members will have to ask the United States to leave a force of several thousand men to keep order in the Republic. The writer is of opinion that so soon as the American troops will embark for the United States, the Government will be overthrown, and new causes for war will be given to the United States by the turbulent people of this country.”
We regret to learn that Gen. Kearny has been seriously ill at Vera Cruz; at the same time we rejoice that he was pronounced out of danger and convalescent at last accounts.
The State of Mexico gives its voice for Gen. Herrera as President, he receiving 152 out of 166 votes.
There was a caucus of the members of Congress present at Queretaro on the 10th inst., at which resolutions were adopted to prevent members then present from afterwards absenting themselves, and to fill one or two seats made vacant by promotion or otherwise. It appeared that but few members were then wanting to form a quorum—but this is an old story.
The Congress of the State of Vera Cruz assembled this day; that of Puebla met on the 0th. D. Juan Mujica y Osorio was appointed Governor of the latter State.
There are 2000 Mexican troops in Queretaro, and yet on the 12th inst. a diligence was attacked within half a mile of the city by eight men. They fired upon the passengers, but the latter showed fight and killed one of the robbers. The passengers returned to town, however, lest they should be again attacked.
The Monitor Republicano of the 14th inst. says that, on the
10th, Gen. Bustamente was at the village of Dolores with a party
of his division, while another portion had gone against the Indians of the
village of Xichu, an insurrection of whom had become formidable. They had
had the audacity, so confident were they in their numbers, to sack the village
of San Diego del Biscocho.
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RW48v25i37p4c1, May 9, 1848: The Locofoco Platform.
In little more than a fortnight the Democratic nominating Convention will assemble in the city of Baltimore; and, in anticipation of that event, to which of course the Democracy are looking forward with deep interest, the Washington Union republishes in part the famous Resolutions adopted at Baltimore in 1844, and urges their readoption in 1848, as its platform of action. The Union takes care to strike out the Oregon resolution—[the tragedy of Hamlet, with the character of Hamlet omitted “by particular desire.”] We are not surprised at this omission, since its re-publication would have been a stinging satire upon the termination of a controversy which, although it ought not to have constituted a party issue, was cunningly seized upon at Baltimore for the purpose of reconciling the non-slaveholding States to the “immediate” annexation of Texas. “Oregon and Texas” were made the twin-stems of a system of territorial extension—the one in the South and the other in the North—and it was hoped, by the adroit political managers who blended them at Baltimore, (and not without reason, as the result demonstrated,) that, by using this balance-pole, with Texas suspended at one end and Oregon at the other, a safe equip… might be found, and the sectional objections which might be fatal to each, of the questions were separated, be thereby successfully obviated. Thus, if a the North, it was objected that the annexation of Texas to the Union would add to the number of slaveholding States, the answer was at hand—the increase will be more than counterbalanced by the larger number of non-slaveholding State to be formed in Oregon—and vice versa. But the ligament that bound the Siamese twins at Baltimore was severed after the election of Mr. Polk. The joint resolution for the annexation of Texas indeed, had been passed by Congress and hurried off by express to the Executive of that Republic before Mr. Polk had been inaugurated; while the formidable power of Great Britain deterred that functionary from the trial of so summary an experiment in relation to Oregon. In the decision of the Texas question, negotiation, the only constitutional process of acquiring foreign territory—if indeed the constitution prescribes any mode by which such territory may be added to the Union—was superseded by legislation: In the decision of the Oregon question, however, the Executive adhered, doubtless for sufficient reasons, to diplomatic arrangement. And the result was, as the country knows, that, instead of maintaining the ground taken in the Baltimore resolution, and from which he had given a solemn pledge not to deviate a hair’s breadth, because, as he declared, our title was “clear and unquestionable,” to all the territory claimed, President Polk surrendered to Great Britain all of it lying between the parallels of 49 and 54-40! We are not surprised, therefore, we repeat, that the Union, in the re-publication of the Baltimore resolutions, omitted that, which, if published, would have shown that its party had been faithless to at least one of the “principles” embodies in them, and its President false to the “pledge” he had given strictly to stick to the schedule.
But have the Democratic Party and its President been true to the great fundamental principles embodied in the Baltimore resolutions, and to many of which not a Whig in the Union would refuse to subscribe? So far from it it is, in part at least, because they have shamelessly violated those principles that we would expel them from power. Let us select a few of the most prominent, and bring these gentlemen to the test of comparison. The first great principle asserted by the Baltimore Convention, and in which we heartily concur, is in these words:
“1. That the federal government is one of limited powers, derived solely from the constitution, and the grants of power shown therein ought to be strictly construed by all the departments and agents of the government; and that it is inexpedient and dangerous to exercise doubtful constitutional powers.”
Who denies this proposition? We venture to say that no politician, of any party in the United States, will refuse to give it his assent. But what mockery is it, in one who advocated the annexation of Texas, by a joint resolution of Congress, to prate about the strict construction of the constitution—or for a President who has usurped the war-making power, and who, since the war with Mexico began, has levied duties by a treasury order in Mexican ports, and expended the revenue so collected without the sanction of the law,—and who had organized territorial governments, by his own showing, both within and without the limits of the United States, and appointed legislative, judicial and executive officers without authority of law—what solemn mockery in him and his friends to talk about the danger of exercising doubtful constitutional powers!
The next proposition affirmed in the Baltimore resolutions is in this language:
“2. That the constitution does not confer upon the general government the power to commence and carry on a general system of internal improvements.”
The President ha, we believe, faithfully conformed his action to this resolution. But has the Democratic party done so? We have heretofore shown that General Jackson and Mr. Van. Buren expended a muck (sic) larger sum for internal improvements than any President, before or since their time. But, besides this, how many of the members of Congress of that party voted for the River and Harbor Bills that Mr. Polk vetoed? Has not a large majority of that party, in the House of Representatives, at the present session, declared, by a solemn vote, that the constitution does confer upon Congress the very power which the Baltimore resolution denies to that body? Indeed, as if to render the contrast between the declared PRINCIPLES of this Democratic party and its ACTION more striking and vivid, we find, in the very same number of the Union in which the Baltimore resolutions are reproduced, an editorial synopsis of the proceedings of the Senate of the 3d instant, which we proceed to quote for the edification of those who put their trust in creeds and creed-makers. The Union’s Congressional synopsis says:
“On motion of Mr. Douglas, the Senate took up the bill granting to the State of Illinois the right of way and a donation of public land for making a railroad connecting the Upper and Lower Mississippi with the chain of northern lakes at Chicago.
“This bill led to considerable discussion, in which <r. Douglas, Mr. Clarke. Mr. Niles, Mr. Crittenden, Mr. Bagby, Mr. Butler, Mr. Benton, Mr. Cass, Mr. Calhoun, Mr. Foote, and others took part; when the question was taken by yeas and nays on ordering the bill to be engrossed, and decided in the affirmative—yeas 24, nays 11, as follows:
“YEAS—Messrs Allen, Atchison, Badger, Bell, Benton, Borland, Breese, Bright, Cass, Clarke, Clayton, Crittenden, Davis of Mississippi, Douglas, Felen, Foote, Greene, Hannegan, Houston, Johnson of Louisiana, Mangum, Spruance, Underwood and Westcott—24.
“NAYS—Messrs. Atherton, Bagby, Butler, Calhoun, Hale, Johnson of Georgia, Lewis, Niles, Sturgeon, Turney, and Yules—10.”
Of the 24 Senators who voted for this bill, which clearly recognizes the power of the General Governemnt to make appropriations for internal improvements, 14 belong to the Democratic party, which, by their Baltimore resolution, has declared that Congress has no such power! And among them the people will see the name of Mr. CASS, perhaps the most prominent, next to Mr. Polk, of all the candidates for the nomination of the approaching Baltimore Convention, which is urged by the Union to re-adopt this same resolution! Why, do these political managers think that the people are fools, to be this gulled with pledges made in Convention, which are daily falsified in the Legislative Halls?
The next item of the Democratic creed is in these words:
“3. That the constitution does not confer authority upon the federal government, directly or indirectly, to assume the debts of the several States, contracted for local internal improvements, or other State purposes; nor would such assumption be just and expedient.”
No one in this generation has proposed or suggested any such measure as is here condemned, or contends for the existence of the power in question. This article therefore is just as sound Whig doctrine as Democratic. It was thrown in, we suppose, merely by way of implication, that the opposite doctrine was maintained by the Whigs—though of course the author of i8t knew that there was no foundation for the insinuation.
Bu tit is not our purpose to go through the entire creed; and we shall refer only to one more of its articles—which reads thus:
“5. That it is the duty of every branch of the government to enforce and practice the most rigid economy in conducting t=our public affairs, and that no more revenue ought to be raised then is required to defray the necessary expenses of the government.”
To this article the Whig party cordially subscribe; and one of the great objections to the present Administration is that it has not done its “duty” in this regard. On this point we shall call upon Mr. Calhoun to testify. In a late speech, that gentleman says, “We have gone forward with a rapidity in our expenditures, far, far, outrunning wither England, France, or any other country in the world. Mr. Monroe administered this government for eight years, terminating in 1825, at an annual cost not exceeding 12 millions of dollars. Twenty-three years have since elapsed, and our population has perhaps been doubled in that time. I suppose we may think ourselves fortunate if we can get along with an expense of thirty millions.” [Mr. Calhoun, in this estimate, has reference only to the ordinary expenditures of the government, in time of peace, and leaves out of view the hundred millions worse than wasted in the Mexican war. Including the latter, Mr. C. said “the annual expenditures of the government are now nearly double as much when we had the war of 1812 on our hands.”]
The people may judge from this contrast of Democratic professions with
Democratic practices, of what value are political creeds, manufactured for
the occasion by political conclaves, for the express purpose of gulling the
million.—What man, among them all, considers himself bound to conform
to these creeds, whether he be in private life of in a public station? What
legislator ever has reference to them in his votes? Nay, what man among
all those who gave their assent to these principles at Baltimore is 1844,
remembered them the next hour? In one word, how can it be expected that
a President or a Party will regard as of sacred obligation a string of resolutions
written by nobody known who, end adopted without examination or reflection
, when even a Constitution, framed under circumstances of peculiar solemnity,
and every article and word of which was scanned with peculiar care, is daily
violated without hesitation and without compunction?
[BWP]
RW48v25i37p4c3, May 9, 1848: Proceedings of the Court of Inquiry in the Case of Gen. Pillow. Twenty-First Day – April 8, 1848. Major Woods, 15th Infantry, recalled by the Prosecution.
Major WOODS, 15th Infantry, recalled.
By the Prosecution.
Q—Have you chanced to hold a conversation, or to have been present at one hold with Maj. Gen. Pillow, respecting a plan or plans of attack against Chapultepec, proposed by Maj. Gen’s Pillow or Scott, in September last, respectively; and if so, state the substance of said conversation?
A—Gen. Pillow came to Chapultepec some time in November, or the first of December last. I was walking over the Castle with him and other officers. Whilst on the top of the building, on the end next to the city, I was pointing out to General Pillow that operation s of Colonel Garland’s brigade on the north side of the Castle, as also the direction in which the enemy retreated from Chapultepec towards the city, and I think while expressing something of admiration of the plan by which that work was carried and put in execution, General Pillow asked me “if I was aware that Gen. Scott had opposed the attack upon Chapultepec, or rather that he had proposed another plan?” I think I told him I was not, and expressed some surprise, for I had heard differently. He then stated to me that whilst the plans were under discussion, that Gen. Scott had proposed (I think he used the words I am using now) “that Gen. Quitman with his division was to advance by the Tacubaya road, Gen. Pillow with his division on the road to the north side of Chapultepec; the two Generals were to shake hands at the junction of the roads, pass on to the city, and make Chapultepec feel its isolation.” The General remarked that he, and I think in conjunction with others being in council, had opposed leaving in their rear as strong a position as Chapultepec, or passing it by. I did not understand from Gen. Pillow that it was a plan fixed upon by Gen. Scott, but that it was a mere proposition. It made an impression upon my mind at the time, as I thought it indicated something of indecision on the part of the Commander-in-Chief at the time, and I had heard he was very decided in his intentions to attack the Castle.
This conversation was carried on in the presence of other officers, and in their hearing.
I did not understand Gen. Pillow to have said anything about his having been in favor of the attack in the first place on Chapultepec. I don’t think he said anything about it,—but when it was determined upon to attack at that point, that he had offered suggestions as to the detail of it, and had planed the execution of it, as to the mode in which it was to be done.
Q—The witness speaks of a Council of War. To what council did the witness understand Maj. Gen. Pillow to refer?
A—I don’t know that I could state, I heard there were two or three held, and I suppose it must have been the one fixing the place of operations of Chapultepec. I think, however, he referred to a council that was held at Tacubaya. I am not certain that Gen. Pillow stated that it was at that one held at Tacubaya. I have heard much of that council, but am in doubt if I heard it from Gen. Pillow, and I understood that it was at the one held at Tacubaya, but I do not know that that was the one referred to.
Q—Did the witness understand or not from Major Gen. Pillow, that the council was attended by many Generals and other officers.
A—Yes, sir, I understood that there were several present, and I supposed that he referred to commanding officers generally. I mean commanders of divisions and brigades.
Q—Was the witness with the 5th Infantry on the 19th of August last? In what position was it before being ordered across the pedregal, and by what superior orders was its position changed before being ordered across the pedregal?
A—I was with the 15th Infantry on the afternoon of the 9th; Col. Morgan was in command of it. The regiment was halted immediately at the base of the bill for some time, and I supposed by the orders of Gen. Pillow, as he was present. What time it remained there I am hardly able to say—from half an hour to an hour, I should think. The regiment was moved from that position to one near to a corn field, which was interposed near to the hill between it and the enemy’s position, where it was again halted—both the movement and halt, I suppose, were by the command of Maj. Gen. Pillow, as he was the senior officer present, and the regiment belonged to his division. It remained there half an hour, and was again directed to move to the support of Gen. Cadwallader, who was occupying a position on the left of the enemy, and across a ravine. The order was given by Capt. Hooker, I think, to Col. Morgan. Gen. Scott was then on the ground, and I have no idea where the order came from or emanated.
Q—Were the three orders to halt in the first and second positions and to cross the pedregal, all delivered by the same staff officer, or different staff officers?
A—I do not know who delivered the first two orders for the halt and movement. I only know that Captain Hooker delivered the order for the advance across the pedregal—Col. Morgan being in command of the regiment, he I presume. I know nothing but the fact that it was halted and set in motion.
Q—About what time had elapsed from the arrival of Gen. Scott at the position of Gen. Pillow upon the hill, before the regiment was again put in motion, by an order through Capt. Hooker?
A—I suppose the regiment remained 10 or 15 minutes, at least, after his arrival on the field. I think that one of his staff officers, who I presumed, arrived with him, passed me, and inquired for Brigadier Gen. Pierce; I directed him to the side of the cornfield, on the right of the road, by which the troops approached the enemy’s position. I saw him go there, and not finding him, Gen. Pierce, he passed on around the cornfield, in the direction of the troops advanced, the time necessary for that, and some additional time elapsed from the time the regiment was put in motion.
Q—Was the regiment at a halt near the cornfield, when the staff officer of Maj. Gen. Scott passed the regiment; did the witness see the same staff officer, on his return to said Scott, and was the regiment then at a halt?
A—I do not recollect seeing the staff officer on his return, and cannot say whether the regiment had moved before his return or not. I have stated the regiment was at a halt when he passed on his way to Gen. Pierce.
Q—Does the witness chance3 to know when the regiment was at the base of the hill, or after being halted near the cornfield, that any intimation was given, previous to the order communicated by Capt. Hooker, after it had taken that position, that the regiment would be required to support Gen. Cadwallader?
A— I know nothing of the matter; when we were halted in the second position, Col. Morgan remarked that the regiment was held in reserve, and I don’t know that he had any intimation as to the direction in which it would move, nor did I hear him say that he had any intimation as to the direction in which it would move.
Q—Did witness chance to see or know anything of a personal combat between Maj Gen Pillow and an isolated Mexican officer or soldier, during any of the battles fought on the 19th and 20th of August last?
A—I did not, sir. I know nothing about it.
Questions by defence:
Q—What other officers were present during the conversation you have related, with Gen. Pillow?
A—Lieut. Tilton, the Adjutant of the Regiment, and also I think Capt. Hooker and Lieut. Ripley.
Q—In the actual assault upon Chapultepec, did Gen. Pillow say, that Gen. Scott left him to exercise his own judgment in the dispositions made for the assault of the work on the west side?
A—I don’t recollect that Gen. Pillow made any special reference to that; if he did it has passed from my mind.
Q—After that part if the witness’ statement, relative to the two Generals shaking hands, will he not recollect that Gen. Pillow said he had stated to Gen. Smith that his division would be obliged to carry a battery on the north side of the work, while Gen. Quitman’s would be obliged to carry the batteries on the Tacubaya road, and thus two battles would have to be fought, and Chapultepec, at last, be assaulted, and did not Gen. Pillow ask why not assault at once?
A—I think the objections referred to in the two roads in the question, were the objections made to that mode of attack, but in reference to fighting the third battle, upon the attack upon Chapultepec, I will not say it was referred to by Gen. Pillow as stated by him. My impression was from the conversation, that the troops were to move on to the attack of the city. This impression, however, may have arisen from the expression of making Chapultepec feel its isolation, and as to the attack upon Chapultepec after the meeting of the two Generals, at the point referred to, I have now no recollection, but would be very unwilling to say that it was not named by Gen. Pillow—the phrase above used may have given me that idea of the plan proposed when it might have referred to the isolation of the Castle after the union of the two Generals, as it would be more easily carried.
Q—Did Gen. Pillow say that Gen. Scott had proposed his plan at a Council of War, or was that your supposition?—Did not Gen. Pillow say that the plan had been proposed at Tacubaya, when Gens. Pillow and Quitman, and a few other officers were present?
A—As to the place where these plans were suggested or proposed, it is supposition with me alone. I don’t recollect that Gen. Pillow made direct reference as to at what council these remarks were made, but I inferred that it was at a council, and that it was held at Tacubaya. For the attack alone, I may say that is my impression from the fact alone, that he and others had objected to it. This is my present recollection, whether he referred to the place, and the persons present, I do not remember.
Q—Witness has said that the order given to the 15th Infantry through Capt. Hooker, was for the regiment to go forward and support Gen. Cadwallader. Is the witness clear that such was the order?
A—I don’t recollect positively whether I heard it from Capt. Hooker when he delivered the order or from Col. Morgan; such, however, were the orders given, and when we crossed the Pedregal and passed the ravine, Col. Morgan halted his regiment and went and reported to Gen. Cadwallader.
Question by Prosecution—Does the witness now mean to say, on reflection, that he did not understand Gen. Pillow in the conversation referred to as speaking of a Council composed of a number of generals and of other officers.
A—I will state in answer to that, I don’t recollect whether he stated positively a council or an assemblage of officers, or whether I inferred it from his conversation. It may be that I inferred it alone; my impression was that it was made in such an assembly, and I so repeated it.
Q—Is the witness clear that he understood from Gen. Pillow that the first step of Gen. Scott’s plan was for the divisions of Pillow and Quitman to pass, the one to the north and the other by the Tacubaya road around the base of the hills, and should shake hands at this junction?
A—I am very certain that he made the remark that the two divisions were to pass on the two roads referred to—that this was a proposition on the part of Gen. Scoot—but whether or not it was the first one, I don’t recollect. It was the first step (my impressions were) towards an attack upon the City, not upon Chapultepec.
Question by Defence.—Does the witness mean to include the operations of the Artillery on the 12th, or that the movements stated by him were to be taken as the first steps of the Infantry only?
A—Well, I presume that this proposition was the first step towards the attack upon the city, without any attempt upon Chapultepec, further than clearing the out works of that castle, which would be obstructions to the passage. I suppose that was the first movement intended to be made by the Infantry; I do not know that any thing was said in reference to establishing batteries.
Capt. LEE recalled.
Q—What does the witness know of Maj. Gen. Scott’s plan of attack, on the Castle of Chapultepec on the 12th and 13th of September last, and was not the plan of attack, as executed by batteries and assaulted with scaling ladders, substantially the same as was executed on the 12th and 13th September last.
A—The plan executed, I believe, was substantially the one contemplated by Gen. Scott at the time that he proposed to attack it at the meeting at Piedad; he then, there, and at that time stated that after cannonading the works for one day that the work would be so shattered as to be abandoned by the enemy, or reduced to a state that they could be easily carried by assault. I recollect that on the 12th, after the batteries had been playing upon the Castle for some hours, and under cover of which I had reconnoitered the approaches to the building on the hill, in company with Lieut. Tower, Engineer, when Lieut. Beauregard came to me and said that Gen. Scott desired to see me. I returned with Lieuts. Beauregard and Tower to Tacubaya, and found Gen. Scott in the Plaza, in front of his quarters, who expressed much disappointment in not having seen me before—he said he had wished to know the effects of the cannonade upon the enemy’s works, that he might decide whether it would be better to assault the Castle that evening or the next morning—that he had directed storming parties to be organized from Generals Worth and Twiggs’ divisions and scaling ladders to be collected—that General Pillow was to attack from the direction of Molina del Rey, and Gen. Quitman along the Tacubaya road, and asked it the assault was postponed until the next morning whether the enemy, during the night, would not repair the damages sustained by the cannonade that day. I expressed my apprehensions that they would, and Lieutenant Tower joined me in the same apprehensions. General Scott said, then we must attack to-night or this evening, and turned towards his quarters. After Lieuts. Beuaregard , Tower, and myself speaking of the necessary preparations, I followed Gen. Scott and told him that perhaps, upon the whole, the attack had better be delayed until next morning, for I feared there would be hardly time that evening. He readily assented, as he appeared to be more in favor of the morning attack. Lieuts. Beauregard, Tower, and myself then reported to him more in detail the result of our examination, and explained, by a diagram, the positions of our batteries and those of the enemy, and the approaches to the Castle of Chapultepec. He also (Gen. Scott,) went more fully into the plan of attack—said that he would direct Gen. Twiggs to renew the feint attack upon the San Antonio gate next morning at daylight, and the batteries against Chapultepec to resume their fire a short time afterwards, and after continuing it for one or more hours, to make the enemy believe that we were repeating the game of attack played that day, and at a concerted signal, which would be the cessation of the fire of the batteries, that the attacking columns would move to the assault of the hill.—Gen. Pillow would support one of the storming parties with one of his brigades, and with the other move on the road on the north-west side of Chapultepec to cut off any re-inforcements that might approach it from the city, and take in reverse the batteries on the Tacubaya road, while Gen. Quitman, with his division and the other storming party would make the attack on the south east side—that he had sent to desire Generals Pillow and Quitman to visit him that evening, and that he wished me to return at that time. I did return, and upon the arrival of Gen. Pillow I was called in to an inner room, where Gen. Scott desired me to explain the plan of attack of which he had spoken that afternoon, which I did.
Q—What did Gen. S. say to witness—if any thing concerning our batteries being able in the morning to reduce the garrison to its minimum, if it should be reinforced during the night?