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Richmond Whig and Advertiser
July-December


January-June 1845 July-December 1845 January-June 1846 July-December 1846
January-June 1847 July-December 1847 January-June 1848 July-December 1848


Index

July

2 July 1847, RW47v24n53p2c2 Army of the General Taylor

2 July 1847, RW47v24n53p2c2 correspondent at Monterey

2 July 1847, RW47v24n53p2c3 Letter from General Taylor

2 July 1847, RW47v24n53p2c3 One day later

2 July 1847, RW47v24n53p2c4 General Taylor Superceded

2 July 1847, RW47v24n53p4c2 Despatches from the Army

2 July 1847, RW47v24n53p2c3 General Walter Jones

2 July 1847, RW47v24n53p2c3 General Walter Jones

2 July 1847, RW47v24n53p2c4 Proposed Treaty

2 July 1847, RW47v24n53p2c4 Taylor defenses stripped

2 July 1847, RW47v24n53p2c4 Kentucky Volunteers

2 July 1847, RW47v24n53p2c4 attack on train

6 July 1847, RW47v24n54p1c2 JQ Adams and the War

6 July 1847, RW47v24n54p1c4 Later From the Army

6 July 1847, RW47v24n54p2c3 Intercepted Despatch

6 July 1847, RW47v24n54p2c3 Prospect of Peace

6 July 1847, RW47v24n54p2c4 Correspondence

9 July 1847, RW47v24n55p1c3 LATER FROM THE ARMY

6 July 1847, RW47v24n54p2c3 Correspondence of the Picayune

6 July 1847, RW47v24n54p2c3 News from Puebla

6 July 1847, RW47v24n54p2c3 More from Puebla

6 July 1847, RW47v24n54p2c4 Still more from Puebla

13 July 1847, RW47v24n56p1c2 Virginia Volunteers

6 July 1847, RW47v24n54p2c3 Health of Vera Cruz

6 July 1847, RW47v24n54p2c3 Taylor to Gaines

13 July 1847, RW47v24n56p4c1 Where are the Men

13 July 1847, RW47v24n56p4c3 LATER FROM MEXICO

13 July 1847, RW47v24n56p4c4 From the Brazos

13 July 1847, RW47v24n56p4c4 From Tampico

16 July 1847, RW47v24n57p1c4 Interesting from Tampico

16 July 1847, RW47v24n57p2c1 Rumors of Peace

16 July 1847, RW47v24n57p2c1 Texas and Oregon

16 July 1847, RW47v24n57p2c1 Scott and Trist

16 July 1847, RW47v24n57p2c3 Latest from Scott

16 July 1847, RW47v24n57p2c4 Vera Cruz

16 July 1847, RW47v24n57p2c4 More from Vera Cruz

16 July 1847, RW47v24n57p2c4 From Puebla

16 July 1847, RW47v24n57p2c4 More from Puebla

16 July 1847, RW47v24n57p2c5 From Mexico City

16 July 1847, RW47v24n57p2c5 From Vera Cruz

20 July 1847, RW47v24n58p1c1 This War and Its Generals

20 July 1847, RW47v24n58p2c3 Arrival of McKim

20 July 1847, RW47v24n58p2c3 General Order

20 July 1847, RW47v24n58p2c3 Arrival of steamship

20 July 1847, RW47v24n58p2c3 News from Tampico

20 July 1847, RW47v24n58p2c4 News from Vera Cruz

20 July 1847, RW47v24n58p4c2 Our Territory of California

20 July 1847, RW47v24n58p2c3 From San Francisco

20 July 1847, RW47v24n58p2c3 General Scott

20 July 1847, RW47v24n58p2c4 Johan Botts

23 July 1847, RW47v24n59p1c3 American prisoners in Mexico

23 July 1847, RW47v24n59p1c4 Department of State and Mexican Government

23 July 1847, RW47v24n59p2c1 Buchanan and Mexican minister

23 July 1847, RW47v24n59p2c1 An Unwritten Constitution

23 July 1847, RW47v24n59p2c2 War or Peace

23 July 1847, RW47v24n59p2c3 Spy in Washington

23 July 1847, RW47v24n59p2c3 Council of War

23 July 1847, RW47v24n59p4c1 Origin of the War

23 July 1847, RW47v24n59p4c3 Important from Mexico

27 July 1847, RW47v24n60p1c3 Americans leave Puebla

27 July 1847, RW47v24n60p2c2 Latest from New Orleans

27 July 1847, RW47v24n60p2c2 Interesting speculations

27 July 1847, RW47v24n60p4c2 Volunteers in Mexico

27 July 1847, RW47v24n60p4c3 Escape of Eight American Prisoners

27 July 1847, RW47v24n60p4c3 Gleaning from Mexico Papers

27 July 1847, RW47v24n60p4c4 From Mexico City

30 July 1847, RW47v24n61p1c3 Latest from Army of Taylor

30 July 1847, RW47v24n61p1c3 From Chihuahua

30 July 1847, RW47v24n61p4c2 Our Army in Mexico

30 July 1847, RW47v24n61p4c3 From the Rio Grande

30 July 1847, RW47v24n61p4c4 American Prisoners in Mexico

30 July 1847, RW47v24n61p4c4 Santa Anna and Cerro Gordo

August

3 August 1847, RW47v24n62p1c1 News from Mexico

3 August 1847, RW47v24n62p1c3 Further particulars

3 August 1847, RW47v24n62p1c3 Poisoning Americans in Mexico

3 August 1847, RW47v24n62p1c4 News from Monterrey

3 August 1847, RW47v24n62p4c1 Trist and DeRussy

3 August 1847, RW47v24n62p4c2 From Army of Talyor

3 August 1847, RW47v24n62p4c4 Important from Vera Cruz and Tampico

3 August 1847, RW47v24n62p4c4 Colonel DeRussy

3 August 1847, RW47v24n62p4c4 News from Vera Cruz

6 August 1847, RW47v24n63p1c1 John Minor Botts

6 August 1847, RW47v24n63p1c2 Moral Treason

6 August 1847, RW47v24n63p1c3 Officers at Camargo

6 August 1847, RW47v24n63p1c3 Spanish Gossip

6 August 1847, RW47v24n63p1c4 A Battle

6 August 1847, RW47v24n63p2c4 Funeral Honors to the Gallant Dead

10 August 1847, RW47v24n64p1c1 General Taylor and the Locos

10 August 1847, RW47v24n64p1c2 Attack on a train

10 August 1847, RW47v24n64p1c2 From the Matamoras Flag

10 August 1847, RW47v24n64p1c3 News from Vera Cruz

10 August 1847, RW47v24n64p1c3 From Tampico

10 August 1847, RW47v24n64p2c1 Investigation of the conduct of the War

10 August 1847, RW47v24n64p2c2 The Mexican News

10 August 1847, RW47v24n64p2c2 Expenses of the Government

10 August 1847, RW47v24n64p2c4 Quarrel between Santa Anna y Canalizo

10 August 1847, RW47v24n64p2c4 Scott in Mexico City

10 August 1847, RW47v24n64p4c1 News from Mexico

10 August 1847, RW47v24n64p4c1 Strict Construction

10 August 1847, RW47v24n64p4c3 Late and Important Intelligence

10 August 1847, RW47v24n64p4c3 Burning of Santa Fe

10 August 1847, RW47v24n64p4c3 Vomito in Vera Cruz

10 August 1847, RW47v24n64p4c3 Colonel De Russy and the Battle of Huajutla

13 August 1847, RW47v24n65p1c1 General Scott

13 August 1847, RW47v24n65p2c2 Scott and the Union

13 August 1847, RW47v24n65p4 From the Army of Gen Taylor

13 August 1847, RW47v24n65p4 News from Monterey

17 August 1847, RW47v24n66p1c3 Scottstill at Puebla

17 August 1847, RW47v24n66p1c3 Evacuation of Tabasco

17 August 1847, RW47v24n66p1c3 Orders from Perry

17 August 1847, RW47v24n66p1c3 Kendall stabbed in Vera Cruz

17 August 1847, RW47v24n66p1c3 News from Puebla

17 August 1847, RW47v24n66p1c3 American prisoners

17 August 1847, RW47v24n66p1c3 Mexicans defeat Americans at Atlixco

17 August 1847, RW47v24n66p1c4 More news from Puebla

17 August 1847, RW47v24n66p1c5 Kendall from Puebla

17 August 1847, RW47v24n66p4c2 Later from Army of Taylor

17 August 1847, RW47v24n66p4c2 News from General Wool

17 August 1847, RW47v24n66p4c2 From Buena Vista

17 August 1847, RW47v24n66p4c2 More from Saltillo

20 August 1847, RW47v24n67p1c1 The Union and the War

17 August 1847, RW47v24n66p4c2 Atrocity

17 August 1847, RW47v24n66p4c3 News from Vera Cruz and Matamoros

17 August 1847, RW47v24n66p4c3 Captain Aulick

20 August 1847, RW47v24n67p2c1 Security on the Frontier

20 August 1847, RW47v24n67p2c1 The Union and the War

24 August 1847, RW47v24n68p2c3 News from Vera Cruz and Tampico

20 August 1847, RW47v24n67p2 Mexican guerrillas

20 August 1847, RW47v24n67p2c4 From Army of Taylor

24 August 1847, RW47v24n68p4c1 Far from peace

24 August 1847, RW47v24n68p4c1 Editorial on War

24 August 1847, RW47v24n68p4c2 General Taylor and the justice of the war

24 August 1847, RW47v24n68p4c3 Mexican Congress and Peace

27 August 1847, RW47v24n69p1c1 Editorial continued

27 August 1847, RW47v24n69p1c3 Polk in Mexico

31 August 1847, RW47v24n70p1c3 Latest from Mexico

31 August 1847, RW47v24n70p2c2 The Union and the War

September

RW24n71p1c3 September 3, 1847, LATER FROM TEXAS
Information from Texas

RW24n71p2c1 September 3, 1847, THE ENQUIRER AND THE MEXICAN WAR
Argument with The Richmond Enquirer about the war with Mexico

RW24n71p4c1 September 3, 1847, A WAR OF CONQUEST
Descriptions of the war in Mexico

RW24n71p4c1 September 3, 1847, PAREDES AND MONARCHY
Discussion that parties in Mexico do not want to become a monarchy

RW24n72p1c1 September 7, 1847, THE CONQUEST OF MEXICO
An article from the New York Express about Mexico

RW24n72p1c3 September 7, 1847 MORE ABOUT CONQUERING MEXICO
Article from the Baltimore Patriot

RW47v24n72p2c3, Septmeber7, 1847, FROM TEXAS

RW24n72p2c3 September 7, 1847, COL. BENTON AND MR. POLK
Letter to the editor by Col. Benton with a response

RW24n72p2c4 September 7, 1847, IMPORTANT FROM GEN. SCOTT'S ARMY
About a guerilla attack on General Scott's forces

RW24n72p2c4 September 7, 1847, FROM THE PACIFIC SQAUDRON
Information from the squadron off the coast of California

RW24n72p2c5 September 7, 1847, CALIFORNIA PAPERS
Papers from General Kearny and his army

RW24n72p4c2 September 7, 1847, PAREDES
Extract from The Union, a letter from the Secretary of War

RW24n72p4c4 September 7, 1847, LETTER FROM GENERAL TAYLOR
Information from General Taylor's army

RW24n73p1c4 September 10, 1847, FROM THE RIO GRANDE
Letters from the army headquarters at Matamoras

RW24n73p2c5 September 10, 1847, A GLANCE AT A MEXICAN PAPER
Information from the Boletin de las Noticias of Jalapa

RW24n74p1c1 September 14, 1847, THE MEXICAN NEWS
Information that General Scott has been declared president of Mexico

RW24n74p2c1 September 14, 1847, FROM THE SEAT OF WAR
More information on General Scott as president of Mexico

RW24n74p2c1 September 14, 1847, FROM THE VIRGINIA REGIMENT
Two letters from Capt. Robert G. Scott, tells of death of Capt. Fairfax

RW24n72p2c2 September 14, 1847 (no title)
Correspondence of Gen. Z Taylor published in The Raleigh Register

RW24n72p2c3 September 14, 1847, PORTRAITS OF HEROES
Mr. William G. Brown returned home from Mexico with paintings of officers

RW24n72p2c3 September 14, 1847, Death of Sergeant Pollard
DEATH OF SERGEANT POLLARD OF THE 1ST COMPANY OF PETERSBURG VOLUNTEERS
News that Sergeant Pollard died in New Orleans, from the Petersburg Intelligencer

RW24n72p2c4 September 14, 1847, LATER FROM THE ARMY OF GENERAL TAYLOR
Correspondence from The New Orleans Picayune, containing intelligence from Monterey

RW24n72p2c5 September 14, 1847, TEXAS
Various information of Texas, from the New Orleans Commercial Times

RW24n72p4c1 September 14, 1847, THE MEXICAN NEWS
Information that we have entered Mexico City

RW24n72p4c3 September 14, 1847, AMERICAN ARMS AGAIN VICTORIOUS
City of Mexico is at the mercy of the U.S. Forces.  Containing letters and official reports from the field

RW24n72p4c5 September 14, 1847, GEN. PAREDES
Addressing a rumor that Gen. Paredes has reached Orizaba at the head of 300 men

RW24n73p1c1 September 17, 1847, THE GREAT BATTLE
Information from General Scott's army about a brilliant but bloody victory

RW24n73p1c2 September 17, 1847, THE SLAIN
About the decimation of South Carolina volunteer regiment

RW24n73p1c3 September 17, 1847, FURTHER ACCOUNTS
An account of the push towards Mexico City

RW24n73p1c4 September 17, 1847 BRILLIANT VICTORIES
Information from the Battles of Churubusco and Contreras, editorial correspondence from the New Orleans Picayune, and the stipulations of the armistice between the U.S. and Mexico

RW24n73p2c1 September 17, 1847, THE ARMISTICE
Discussion of the Armistice

RW24n73p2c2 September 17, 1847, From Vera Cruz
Information from Vera Cruz

RW24n72p2c2 September 17, 1847, FURTHER PARTICULARS
  More information concerning Mexico's army, some from the New Orleans Picayune

RW24n72p2c3 September 17, 1847, LETTER FROM THE ARMY
Letter from an army officer on General Scott's staff, Tacubaya, Mexico

RW24n72p2c4 September 17, 1847, LETTERS FROM THE ARMY OF GENERAL SCOTT
Letters from Tacubaya, Mexico

RW24n72p2c5 September 17, 1847, SANTA ANNA'S MANIFESTO
His manifesto as published in The New Orleans Picayune

RW24n72p5c2 September 17, 1847, GENERAL TAYLOR AND THE NATIVES
  About General Taylor's camp and guerrilla fighters

RW24n72p5c2 September 17, 1847, FROM THE SOUTH
News of Mexico from the New Orleans Picayune

RW24n73p1c3 September 21, 1847, WAS THE WAR NECESSARY?
Commentary on the war with Mexico

RW24n73p2c4 September 21, 1847, FROM THE ARMY OF GENERAL TAYLOR
Information of General Taylor from The New Orleans Picayune

RW24n73p4c4 September 21, 1847, THE BATTLE
Information of the battle for Mexico City, including a description by Mexicans

RW24n74p1c3 September 24, 1847 INTERESTING CORRESPONDENCE
Correspondence from the Charleston Mercury concerning Mexico

RW24n74p1c4 September 24, 1847, FROM THE ARMY
Very interesting letter from a distinguished officer to his correspondent in Washington

RW24n74p1c5 September 24, 1847, FROM TEXAS
Correspondence from The New Orleans Picayune, concerning Texas

RW24n74p2c3 September 24, 1847, IMPROBABLE RUMOR
Letter to the New Orleans Picayune from a resident of Tampico

RW24n75p2c2 September 28, 1847, THE AMISTICE
More information on the armistice with Mexico

RW24n75p2c4 September 28, 1847, THE LATE MEXICAN BATTLES
A narrative of the last battles with Mexico

RW24n75p2c5 September 28, 1847, LATE FROM HAVANA
Correspondence from The New Orleans Picayune about Vera Cruz

RW24n75p2c5 September 28, 1847, FROM CHIHUAHUA
A letter received from Chihuahua

RW24n75p2c5 September 28, 1847, FROM SANTA FE
A letter received from Santa Fe

RW24n75p4c1 September 28, 1847, THE ADMINISTRATION AND THE WAR
Commentary on the War with Mexico and the J.K. Polk administration

RW24n75p4c2 September 28, 1847, GENERAL TAYLOR
About letters from General Taylor's camp in Monterey

RW24n75p4c3 September 28, 1847, THE ARMISTICE
Information about the armistice from La Patria

RW24n75p4c4 September 28, 1847, A SOLDIER'S LETTER
A long letter from a soldier in Mexico

October

Friday, October 8, 1847   RWv24i81p1c1     Mexican Documents
Talks about peace treaty being aborted, letter from Triste and Herrera, other letters

Friday, October 8, 1847   RWv24i81p1c3   Letter from Gen. Taylor
Talk of Gen. Taylor being whig candidate for next presidency and other political ambition

Friday, October 8, 1847   RWv24i81p1c3   High Tribute to Gen. Taylor
Journalist extols virtues of Gen. Taylor

Friday, October 8, 1847   RWv24i81p1c3   Government Plans
Says government will not offer any more overtures of peace to the Mexican government ** too light to read

Friday, October 8, 1847   RWv24i81p2c1   The Administration and the War
Letter denouncing the administration

Friday, October 8, 1847   RWv24i81p2c2   Gen. Taylor
[Washington Union]  brief paragraph about troop movements

Friday, October 8, 1847   RWv24i81p2c3    The Armistice
[La Patria of NO] terms of the armistice

Friday, October 8, 1847   RWv24i81p2c3   Gen. Taylor’s politics
Says he’s a Whig and not a Democrat

Friday, October 8, 1847   RWv24i81p2c4   A Soldier's Letter
Reprint from a soldiers letter in Mexico

Friday, October 8, 1847   RWv24i81p3c4   Battle of Contreras
Mexican Gen. Salas report about Battle of Contreras

Friday, October 8, 1847   RWv24i81p3c4   Battle of Churubusco
Mexican Gen. Rincon’s account

Friday, October 8, 1847   RWv24i81p5c2   Further Details: the Armistice
Letters from Triste and Mexican officials ** too dark to read

Tuesday October, 12 1847   RWv24i82p1c1   True Boundary of Texas
Discusses the validity of claim by U.S., angry that Mexico doesn’t acknowledge

Tuesday October, 12 1847   RWv24i82p2c1   Untitled
Short blurp about annexation

Tuesday October, 12 1847   RWv24i82p1c2  The Negotiation
[NY Herald]  letter about Trist and the boundary negotiation

Tuesday October, 12 1847   RWv24i82p1c3  Gen. Taylor’s Correspondence
Extract from Gen. Taylor’s letter

Tuesday October, 12 1847   RWv24i82p1c4   From the Rio Grande
[From N.O. Picayune Oct. 9]  war news and ship arrivals

Tuesday October, 12 1847   RWv24i82p1c4   Battle of Mill of El Rey– Its effects
Letter about the battle

Tuesday October, 12 1847   RWv24i82p2c3   Letter from Capt. Bragg
Talks about an unsuccessful assassination attempt

Tuesday October, 12 1847   RWv24i82p2c4   5 days later from Vera Cruz
Letters and war news, mentions a lot of guerrillas attacks on U.S. troops

Tuesday October, 12 1847   RWv24i82p4c2   Speculations
[N.Y. Courier]  condemns Mexico for rejection  of treaty proposal

Tuesday October, 12 1847   RWv24i82p4c2   From Gen. Taylor’s Camp
[N.O. Picayune] News from Gen. Taylor’s camp at Buena Vista about problems with deserters

Tuesday October, 12 1847   RWv24i82p4c3   Untitled
Letter describing Scott’s demeanor in battle

Tuesday October, 12 1847   RWv24i82p4c3   Official
Letter to a soldier in Vera Cruz, talks about battles and fights with guerrillas

Friday October, 15, 1847   RWv24i83p1c2   Mexican Documents
[N.O. Picayune]  copy from Diario del Gobierno, letters and information about troop activity and the Irish Regiment captured by the Americans

Friday October, 15, 1847   RWv24i83p1c3   Untitled
[Alexandria Gazette]  Sen. Benton refutes U.S. claim to Rio Grande as border between U.S. and Mexico

Friday October, 15, 1847   RWv24i83p1c3   Untitled
[Washington Union]  short remark about Santa Anna returning to Mexico

Friday October, 15, 1847   RWv24i83p1c3   Mutiny on the Plains
Troops in route to Santa Fe are in open mutiny

Friday October, 15, 1847   RWv24i83p2c2   Gen. James Hamilton, Jr.
Writing about the death of his brother

Friday October, 15, 1847   RWv24i83p2c2   Upper California
Soldier talks about dreary conditions of lower California

Friday October, 15, 1847   RWv24i83p2c2   Incentives to Desertion
[N.O. Picayune] says Santa Anna is offering money to American soldiers to desert

Friday October, 15, 1847   RWv24i83p2c3   Col. Jefferson Davis
Letter to the President turning down a commission to become Brigadier General

Friday October, 15, 1847   RWv24i83p2c4   The Late Col. Butler
[Charleston Mercury] letter lamenting the loss of a friend in battle

Friday October, 15, 1847   RWv24i83p4c2   The Nueces
Says Whigs gave up title of Nueces to Mexicans, this is rebuttal and condemnation of that

Friday October, 15, 1847   RWv24i83p4c2   Intelligence from Mexico
Says that the rumors of the deaths of Gen.’s Worth, Smith and Pillow were rumors

Friday October, 15, 1847   RWv24i83p4c5   The News from Mexico
[N.O. Picayune] news about the war copied from the N.O. Picayune

Tuesday October, 19, 1847   RWv24i84p1c1   The Annexation of Mexico
Article saying that the president might consider taking all of Mexico into the United States, and condemns this possibility

Tuesday October, 19, 1847   RWv24i84p1c2   Annecdote of Santa Anna
[Washington Union] story says Santa Anna felt compassion for an enemy officer and let him live even though he had tried to kill Santa Anna

Tuesday October, 19, 1847   RWv24i84p1c3   Untitled
Letter to the editor about the safety of the Army

Tuesday October, 19, 1847   RWv24i84p1c3   From Frontera and Tabasco
News and ship arrivals from Tabasco

Tuesday October, 19, 1847   RWv24i84p1c3   Departure of Troops to Mexico
News of troop movement

Tuesday October, 19, 1847   RWv24i84p1c4   From Gen. Wool's headquarters
[N.O. Picayune Oct. 9]  arrival of ships and letters. Reporter talks about his expedition with the Army hunting for guerrillas.  And other stories from his travels

Tuesday October, 19, 1847   RWv24i84p2c2   Gen. Waddy Thompson's views
Opinions from the former Minister to Mexico about the Wilmot Proviso

Tuesday October, 19, 1847   RWv24i84p2c2   The Whole or None
The U.S. shoud take Oregon and Mexico, also lists reasons why the paper disagrees with admitting them into the U.S.

Tuesday October, 19, 1847   RWv24i84p2c3   From the South
News about Scott

Tuesday October, 19, 1847   RWv24i84p2c4   From the Brazos
[N.O. Bulletin Oct. 11] News and troop movements from other papers

Tuesday October, 19, 1847   RWv24i84p2c5   The Mexican Poet
Poem about the Battle of Churubusco

Tuesday October, 19, 1847   RWv24i84p4c2   Bloodless Achievment
Polk announces Annexation of Texas is an achievement

Tuesday October, 19, 1847   RWv24i84p4c3   The Virginia Regiment
Letters from Mexico, soldier complains about conditions

Tuesday October, 19, 1847   RWv24i84p4c3   The Administration Views
Opinion about how the war should be handled

Tuesday October, 19, 1847   RWv24i84p4c3   What will the Whigs Do?
What will they do in Congress about Mexican War [too light to read]

Friday October, 22, 1847   RWv24i85p1c1   The Country and the President
About the war and its costs

Friday October, 22, 1847   RWv24i85p1c1   Vigorous Prosecution of the War
Letter calling for a using all forces neccisary to fight the war. Says war would be over if we used all our troops at once.

Friday October, 22, 1847   RWv24i85p1c3   A Rich Mexican Mine
Brief, U.S. could soon have a rich silver mine

Friday October, 22, 1847   RWv24i85p1c3   Late and important from Mexico
News from Mexico

Friday October, 22, 1847   RWv24i85p1c6   The Deserters
About Americans deserting

Friday October, 22, 1847   RWv24i85p2c1   The News from Mexico
News and letters

Friday October, 22, 1847   RWv24i85p2c1   Return of Gen. Taylor
Might be going back to the United States

Friday October, 22, 1847   RWv24i85p2c2   Another letter from Gen. Taylor
Letter argues that Gen. Taylor is a Whig, and also might be considering a presidential nomination

Friday October, 22, 1847   RWv24i85p2c3   Our Victories fully confirmed
[N.O. Picayune Oct 14] Battle reports and list of dead and wounded

Friday October, 22, 1847   RWv24i85p2c6   Affairs of Vera Cruz and on the Road
Troops movements and battles around Vera Cruz and the National Bridge

Friday October, 22, 1847   RWv24i85p4c2   The Natural Boundary
Says the problem with getting more territory into Union is bringing into it the Mexican people that lived there

Friday October, 22, 1847   RWv24i85p4c3   From Texas
Reports of fever and sickness spreading through camp

Friday October, 22, 1847   RWv24i85p4c4   Interesting Mexican Documents
Mexican views about the war, says they should fight a guerrilla war, or even sell California to England to bring them into the war

Tuesday October, 26, 1847   RWv24i86p1c1   An Erroneous View
Opinions about the war, debates whether or not parts of Mexico should be included in the United States

Tuesday October, 26, 1847   RWv24i86p1c2   Important from Jalapa
News about Mexican War

Tuesday October, 26, 1847   RWv24i86p1c3   Additional Mexican News
[N.O. Picayune]  Gen. Scott placed Mexico City under martial law, also a list of some of the laws

Tuesday October, 26, 1847   RWv24i86p1c5   Correspondence from the army
[Washington Union] letter about how U.S. troops are battling guerrillas as they try to take possession of National Bridge

Tuesday October, 26, 1847   RWv24i86p1c6   Extracts from a Letter
** {blacked out}

Tuesday October, 26, 1847   RWv24i86p2c2   Gen. Pillow
A tribute to Gen. Pillow

Tuesday October, 26, 1847   RWv24i86p2c2   Untitled
Eulogy for a soldier killed in battle

Tuesday October, 26, 1847   RWv24i86p2c3   Capt. J.B. Magruder
Short tribute letter about a heroic soldier

Tuesday October, 26, 1847   RWv24i86p2c3   From Havana
News and letters about Mexico [N.O. Picayune] ** too light to read

Tuesday October, 26, 1847   RWv24i86p2c3   Later from the Rio Grande
[N.O. Picayune Oct 10]

Tuesday October, 26, 1847   RWv24i86p2c4   Letter from Gen. Shields
[Union] About battles

Tuesday October, 26, 1847   RWv24i86p4c1   Mexican Territory– Northern Sentiment
Opinions about what to do with Mexican territory taken in the war

Tuesday October, 26, 1847   RWv24i86p4c2   Santa Anna
Short blurp about Santa Anna

Tuesday October, 26, 1847   RWv24i86p4c2   Gen. Pillow and Shields
Tribute to two fallen officers

Tuesday October, 26, 1847   RWv24i86p4c2   Virginia Officers
Casualty report of Virginia Officers and battle reports

Friday October, 29, 1847  RWv24i87p1c1   Views of Gen. Waddy Thompson
Thompson was minister to the Mexican Republic. His thoughts on the war
** too light to read

Friday October, 29, 1847  RWv24i87p1c3   Vigorous Prosecution of the War
Thinks war is too peaceful, it must be more “warlike”

Friday October, 29, 1847  RWv24i87p1c3   Capt. Larkin Smith
Letter from soldier, talking about his condition

Friday October, 29, 1847  RWv24i87p2c1   Congress and the War
Argues against taking all of Mexico and its inhabitants into the United States

Friday October, 29, 1847  RWv24i87p2c2   Reveling in the Halls
Letter from Gen. Smith letting people know he is not dead as previously reported

Friday October, 29, 1847  RWv24i87p2c3   Untitled
Eulogy of a fallen soldier

Friday October, 29, 1847  RWv24i87p4c1   Mexican Whigs
Mexico wants boundary at the Nueces, says territory between the Nueces and the Rio Grande should be neutral ground

Friday October, 29, 1847  RWv24i87p4c1   Gen. Wool's Army
** too light to read

November

RWv24i88p1c1 Monday, November 1, 1847, The Herkimer Convention

RWv24i88p1c2 Monday, November 1, 1847, The Philadelphia Inquirer contains

RWv24i88p1c2 Monday, November 1, 1847, Official notice is given in the Washington papers

RWv24i88p1c2 Monday, November 1, 1847, An extract of a letter from Major Turnbull

RWv24i88p1c2 Monday, November 1, 1847, Official notice is given in the Washington papers

RWv24i88p1c2 Monday, November 1, 1847, A letter from Tampico to the Baltimore Sun

RWv24i88p1c2 Monday, November 1, 1847, Major Downing

RWv24i88p2c3 Tuesday, November 2, 1847, Letter from Capt. Harper

RWv24i88p2c3 Tuesday, November 2, 1847, We lay before our readers

RWv24i88p2c3 Tuesday, November 2, 1847, The New Orleans Delta gives the following

RWv24i88p2c3 Tuesday, November 2, 1847, Gen. Kearney has arrived

RWv24i88p2c4 Tuesday, November 2, 1847, A letter from Buena Vista

RWv24i88p2c5 Tuesday, November 2, 1847, Late from Vera Cruz

RWv24i88p2c5 Tuesday, November 2, 1847, Five Days Later News from Vera Cruz

RWv24i88p4c1 Saturday, October 30, 1847, The adroitness with the people

RWv24i88p4c2 Saturday, October 30, 1847, Gen. Gaines and the War

RWv24i88p4c2 Saturday, October 30, 1847, The Union and Gen. Scott

RWv24i88p4c3 Saturday, October 30, 1847, The State of the War

RWv24i89p4c2 Saturday, November 6, 1847, We have filled our columns

RWv24i89p4c2 Saturday, November 6, 1847, We have later accounts from Texas

RWv24i89p4c2 Saturday, November 6, 1847, Trial of Col. Fremont

RWv24i89p4c3 Saturday, November 6, 1847, Annexation and its Consequences

RWv24i89p4c3 Saturday, November 6, 1847, From the Plains and Santa Fe

RWv24i89p4c4 Saturday, November 6, 1847, Arrival of the Steamship Alabama

RWv24i89p4c4 Saturday, November 6, 1847, Important Mexican Documents

RWv24i89p4c5 Saturday, November 6, 1847, From the Rio Grande and Saltillo

RWv24i90p1c1 Monday, November 8, 1847, Effect of acquiring Territory on the South

RWv24i90p1c1 Monday, November 8, 1847, The Spirit of Jefferson

RWv24i90p1c2 Monday, November 8, 1847, Trial of Col. Fremont

RWv24i90p2c2 Monday, November 8, 1847, Mr. Calhoun and his friends

RWv24i90p2c2 Monday, November 8, 1847, General Taylor

RWv24i90p2c3 Monday, November 8, 1847, Mexican Whigs

RWv24i90p2c3 Monday, November 8, 1847, From Vera Cruz

RWv24i90p2c4 Monday, November 8, 1847, Trial of Col. Fremont

RWv24i90p2c4 Monday, November 8, 1847, From the Rio Grande

RWv24i90p2c5 Monday, November 8, 1847, From Gen. Wool's Headquarters

RWv24i90p3c1 Monday, November 8, 1847, Later from Santa Fe

RWv24i91p1c5 Thursday, November 11, 1847, The Fremont Court Martial

RWv24i91p2c1 Friday, November 12, 1847, Defensive Line – No Territory

RWv24i91p2c2 Friday, November 12, 1847, Mr. Clay and Gen. Taylor

RWv24i91p2c2 Friday, November 12, 1847, General Scott

RWv24i91p2c2 Friday, November 12, 1847, The New York Sun publishes a letter

RWv24i91p2c2 Friday, November 12, 1847, The third regiment of Tennessee Volunteers

RWv24i91p2c2 Friday, November 12, 1847, The last Alabama papers inform us

RWv24i91p2c3 Friday, November 12, 1847, Col. Fremont's Trial

RWv24i91p2c4 Friday, November 12, 1847, The Fremont Court Martial

RWv24i91p2c5 Friday, November 12, 1847, From Texas

RWv24i91p4c1 Wednesday, November 10, 1847, Northern Sentiment

RWv24i91p4c4 Wednesday, November 10, 1847, Prosecute the War Vigorously

RWv24i91p4c4 Wednesday, November 10, 1847, Latest from Santa Fe

RWv24i92p1c1 Monday, November 15, 1847, Executive Patronage

RWv24i92p1c2 Monday, November 15, 1847, We learn, by a letter

RWv24i92p1c2 Monday, November 15, 1847, The veteran Colonel Bankhead

RWv24i92p1c3 Monday, November 15, 1847, The Fremont Court Martial

RWv24i92p1c5 Monday, November 15, 1847, The News from Mexico

RWv24i92p2c1 Tuesday, November 16, 1847, Gen. Scott's Despatches

RWv24i92p2c1 Tuesday, November 16, 1847, Mr. Kendall's Letters

RWv24i92p2c1 Tuesday, November 16, 1847, Trial of Col. Fremont

RWv24i92p2c1 Tuesday, November 16, 1847, The Charleston Mercury states that

RWv24i92p2c2 Tuesday, November 16, 1847, Gen. Taylor

RWv24i92p2c2 Tuesday, November 16, 1847, Com. Stockton and Gen. Kearny

RWv24i92p2c2 Tuesday, November 16, 1847, Most of the new regiments

RWv24i92p2c2 Tuesday, November 16, 1847, From the Brazos

RWv24i92p2c3 Tuesday, November 16, 1847, Later from Tampico

RWv24i92p2c4 Tuesday, November 16, 1847, Mr. Kendall's Letters from the Army

RWv24i92p2c6 Tuesday, November 16, 1847, Mexican Political Affairs

RWv24i92p2c6 Tuesday, November 16, 1847, From Vera Cruz

RWv24i92p2c6 Tuesday, November 16, 1847, Santa Anna

RWv24i92p2c7 Tuesday, November 16, 1847, The Battle of Huamantia

RWv24i92p3c1 Tuesday, November 16, 1847, Mr. Clay's Lexington Speech

RWv24i92p4c1 Saturday, November 13, 1847, Mr. C. C. Cambreling's Speech

RWv24i92p4c2 Saturday, November 13, 1847, From the Seat of War

RWv24i92p4c2 Saturday, November 13, 1847, The President of the United States

RWv24i92p4c3 Saturday, November 13, 1847, The Fremont Court Martial

RWv24i92p4c3 Saturday, November 13, 1847, Later from Mexico

RWv24i92p4c4 Saturday, November 13, 1847, The Fremont Court Martial

RWv24i93p1c1 Thursday, November 18, 1847, Mr. Clay's Resolutions

RWv24i93p1c1 Thursday, November 18, 1847, Official Dispatches

RWv24i93p1c2 Thursday, November 18, 1847, Pena y Pena and Santa Anna

RWv24i93p1c3 Thursday, November 18, 1847, A letter from Vera Cruz

RWv24i93p1c3 Thursday, November 18, 1847, From the Seat of War

RWv24i93p1c3 Thursday, November 18, 1847, Major General Butler

RWv24i93p1c4 Thursday, November 18, 1847, Interesting News from Santa Fe

RWv24i93p1c5 Thursday, November 18, 1847, Official Dispatches

RWv24i93p2c1 Friday, November 19, 1847, Col. Fremont's Trial

RWv24i93p2c2 Friday, November 19, 1847, Tribute to the Brave

RWv24i93p2c2 Friday, November 19, 1847, On the morning of the 30th

RWv24i93p2c3 Friday, November 19, 1847, Mexicans already voting

RWv24i93p2c3 Friday, November 19, 1847, The Britons and Saxons reproduced in Mexico

RWv24i93p2c4 Friday, November 19, 1847, Later from Vera Cruz

RWv24i93p2c4 Friday, November 19, 1847, Manifesto of Gen. Paredes

RWv24i93p2c7 Friday, November 19, 1847, Late and Interesting from the Pacific

RWv24i93p2c7 Friday, November 19, 1847, Later from Santa Fe

RWv24i93p4c1 Wednesday, November 17, 1847, Col. Fremont's Trial

RWv24i93p4c1 Wednesday, November 17, 1847, Rev. Mr. Maffitt

RWv24i93p4c3 Wednesday, November 17, 1847, Positions of Mr. Clay

RWv24i93p4c3 Wednesday, November 17, 1847, The Battle of La Hoya

RWv24i93p4c4 Wednesday, November 17, 1847, Official Despatches

RWv24i94p1c2 Monday, November 22, 1847, Naval court martial

RWv24i94p1c2 Monday, November 22, 1847, If the United States Congress

RWv24i94p1c3 Monday, November 22, 1847, Trial of Col. Fremont

RWv24i94p1c3 Monday, November 22, 1847, Gen. Butler's Opinion

RWv24i94p1c3 Monday, November 22, 1847, Gen. Pillow's report of the conduct

RWv24i94p1c3 Monday, November 22, 1847, Care of Lieut Mahan

RWv24i94p1c5 Monday, November 22, 1847, Military Contributions

RWv24i94p2c1 Tuesday, November 23, 1847, Peace Prospects

RWv24i94p2c1 Tuesday, November 23, 1847, Major John P. Gaines

RWv24i94p2c1 Tuesday, November 23, 1847, The Advocate, published at Tahlequah

RWv24i94p2c1 Tuesday, November 23, 1847, The Washington Union of Saturday published

RWv24i94p2c2 Tuesday, November 23, 1847, Col. Fremont's Trial

RWv24i94p2c2 Tuesday, November 23, 1847, Capt. Calwell of Greenbrier

RWv24i94p2c3 Tuesday, November 23, 1847, Later from Vera Cruz

RWv24i94p2c4 Tuesday, November 23, 1847, Official

RWv24i94p2c5 Tuesday, November 23, 1847, Report of General Lane

RWv24i94p4c1 Saturday, November 20, 1847, Mr. Clay's Speech

RWv24i94p4c1 Saturday, November 20, 1847, The Washington correspondent

RWv24i94p4c1 Saturday, November 20, 1847, The Treasury Notes are a drug

RWv24i94p4c1 Saturday, November 20, 1847, The steamer Galveston left New Orleans

RWv24i94p4c1 Saturday, November 20, 1847, Some surprise has been expressed

RWv24i94p4c1 Saturday, November 20, 1847, Capt. Taylor, of the 3rd artillery

RWv24i94p4c2 Saturday, November 20, 1847, Col. Fremont

RWv24i94p4c2 Saturday, November 20, 1847, Yesterday's Enquirer says:

RWv24i94p4c2 Saturday, November 20, 1847, Mexican Affairs

RWv24i94p4c2 Saturday, November 20, 1847, Capt. Harper, the intelligent commander

RWv24i94p4c3 Saturday, November 20, 1847, Santa Anna

RWv24i94p4c3 Saturday, November 20, 1847, Accounts from Mexico

RWv24i94p4c3 Saturday, November 20, 1847, Letters in the Washington Union

RWv24i94p4c5 Saturday, November 20, 1847, Official Despatches

RWv24i94p4c7 Saturday, November 20, 1847, The New Orleans Delta publishes

RWv24i95p1c1 Thursday, November 25, 1847, J. Q. Adams and the War

RWv24i95p1c1 Thursday, November 25, 1847, Reception of General Taylor

RWv24i95p1c2 Thursday, November 25, 1847, The Court Martial in Col. Fremont's case

RWv24i95p1c2 Thursday, November 25, 1847, The Salisbury Watchman perpetrates

RWv24i95p1c2 Thursday, November 25, 1847, The people of Louisville, (Ky.)

RWv24i95p1c3 Thursday, November 25, 1847, The Aztec Club

RWv24i95p1c3 Thursday, November 25, 1847, Later from Santa Fe

RWv24i95p1c3 Thursday, November 25, 1847, 'Reveling in the halls of the Montezumas'

RWv24i95p1c3 Thursday, November 25, 1847, Brig. Gen Price

RWv24i95p1c3 Thursday, November 25, 1847, Mexico

RWv24i95p2c1 Friday, November 26, 1847, Mr. Clay's Speech

RWv24i95p2c2 Friday, November 26, 1847, It turns out that the rumor of the arrival

RWv24i95p2c2 Friday, November 26, 1847, Lieut. Edward Johnson

RWv24i95p2c2 Friday, November 26, 1847, Sound Doctrine

RWv24i95p2c3 Friday, November 26, 1847, Henry Clay's Speech

RWv24i95p2c3 Friday, November 26, 1847, Henry Clay's Speech

RWv24i95p4c1 Wednesday, November 24, 1847, Policy of the Administration

RWv24i95p4c2 Wednesday, November 24, 1847, The National Dept

RWv24i95p4c2 Wednesday, November 24, 1847, The Syracuse (N.Y.) Journal publishes a letter

RWv24i95p4c2 Wednesday, November 24, 1847, Annexation

RWv24i95p4c2 Wednesday, November 24, 1847, Among the recent deaths

RWv24i95p4c2 Wednesday, November 24, 1847, The second regiment of Tennessee Volunteers

RWv24i95p4c2 Wednesday, November 24, 1847, Lieutenant Shackelford

RWv24i95p4c5 Wednesday, November 24, 1847, Major Iturbide – Son of a former Mexican President

RWv24i96p1c2 Monday, November 29, 1847, The Charleston Courier – a neutral paper

RWv24i96p1c2 Monday, November 29, 1847, A Washington correspondent of the New York Herald

RWv24i96p1c2 Monday, November 29, 1847, The Washington correspondent of the Journal of Commerce

RWv24i96p1c2 Monday, November 29, 1847, Cost of the War

RWv24i96p1c2 Monday, November 29, 1847, Lieut. Sidney Smith

RWv24i96p2c1 Tuesday, November 30, 1847, Mr. Clay's Speech

RWv24i96p2c1 Tuesday, November 30, 1847, Referring to the vehemence

RWv24i96p2c1 Tuesday, November 30, 1847, In February last, Mr. Calhoun

RWv24i96p2c2 Tuesday, November 30, 1847, On Friday last, the examination

RWv24i96p2c2 Tuesday, November 30, 1847, The New Orleans papers announce

RWv24i96p2c2 Tuesday, November 30, 1847, Gen. Samuel Houston in out in

RWv24i96p2c6 Tuesday, November 30, 1847, From Mexico

RWv24i96p4c1 Saturday, November 27, 1847, Opinions of Mr. Clay's Speech

RWv24i96p4c2 Saturday, November 27, 1847, South Carolina ––– "Signs!"

December

RWv24i97p1c2, December 3, 1847, California
Difference of opinion about the value of California; might have cost 1/2 million to gain California; only portion of drafted men have been paid; delay of payments is cause of insurrections in California; Com. Stockton has offered to go to Lima to borrow the money but Col. Biddle will not allow him

RWv24i97p1c2, December 3, 1847, Fremont's Trial
Lt. Col. Emory under examination; he has been showing strong hostility to questions; his testimony has not altered the previous aspect of the case

RWv24i97p1c2, December 3, 1847,
Resolutions have been adopted by NY to give thanks to Scott and the army, and inviting Taylor to visit the state during his leave of absence from Mexico

RWv24i97p1c2, December 3, 1847,
Lieut. John M. Garnder of the US Navy died; death caused by an attack which required him to return home from the Gulf Squadron

RWv24i97p1c2, December 3, 1847, Mr. Clay and Gen. Taylor
Mr. Clay and Gen. Taylor are friends

RWv24i97p1c3, December 3, 1847,
Telegraphic desptatch reports that D.R. Miller has been elected Governor of Texas

RWv24i97p1c3, December 3, 1847, The Philadelphian Pennsylvanian of yesterday says
Hon. John Y Mason, Secretary of the Navy and Commodores Warrington and Smith arrived at the United States Hotel yesterday and left for NY on official business this morning

RWv24i97p1c3, December 3,1947: Colonel Wynkoop
Colonel Wynkoop the commander of the Pennsylvania Regiment in Mexico has written a letter in which the Whigs are violently assailed and accused of moral treason; object of the writer was to please the President

RWv24i97p1c4, December 3, 1847, Official
Report to Adjutant General by Major Lally about the operations of his command on the march from Vera Cruz to Jalapa; comments on engagements with the enemy at Paso Ovejas, the national Bridge, Cerro Gordo, and Las Animas, near Jalapa; comments about troops under his command, number of dead and wounded

RWv24i97p2c2, December 3,1847
Ata meeting held in Cincinnati of men of all parties, Mr. Clay's resolution on the Mexican war was adopted by the majority of the Whig population that was present

RWv24i97p2c2, December 3, 1847, Honor to the Brave
Swords created for Generals Taylor, Butler and Col. Barber; gives a description of the swords

RWv24i97p2c1, December 3, 1847, Remarkable Blunder
Comments about Clay's position on war in 1812; and on his position dealing with the War in Mexico; he was unfavorable to both wars from the beginning, he supported the war of 1812 once it began and he holds Mexico partly to blame for the current war

RWv24i97p2c1, December 3, 1847, Origin of War
Comments about the administrations and its supports stance on the war–what they blame the war on; comments on the administrations dealing with Taylor advancing to the Rio Grande–who's idea was it?

RWv24i97p2c2, December 3, 1847, War Expenses
Statement issued by the Treasury Department about the cost of the war with Mexico; gives figures; comments about what the government plans to do about the growing expenses

RWv24i97p2c1, December 3, 1847,
Letter from Lexington Ky. States that the Rev. Robert J. Breckenridge preached a thanksgiving sermon in the city with a very warlike tone towards Mexico; he looks to overthrow the catholic hierarchy after the US wins the war

RWv24i97p2c3, December 3, 1847, Correspondence of the Charleston Evening News
Com. Stockton and his arrival in the city; information on incidents in California–the Commodore's actions in Cali

RWv24i97p2c4, December 3, 1847, Arrival of the Steamship Alabama. Ten Days later from the City of Mexico
Arrival of Col. Harney's train at Vera Cruz; return home of Gens. Quitman, Shields, Cols. Harney, Garland; organization of the Mexican Congress; removal of the Mexican government from Querataro Morelia; information on where troops are stationed; arrival of Gen. Butler at Vera Cruz; no positives on the whereabouts of Santa Anna; election of the president has been postponed in Mexico

RWv24i97p4c2, December 3, 1847,
Trial of Col. Fremont drags on; witness for the prosecution have all been examined by Fremont's counsel; comments about Lieut. Emory's hostility toward the Col.; Lt. Emory has been summoned by the defense

RWv24i97p4c2, December 3, 1847, Interesting Incidents
Letter of Capt. Wm. H. Merrill from the army outside Mexico City; information on a young Virginian–tells a story about Burwell's murder

RWv24i97p4c2, December 3, 1847, General Pillow
Statement about Gen. Pillow; Pillow made untrue statements in his reports

RWv24i97p4c2, December 3, 1847, Harbors on the Pacific
Letter from Captain Wilkes who commanded the exploring expedition; comments on the Pacific harbors–that they are not as good as the ones in the East

RWv24i97p4c4, December 3, 1847, Mr. Kendall's Letters from the Army
Comments about the weather; report that there aren't enough members in the Mexican Congress; member of Congress has come out denying Pena y Pena as President; earthquake in Guadalazars was violent; comments about a Mexican reporter's article on the daughter of a Mexican Officer–details on what happened to the report after the article; rumors that there is to be a meeting among the influential men about raising troops and supplies to fight the Americans; ends with more comments about the weather

RWv24i97p4c6, December 3, 1847, Later from Vera Cruz
Report of the capture of a suspicious vessel–US Steamer brought into port a Spanish topsail schooner; Taylor accompanied by Wool left for Monterey on the 8th of November

RWv24i97p4c6, December 3, 1847, Latest from Santa Fe
Col. Newby was about to move South because of the approaching winter; wagons at Los Vegos had skirmishes with Mexicans and Indians–Americans had no losses, but the attacking party lost several men, and horses

RWv24i98p1c1, December 7, 1847, Mr. Gallatin and the War
Comments about an essay Mr. Gallatin wrote about the war with Mexico; gives quotes which tell Mr. Gallatin's opinion about the war–seems to view the war as unfair and wrong

RWv24i98p1c1, December 7, 1847, Reception of General Taylor
Preparation for Taylor's arrival in New Orleans are underway; sword made for him will be presented when he arrives in New Orleans

RWv24i98p1c2, December 7, 1847,
Celebrated letter of "Leonidas" in which Major General Gideon J. Pillow is made the hero of the Mexican campaign has fallen into the hand of Gen. Scott

RWv24i98p1c2 December 7, 1847,
Rumored that Col. Burnett of the NY Regiment will be appointed Brigadier General; will Col. Wynkoop be disappointed?

RWv24i98p1c3, December 7, 1847,
New Orleans Bulletin has learned from officers who have just arrived from Mexico there thoughts on finding peace; there exists a great diversity of opinion

RWv24i98p1c3, December 7, 1847,
Sickness of Major Graham a member of the Fremont court Martial has suspended the proceedings

RWv24i98p1c5, December 7, 1847, Honor to the Brave! Serenade
Citizens in New Orleans gathered in front of the St. Charles Hotel and gave a serenade to the distinguished officers who had just arrived from Alabama, from the seat or war–Gen. Quitman, Shields and Col. Harney

RWv24i98p2c1, December 7, 1847, Governor's Message
Comments about letters received from Taylor about Resolutions adopted by the Virginia general assembly, giving honor to the gallant soldiers; gives congratulations about the success in Mexico; comments on the health and condition of the volunteers there; comments about what should happen with the Mexico–US policy towards it

RWv24i98p2c7, December 7, 1847,
News has arrived that Capt. Calwell died in September at Jalapa from a wound that he received soon after he reached Mexico

RWv24i98p2c7, December 7, 1847; From Washington (begins on 2nd page and ends on 3rd page)
Report that the administration might send a new commissioner to Mexico in place of Triste; suppose to be composed of four or five men, and Bishop Huges and Mr. Crittenden might be appointed; is not believed that this will be more successful than Triste.; Santa Anna was first Polk peace commissioner and that obviously didn't work

RWv24i98p3c2, December 7, 1847, From the Army of Gen. Taylor
Mail from Buena Vista, Monterey and Cerralvo; Lt. Col. Webb had a scouting party fall to guerrilla chief Elmojah Martinus and his party, but in the fight Martinus was killed; many guerrillas near Cerralvo under Ganales, Bosques, Mendez, Arispe, Col. Travinia and other; Gen. Taylor expected at Cerralvo on the 10th; Col. Hamtramck has been in command of the troops at Encantada, Buena Vista and Saltillo by Gen. Wool until further orders

RWv24i98p4c1, December 7,1847: Mexico and Slavery
Comments about the slavery of the Texas state; Africans if slavery is abolished can leave through Texas, into Mexico and down in Central America; if Texas is not a slavery holding state, then it will be a refuge for the Africans when it was really suppose to be their outlet

RWv24i98p4c1, December 7, 1847,
Rumored that Mr. Calhoun will not stick to his policy of withdrawing troops to a defensive line butwill bring forward some new way of ending the war and the boundary question.

RWv24i98p4c2, December 7, 1847,
Objection to the acquisition of Mexican territory applies to the diminished force to Upper California; the area can be taken without involving the issue of slavery–this can be done by allowing California to be its own independent republic

RWv24i98p4c2, December 7,1847: A Prediction
If Mexico continues without a recognized government and refuses to adopt the peace terms given by the US then the Americans will take the defensive line policy; people think that at this Congress the war will be ended

RWv24i98p4c2, December 7, 1847,
Meeting of the Whig of the city and county of Philadelphia will be held to respond to the resolution of Mr. Clay on the Mexican War

RWv24i98p4c2, December 7, 1847, The 'Beautiful and Unfortunate!'
A letter from Texas describing the beauty of the area

RWv24i98p4c2, December 7, 1847, Gen. Kearny and Com. Stockton
The Fremont trial might cause personal conflict between Kearny and Stockton; letter have been written to friends to urge them to help prevent any conflict between Kearny and Stockton; comments about Fremont's guilt

RWv24i99p1c1, December 10, 1847, The Governor's Message
Not expecting the governor to comment on brining the war to an end; he is in favor of occupation and looks forward to a time when the US will extend to the Isthmus of Darien; anxious to annex part of Mexico; quotes of the governor's about the inhabitants of Mexico

RWv24i99p1c1, December 10, 1847, The Fremont Trial
Col. Fremont's counsel opened their defense; submitted a large mass of documents–some are letters showing that Fremont followed orders given by Com. Stockton

RWv24i99p1c2, December 10, 1847,
Reported that the Whig had stated that Taylor might be nominated for president–denied, said that they never stated it

RWv24i99p1c2, December 10, 1847, General Taylor
Taylor arrived at Matamoros on the 18th and he will leave from there for New Orleans; preparations are underway in New Orleans for his arrival; comments about how Taylor might act or think about the New Orleans reception for him

RWv24i99p1c4, December 10, 1847, The Latest from the Rio Grande
Reports on the movement of Gen. Taylor; what troops are going where, how many there are etc.

RWv24i99p1c3, December 10, 1847, From the City of Mexico
Rumors of peace in Mexico City; report that the majority are in favor of peace; earthquakes are present and frequent in Mexico; village of Octola was destroyed by an earthquake a few days ago

RWv24i99p1c3, December 10, 1847, Fighting the Mexicans with New Weapons
Religious men are trying to exert a new kind of influence in Mexico; American Tract Society have sent large quantities of instructive tracts to Mexico; Catholic Bishop so pleased with one of the tracts that he had it printed for the public; two liberal donations have allowed the Society to send a man to the country

RWv24i99p1c4, December 10, 1847, Later from Vera Cruz
Santa Ana to return to the government–problems with his previous resignation; Santa Ana said that he never did resign entirely; no separation between civil and military so Santa Ana wears his military uniform; Pena y Pena's removal of Santa Ana has been decided as being void; no one can land in Vera Cruz as a transport unless his belongs to the army or navy; reports on the movement of Gen. Butler and Gen. Patterson; much has been done about breaking up the guerrillas

RWv24i99p1c4, December 10, 1847, President's Message
Comments about the peace process with Mexico–Mexico having rejected the peace offer; Mexico began the war; comments about what Polk did after he learned of Mexican hostility; comments about the army–gives praise; comments about the affairs in California–why it would be good for the US to take Upper California; comments about the terms of peace presented by the Mexicans; comments about the official stance on the border is

RWv24i99p2c2, December 10, 1847, Clay Meeting in Philadelphia
Resolutions passed by the meeting in Philadelphia; resolutions deal with the war with Mexico–no in favor of it and what should be done to stop it

RWv24i99p2c1, December 10, 1847,
Believed by all that the march of Taylor to the Rio Grande caused the war with Mexico

RWv24i99p2c2, December 10, 1847, Mexican Political Speculation
Comments about the events within the Congress of Mexico; attacks on Paredes have been found in several papers; comments about positions that the army has been ordered to take; all papers attribute to Pena y Pena the design of getting rid of the old army

RWv24i99p3c1, December 10, 1847, Arrival of Gen. Taylor at New Orleans
Report that Taylor has arrived in New Orleans; Taylor will enter the city tomorrow; more comments about the atmosphere of the city; a letter sent to Taylor invites him to be the guest of the city

RWv24i100p1c1, December 14, 1847, Reception of Gen. Taylor in N. Orleans
Description of Taylor as he arrived, what he did, his character etc. reception being posponed tot he3rd of December; comments about changes made to the reception of Taylor–where Taylor will ride his horse and in what order; Taylor's horse is sick, so Taylor might have to ride a brown horse instead; comments about how the 3rd of December must have been a joyous day

RWv24i100p1c2, December 14, 1847,
National Intelligencer published two despatches from Maj. Jack Downing in Mexico; will be published as soon as find room

RWv24i100p1c1, December 14, 1847, Troops for Mexico
Boat has been chartered to take troops now at Fort Monroe to Vera Cruz; wish these Virginians a pleasant voyage and victory on the field; hope that Virginians will conduct themselves in a manner worthy of the state

RWv24i100p1c1, December 14, 1847,
All misunderstanding between Gen. Kearney and Com. Stockton have been explained away

RWv24i100p1c3, December 14, 1847, Oregon
Congress has not established a territorial government in Oregon; extension of mail into Oregon; US will not abandon the people of Oregon; believe that the US can profit from Oregon; President will direct US vessels of war to visit Oregon ports–letter to John M. Shively appointed Deputy Postmaster in Oregon

RWv24i100p1c7, December 14, 1847, Gen. Worth and American Prisoners
Letter to Gen. Worth from American officers recently imprisoned by the Mexicans; writing because they had been offered up for release at the battle of Buena Vista but the US army said no;

RWv24i100p2c1, December 14, 1847, The President's Message
Opinion about the President's statements on the Mexican War; comments on how the began

RWv24i100p2c2, December 14, 1847,
Fremont trial still in progress; Com. Stockton was examined today

RWv24i100p2c1, December 14, 1847,
New Orleans Delta is regarded as the favorite organ of Gen. Gid. Pillow

RWv24i100p2c2, December 14, 1847,
Sword made for Gen. Taylor was presented to him by Gov. Johnson and the Legislature of Louisiana; quote of the address given by Taylor after the presentation

RWv24i100p2c1, December 14, 1847, General Taylor
Taylor left New Orleans yesterday; comments about Taylor's presence and how it effected the city

RWv24i100p2c4, December 14, 1847, The Reception of General Taylor
Description of the reception of Taylor in New Orleans–very detailed – what things looked like, how things were decorated, when Taylor arrived (time), description of the vessels, address the Mayor gave to Taylor, who was there

RWv24i100p2c5, December 14, 1847, The Dinner
Description of the dinner held in honor of Taylor; list of toasts given; activities that took place after dinner

RWv24i100p2c4, December 14, 1847,
Col. Henry T. Washington has been promoted to fill the office vacated by Brigadier General J. R. Wallace; comments about Washington's character

RWv24i100p2c6, December 14, 1847,
Gen. Taylor leaves New Orleans this morning headed towards his home in Baton Rouge; he asked for his leave while the situation in Mexico is quiet

RWv24i100p2c7, December 14, 1847,
Letter from Mexico talking about the extensive system of field fortification that exists around Mexico City

RWv24i100p4c1, December 14, 1847, Report of the Secretary of War
Comments by the Secretary of War about the War with Mexico–gives details about battles, troops and movements of the army; gives suggestions for provisions for payment; suggestions made about raising troops, improving medical; comments about Indian affairs and what to do about them – very detailed (takes up all of page 4)

RWv24i101p1c1, December 17, 1847, Remarks on the Message
More remarks about the President's speech; comments about the boundary of Texas–what happened causing Taylor to advance to the Rio Grande

RWv24i101p1c2, December 17, 1847,
Capt. E. C. Carrington Jr. of the Virginia Volunteers has been ordered to report to Fortress Monroe with the men he has enlisted

RWv24i101p1c2, December 17, 1847,
New Orleans Delta gives a glowing account of Gen. Taylor's ascent up the river to his plantation

RWv24i101p1c3, December 17, 1847, John Q. Adams
Editor of the Boston Atlas contradicts the authority that stated that Adams was in favor of annexation of all of Mexico

RWv24i101p2c2, December 17, 1847,
Quote for the Trenton State Gazette that says that Mexico caused the war–comments about how that is not true

RWv24i101p2c1, December 17, 1847, General Taylor
Comments about Taylor for president–why Taylor is worth the nomination; commitment of the paper to neither candidate; why Taylor could not be elected

RWv24i101p3c1, December 17, 1847, Remarks on the President's Message
More comments about the President's remarks about Mexico beginning the war–how the President supports his claims and how they cannot possibly prove true; letters written by those who visited Texas stating that the Nueces is the boundary

RWv24i101p3c3, December 17, 1847, Report of the Secretary of the Treasury
Gives a table of figures; President ordered money to be raised in Mexico to be used to help support the war effort there–will enforce duties; is not known how large a sum can be gathered from these duties–gives reasons for why the duties might raise a lot of money; if money cannot be raised to fund the war a growing debt will occur; favor of establishing a port entry in Oregon

RWv24i102p1c1, December 21, 1847, The Presidency
Comments about Taylor being nominated for the Presidency

RWv24i102, p1c7, December 21, 1847, News from Santa Fe
Several recruiting officers arrived in Santa Fe to recruit 800 to fill up battalions from Illinois and St. Louis; fifteen hundred troops and twelve pieces of artillery were to be despatched against Chihuahua; American troops will met with resistance; Col. Gilpin arrived with his battalion; Col. Price expected to started to Santa Fe by December 1st; arrival at St. Louis has suffered because of the cold

RWv24i102p2c1, December 21, 1847, News from the Army
Comments about political elections in Mexico; how the Congress feels about the elections; comments about the inaugural adress of President Anaya; Scott has been issued the order to demand payment from the Mexicans for the cost of occupying their country until the Mexicans sue for peace

RWv24i103p2c2, December 21, 1847, Lieutenant Johnson
Appears to be in god health but skinny and therefore conclude that our troops are having a hard time in Mexico

RWv24i102p2c1, December 21, 1847, Gen. Taylor and Mr. Clay
Taylor expresses admiration and friendship for Mr. Clay, but they disagree on Mexico

RWv24i102p2c3, December 21, 1847, Late and Important from Vera Cruz
Santa Anna has issued another pronunciamento against the provisional government and called on the country to organize men and renew the war; reports on the Louisiana battalion of Mounted Men running in with some guerrillas; successful expedition of Capt. Kerr; comments on rumors and conditions of troops

RWv24i102p2c3, December 21, 1847, From the N O Picayune
Indian population in the neighborhood of Huajtla has risen upon the troops; comments about the US steamer Gen. Butler; loss of the Barque Dunlap

RWv24i102p2c3, December 21, 1847, Late and Important from Mexico
Santa Anna in charge of 18,000 men and threatening to overthrown the Congress; Gen. Worth sent to Queretaro to protect the Congress; Gen. Anaya elected President of Mexico, comments on who he kept in his cabinet; arrest of Gen. Worth, Gen. Pillow and Lieut. Col. Duncan by Gen. Scott–letters written by the men fell into the hands of Gen. Scott; a letter from Mexico about the political activities there– Santa Ana's complaining; reports of guerrilla activity

RWv24i102p2c4, December 21, 1847, General Orders No. 357
Train will leave for Vera Cruz; no officers can leave unless given permission, wound and sick who can travel can go home; honorable discharges can leave on the first train as well; 1st Regiment of US Artillery will go to Vera Cruz to escort the wagon train and upon its arrival this regiment will relieve 1st Infantry at the garrison

RWv24i102p2c4, December 21, 1847, General Orders No. 358
Orders that the army will raise money in Mexico to support the war until Mexico sues for peace; army will not pay rent, if rent is charged the army will just take buildings to house their men in; martial law order

RWv24i102p2c4, December 21, 1847, Yet Later
The Maria Burt has driven ashore north of Vera Cruz; two teamsters were executed in Jalapa for the murder of a young Mexican; Gen. Pena y Barragan has been appointed military commander of the State of Vera Cruz; trains left under the command of Gen. Butler; members of Congress unhappy with the election of the president in Mexico gave up their seats; pronunciamento has been made by Santa Ana; Santa Ana leaving for Queretaro–expecting to hear news of the overthrow of the government; comments about guerrillas again

RWv24i102p2c5, December 21, 1847, Inaugural Address of President Anaya
Comments about the government and how it should work

RWv24i102p2c5, December 21, 1847, Arrival of the Gen. Butler
Vessel arrived last night; list of officers on board; congratulations to Capt. Wright for getting the ship into port safely

RWv24i103p1c1, December 24, 1847, Views of Albert Gallatin
Printed in the paper are views of Albert Gallatin on the Mexican war; cannot fit all so they will be concluded tomorrow

RWv24i103p1c2, December 24, 1847, From California
Malek Adhet captured by the US was sold at auction; San Francisco intolerably warm; people of San Francisco elected a town Council–list of who was elected; passing of ordinance–desertion of seamen, enticing sailors from ships or aiding in their desertion, gets a labor penalty; emigration to California will not exceed ninety wagons this year; mountain snow might be difficult to pass; emigration to Oregon is still going

RWv24i103p1c2, December 24, 1847, The Army of Occupation
Taylor gives up command because he received a leave of absence; Wool is now in charge

RWv24i103p1c1, December 24,1847: Gen. Taylor at Home
Gen. Taylor arrived home late on the 5th; description of how he was greeted

RWv24i103p1c4, December 24, 1847, From Santa Fe
Infamous and horrid massacre of Indians by American soldiers; description of the event

RWv103p1c5, December 24,1847: The Presidency
More comments about Taylor and the nomination for president; what Taylor's political affiliation is

RWv24i103p1c5, December 24, 1847:
Democratic war meeting was said to have been a disaster; held in Philadelphia on Saturday

RWv24i103p1c6, December 24, 1847, Capt. Alexander S. Hooe
Died from burns; fought at Palo Alto where he lost an arm

RWv24i103p1c6, December 24, 1847, Gen. Taylor Conquered
Comments about Taylor and his interactions around women–proves to be timid

RWv24i103p2c1, December 24, 1847, Peace with Mexico
Comments about conquering the Mexicans–what that would mean for them and for Americans; Americans have a false hope about conquering the Mexicans; comments about the Texas border will be the biggest problem for peace; what should be done to get peace

RWv24i103p2c2, December 24, 1847, From the Rio Grande
Report of a fight between American troops and the Camanches

RWv24i103p2c2, December 24, 1847, From Havana
All the papers give much attention to the Mexican war; congress has assembled at Queretaro, Anaya voted President; train expected in Puebla which is said to be escorting troops; all in favor of the continuation of hostilities save those of Puebla and Mexico; list of the ministers in the new administration

RWv24i103p2c3, December 24, 1847, Whig Legislative Meeting
Adopted that the Whig General Assembly finds Taylor an acceptable candidate for president

RWv24i103p2c3, December 24, 1847, Debate in the Senate
Debate between Mr. Clahoun and other senators about the conquest of Mexico, and the annexation of territory – very detailed, is a dialogue between the men

RWv24i103p4c1, December 24, 1847, Peace with Mexico (this section goes before the section on page 2)
The opinion of Albert Gallatin about what is required for a peace with Mexico; problems with the US stance on the situation–such as the border of Texas; history of what has already taken place dealing with negotiations and the war in general; what the US should be doing

RWv24i104p1c1, December 28, 1847, Lt. Col. John Garland
He is in Richmond with his family; fought in the Mexican war

RWv24i104p1c4, December 28, 1847, The Meeting in New York on the War
Report on the meeting held about the war on Monday night – what was discussed, what happened, summary of Mr. Seldon's speech; also the complete speech given by T M Bleakely

RWv24i104p1c4, December 28, 1847, From the N. O. Picayune
Order of Col. Gates that state that ship stationed at Altamira use their best efforts to protect all traders, regardless of their nationality; escort ships–those both coming and going

RWv24i104p2c2, December 28, 1847, The Mexican War
Comments on Mr. Botts resolution presented to the representatives of Congress – gives a list of the resolutions included in Mr. Botts resolution; there was also a resolution submitted by Mr. Toombs of Georgia – lists the one resolution; comments about Mr. Gaines vote in the Senate and opinion about the war

RWv24i104p2c1, December 28, 1847, Whig State Convention
More comments about the debate between Clay and Taylor for the presidential nomination; comments about Taylor's political affiliation, character, ability etc.

RWv24i104p2c2, December 28, 1847, News from Mexico
Comment that most of the paper consists of war news

RWv24i104p2c2, December 28, 1847,
Fremont trial still in progress; nothing on the recent testimony

RWv24i104p2c2, December 28,1847
A gold mounted sword has been orderd for Gen. Wool by the Common Council and citizens of Troy NY

RWv24i104p2c3, December 28, 1847, Mazatlan and Guaymas
Report that the ports of Mazatlan and Guaymas are in the possession of the American naval forces; occupation of every other considerable port of the Pacific will follow; several US naval ships have entered the pot of Guaymas demanding surrender of the city, the place surrendered to the naval forces under Lavallett

RWv24i104p2c3, December 28, 1847,
Letters from Mexico announce the death of Col. Robert M. Echolos of Georgia; he was in charge of the 13th Regiment US infantry

RWv24i104p2c4, December 28, 1847, Arrival of the steamer Maria Burt
Report of the arrests of Worth, Pillow and Duncan; Twiggs was to have come down by train from Mexico but because of the arrest of Worth was detained; occupation of our naval forces in Mazatlan and Guaymas; correspondent alludes to a protest by the English Government against forced loans from English resident in Mexico

RWv24i104p2c4, December 28, 1847, Special Correspondence of the Picayune
Report on the revolt Chiapas; newspaper called the Yankee Doodle appeared yesterday; all in favor of peace but the Governor of San Luis; Anaya has no line of policy; Gen. Busramente has been nominated by the Supreme Government general–in–chief of the army of reserve, and commandant general of the state; announcement of Santa Anna making himself head of an armed force to prevent negotiations of peace with the Americans; general orders given by Scott; other information about the conduct of American soldiers

RWv24i104p2c5, December 28, 1847, The Difficulty in the Army
Difficulty of prominent officers appears to have been quiet a problem; orders by Scott about the conduct – letters bad–mouthing the army are forbidden; false credit for achievements not honorable; Duncan replied with a letter stating he wrote the letter which has been described as scandalous and he calls for justice for Gen. Worth; after the publication of that letter Duncan was arrested and then Pillow the next day; Gen. Pillow might not have been arrested for the letter writing

RWv24i104p2c5, December 28, 1847, From Gen. Patterson's Train
Weather report; Col. Wynkoop left town to find the head of the guerrilla forces; he returned with a group of men; Col. Rebolledo confesses that he was taken prisoner at Vera Cruz but then released, he was at Cerro Gordo but was taken prisoner there, the Capt did not go further than Jalapa because that was where his family was; Lieut. Ambrosia Alcaldo said he belonged to the 11th Mexican Infantry and was taken prisoner at Vera Cruz; Wynkoop's scouting party learned that 800 troops were on their way from Orizabab to attack the train at Passo la Bejia

RWv24i104p2c56, December 28, 1847, From the Pacific
Mr. F War bearer of despatches from Col. Mason passed through the city yesterday; the Columbus was to sail home and she may be expected in a month; at Panama Mr. war found Col. Barton with his family

RWv24i104p2c7, December 28, 1847, Generals Sheilds and Quitman
They passed through the city on the way to Washington; in a hurry and could not stay; they are going to return quickly so that the citizens can gives honors to them

RWv24i104p3c1, December 28, 1847,
War offices have received trophies of war; two beautiful brass wall pieces sent by Scott; black flag of the guerrillas

RWv24i104p1c4, December 28, 1847, Report of the Secretary of the Navy
Number in navy will be reduced at end of the war; report that commerce is not begin disrupted; Ohio has orders to remain at the Rio until the 15th of November; men under Com. Stockton have entered Cuidad de los Angeles–comments about California; squadron in the Gulf has captured a number of ships; have been collecting duties since the taking of Vera Cruz; strengthening of the army through transportation; comments about mail service between Ohio and the Atlantic states

RWv24i105p1c1, December 31, 1847, Albert Gallatin
His recent essay about Mexico has brought him again prominently before the people

RWv24i105p1c2, December 31, 1847, Gen. Taylor in Georgia
Whigs in Georgia decided to hold a State Convention to determine their presidential candidate; meeting held by friends of Taylor

RWv24i105p1c2, December 31, 1847, Still Later from the South
Arrival of the British Steamer Teviot below New Orleans; Gen. Patterson and his large train in the City of Mexico; rumors of peace

RWv24i105p1c2, December 31, 1847, The Legislative Reception
Col. John Garland, Lieut. Johnson of Chesterfield and Lieut. Worcestor of Massachusetts were welcomed by the House of Delegates; address given by Mr. Floyd; all men had served in the Mexican War

RWv24i105p1c3, December 31, 1847, Difficulty in Texas
German settlers in Fayette county have divided into opposing faction, have armed and are preparing for combat; conflict broke out a few weeks ago and many have been killed and wounded all ready

RWv24i105p1c5, December 31, 1847, Letters from the City of Mexico
Report of a successful revolution in Oajaca;distrubances in Guanajuato continue; Gen. Ampudia arrived at San Luis Potosi; Gen. Urrea is in Tula de Tamulipas; Gen. Scott visited the archbishop; Paredes is looked upon with strong suspicion by the Mexican people; Cap. Sanderson discovered the whole apparatus and machinery which has been used in casting cannon near Molino del Rey; a greaser was whipped in the plaza; 4th, 5th, and 6th Infantry paraded in the principal plazsa; three propositions have been passed to the first reading in Congress; Senor Anaya has nominted don Manuel Pena y Pena for Minister of Relations; wagon–master and teamster hung in plaza; Gen. Patterson has been implored by the population of the town to pardon a condemned man; El Monitor Republicano published the details of the bombardment and capture of Guaymas–details on the capture; on 22nd of February the last sacraments of the Catholic church were given to Gen. Herrera at Queretaro; conflict between Texan Rangers and a band of Camanches–details; Col. Gates has issued an order to the troops at Atamara to protect and escort any considerable number of traders; Governor of Tampaulpias has denounced Urrea; some of the dragoon companies have flanked out in the direction of Victoria; weather update.


July 1847

July 2, 1847, RW47v24n53p2c2 Army of the General Taylor

[From the N.O. Picayune, June 24]

From the Army of the General Taylor.

The fashion touched at Brazos Santiago on the 20th inst., on her voyage from Vera Cruz, and brought over thence the following gentlemen: Col. J P Taylor, of the Sub. Assistance Department; Capt. Chase, Adjutant Caldwell, 2d Kentucky Regiment; and Lieuts. Wooster, Montgomery, Allen and Mizner, of the army. The Fashion also brought over about forty discharged soldiers.

From the Flag of the 19th inst. We learn that Capt. Eaton relieves Col. Taylor in the charge of the Subsistence Department, and will make his head–quarters at Brazos Island. Major Colquhoun acts as subsistence agent at Matamoros. The Flag makes grateful mention of Col. Taylor’s services while stationed there.

Major Ben McCulloch has arrived at the Brazos with 150 horses for the service. Fifty of them, says the Flag, will be reserved for his own spy company, and the rest probably used in mounting Col. Butler’s dragoons. The Flag suggests that Col. B. should range the country between Matamoros and Victoria.

Capt. W. R. Andrews, of the 10th Infantry, has been ordered North on account of sickness, resulting from injuries received in the wreck of the Mobile on Orange Keys.

Two robberies are mentioned in the Flag as occurring within limits of the city.

The same paper also mentions the death of John Comegys, a man well known here as a printer and reporter. He was accidentally shot on board the steamer Whiteville, just below Reynoss, on the 16th inst., under the following circumstances:

Mr. Comegys, while resting upon a cot on the boat, amused himself playing with a Mexican boy about ten years of age. The boy, in a sporting mood, picked up an old horseman’s pistol that had been throwing about the boat, and which no one even dreamed was loaded, pointed it at Mr. C. and pulled the trigger. A ball issued from the muzzle and penetrated one of his temples, killing him instantly. He was buried at Reynosa. Mr. Comegys was a native of Pennsylvania, a printer by profession, and had worked in this office. He was for some time a clerk in the Quartermaster’s Department, and at the time of his decease officiated in that capacity on the Whiteville. His fate will be lamented by all who knew him, and furnishes another impressive lesson to show with what exceeding care fire–arms should be handled.
[NO]


July 2, 1847, RW47v24n53p2c2 Correspondent at Monterrey

We give below a letter from our correspondent now at Monterrey, thought it is not late as accounts received here several days since.

[Special Correspondence of the Picayune] Column B

Monterrey, Mexico, June 6, 1847

Once again I am enabled to resume my pen, which a severe relapse of fever under which I suffered so severely at Saltillo has prevented me from using for several days. I have had a tough time of it, but thank Fortune, am now on “the improvement Committee,” and hope soon regain my strength. At present no scales save an apothecary’s would weigh a sufficiently small quantity to make a correct estimate of my weight. I wrote you a letter on the 30th ult. And the 1st inst., but you will probably get this letter as soon. Since the 1st inst., until to–day I have been confined to my bed.

The Illinois volunteers and Capt. Pike’s quadroon of Arkansas cavalry have been here several days, but leave tomorrow for Camargo and home.

Since I left Saltillo has reached us of quite a successful scout of Lieut. Tobin, with a party of McCulloch’s Rangers, which I presume Col. BELKNAP WILL HAVE NO OBJECTION IN MENTIONING. When a long distance from Buena Vista (near what place I have been unable to learn) he discovered a party of ten or a dozen of armed persons, and gave chase. It proved to be a Mexican express rider form General Sanchez at Patos to the Governor of San Luis, with an escort, mostly deserters from our army. The bearer of dispatches and his horse and papers were captured, but the men escaped. The contents of the dispatches conveyed the information that there were very few American troops in the neighborhood of Saltillo, at that city, or along the line; people smarting under injuries and wrongs and, anxious to fight to the last for their country, but prevented from want of means from resenting their injuries, and recommending that troops be dispatched with all possible speed to re take Saltillo, an easy task! This information I derive from, I am induced to believe, an authentic source, and the above is the purport of the despatch. They would hardly come with any very large force, except perhaps cavalry, and they are of no account. They can scarcely have any artillery now to spare, and I am little afraid that Gen. Sanchez, if he it was who sent the despatch, would not realize his expectation of its being such “an easy task.” There is “a pretty smart chance” of artillery in that neighborhood.”

The horse which Mexican despatch bearer rode, singular to say, was one stolen from Lt. Sturgis some months since. Gen. Wool, I am told despatched some of the rangers and a company of dragoons after the residue of the party as soon as Capt. Tobin reported. If they are taken and are deserters they will have hard time of it.

I have alluded in my previous letter to the murders committed at Saltillo by Mexicans upon Americans. THEY KILLED ONE TOO MANY. On the 31st ult, a member of the Arkansas cavalry, while leading his horse in a grove near the Alameda, used as a race track, was accosted by two Mexicans, who extended their hands to him in a friendly manner; but, instead of the grasp of friendship, the assassin’s knife was plunged into his heart, and he was cast into a ditch, while his horse was made away with. Some of the companion of the deceased, who came to join him on the track soon after, discover traces of blood, and on pursuing them, found the wounded man breathing his last, with just life enough to tell them the cause of his situation. Not far from the place, two Mexicans were shortly afterwards discovered, whose conduct was suspicious and they were captured. It was afterwards deemed inadvisable to permit them to be regularly tried; a party of men demanded them; and they were taken out and shot. In the sleeve of one was found a bloody knife corresponding with the size of the wound. This was not enough! I regret to state that many Mexicans were killed that day –some say seventeen, and some say more. Comment is unnecessary.

We have had no more news of Urrea, and heard nothing of any guerrilla parties as yet. The 2d battalion of Virginia volunteers garrison this place, but will move on as soon as they can be relieved. There is still a good deal of sickness here, but of a mild character, and but few deaths. –For the last few days, we have had several showers during the day, and I imagine it is brewing up for the rainy season. You will probably have and opportunity of seeing the portrait of Gen. Taylor by Mr. Atwood in New Orleans– Mr. R G Brown, a portrait painter from Virginia, has also come out to take portraits of the General and the members of his staff.

It seems there is still a bare possibility of our going to San Luis at a more advance period than contemplated by Gen. Taylor at first, but all depends on whether troops can be had.

The despatches brought from Washington by Mr. Bradish, who left your city on the 21st ult., were of no importance, and their date was no so late by several days as Washington paper received by mail. I believe I have given you all the items of news that have reached me, farewell for the present. J. E. D.
[NO]


July 2, 1847, RW47v24n53p2c3 Letter from General Taylor.

The following letter from General Taylor is published in the Cincinnati Signal, to the editor of which paper it purports to be addressed. We imagine it was not designed by the writer for the public eye; but the editor of the Signal professes to think that the circumstances under which he received it warrant its publication. He says he felt it to be his duty, when the first demonstrations were made in favor of Gen. Taylor for the Presidency, to dwell upon the subject at considerable length. “We were desirous (he continues) that some of the suggestions contained in our article should meet the eye of the General Taylor, and therefore enclosed it to his address, with a few words of reference to our position as a journalist. In reply to the communication we have received the admirable and significant letter, which we take pleasure in laying before our readers.”

We published this letter, without, for the present, any comment:

Headquarters Army of Occupation

Camp near Monterrey, May 18, 1847.

Sir: I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of your letter, with the enclosure of your editorial, extracted from the “Signal” of the 13th April.

At this time, my public duties command so fully my attention, that it is impossible to answer your letter in the terms demanded by its courtesy, and the importance of the sentiments to which it alludes; neither, indeed, have I the time, should I feel myself at liberty, to enter into the few and most general subjects of public policy suggested by the article in question. My own personal views were better withheld till the end of the war, when my usefulness as a military chief, serving in the field against the common enemy, shall no longer be compromised by their expression or discussion in any manner.

From many sources I have been addressed on the subject of the Presidency, and I do violence neither to myself nor to my positions as an officer of the army, by acknowledging to you, as I have done to all who have alluded to the use of my name in this exalted connexion, that my services are ever at the will and call of my country, and that I am not prepared to say that I shall refuse if the country calls me to the Presidential office, but that I can and shall yield to no call that does not come from the spontaneous action and free will of the nation at large, and void of the slightest agency of my own.

For the high honor and responsibilities of such an office, I take this occasion to say, that I have no the slightest aspiration; a much more tranquil and satisfactory life, after the termination of my present duties, awaits me, I trust, in the society of my family and particular friends and in the occupation most congenial to my wishes. In no case can I permit myself to be the candidate of any party, or yield myself to party schemes.

With the remarks, I trust you will pardon me for thus briefly replying to you, which I do with a high opinion and approval of the sentiments and views embraced in your editorial.

With many wises for your prosperity in life, and great usefulness in the sphere in which your talents and exertions are embarked, I beg to acknowledge myself most truly and respectfully your obedient servant, Z. TAYLOR. Major General U.S. Army.

Jas. W. Taylor, Esq. Cincinnati, Ohio.
[NO]


July 2, 1847, RW47v24n53p2c3 One day later.

The New Orleans paper of the 24th ult. Announce the arrival of the steamship Fashion, with one day’s later advices from Vera Cruz. The Picayune says, it has no letters from Gen. Scott’s army by this arrival or from the city of Vera Cruz, nor can it learn that there had been any later arrival in that city from the army above. The most contradictory rumors are said to prevail in Vera Cruz in regard to Gen. Scott’s movements, but the Picayune, having no faith in them, forbears to give them circulation. There is no confirmation of the truth of the report brought by the preceding arrival that Gen. Scott had marched from Puebla to the Rio Frio, or that the Mexicans had made overtures to Gen. Scott for peace, though such a rumor was prevalent in Vera Cruz. The Bulletin and Picayune both express the opinion that the story is without foundation.
[NO]


July 2, 1847, RW47v24n53p2c4 General Taylor Superceded

From the N.O. National, June 24.

General Taylor Superceded! –We have what we conceive to be undoubted authority for stating, that Gen. Taylor has been superceded in his command. An express passed through Matamoros some weeks since, with the credit of bearing such news to Gen. Taylor; in due course of time the rumor comes from Monterey that such is the fact, and that Gen. Taylor is hereafter, as s SUBORDINATED, to report to Gen. Scott, thro’ him to the War Department at Washington. This last act of an unhappy Administration will seal its fate with the American people. Its conduct towards Gen. Taylor from the commencement of actual hostilities, has been characterized by neglect, and not an opportunity has been permitted to pass, that could be taken advantage of, to annoy and harass him. The intention has been to force Gen. Taylor into some act of indiscretion that would render him unpopular before the people, and compel him to resign.

So far, the enemies of the old hero have been disappointed in their expectations, as they will ever be; but Mr. Polk has lost his judgment, and pursued precisely the course of conduct he should to elevate the man he wished to destroy. We cannot imagine a more total ignorance of the feelings that govern the people of this country, than has been shown in the treatment Gen. Taylor has received from the Administrations. Three time has he saved it on the battle field, when his defeat would have involved it in total ruin, without effecting his own military fame; and for such vast services so highly appreciated by the nation, he is without ceremony deprived of his troops, and finally has the insult put upon him of a nominally independent command. But this war on Gen. Taylor is all fruitless, for the old chief submits patiently, and looks to a higher tribunal than a sinking Administration for his defence.
[NO]


July 2, 1847, RW47v24n53p4c2 Despatches from the Army

From the Union of Monday night.

Despatches from the Army

Despatches were received on Saturday night by the War Office from General Scotts’ camp. Several of the soldiers were sick in the hospital of Vera Cruz, Jalapa, Perote and Puebla; but, with the reinforcement that were en route form Vera Cruz, he would probably have troops sufficient by the 22d to march to the capital, perhaps without any serious opposition. He had ordered all our troops to evacuate Jalapa, in order to strengthen his active army. The last account by the steamer James L. Day are from Vera Cruz to the evening of the 16th instant, witch state that General Scott had advanced to Rio Frio, where a despatch is said to have met him with a proposition for peace. If this last report be true, it is probable that he will remain at Rio Frio, and not forthwith march to the capital but, according to the intimation in his own dispatches, waits till about the 22d both to give himself the opportunity of receiving reinforcements, and to allow the Mexicans more time to negotiate with the better grace.

Among the paper that were received on Saturday form gen. Scott is the following interesting letter from Gen. Worth, witch we lay before our readers:

Headquarters, Puebla, May 15, 1847.

Sir: I have the honor to report, for information of the general in chief, that the forces under my command, including the brigade of Major General Quitman, took military possession of this city at 10 o’clock to–day. Halting yesterday at Amosoque, to await the junction of General Quitman, (for which purpose I had shortened the marches of the leading brigades the two previous days) I found my position suddenly menaced, at 8 o’clock, a. m. by a large body of cavalry. This force approached somewhat stealthily by a road ou our right unknown to us. A rapid examination, as it unmasked itself, exhibited, as was supported, some 2000, but, from accurate information obtained here, 3000 cavalry of the line, unsupported either by infantry or artillery, and moving a mile on our right and toward the rear, lead to the conclusion that it was a RUSE to attract attention in that quarter, while the real attack was to be looked for on the high road in front, or a movement on Gen. Quitman who might have been supposed the usual day’s march in the rear. It was presently reported that a heavy column was actually approaching on the main road. Thus it became necessary, while directing a portion of the force against the visible enemy, to guard our large train, reserve ammunition, & c., packed in the square, against the invisible.

The 2d artillery, with a section of Duncan’s battery under the brigade commander, Col. Garland, the 6th infantry under Major Bonneville, with Steptoe’s battery, was promptly moved, and so directed as to take the enemy in flank. The head of his column having now reached a point opposite the center of the town, and distant about half a mile, the batteries soon opened a rapid and effective fire. After some twenty–five rounds, the entire column broke without attempting a charge or firing a shot, and hastily fled up the sides of the convenient hills. Only one company of infantry [of the 6th] was enabled, from distance, to deliver its fire. The broken column was seen to reunite and resume its march in the direction of Gen Quitman’s approach. The 2d artillery and the 8th infantry, with two sections of the light batteries, was put in its track, when the enemy again swerved to the left, and disappeared in the hills. Two miles distant Gen. Quitman was met by the last–named detachment. He had already discovered the enemy, of whose proximity the firing had admonished him, and promptly taken his order of battle. The discomfited enemy reached Puebla late at night, and evacuated the place at 4 in the morning. We took some prisoners, and found a few dead. The enemy acknowledge a loss of 89 killed and wounded. General Santa Anna conducted the enterprize. Enclosed, marked A, is a copy of a communication addressed, on the 12th, to the civil authorities of Puebla. Again, marked C, on the 14th, with reply to the latter, marked D: also copy of circular, dated 9th, addressed to commanders of corps, to regulate their conduct in certain contingencies on the march. It is understood the force which retired from this city the day before yesterday, and to–day, is to take post at Puente del Tesmaluca, distant 12 leagues on the road to the capital, where it is proposed to fortify. Our reception was respectfully and coldly courteous, but without the slightest cordiality. Incessant occupation has not allowed me a moment to look into the resources in way of supply; but Mr. – – says, breadstuff will be had in abundance, less of beef, and perhaps a liberal quantity of small rations.

Very respectfully, your obedient servant. W.J. Worth. Brevet Major General Commanding.
[NO]


July 2, 1847, RW47v24n53p2c3 General Walter Jones, Military Disputes

Military Disputes .

Correspondence of the Baltimore Sun.

Washington, June 25, 1847.

General Walter Jones has resigned his commission as Major General of the Militia of the District of Columbia, or rather of Washington county, for a part of the military district has gone back to Virginia. The vacancy cannot be filled till the President shall return. Gen. Jones has written a letter, said to be very severe, addressed to the Secretary of War, and commenting upon the refusal of the Executive to appoint Col. C.L. Jones to the command of the battalion which he himself raised here on his own expense, and with some encouragement from the government.

Explanations have been demanded by General Walter Jones, and perhaps also by Col. Jones, on this subject. – The correspondence going on will, I learn, be published in a few days, and it will no doubt be found quite piquant and interesting.

It is said that Capt. Hughes was personally requested and expected by the President and the Secretary of War, to take command of this battalion, and that if he had from any motive of delicacy declined it, some person other than Col. Jones would have been appointed to that command.
[NO]


July 2, 1847, RW47v24n53p2c3 General Walter Jones

[From the N.O. Picayune, June 22] Column C

General Walter Jones.

In a package of papers, & c., sent to us by Mr. Kendall from Puebla, we find further details of affairs going on in the city of Mexico, though still nothing than the 29th of May.

Le Courrier Francais translates a powerful article from the Razonador. The greater part of it is written to show that the guerrillas system will be a thousand time more disastrous to good Mexican citizens than to the armies of the United States, that the inevitable tendency of the system will be to leave the honest, well–disposed and thriving inhabitants at the mercy of the lawless, needy desperadoes; and that such worthy inhabitants will inevitably apply to the Americans for protection, who are too sagacious not to grant it in full.

To prolong the war by a guerrilla system the writer deems, therefore, suicidal for Mexico. The only other practicable mode, he says, is the levee en masse of the inhabitants, attacking the Yankees in front, in rear, and upon their flanks. Such a rising, if executed with spirit, vigor and courage he thinks won be successful, although the Americans might gain advantages in the outset. Such a rising the editor fully approves of and still advocates, but it will never take place, he says; not because it is impossible in itself, but because the Mexicans do not heartily desire it and no intention of making it. Such being the case, he calls upon his countrymen not to solicit a peace, but to listen to the overtures which may be made to them. He writes with great clearness and force, and had we room we would reproduce the article. Such appeals must tell powerfully in Mexico for peace. The people are unused to them.

One of the last acts of Gen. Bravo while he remained in command, was to sanction a plan for the preservation of order in the city, which was adopted by the municipal council. We should give the plan at length had it not been ultimately rejected by the Government, but the design was to enroll the citizens, foreign as well as natives, for the single purpose of watching over the security of private persons and property, and maintaining public order. Of these citizens companies of thirty and forty were to be formed, who were to elected their own officers, & c, & c. The project was approved by Senor Anaya, by the Governor of the city, and finally by Gen. Bravo. When it was submitted to Senor Baranda, the Minister of the Interior, it was rejected by him summarily as being scandalous, imprudent and detestable in every respect. The council, nevertheless, promulgated the plan, when the Government arbitrarily interfered and suspended the operation of it. It receives no praise for this act from the Monitor; quite the reverse.

The resignation which Gen. Rincon tendered of his office, as second in command to Gen. Bravo, had not been accepted by the Government on the 29th ult.

In the Courrier Francais we find an extract from the Boletin de la Democracia, the organ of Farias. It is a witty, caustic review of the defence of Santa Ana at Cerro Gordo, made by Senor Jimenez. We can understand that Santa Ana finds his position uncomfortable with a few papers of this kind, as witty as remorseless, pouring hot shot in ‘o him all the while, and he unable to defend himself by pointing to a single act successful gallantry in this war by which to deprecate the contempt excited against him.
[NO]


July 2, 1847, RW47v24n53p2c4 Proposed Treaty

The Proposed Treaty with Mexico.

The Washington Union says that any treaty of peace which may be concluded between the United States and Mexico, “must embrace, in some form, indemnity for past injuries, and for the war itself, together with due security for the future peace and good neighborhood of the two countries.” It also says, “there is no reason to suppose that any treaty of peace which will be made, will undertake, in the slightest degree, to interfere with the internal polity of Mexico.”– This last we are glad to hear. It would be the greatest folly in the world for us to undertake to guaranty ANY thing to Mexico– even a Republican form of government. – Should other nations attempt to FORCE a monarchical form of government upon her against her will, the United States might feel obligated to interfere to prevent it; but if the PEOPLE of Mexico want a monarchy, an aristocracy, or even a dog–ocracy, by all means let them be accommodated. The United States can find better business than attempting to force upon Mexico even a good thing. Some would take this opportunity to secure religious toleration in Mexico, the free circulation of the Scriptures, &c. But we say no –not by force. Let France propagate what she calls religion by force if she will, but not the United States. – Neither let us become security for every Mexican who may be elevated to the supreme power, nor for the tranquility of the country. If we become responsible for Mexico in any way, we shall have treble. – Journal of Com.

It is due to our officers serving in Mexico that the greatest caution should be observed by the press in giving publicity to complains against the manner in which they discharge the various and sometimes anomalous duties confided to them; and we know speak of certain imputations respecting the management of the interest of the United States at and about Vera Cruz, because they have become so general as to excite a belief that the service is suffering serious detriment, by reason of a lack of vigor and efficiency in the system of regulations enforced there. It is more from a sense of justice to the officers in command at that point than with a desire to prejudge them, that we say there is not an arrival from Vera Cruz which does not bring accounts of losses of United States property, which are attributed to neglect. It may be that the commandant at that depot has not the force necessary to keep up an effective police to protect the public property form depredators. It may be from very lack of material to prevent it that horses are stolen nightly, and the guerrillas are permitted to prowl hard by the depots of government property. If this be the case the fact should be stated, else the reputation of the officer in command will suffer a serious discount in the opinion of his countrymen. It is due to the commanding officer at Vera Cruz to appraise him of the nature and drift of the reports which continually arrive here. We are disposed to think that much of the mischief is ascribable to the policy of the Government in permitting the natives of Mexico to hold and discharge important offices in captured cities ––thus keeping an enemy in a position to make a good apy and give “comfort” to his people scattered through the country or skulking about the towns. Be this or other the cause of the loss of property, often accompanied with loss of life, a reformation is needed in the conduct of our officers in Mexican cities –either a change in the policy, or a more rigid and effective mode of enforcing that adopted.

In regard to the late attack upon the wagon train, we have heard the most deplorable accounts. The partial success of the Mexicans, before Gen. Cadwalader came to the rescue, should engage the attention of a court martial. They are charged to a remissness so gross that we forbear to state the circumstances as told as by passengers lately arrived here, and by a correspondent who was with the train at the time. The current reports of the Day and Galveston give no flattering picture of affairs in Mexico – We hope to have better things by the next arrivals. N.O. Picayune.
[NO]


July 2, 1847, RW47v24n53p2c4 Taylor defenses stripped

General Taylor

The Matamoros Flag, received by the latest arrival at New Orleans, mentions a few of the many rumors prevalent in that place. It is stated, that the last despatches sent to Gen. Taylor instruct him to strip his line to the very minimum point of denfence, in order to reinforce Gen. Scott; but that, nevertheless, old Rough and Ready is concentrating provisions and transportation at Saltillo for a forward movement, in which case he launches forth into the enemy’s country, abandoning all dependences on his line of communication, which is to be broken up from Saltillo to Matamoros, which place and Fort Brown are to be strongly garrisoned.

We can scarcely credit the latter rumor, however, if the former be true, of which we apprehend there can be no doubt. Gen. Taylor is prudent as well as bold. He is always ready to encounter “fearful odds” when forced into a position where he must of necessity either fight or retreat; but it is not probable that he will voluntarily undertake, with his reduced force, a march across the “waterless desert” between Saltillo and San Luis, encountering in front probably a greatly superior force, and leaving his rear almost entirely undefended, and exposed to the assaults of the enemy. There is more truth, we suspect, in another rumor to which Matamoros paper alludes, to wit, that Gen. Taylor has asked the Government whether he is to be quartered upon a camp stool for the balance of the war –and if so, that he has applied for leave of absence to visit his family. This latter rumor, says the Flag, we fear is too true. And it will not be deemed remarkable, if for his past victories, he has been sentenced to future inactivity, that he should prefer to enjoy his enforced holiday in the bosom of his family, from whom he has been so long absent, rather than in the camp, where, the scene of active preparations having been transferred to another part of Mexico, his presence is no longer indispensably necessary.

The Union asserts that “the best results, as relates to the durable well–being of this Republic, have proceeded from the President policy in allowing the return of Santa Anna to Mexico.” This is news, which the people will be glad to hear! The Union has now but one thing to do, in order to silence all complaints on that score –and that is, to specify the “results” to which it alludes. We confess that they are not at all perceptible to us, nor have we yet seen the man, Whig or Locofoco, who has the remotest conception of what they are. The Union will render a most invaluable service, therefore, to the Administration, of which it is the organ, as well as gratify public curiosity, by ENUMERATING the results that have followed Santa Anna’s return to Mexico, and which it tell us are (XX) intimately connected with the “durable well–being of this Republic” The assertion may be true; but we should like to see some proof of it.
[NO]


July 2, 1847, RW47v24n53p2c4 Kentucky Volunteers

Kentucky Volunteers

The remains of Colonel McKee, Lt. Col. Clay, Capt. Willis, Adjutant Vaughan and private H. Totter were received at Louisville, on the 21st inst. By the military companies and citizens, with every demonstration of public esteem and honor. Business was entirely suspended, and all the stores closed along the streets through which the funeral procession moved.

The two companies of Volunteers that went from Lexington, one commanded by Capt. Beard, and the other (Capt. C.M. Clay’s) by Lt. Woodruff, have reached that city, –or rather the remnant of them. Of Capt. Beard’s company, which mustered 78 when it left home, only 43 have returned –and of Capt. Clay’s, numbering 75 originally, the same number, 43, have come back –the remainder having been killed, or fallen victims to the diseases of the climate, or been discharged on account of sickness, except 11 of the latter company, who are prisoners in Mexico.

Though these companies reached Lexington unexpectedly, preparations were soon made to give then a cordial reception; and they were greeted with every demonstration of the respect and admiration of their fellow–citizens.
[NO]


July 2, 1847, RW47v24n53p2c4 Attack on train

Additional Particulars

The subjoined letter to the editors of the New Orleans Bee gives more minute particulars of the attack of the Mexicans upon the train under the command of Col. McIntosh than we have elsewhere seen:

Paso de Ovejas, Mexico, June 11, 1847.

The train of wagons and pack mules under the direction of Col. McIntosh, left Vera Cruz on the 4th inst., escorted by Capts. Duperu, Ford and McReynolds’s companies of Dragoons –the two latter mounted– and three hundred Infantry commanded by Maj. Lee, and arrived in this village on the 7th inst., after a march of three days.

The train, consisting of 150 wagons laden with specie and ammunition, and 500 pack mules with provisions, &c., proceeded without molestation until about noon on Sunday last, 6th inst., when our advanced guard of Capt. Ford’s Indiana Dragoons was suddenly attacked by a large body of Mexicans.
[NO]


July 6, 1847, RW47v24n54p1c2 J.Q. Adams and the War.

From the Washington correspondence of the Baltimore Sun we copy the following paragraph:

“Mr. John Q. Adams, just before he left this city for Massachusetts, held a conversation with a friend of mine, on the subject of the Mexican war. He gave his views very friendly, and, in substance they were, that the war with Mexico would not end until the United Sates had conquered the whole of it. He believed that the matter had gone so far that it was no longer under the control of this government, and that our people would subjugate, acquire, appropriate, and annex the whole of Mexico. It was his opinion, moreover, that, from the war, would arise a military enthusiasm in this country, leading the people to prefer military man for all elective offices. He was quite certain that, for years to come, all successful candidate for the Presidency must be military men, connected with or grown out of the Mexican war.

Mr. Adams has but expressed opinions which many intelligent men in this country entertain, that Mexico is to be thorbughly renovated and regenerated, and ultimately brought within the influence of our institutions, whether annexed to or independent of this Union, If so, the war will not be regarded, hereafter, as unfortunate; and will be attributed less to policy than to Providence.”

A very sage conclusion certainly, but one to which we beg leave to express our dissent. Whatever may be the results of the war, we believe that “Providence’ will have had nothing more to do with it than to “educe good from evil,” by converting the bad passions of man into a means of his improvement and renovation: But, if one of the results of the war shall be the annexation of Mexico, or of any considerable part of it, to this Union, we shall doubt whether the agency has been even so far exerted –for, at all events, we shall look upon that as an irreparable misfortune to the United sates, however, beneficial it may prove to Mexico.
[NO]


July 6, 1847, RW47v24n54p1c4 Later From the Army

[From the New Orleans Picayune, June 25] c4

Important from Mexico.

Later From the Army of Gen. Scott.

Gen. Scott’s Departure from Puebla –No Negotiations for Peace –Withdrawal of Troops from Jalapa –Gen. Pillow’s Departure from Vera Cruz –Santa Anna Still President –Almont in Prison –Confusion of Parties in Mexico –Cabinet Changes –Intercepted Despatches, &c. &c.

The steamship Palmetto, Capt. Smith, arrived last evening from Vera Cruz, having sailed thence on the 18th inst. She touched at Tampico on the 20th and Brazos Santiago on the 21st inst.

Although we are not in possession of letters from Mr. Kendall, we have advices upon which we place every reliance as to the movements of Gen. Scott. An express from Puebla, by the route of Cordova, had arrived at Vera Cruz, announcing that Gen. Scott commenced his march upon the city of Mexico on the 16th inst.

We hear not a word more in regard to the overtures for peace said to have been made to Gen. Scott. That he marched on the 16th we have no doubt.

Another express had arrived at Vera Cruz from Jalapa, which announces that all the sick had left there on the 15th inst. for Perote under a small escort. Col. Childs was to leave the following day with all the garrison. Gen. Shields would accompany him. The road between Jalapa and Puebla is represented as free from guerrilla parties os any kind.

About one thousand troops left Vera Cruz on the 17th inst., under the command of Maj. Gen. Pillow, to join the army of gen. Scott.

The Spanish renegade named La Vega, who lately repaired to Vera Cruz in company with the veracious Col. Mata from this city, is represented to us as already in command of a strong guerrilla party.

By the express from Jalapa we have no intelligence of Gen. Cadwalader, as the rider came by a circuitous route to avoid the predatory parties on the road.

By this arrival we have received paper from the city of Mexico of the 6th, 7th, 8th and 9th of June. Our previous files came down to the 29 of May. The intermediate dates we have not yet received, and presume they have been forwarded by some sailing vessel. We have only had time to glance hastily at the papers before us, from which we glean the following:

Santa Anna still remains in power. His resignation we presume was withdrawn; for it is intimidated that a majority of Congress was anxious to accept it. His administration, in consequence of this feeling in Congress, has entirely changed its policy and thrown itself into the arms of the puros. One great section of the puros, however, is not conciliated by this movement; the adherents of Gomez Farias and gen. Almonte still continue their oppositions to the Administration. Senor Rejon, the former friend of Farias, is said to be the main support of Santa Anna’s administration, although he holds no public office. He is denounced as a man without principle, a truckler, &c.

It is represented that opinions were never more divided in the capitol that at the present. No party seems to have decided upon what course to take. At one time the puros and the moderados appear inclined to unite upon a dissolution of Congress, and leave every thing in the hands of Santa Anna; and then again the puros talk of recalling the absent members of their party, and having a working majority to carry their measures. In the mean time a quorum of Congress cannot be collected. If we can give no intelligible account of the designs of the parties and the Government, it is because such confusion and anarchy never before existed in the city of Mexico, by the admission of all.

An important financial measure of Anayas’s administration has been summarily abrogated by Santa Anna, in deference, as he says, to public opinion. This has lead to the resignation of Senor Baranda, who was not consulted as to the repeal of the measure. Senor Lafragua was then nominated in his place as head of the State Department, but this appointment gave dissatisfaction to the puros, who demonstrated against it. The result was not known.

Gen. Almonte was still in prison, nor are we able to learn any thing more definite as to the nature of his offence, his trial not having yet come on.

The State of Chihuahua voted unanimously for Gen. Santa Anna for President. This is the only additional State the vote of which is given in papers before us. The votes were to be opened on the 15th of the present month. Our impression is that Congress will have to make choice between the two highest candidates, as no one will probably receive a majority of all the votes. On various occasions Congress has displayed great respect for Gen. Herrera, which leads to the opinion that he will be chosen.

We find no mention made of the measures taken for the defence of the capital. The papers said that gen. Scott pretended to his troops that they would march into Mexico on the 15th inst, but that this was a mere boast in order to keep up the spirits of his men; that he was in no condition to move, lacking reinforcements.

Letters from Puebla to the capital represent Gens. Scott and Worth as saying that if Santa Anna has charge of the defence of the city of Mexico, they will be able to take it with the loss of two or three hundred men only; but that if Bravo or Valencia command, it will cost them more dear. The Republicano derides this gossip, though it sounds very natural … (unintelligible)

The Government is urged by letters form Puebla and its vicinity to fall upon Scott, noe he is weak, and crush him. They say he has really but a little over 5000 men, though he pretends to have 7000. They seem to dread lest Gen. Taylor should proceed to join Gen. Scott.

The propositions which Mr. Trist is authorized to make are said by the Mexicans to be that each Republic shall name three commissioners to discuss the claims of the United States, and that if Mexico will not consent to this, then the war is to be prosecuted.

We find in the Republicano of the 7th inst. a long dispatch from the Secretary of War to gen. Scott, dated the 30th of April. It informs him that by the end of June the President supposes Gen. Scott will have twenty, and Gen. Taylor the thousand men under their respective commands. It ask for the views of Gen. Scott on various questions suggested; and gives him directions how to operate with disaffected Mexican States. The Republicano regards this latter portion as very important, but pronounces the Secretary’s representations as to the number of troops to be in the field utterly false. How this letter was intercepted we are not informed.

The Mexicans appear to have intercepted a good number of private letters. Several to Col. Chidls are particularly referred to. One is from Mrs. Childs and contains much pleasant gossip as to the state of parties in the United States. Other letters of an entirely private nature are commented upon.

The successes of some of the guerilla parties near Vera Cruz are duly chronicled and commended in the papers.

The afternoon of the 6th inst. Santa Anna reviewed at Tealpam the troops from the South of Mexico under Alvarez. This general’s command had not all arrived, but it was expected to reach 8000 men in a few days.

Senor Pedro de Castillo has been removed from the command of the regiment of Hidalgo in the National Guard. The act is strongly censured.

Gen. J. Gomez de la Cortina has resigned the command of the battalion of Victoria, of which he was colonel.

Three hundred troops from Morelia arrived in the capital on the 7th inst.

Diligences have been established between these two cities. One of them has already been robbed.

The Vice Governor of Oajaca has resigned his office, and his resignation has been accepted.

Gen. Scott appears to preserve perfect discipline among his troops at Puebla. The Mexicans admit this indirectly, though letters are published complaining of our excesses in general terms. The case of a New York volunteer is mentioned, who was tried by a court martial for assaulting a woman with the view of robbing her of a silver crucifix.

The casting of a piece of cannon at Toluca on the second inst. is formally mentioned.

We have thus glanced at the papers before us, but will recur to them again, and should they contain anything of importance, lay it before our readers.

From Tampico we learn little news by this arrival.– The only thing which gives animation to the town appears to be the false alarms which frequently occur. We are informed by an officer of Dragoons that he went out with a party on a scout on the 18th inst., and proceeded some 40 miles from the city in the direction of Altamira, but saw no armed Mexican. The country people appeared friendly, and like the rest of the inhabitants of Tamaulipas did not seem ill affected towards our Government.

The Louisiana regiment stationed at Tampico has suffered severely from sickness. Many have died and there are yet many sick – not less than 150 accounts say. Not more than 180 men are reported fit for service, and yet this is the only regiment doing duty. Reinforcements have been daily expected, but in vain.

Lieut. De Groote, of the Dragoons, who arrived on the Palmetto, has been ordered hither to recruit men to fill up his company to the full complement. It consists now of only fifty–four men. This is a company with which it is intended to open the road from Tampico to San Luis Potosi.
[NO]


July 6, 1847, RW47v24n54p2c3 Intercepted Despatch

The Intercepted Despatch.

The passage in the intercepted letter of Secretary Marcy to Gen. Scott which attracts most attention in Mexico is the concluding portion, which is substantially as follows:

“Intimations have been given to the Government that a portion of the people of the State of Veracruz, and also of some other states is disposed to refuse obedience to the Central Government. Should such be the case, yon will adapt such measures as may encourage this spirit, using the utmost discretion, nevertheless, that the United States may not appear compromised; as it may occasion embarrassment to the Government when negotiations for peace are entered upon. Should you judge it proper you might offer aid or protection when the war terminates.”

Another portion of the Secretary’s letter announces that Gen. Taylor had made application to the war department, for two or three thousand regulars who had been in the service in case he should be expected to advance into the country. The Secretary says that much as the Government may be disposed to reinforce Gen. Taylor’s division, it hardly deems it prudent to do so at the expense of Gen. Scott’s command, who appears more particularly to need troops of the description indicated by Gen. Taylor. He leaves it therefore to Gen. Scott to decide, as commander in–chief of the forces in Mexico, whether the suggestion of Gen. Taylor should be acceded to.

We do not attempt to translate the despatch, as from the two–fold process errors may well occur, and the original will no doubt surely be given to the country.– N.O. Picayune
[NO]


July 6, 1847, RW47v24n54p2c3 Prospect of Peace

(short news)

The Philadelphia ledger has the following paragraph – We sincerely hope that the rumored prospect of an early peace with Mexico may be speedily realized:

Important.– Prospect of Peace.– We learn from a reliable source at Washington that there is a prospect of a speedy peace with Mexico. The letter communicating the information says it might be in less than twenty days The Mexicans have had the whole text of the treaty, which Mr. Trist carried with him, communicated to them, and they are satisfied with it. The President will call an extra session of the Senate, and this news will probably shorten his visit to the North. This is an important fact, and we have no doubt from the source whence it came that it can be relied upon.
[NO]


July 6, 1847, RW47v24n54p2c4 Correspondence

[From the National Intelligencer.]

Editor’s correspondence

We were thrown quite into a flutter yesterday by receiving in our bag from the Post Office the following letter from the Public’s old friend Major Jack Downing, who seems to have written it to us for the purpose of communicating to the Public in his plain way, some views of the President Polk – young hickory, as he delights to call him – which that distinguished functionary had not thought necessary to confide his most confidential friends before he met with the major.

On board the steamboat on Long Island Sound, bound to Connecticut and Down East, June 28, 1847.

MR. GALES & SKATON:

MY DEAR OLD FRIENDS: I and Mr. Buchanan and the rest of us overtook the President last night at York, where we found him pretty well tuckered out, having got true with all his birds–egging in that everlasting great city, and ready to push on this morning down East. I was going to write a line to friend Richie, as he is the Government Editor, as soon as I could catch up with the President, and let him know how the old gentleman stood the journey. But I happened to look into your paper, and I see brother Ingersoll, of Philadelphy, sends his letter to you. This puzzled me a little at first, because I knew he was a on Mr. Richie’s side. But I looked along, and I see he called your paper a “powerful journal;” and then the thought struck me that I have read somewhere that “there is a power behind the throne greater than the throne itself”. Well, thinks I that Ingersoll is a cunning feller, but he ain’t a going to get ahead of me. If he writes to the power behind the throne, I will too. So, if Mr. Richie complains, and says I ought to wrote to him, I wish you would just smooth it over to him, and tell him the reason of it, and tell him when the old ship gets on ‘tother tack, and his paper gets on behind, I’ll write to him.

As I had come right on from Mexico the shortest cut, and had brought a letter from Gineral Scott to the President, as soon as we got to York I run right up to the tavern where he stopped to give him the letter. Folks told me he was at the Astor House – that great tavern made out of hewed stone. So I went up, and went in, and asked one of the waiters if Colonel Pok put up there?

“Is it Jemmy Polk ye mine; Young Hickory, the President?” say he.

“Sartain,” says I.

“Yes,” says he, “he’s here; up stairs in his room.”

Says I, “Show me his chamber as quick as you can; I must see him.”

“You can’t see him to–night,” says he; “Young Hickory is tired out, and can’t see nobody at all. Why wasn’t ye on hand in the Governor’s room if ye wanted to see him? All the boys had a chance there.”

Says I, “That’s nothing to the pint; I was on the road from Washington then, and I’m going to see the President to–night if I have to go through the stone walls of this house for it.”

Then along come Mr. Stutson: and says he, “Patrick, what’s the row here?”

“Here’s a fellew getting wrathy,” says Patrick, “because I won’t let him go up to the President’s room.”

At that Mr. Stutson turned around to me, and, as soon as he see me, he ketched told of my hand, and, says he, “Major Downing, I’m very happy to see you. I’ll show you right up to the President’s room myself. I’m sorry you wasn’t here before. We’ve had some very pleasant tea parties since the President’s been here.”

When I got in the President’s chamber he was laying down on the bed to rest and looking as tired as a rat that had been drawed through forty knotholes. But as soon as he see me, he jumped up, looking rather wild, and says he, “Major Downing, how are ye? I didn’t think of seeing you back from Mexico so soon as this. How does things go on there now?”

Says I, “Colonel, they dont’t go on hardly at all. They are waiting for more help. Scott and Taylor both are growing rather red and angry to think you should chuck them away into the middle of Mexico there and then not send ‘em help to fight the way out again. And it seems to me, Colonel, you do hold back in this business a little too much. If you don’t send ‘em help pretty soon, them guerrillas will eat our little armies all up. Why, Colonel,” says I, “if this war had come on in the time of the old Gineral, my old friend Hickory, he would a had them Mexicans half whipped to death by this time. But here’s a letter from Scott, to tell ye what he thinks about the business. I come in post–haste to bring it. He says he won’t stir from Puebla till you send on more men to take the place of all them that’s coming home.

The President took the letter and read a few lines, and threw it down upon the table; and, says he, it’s no use; Scott may grumble and growl as much as he’s a mind to but it’s no use. This war is a concern of my own getting up, for my own use, and I shall manage it jest as I please.” Says he, “Major Downing, there’s reason in all things. I don’t want them Mexicans whipped too fast, especially when them upstart Generals get all the glory of it. When I found Taylor as swelling up too large, I meant to a stopped him at Monterey and draw off a part of his glory onto Scott. But that Taylor is a headstrong chap a dangerous man. He overstept is duty and blundered on that victory at Buena Vista that sot everything all in a blaze. I shan’t overlook it in him very soon. If the selfish creature had only let Santa Anna give him a handsome licking there, we might have had peace in a little while, for I had things all arranged with Santa Anna to wind the business right up in such a way that we might each of us have made a handsome plume out of it. But that unpardonable Taylor must cut and slash round with his handful of men, untutored volunteers, that I thought were as harmless as a flock of sheep, and contrive by that awful blunder at Buena Vista, to pour all the fat into the fire.

“Well, then, Scott hasn’t behaved much better.” He licked the Mexicans too fast by a great sight, and is swelling himself up in the eyes of the people. I thought if I could a sent Col. Benton he would a squeezed the glory out of ‘em in a little while, and settled ‘em down so they wouldn’t a been dangerous. But that vagabond Senate wouldn’t let me do it. That was too bad, Major, when them two Generals were [unintelligible] all the glory that belonged to me, that the Senate wouldn’t let me do any thing to offset them. But I’ll let them know that Young Hickory isn’t to be beat anymore than Old Hickory was. I’ve sent Mr. Trist on to look after matters, and to see that the armies don’t go too fast; for I am determined Scott and Taylor shan’t whip the Mexicans any faster than is prudent. All the glory that’s to come out of this war fairly belongs to me, and I’ll have it.”

“But,” says I, “Colonel you are a going to send on more men, ain’t you? Or what are you going to do? How are you going to wind the business up?”

Says he, “I am too tired to talk over my plans to–night. But there’s no need of you going right back to Mexico yet. Mr. Trist is there, and I can trust him to look after matters, and you better jump into the boat with us in the morning and take a trip down East, and we can talk the subject over at our leisure.”

About five o’clock in the morning the President rattled away at my door and waked me out of a sound sleep; and, when he found I wasn’t up, says he, “Major, you must be spry, or you’ll be too late, for we’re off at six.”

I was up and dressed about the quickest, and went out, and fact, there was a quarter of a mile of soldiers, all ready to escort us to the boat. And down we went, through whole streets full of men and women, and boys and gals, of all sorts and sizes, some running and crowding, and some hollering and hurrahing, and in a few minutes we were aboard the steamboat, and the bell rung, and the steamer puffed, and off we went on the Sound towards Connecticut.

The President had a little room all to himself and he made me go right into it, and he sot down in an easy chair, and put his feet upon another, and says he, “Major, I’m glad to get out of the crowd again; we’ll take a few hours to rest and comfort on this voyage. This being President Major is mighty hard work; but, after all, I like it. I’ve had a glorious time of it in New York. Every body was running after me, and it seems as though I have seen every thing. I feel as though I had lived through a whole year in these three days, and I don’t believe any body ever received more honors in so short a space of time in this country.”

“Well,” says I, “Colonel, it seems to me a pity you told the folks at Baltimore the other day that you should retire when this term was up. You might go two terms, as Old Hickory did, jest as well as not, you are so popular.”

At that he give me a tuck in the ribs and a sly wink, and, says he, “Major, don’t you understand that telling of ‘em I shouldn’t stand another term is just the right way to make them the more fierce to have me. Don’t you know Anthony said Caesar refused the crown three times, jest so as to be more sure of having it placed on his head? And jest see how Santa Anna is working it now in Mexico. When he gets pretty near ran down, and shivering in the wind and nothing to stand upon, he sends in his resignation, with a long patriotic speech about shedding the last drop of his blood for his country, and all that, and the people refuse to receive his resignation, and cry out “long live Santa Anna” and away he goes again and drums up another army of soldiers.

“But, to tell the truth, Major,” says he, “when I made that remark at Baltimore I had some little notion of retiring. Our party was so cut up, things looked rather dark ahead; and I find this Mexican war something of a bother after all. Taylor and Scott commit so many blunders, I had really then some notion of retiring when this term is up. But, since I got along to New York, things seem to look brighter. I’m popular, Major: I know I am. I shouldn’t be surprised if the Whigs made a demonstration in my favor yet. They seemed very fond of me in New York; and so did every body, every body you could mention; even the market–woman took me by the hand and called me young Hickory, and gave me lots of fruit. There, do you see that pineapple on that table there?” says he. “That was given me at the Fulton market, as we were going over to Brooklyn on Saturday. Cut away, Major, and help yourself to it; it’s a nice one. And here’s a paper of the most excellent tobaco,” says he, “that was presented to me at the same time. You go into the pineapple and I’ll go into the tobacco, and then we’ll have a little more talk about the war.”

Jest as we got cleverly under way they sung out aboard the boat for the passengers to get ready for landing. So I musgt cut my yarn off here for the present; but likely as not you’ll here from me again. Your old friend, MAJOR JACK DOWNING
[NO]


July 9, 1847, RW47v24n55p1c3 LATER FROM THE ARMY

[From the New Orleans Picayune, June 30]

Important from Mexico

LATER FROM THE ARMY OF GEN. SCOTT.

General Scott still at Puebla –His advance postponed till reinforcements arrive –Surprise of a Guerrilla party by General Cadwalader – General Pillow’s march and his repulse of Guerrillas –Preparations for the defence of Mexico –March of Alvarez towards Puebla, &c, &c, &c.

The schooner Iona, Capt. Stevens, arrived yesterday morning from Vera Cruz, and in a few hours afterwards the steamship New Orleans, Capt. Auld, came in. The latter left Vera Cruz on the 25th instant, and brings us letters of the 25th and papers of the 24th. One hundred and fifty–six discharged soldiers and teamsters came over on the New Orleans.

A rumor reached Vera Cruz on the night of the 24th inst. That Gen. Cadwallader’s command had fallen in with a guerilla party a few miles beyond Jalapa, and by a movement unperceived by the guerrilleros, succeeded in surprising them and killing about thirty of them, without losing a man. Our correspondent thinks there is some truth in the report.

There are a great many guerrilla parties upon the road, and a small body of our troops left San Juan on the 21st. Hoping to overtake Gen. Pillow, but after proceeding two or three miles they encountered some guerrilleros. These they charged upon and dispersed, but they saw so many others on the road in small parties that it was thought prudent to relinquish the design of coming up with Gen. Pillow.– As this officer is somewhat famous for exciting from his men long marches, it is well that no further attempt was made to overtake him.

We regret to learn by this arrival of the death of Mr. Thomas G. Banks. He died at Vera Cruz of the vomito. Mr. Banks was connected, we believe, with the Quartermaster’s department.

A Mexican named Lara, a carpenter by trade, has been found lying dead on the floor of his own house in Vera Cruz, having been stabbed. The author of the dead was not known.

A watchman, said to be a Dutchman named Charles, have been trapped by a guerrilla party just outside the walls and murdered, after having been cruelly whipped. His body was left in the road with an inscription affixed to it, “Whoever wishes may carry it off.” The police of the city are making an attempt to ferret out the guilty party.

The news by this arrival from the city of Mexico is important. We have received our accounts of it through an express despatched by Mr. Kendall from Puebla expressly for this office. His letters come down to the 14th inst. Though we see it noted in one Vera Cruz paper that advices to the 14th had been received, yet it gives none of the news; the sole statement made relates Gen. Scott’s departure from Puebla, and is erroneous. Other papers of Vera Cruz give the news copied from the press of the city as being the latest from the interior of Mexico.

The Arco–Iris of the 22d has letters from the capital which appear to be late, though the dates are not given.– The purport of them is that the work of fortifying the environs of the city is going on rapidly, and that seventy pieces of artillery had arrived from Acapulco and other points which they were mounting as fast as possible. They mention the arrival of Alvarez at the head of 8000 men, and they set down the entire force in the city as 20,000 armed militia and 16,000 troops of the line. These letters further say that the clergy are taking an active part in the business; that arms of all kinds were pouring into the capital and considerable sums of money. All these topics are touched upon in Mr. Kendall’s letters transmitted by express, and very full details are given of the extent of the preparations to defend the city.

Before entering upon Mr. Kendall’s letters we may remark that by the way of Orizaba, a letter has been received here which announces that “Santa Anna had been elected Dictator, provided he will not make peace,” and that he has 30,000 men with him. It appears from what follows below that Santa Anna has attained to all the power of a Dictator by the arrest or removal from command of such generals as are opposed to him, and by the more adroit maneuver of inducing Congress to postpone the counting the votes for President till the 15th of January next. The 15th of June was the day fixed by law for that purpose. By the postponement Santa Anna prolongs his own power indefinitely, and for the time being may be deemed Dictator in fact, if not in fame. He will plead in extenuation of this perpetuation of his power that it was hazardous to risk a change of Government at a moment when a foreign foe threatened the capital, and there is force in the idea.

A private note from Mr. Kendall says that Mr. Trist was at Puebla. Nothing further had transpired in regard to his mission. “The Mexican papers,” writes Mr. Kendall, “know as much about his mission as we do.”
[NO]


July 6, 1847, RW47v24n54p2c3 Correspondence of the Picayune

[Editorial Correspondence of the Picayune]

Puebla, Mexico, June 8, 1847.

The result of the election for President of this so–called Republic is not known, nor it will be until January. Congress has passed a decree to the effect that on the first day of the coming year the new Congress shall be installed, and that on the 15th of the same month the votes for the President shall be counted. This may be some new trick of Santa Anna’s getting up, as until that time he can have everything his own way. The refusal of the present Congress to accept his resignation as President INTERINO, gives him unlimited ways, and he will not be slow to exercise all power of a dictator. That there will be GRITOS and PRONUNCIAMIENTOS against him before January is as certain as that the intervening months will come and go; but he may be cat enough to fall upon his feet –[qu. foot?]– with every new revolution. An anarchist himself, his very element is anarchy, and the only peaceful moments he probably spends are passed amidst confusion.

Report now has it –we can learn nothing positive– report now has it that Santa Anna has between 30,000 and 40,000 men of all classes under arms at and near the city, and that this force is rapidly augmenting. The peace party dare do nothing, for the moment a main is even suspected he is sent off or thrown into prison. The American residents have all left, many of them in such haste that their business must suffer a most ruinous extent, while it is reported that all the American prisoners, contrary to the laws of nations as well as of humanity, have been cast into a more loathsome prison and treated more rigorously than ever. Such are the verbal reports we received from the capital.

Yours, &c. G. W. K.
[NO]


July 6, 1847, RW47v24n54p2c3 News from Puebla

Puebla, Mexico, June 11, ’47 .

Full files of papers from the city of Mexico, up to the 8th inst. Inclusive, have just been received here. I have only had time to skim over their contents, and send you an abstract of such intelligence as may be interesting.

The Monitor Republicano of the 8th inst. Says that Alvarez, with his Indians, was to march on that day for Puebla, and was to be followed up by the regular cavalry.– The same paper intimates that the rest of the army is also immediately to take up that line of the march for Puebla, and the inference is that the enemy intends fighting the great battle of this neighborhood. In fact, the editor openly comes out and says that by this course they will avoid having the beautiful city of Mexico the scene of a grand battle. He hopes that by a well combined effort the glory of the Republic may be preserved, and that Santa Anna may wipe off some of the stain which at present sticks to his character. The editor does not exactly says this, but he means it. Every one here in Puebla hopes that the battle or a battle may be fought in this neighborhood –the Mexicans will not make another stand this side the capital in that case.

There was a rumor in Mexico, at last dates, to the effect that some of the officers of the regular troops were about to raise a PRONUNCIAMIENTO in favor a dictatorship. The editor of El Monitor ridicules the report –believes that there is no foundation for it, Santa Anna may be at this bottom of a movement of the kind. Quien sabe?

Yours, &c. G. W. K.
[NO]


July 6, 1847, RW47v24n54p2c3 More from Puebla

Puebla, Mexico, June 12, 1847,

The city is to–day full of rumors and reports, some of these of a most startling nature if they could be relied upon. The story is that the Mexican army is so advanced upon and surround this place entirely. Even the names of the leaders –Valencia, Gubero, Lombardini and Alvarez– are given. That Alvarez has started with his command there can be little doubt, but the impression is that he has gone in the rear of Puebla –somewhere in the neighborhood of Nopalucam or Acajate– with the hope that he may be enabled to cut off some of the wagon train known to be on their way up. The Mexicans are known to have seven or eight thousand cavalry, and their true policy would be to fight Gen. Scott in the open field; but he who judges of the Mexicans by the ordinary rules which govern mankind will find mistaken nine time out of ten –so there is no knowing what they will do.

A Frenchman who left the city of Mexico yesterday reports that he saw two thousand men busily at work upon the fortification at El Penon. This is a hill of no great size or elevation, about nine miles this side of the city and on the direct road, with a lake immediately in the rear of it and at its base. Another Frenchman, and one who appears to be intelligent, says that the Mexicans intend to make three or four stands –one between this city and San martin or Tlascala, where they can use their cavalry, another this side of Guadalupe, and the last at Guadalupe itself.– Amid such a multiplicity of reports it is hard to coming to the truth, and perhaps the only way to ascertain the real intentions of the Mexicans at the capital is to pay them a visit with the army.
[NO]


July 6, 1847, RW47v24n54p2c4 Still more from Puebla

Puebla, Mexico, June 14, 1847,

For a wonder, yesterday we did not have anything even in the shape of a rumor from the city of Mexico, nor could we learn anything positive of the movements of the enemy in this neighborhood. I saw a man, who arrived from Atlixco in the morning, who said that 600 of the Indians of Alvarez were expected there immediately –this was the only report received, Atlixco is eighteen or twenty miles from Puebla, and not on the road to the capital.

As yet no one knows when the army is to make a forward movement. Gen. Scott certainly will not march until reinforcements arrive, which are now with out question on the way. A delay is certainly of more importance to our army than to that of the Mexicans, for even if the latter are enabled to augment their forces they will be beaten –that is certain: and then there is a strong probability that so straightened are the Mexicans for means that a delay of a month will find them despairing over the country for the very means of subsistence, or else cut up by internal disorders.

As regards the prospects of a peace, they appear just as distant as ever. A peace patched up as the city of Mexico at this time would hardly last until the ink is dry with which it may be signed; certainly not until the Americans are out of the country. Without doubt there is a large and influential party in favor of it, but they dare not [unintelligible] themselves for fear of after consequences. I know not how it may turn up, but as I said in a former latter, I do not at present see any other course then for the United States to hold and retain possessions of the country –and to govern it, too.

Yours, &c. G. W. K.
[NO]


July 13, 1847, RW47v24n56p1c2 Virginia Volunteers

Virginia Volunteers

The two additional companies of Volunteers, some months ago asked for by the President from Virginia, not having yet been organized, –and hearing of no movement to obtain recruits in the patriotic tier of counties known as the Tenth Legion, –we are gratified to learn, from the last Lynchburg Virginian, that Major William A. Talbot, of that town, (a very accomplished officer,) has undertaken to raise one of them, and that, within a few days, he had succeeded in procuring 17 fine–looking soldiers. We hope the Major may be successful. Residing in a strong Whig county, and on the borders of two or three others, we presume he will find no difficulty in obtaining the requisite number of “Mexican Whigs,” to supply the lack of zeal which characterizes the flaming War Patriots of Shenandoah, Rockingham andp. They content themselves with extolling “the eminent ability of with which Mr. Polk has conducted the war;” leaving it for others, less patriotic than themselves, to endure the hardships of the camp, and to encounter the hazards of the battle–field.
[NO]


July 6, 1847, RW47v24n54p2c3 Health of Vera Cruz

Health of Vera Cruz

In a letter to Gov. Johnson of Louisiana, Dr. Barton of the Army says, there are few cases comparatively of yellow fever at Vera Cruz, and that the mortality would be much less than it is if he had “the appliances” they possess in New Orleans, So far, he says, there has been no epidemic, and the fatal cases have occurred mostly among men who would have died any where with fever of some kind. If he could regulate the habits and modes of living of our countrymen, the Doctor thinks very few would take the disease, and, still fewer would die.

Dr. B. furnishes the following statement of the deaths in Vera Cruz from the 1st of May to the 16th of June: From Vomito: Soldiers 20; Qr. Master’s Dep. 13; Mexicans 11; Others 7; Total 51. Other diseases: Soldiers 112; Qr. Master’s Dep. 49; Mexicans 84; Others 50; Total 295. Nation: American 178; Mexicans 106; Other Foreigners 47; Unknown 15; Total 346.
[NO]


July 6, 1847, RW47v24n54p2c3 Taylor to Gaines

Gen. Taylor’s Opinions

The following extract from a letter of Gen. Taylor to Gen. Gaines, written as long as November last, may furnish a clue to his opinions in regard to the policy (or rather the impolicy) of prosecuting a war of conquest in Mexico. That he was, in November last, opposed to the invasion of Mexico, by way of Vera Cruz, and indeed of carrying on farther offensive operations in any quarter, is unquestionable. We know of no “anti–war Whig” who has gone farther indeed than the General, in urging the termination of an offensive war; which, if it shall not result in the permanent occupation of the conquered territory, cannot compensate us for the blood and treasure expended in its prosecution –and which, if it shall lead to the acquisition of that territory, ought still more to be deprecated. But let Gen. Taylor speak for himself, He says:

“If we are, in the language of Mr. Polk and Gen. Scott, under the necessity of ‘conquering the peace’ –and that by taking the capital of the country –we must go to Vera Cruz, take that place, and then march on the city of Mexico. To do so in any other direction, I consider out of the question. But admitting that we conquer the peace by doing so, say at the end of the next twelve months, will the amount of blood and treasure which must be expended in doing so, be compensated by the same? I think not, especially if the country we subdue is to be given up; and I imagine there are but few individuals in our country who think of annexing Mexico to the United States.”

How does the Enquirer relish these sentiments?
[NO]


July 13, 1847, RW47v24n56p4c1 Where are the Men?

Where are the Men?

The Union, some weeks ago, published elaborated statement from the War Department, showing, “as clear as mud,” that by the 1st of July, Gen. Scott would be at head of 20,000 men, and Gen. Taylor would be at the head of 10,000. The 1st of July has passed; and we ask, where are these men in buckram”? At the last dates form gen. Scott, his force did not exceed 8000 effective men, including the garrisons of Jalapa and Perote, while only about 3000 were on the march from Vera Cruz to reinforce him; and Gen. Taylor has only about 5000, including every man bearing arms, from Brazos to Buena Vista! The Adjutant General should correct his figures, which are so widely different form the facts.
[NO]


July 13, 1847, RW47v24n56p4c3 LATER FROM MEXICO

LATER FROM MEXICO

Our “pony teams,” notwithstanding the oppressive heat of the season, still continue to bestow their favors on our readers, bringing us New Orleans papers, by the overland route, in six days from that city.

They brought us last night copies of the New Orleans Delta and Picayune of the 2d instant, the main items of interest from Mexico and other points contained in which we annex:

The New Orleans Delta of the 2d inst, says:

We yesterday received files of Mexican papers from the Capital, to and of the 12th ult., dates three days later than any previously received. We make from them a series of extracts, which are given below. We find in them no evidences of that formidable, fearful supposition to the advance of Gen. Scott, the apprehensions of which, for the last day or two, so alarmed the nerves of some of the more sensitive of our contemporaries.

The War. –The files before us contain full reviews of the opinions of the different newspapers throughout the country, which number about twenty, and with but one single exception (in Durango) they are fully in favor of the war.

The Dictatorship. –El Monitor Republicano of the 12th ult. contains a lengthy article on the subject of the Dictatorship. Up to that date, Santa Anna was not proclaimed, nor did he proclaim himself, Dictator. Indeed, The Monitor ridiculed the idea that he designed to become one. The rumor to that effect which prevailed in the capital, is alleged to have originated with and been propagated by his enemies and the enemies of the country.

No Change of Policy. –The Monitor asserts that the new cabinet is not to be entirely formed of PUROS [Democrats] as stated in some of the journals, and that the new Ministers will carry in the policy of their predecessors. –Santa Anna thinks that without a full Ministry –with the Ministers of War and Finances together with the clerks in the Bureau of Foreign Relations– he will be able, for the time being, to carry on the government.

An article published in the same paper of the 10th, we find the following paragraph: “There is no doubt but that the majority of the nation is in favor of carrying on the war, and we are, consequently, convinced that it is impossible to enter into any arrangement for peace; war e it to be concluded, it would prove fatal to the nationality of Mexico. –The defenders of the nation are, therefore, encouraged with brilliant hopes of final success, notwithstanding our former disasters. All of us who sincerely wish the continuation of the war, look upon an equivocal policy as dangerous, and all overtures of peace a perilous means to secure it; for this reason we are opposed to any change in the politics which may give it pacific appearance.”

The Peace Party. –El Razonador, the peace paper, says that it has recommended peace only because it is convinced that the government would not or could not carry on the war; but at the same time it approves Santa Anna’s withdrawal of his resignation, and praises him very much saying that he is the only man in the country who can keep alive the war spirit.

Gen. Valencia. –Gen. Valencia has reported having arrived at San Luis Potosi on the 5th June, where he took immediate command of the army. General Salas had also arrived there, and taken charge of his post.

Gen. Bustamante. –Gen. Bustamante was at Irapuato on the 5th where he was to begin immediately to raise forces from the State of Guanajuato. It was thought that Gen. Alcorta had issued an order by which Bustamante would be obliged to go as far as Sinaloa, in order to take command of the forces there –which, according to El Monitor, are NONE.

Canalizo Pardoned. –It seems, from what we see in the Monitor of the 11th, that Santa Anna and Canalizo had “made friends” once more, and, consequently, the examination of the latter for his conduct at Cerro Gordo was dropped. Although it was reported that he had been appointed Governor of the State of Vera Cruz, he was to be employed in the defence of the capital.

Gen. Scott’s March to the Capital. –El Republicano of the 11th has accounts from Puebla, in which it is stated that the American forces would not move towards the capital before six weeks (from the 10th June) as they were awaiting reinforcements and heavy artillery from Vera Cruz. El Monitor of the same date, publishes a letter, in which the writer states that he has been informed that the whole forces will move towards the capital in all from the 15th to the 20th, as they had resolved and were determined to spend and CELEBRATE the 4th of July at the capital.

Movements of the American Troops. –A letter from Puebla, addressed to El Monitor, states that Gen. Worth went as far as Cholula with 200 men, and had returned alone with his stuff, without being troubled by any of the guerrillas.

Assistance Solicited from Gen. Scott. –A letter received at the Capital on the 10th, from Tlaxcala, says that the inhabitants of that place had addressed a petition of Gen. Scott, asking protection of him, as a chief of guerrillas, Portillo, was constantly annoying them. The Monitor says that it seems the Tlaxcaltecos wish to imitate their predecessors during the time when Spaniards went to conquer them.

Attack on Gen. Scott. –A correspondent from Puebla, writes on the 7th to a friend in the capital, that the American forces are scarcely 6,000 men, and as General Scott could not leave that place for some time, it would be good policy to have the Mexican forces marched to Puebla and there attack the Americans, who were not prepared for an effective defence.
[NO]


July 13, 1847, RW47v24n56p4c4 From the Brazos

From the Brazos

The schooner H. L. Scranton, arrived at New Orleans on the 2d inst. From Brazos Santiago, having sailed thence on the 26th ult.

By this arrival the Picayune has the Matamoros Flag of the 23d ult.

It reports that four members of the 1st. Illinois regiment on the march from Camargo to Reynosa, unarmed and having fallen in the rear of the regiment, were attacked by a party of about 20 Mexicans and loosed and robbed of their money, without doing them further injury.
[NO]


July 13, 1847, RW47v24n56p4c4 From Tampico

From Tampico

The schooner Sarah Elizabeth, Capt. Webb, arrived at New Orleans on the 1st inst. From Tampico, having left there on the 24th of June.

The Picayune learns from Mr. Mitchell that the English steamer Avon was lying of the bar, landing quicksilver. –She would shortly proceed on her voyage, touching at her several appointed ports, but she would take little or no specie with her, as in consequence of the guerrilla parties it is deemed unsafe to transport even merchandise in the interior without a large escort of troops. Tampico feels sensibly this state of things.

The accounts of the health of the city are at variance. –While Capt. Webb represents that the Louisiana regiment is suffering dreadfully from the fever –less than one–fourth fit for duty– the Sentinel, of the 20th ult, says the health of the town continues good, with the [unintelligible] of some cases of intermittent fever.

The U.S. bomb–brig Hecla. Lieut Com’g Fairfax is blockading the port of Soto la Matina.

–Another requisition. –The Secretary of War has made another requisition on Louisiana. The present one, just received by Gov. Johnson, is for two companies of mounted gunmen. The scene of their duty is to Vera Cruz and its environs.
[NO]


July 16, 1847, RW47v24n57p1c4 Interesting from Tampico

Interesting from Tampico

By late arrivals at New Orleans, advices have been received from Tampico to the 27th ult. A letter to the Picayune, of the date, says:

“Cassins M. Clay, Major Borland and the American prisoners are expected in town to–morrow or next day. –The three companies of the 11th Regiment of Infantry, now awaiting transportation to Vera Cruz, have been ordered up to town, as it is said the prisoners have a very large escort –I have heard it set down at 900 men.”

The Picayune has received information, from other sources, corroborating the foregoing statement, as to the release of the prisoners, and their being ordered to Tampico, guarded by a strong detachment; and adds, what is calculated to excite some uneasiness, that “the verbal reports are to the effect that when the prisoners had reached within 150 miles of Tampico, they were met by Urrea, who detained them as prisoners; and further, that Urrea had ordered out all the men of the country for the purpose of making an attack upon Tampico. It appears to be certain that three companies of the 11th Infantry, which were waiting at Tampico bar transportation for Vera Cruz, were ordered up into the city. Every man there was under arms, expecting the town to be attacked. The Picayune adds, however, that it has heard such frequent rumors of an immediate attack upon Tampico, that very little attention is paid to them, though the present alarm, it says, appears to be better founded than usual.

If it be true, as stated by the Washington correspondent of the Charleston Couriers, that the President, six weeks ago, in conversation with a military man, said that General Scott was at that moment in the city of Mexico, he must have been very much disappointed by the latest advices from that quarter. The officer, in reply, is said to have assured the President that he was mistaken, and farther, that Gen. Scott would do well to get to Mexico by the 1st of January next. For our own part, we think it very unimportant, so far as its capturo will influence the duration of the war, whether Gen. Scott be at this time in Puebla or in the Halls of the Montezumas; unless, indeed, it be true, as the Washington correspondent of the New York Courier, who speaks generally in an eracular vein, and in whose opinion therefore we have very little confidence, says “is suspected by some of our friends at Puebla, that is the determination of Santa Anna, when next defeated by Gen. Scott, to permit himself to be captured, and ask to be sent out of the country, under our protection, as the surest means of escaping death or expulsion.” Should this surmise, however, be verified by the result, it is to be hoped that Mr. Polk will not again send Santa Anna back to Mexico, to aid him in “conquering a peace.”
[NO]


July 16, 1847, RW47v24n57p2c1 Rumors of Peace

From the Seat of War.
Rumors of Peace.

The intelligence from the seat of war, to which we devoted so much space this morning, is interesting, though not decisive in its character. Gen. Scott was still at Puebla on the last of June, and it is not at all probable therefore that he celebrated the 4th of July in “the imperial city of the Aztecs,” especially as it was understood that he was awaiting the arrival of the new levies on their way to reinforce him, about 2000 of which, under Generals Cadwallader and Pillow, were daily expected, while 2500 more, under General Pierce, would soon take up the line of march from Vera Cruz.

The reader will observe, from the interesting letters of Mr. Kendall to the Picayune, that it was the prevalent opinion at headquarters that peace would soon be restored, although the writer was not without misgivings as to the authenticity of the rumors upon which this opinion was founded, and the accuracy of which is rendered still farther questionable by accounts received by the editors of the Picayune, direct from the city of Mexico, of a contrary tenor. We shall look for the termination of hostilities not until a treaty shall have been signed; and even then, it will depend materially upon the character of its provisions and upon the circumstances connected with its negotiation whether we may feel justified in congratulating the country upon the actual cessation of hostilities.

What may be the nature of the ultimatum which Gen. Scott (or Mr. Trist, if he has been clothed exclusively with diplomatic authority) has been instructed to propose to the Mexican Government, it is of course impossible to conjecture; and yet it is obvious, that should the Mexican authorities and people de willing or even solicitous to terminate the war, it will materially depend upon the character of the terms offered to them whether that result is likely to be speedily attained. They may be anxious to discontinue a contest in which they cannot hope to be finally or even partially successful; but they may nevertheless, should the conditions exacted of them be in their judgment too onerous and humiliating, determine to protract the conflict, at the risk of their total subjugation, and the annihilation even of their national existence.

In a late editorial on this subject, in the Washington Union, which we supposed expresses the views and purposes of the Executive, we observe a paragraph, in which, after dwelling upon the desire of the Administration to secure a just and honorable peace, we are told, that “it is resolved now, as it has been from the first to accept no terms of peace from Mexico, save such as will do full justice to the rights of the country, to the claims of our injured fellow citizens, to the objects of the war, and to our nations honor.” Although these are phrases of vague import, with a single exception, perhaps no one will be disposed to demur to them. “The objects of the war” are of course locked up in the breast of the Executive, with whom it originated. We should indeed be very much gratified if we could be enlightened upon this point by the President’s Organ. What are “the objects of the war,” apart from the vindication of our rights and honor? Is the acquisition of territory by force, which the President knew he could not obtain by negotiation, one of them? If so, (and we believe that it was its main object,) most fortunate for the country will it be if the Administration shall be thwarted in its purpose, if not by the obstinacy of the enemy, by the voice of the people of the United Sates, a large majority of whom, we are satisfied, do not desire an extension, by such means, if by any means, of our territorial limits.
[NO]


July 16, 1847, RW47v24n57p2c1 Texas and Oregon

Texas and Oregon

The passion for enlarging our boundaries has been already, we apprehend, fully gratified. The people begin to perceive that the bargain by which Texas was acquired will prove to have been a most disadvantageous one in the end, even in a pecuniary point of view; while the fallacy of the assumption, so boldly maintained while the question of annexation was pending, that its acquisition would increase the facilities of defence for our Southern frontier, is already clearly shown, as it would have been still more disastrously demonstrated had uot the wisdom and moderation of the Senate, on the Oregon question, averted a war with Great Britain. For, with Mexico as her ally, she would have found a pathway through Texas, insusceptible in that event as it would have been of defence, into the very heart of the Southern portion of the Union. And yet had the settlement of that grave question been left to the “pre–eminent ability” of Mr. Polk, we should at this moment have been at war both with England and Mexico; and we leave it for his partizans to tell us what in that event would have been now the probable condition of our Southern frontier, so greatly extended by annexation of Texas, and so much more exposed to the inroads of an enemy by its sparse population, and by its total destitution of artificial means of defence? Instead of overrunning Mexico and bombarding her towns and cities, we should have found full employment in defending our own. Justly censurable, therefore, as Mr. Polk is for unconstitutionality making war upon Mexico, he is far less worthy of indignation for the mischiefs that have resulted from the act of usurpation, than he is for the evils which he has only failed to bring upon the country by the firmness with which the Senate rebuked the ignorance which claimed a territory that did not belong to us, and the obstinacy with which that claim was pressed to the very verge of war.

Never we venture to say, when the Swedish Chancellor bade his son “behold with how little wisdom a nation may be governed,” had he witnessed so wonderful a combination of folly and perverseness in the Rulers of a nation, as that exhibited by the present Administration in the conduct of our foreign relations –one of the results of which has been the war with Mexico, all the legitimate and proper “objects” of which could have been as certainly as attained, without it while a far more serious war with Great Britain would have been another of its necessary frits, had the President found in the Senate men equally as ignorant as himself of the grounds of the controversy between the two countries, and equally as reckless in maintaining a claim the justice of which he was unable to show, while he had not the magnanimity to withdraw it except on compulsion, when its injustice had been demonstrated by his own friends.
[NO]


July 16, 1847, RW47v24n57p2c1 Scottt and Trist

Gen. Scott and Mr. Trist

We copied, a few days ago, the emphatic contradiction, by the Washington Union, of the various statements, in relation to the controversy between Gen. Scott and Mr. Trist, growing out of an alleged interference by the latter with the proper authority of the former as commander in chief of our armies in Mexico. The Union stated “positively, that all these accusations against the Administration, of giving Mr. Trist any authority to interfere in any form, or in the slightest degree, with Gen. Scott’s military command, are absolutely and totally without foundation.”

The New York Courier and Enquirer, which had been prominent in making the accusations thus positively and officially denied, repeats them in the face of that denial, and reaffirms their essential truth. It says: “Mr. Trist did enclosed to Gen. Scott a despatch from the Department of War, giving him (Trist) power to conclude an armistice with the Mexican Government; and Gen. Scott, in reply, informed Mr. Trist, that, from the perusal of that despatch, it was evidently the intention of the Department of degrade him from the command of the army, and to make him subordinate to Mr. Trist. We assert this (says the Courier) as a fact within our own knowledge; and if the editor of the Union speaks the truth when he says he has inquired carefully into the matter, and if he has had access to papers now on file in the War Department, the fact is within his knowledge also. Whether the Administration did actually give to Mr. Trist all the power he attempted to exercise or not, the Union may consider matter of opinion. Gen. Scott from a perusal of the Secretary’s letter, had no doubt whatever of the intention of the Executive virtually to supersede him, by making him subordinated to Mr. Trist; and he at once informed that gentleman that he could not exercise the power which he had claimed, and which the instructions of the War Department conferred upon him, while he (Scott) remained at the head of the army.”

We shall doubtless hear more of this action. [From the N. O. Picayune, July 8]
[NO]


July 16, 1847, RW47v24n57p2c3 Latest from Scott

Important From Mexico

Latest from the Army of Gen. Scott.

Gen. Scott still at Puebla. –Gen. Cadwalader and Gen’l Pillow yet on the road. –Latest from the city of Mexico. –Loss of horses and mules at Vera Cruz. –Capture of Tabasco. –The American Prisoners in Mexico. –An American paper at Puebla. –Surprise and Capture of a Party of Americans, &c, &c.

The steamship Alabama arrived at an early hour yesterday from Vera Cruz, touching at the Brazos. She left the former port on the 2d of July and the latter on the 4th.

The following passengers come over Alabama from Vera Cruz: Capt. A.R. Hetzel, assistant quartermaster; Dr. A.H. Saunders, late bearer of the despatches from the Government to Gen. Scott; Mesers E.G. Elliot and C. Finley, of the army, and Mesers Fisher, Tobler, Folly, Richards, Carpenter, Tenbrick, Hardin, Tai, Moore, McCall, Mrs. Goates, and thirty discharged teamsters. The following passengers are from the Brazos: Capt. Carrington, Lieuts Kinney and Ashby, and Mesers J.T. Weisiger and Wm C Hogg, of Virginia Regiment; and Capts Chas Clarke and Acker, and Lieut Gouvenaux, of the 2d Mississippi Regiment.

By this arrival we have direct advices from Mexico to the morning of the 29th of June, and from Puebla to the 30th.

Gen. Scott had not then been able to leave Puebla. He was awaiting the reinforcements under Gen. Cadwalader and Gen. Pillow, who had not then arrived. [Some of the papers mention that Gen. Cadwalader arrived at Puebla on the 30th. Letter from Mr. Kendall of that date make no mention of it, though he was constantly expected. He was at Perote about the 20th, awaiting Gen. Pillow.]

The news from the city of Mexico is very indefinite. –Gen. Scott is said to have communicated to the Government that Mr. Trist was with him authorized to negotiate for a peace. Santa Anna had been in vain endeavoring to procure a quorum of Congress to lay Gen. Scott’s communication before it. Mr. Kendall’s letters rather encourage the prospects of an early peace; but we have had access to letter from a very responsible source in the city of Mexico which take a very different view of the subject. The writer thinks Gen. Scott will have to march into Mexico to secure a peace.

The censorship of the press existing in Mexico prevents us from knowing what measures to defence the city will be taken. Santa Anna was to leave the capital on the 30th ult. Intending to pass three days in the country for the benefit of his health. It is said that every avenue of entrance into the city is fortified, but the writer in Mexico, upon whom we very much rely, thinks the American army will easily overcome all such obstacles –that the defence of their fortifications will only embarrass the Mexicans.

We are unable to throw much light upon the movements of Gen. Cadwalader and Gen. Pillow. The latter is said to have been compelled to contest the road with the guerrilla parties, till he was beyond Cerro Gordo. Guerrilleros took advantage of every defile to resist his progress. His loss is said to have been severe.

We have by this arrival a file of the “American Star No 2,” published twice a week at Puebla, by Messrs. Peoples, Barnard & Callahan. The file extends from the 12th to the 27th June, and we glean from its columns several items of intelligence.

The Government of the city of Puebla has been entrusted to Lt. Col. Belton, of the 3d Artillery.

Gen Alvarex was at Atlixco on the 14th of June with 300 Mexican cavalry. The Star thinks his forces have been greatly overrated.

A long elaborated letter is published in the Star, in Spanish and English, addressed to the people of Mexico, by and officer of the American army. We have read but portions of it, but it appears a calm, familiar statement, aimed and well calculated to teach Mexicans how unfounded are their inveterate prejudices against the United States, and the futility on their part of a further prosecution of the war. We may recur to it.

A correspondent of El Monitor Republicano, writing from Puebla, says: “Gen. Scott, with all his engineer corps and a number of other officers, proceeded to Cholula the other day, and, after ascending the pyramid, agreed at once to fortify the place.” He thinks it is only throwing salt to the fishes to fortify so out of the way a place. The truth of the business is, says the Star, that Gen. Scott never went there at all, but that Gens. Quitman, Twiggs, Col. Harney and a party of officers, hearing of the pyramid and wishing to see the spot rendered so notorious by the massacre of Cholulans by Cortez, did go; but the idea of fortifying was farthest from the thought.

The Star says there is three months’ provisions in the city for the army, and that the fields around the city supply all the forage necessary.

A Mexican named Heredia has been detected by his countrymen on his way from the capital to Puebla with drawings of the different fortifications around the capital. –He was tried and condemned as a spy and a traitor, and was condemned to be shot on the 21st ult. The fellow made his escape the morning of the 21st.

The Mexicans are using every inducement to make our men desert, and with some success, but those who have deserted find little comfort from their new friends. The Star tells of two dragoons who ran off from us, but had not gone three leagues before some Mexicans came across them, took their horses and stripped them of everything but their shirts.

A German and a Mexican have been tried by a court martial for tampering with our soldiers and persuading them to desert. The Mexican was acquitted –the German found guilty and condemned to be shot. Being recommended to mercy his sentence was remitted.

The following narrative is from the Star of the 24th ult:

“On Sunday morning last, the 20th, a party of Americans, not connected with the army, left here for a hacienda on the road to Mexico –say about eighteen miles distant. The object in view by the party, eight in number, was the purchasing of mules for the Government; and after they have bargained for a number, to be brought in the next day to Puebla, they prepared to leave, but were prevailed on to defer their departure until after dinner. The repast was served up in good style, and after if was partaken of, the host refusing to receive any pay whatever, the horses were brought out and the party mounted. They were warned not to go too near a village on their left, as some five or six hundred soldiers were quartered there, and if we mistake not, a Mexican was preparing a horse to accompany them along a bye path in the mountains, when a party of lancers were discovered riding up to the hacienda. The little party of Americans started off in a slow gallop, their leader telling them to save the horses until it would be necessary to run. In this way they proceeded some distance, the soldiers continuing to decrease the distance between them, when it was proposed to go a little faster. A half a minute had not elapsed with the increased gait, before they came upon another party of the enemy, formed across the road. To attempt to pass them would have been foolishness; so they halted, and through their interpreter, informed the captain that they were Americans, but not connected with the army. The pursuing lancers were now close upon them, and before a proper answer had been returned, came charging down the hill in such manner as to leave the boys doubtful as their intentions; so they prepared themselves for an attack, which was soon commenced by the Mexican force, numbering near eighty men. After a brief engagement, during which the Mexicans crowded upon one another so fast that they could scarcely use their arms, Mr. Dickinson, who had been severely wounded in the thigh with a lance, touched his blood mare with the spur, and she made an opening in the enemy’s ranks running down one or two horses, and showing the others aside so as to effect his escape. During this operation another of the party who had been unhorsed and wounded, slid off into a ditch, where he concealed himself until night, and got into the city next morning. Dickinson was chased by two lancers to the river, closed by, at which place he shot the foremost one, and then making his way to an Indian hut, concealed himself until next morning, when he started for and entered the city about 9 o’ clock.”

All the Americans in this affair were wounded, and one named John Kinsey is supposed to have been killed. Another men Wallbridge has written a letter back to Puebla from Atlixco. He had been ordered to Mexico. The rest of the party, not named, are supposed to be prisoners also, although there was a report that all had been shot. –The Star does not credit this report.

The following paragraph is extracted from a letter dated in Mexico on the 17th instant:

“I observe in the ‘Star’ you sent me, that it is said that the American prisoners are kept in confinement here, which is not the case. They have been at liberty for a long time past, and saunter about the streets like other people. No one troubles them –I see Maj. Gaines and others daily. –The decree ordering the other Americans away was not extended to them, and as far as I can see has had very limited effect, for I observe the well known American residents knocking about as usual.”

We were told yesterday by a person who had advices from Mexico as late as the 20th, that the American prisoners were in confinement in Santiago. It may be that our friend on the 17th is not a strict observer of affairs, and that the reincarceration of our men was not known to him. It may even be that Major Gaines and Borland are at liberty, and none others.

We give this paragraph as we find it. The inference from it to our minds is that the prisoners were yet in Mexico as late as the 20th ult. If this were so, the report brought here on Tuesday from Tampico is likely to be unfounded. We regret that we have no means of clearing up the doubt.

The Star reports that the Prefect of Puebla recently ran off to Atlixco, taking with him all the city funds. He published and address to the people, giving an explanation of his conduct.

By this arrival we have the result of Com. Perry’s second expedition against Tabasco. This time he was entirely successful. We have a letter from a gallant officer, enclosing to us a sketch of the river Tabasco from Devil’s Bend, so called, to the city, showing the landing and march of Com. Perry’s force, which consisted of eleven hundred seamen and marines and ten field pieces. An account of the expedition by an accomplished surgeon in the navy, which accompanied the map, has failed to reach us as yet. But the map almost tells the story. The town was taken on the 16th of June. The expedition anchored in a very sharp turn of the river called the Devil’s bend, and was fired into from an ambuscade. A little higher up the landing of Com. Perry is marked upon the left or north bank of the river. The route from this point which the commodore pursued is traced on the map up to Fort Iturbide, which is a short distance below the city. The fort was manned by 200 regulars under Gen. Echagaray, commandant general of the State. The point is marked on the map where Bruno’s Civicos fired into the commodore’s steamer from an ambuscade this is below the Devil’s Turn. The next point of interest is the breast work where Lieut. May was wounded. So far our map tells us the story; the rest requires but few words: the forts which defend the town yielded to the guns of the fleet, before the land expedition could get into action. The enemy stood but one discharge of artillery. Lieut. May, it is said, had his harm broken and one other officer was wounded. A sufficient force was left behind to hold the town, and the commodore returned to the station off Anton Lizardo on the 29th ult.

A rumor was current in Vera Cruz on the morning of the 1st instant, that Gen. Scott had entered the city of Mexico, and that Gen. Pillow had been captured by the guerrilla parties. We know the former report to be false, and believe the latter to be. Our Vera Cruz correspondent put no faith in either story.

Our letters from Mr. Kendall were dispatched by him, by a special courier, and reached Vera Cruz the evening of the 1st instant. We have a few Mexicans papers by the same conveyance.

We append two letters from Vera Cruz correspondent, for the local news contained in them, though not of the latest date.
[NO]


July 16, 1847, RW47v24n57p2c4 Vera Cruz

[Special Correspondence of the Picayune]

Vera Cruz, June 28, 1847.

I wish I had something in the shape of interesting news to communicate, but although I have seen letters one day later than has been forwarded to New Orleans, they contain nothing of interest.

The expedition which left here on Saturday to try to recover some goods captured from the train under Col. McIntosh, which were said to be near Santa Fe, as well as for other purposes, returned last night without effecting anything.

So many reports have been started and published concerning the health of the castle that I beg leave to furnish you with the following facts, which I have been kindly permitted to extract from the reports and journals kept there.

Since the capitulation of the city and castle of San Juan de Ulua, the latter has been garrisoned permanently by company G of the 1st Infantry, under the command of Brevet Major Backus. The Phoenix company of Louisiana volunteers were on duty there for about two weeks, and there were also in the castle a number of American and Mexican prisoners undergoing sentence or awaiting trial, varying from ten to twenty.

The deaths at the castle from the commencement to the present time are as follows:

Month of April, Co. G, 1st Infantry 2

Month of May, Co. G, 1st Infantry 1

Month of May, Phoenix Co. 2

Month of May, Prisoners 3

Month of June, Prisoners 1

Total deaths 9.

There were also two or three prisoners carried to the city hospital for treatment who are said to have died at vomito, but there were but one or two of them who died at the castle which were pronounced vomito. Dr. Wickham was also carried to town and died several days after.

The proportion of sickness was greatest in the month of May, and least the 20th June, when it was reduced to one man. The sick report yesterday called for eight, but seven of these were able to walk. The most common disease is diarrhea but in so trifling a form that it is easily stopped.

One death from vomito has occurred on board the Potomac, as I have been informed by an officer of the ship, but there is but little sickness on board.
[NO]


July 16, 1847, RW47v24n57p2c4 More from Vera Cruz

Vera Cruz, June 28, 1847

On Saturday last about 800 horses and mules escaped from the pen through either the carelessness of the man in charge, or, as some suppose, it may have been done intentionally, and although a considerable mounted force has been sent out to try and recover them, they returned last night without success. There is no doubt but that the guerrillas had a hand in it, and as soon as the horses and mules reached the point where they were prepared to receive them, they no doubt hurried them out of the reach of the party sent to recover them. The misfortune will be severely felt by the Quartermaster’s Department here, as these horses and mules were intended particularly for the transportation of the baggage and provisions of the troops which are daily arriving, and who may be detained for the want of them. There may be sufficient number left to despatch the troops now here, who will doubtless leave the latter part of the week, but for the others who are expected I fear that we shall have to look to New Orleans for the means of transportation, and in the meantime our poor soldiers will have to lie here subject to all diseases of the climate.

June 29th. –Lieut. Merryfield, of Capt. Ford’s company of 3d Dragoons, committed suicide this morning, in Capt. Duperu’s tent, by blowing his brains out with a pistol. His appearance indicated a free use of opium, and it is generally supposed the he was laboring under its effects when he committed the horrid act.

The guerrillas have threatened a descent upon Tlacotalpan, and are said to be about 300 strong in the neighborhood.

Although there is a sufficient number of troops here to hold the city against an attack, there are not the means to keep in subjection the marauding parties which constantly hover about the city, and until we get about 300 Rangers here to scour the country daily, there will be no security for such Government property as it is impossible to keep within the wall of the city.

The vomito is rather on the decrease, which I think, is partially owing to the want of subjects of the city. The troops that have arrived are encamped three miles distant and few cases of yellow fever occur there, but those who are brought in with other complaints frequently turn into the vomito.

Yours, truly.
[NO]


July 16, 1847, RW47v24n57p2c4 From Puebla

[Editorial Correspondence of the Picayune.]

Puebla, Mexico, June 29, 1847.

The ever–varying, ever–changing kaleidoscope of Mexican politics, which but few days since presented a phase all red, sanguinary and belligerent, by the single turn which the rising and going down of the sun has given it, presents a new and most pacific aspect this morning. As another revolution of the machine may bring another change, and that within the tolling of a few short hours on the city clock, I shall wait until the last moment before I give you what may be termed the prospects of a peace.

Within the last two days some twelve or fifteen prisoners, Mexicans, who have been confined for different periods from one to ten or more years, have been liberated by Gen. Scott. That some of them have been guilty of gross and most heinous crimes there can be no doubt, but that they are any worse than those who incarcerated them is questionable. So long have some of them been confined, that even the original charges against them have been lost –one of them says that all he ever did against the law was to strike an officer for insulting his wife. It was a study to watch the faces of the poor devils as they were brought from their dens to be questioned as to their past delinquencies, and again to see their eager looks as they once more stepped forth free and saw the face of the blessed sun of which they have been so long deprived. Their families, too, hearing that they were to be liberated, crowded around the threshold of the prison; and the different groupings fromed a picture which will not be forgotten by those who witnessed it. The hair of one prisoner, although his face denoted that he had not even yet reached middle life, was perfectly white. Another prisoner, a Frenchman, was one of the most noble specimens of humanity I have ever seen. He had been incarcerated several years, charged with aiding in some robbery on the road, but had never been brought to trial.

Our latest paper form the capital are to the 22d inst., from Atlixco we have El Nacional of the 26th. Santa Anna is striking boldly at the liberty of the press, and hence we are unable, through the papers, to come at the true state of affairs at the city of Mexico. Senor Sojo, the printer of the Bulletin of Democracy (Boletin de la Democracia) has been sent to Acapulco, whilst Senor Eufemio Romero, the principal writer of the la Calalvera, has been packed off to San Luis at a moment’s warning. Torres, the editor of El Monitor Republicano has been repeatedly threatened by the authorities with imprisonment, but notwithstanding these threats keeps up a constant fire at Santa Anna and his ministers. Why he, too, is not sent off, it is hard to say.

Ibarra has been appointed Minister of Foreign Relations, and Vicente Romero, of Justice. Both are said to be ultra Puros, and with little or no character. It is asserted that no honest man will take office under the present Government, and a dishonest one does not appear to retain it more than eighty–and–forty hours.

The Mexican papers continue to brag about the successes of the guerrillas between Vera Cruz and Jalapa. We shall know with what reason when the train comes up.

A letter from Mazatlan, dated June 2d, states that that neighborhood has been declared under martial law. The U.S. ship Independence sailed from Mazatlan on the 1st instant, destination not intentioned, leaving Cyane only off the bar.

The only article I have seen in any of the Mexican journals, relating particularly to the action of the Congress on the question of peace, is the following in El Monitor Republicano of the 22inst. The editor says:

“A communication has been addressed to our Government form gen. Scott, at Puebla, in which the arrival there of a commissioner from the United States, fully empowered for the adjustment of a peace, is announced; but it has been sent to the Congress for that body to deliberate on so important affair. We think that a sufficient number of deputies will no assemble; and should this be the case, the absentees will appear in our columns, in order that the public being made acquainted with them may never return them again.”

This is the English of the entire article, but what the editor is driving at in the last clause it is difficult to make out. It may be that he threatens to expose the absent members because he wishes them to appear and vote against listening to any propositions of peace, and it may be exactly the reverse. He must be a shrewd observer who can tell from what a Mexican editor says one day what his feelings will be the next.

I wrote you a few days since, giving you a small specimen of the ravings of one the San Luis editors on the subject to coming to terms with the vile North American vandals. He said that his State would never listen to propositions of peace until gen. Scott was on his knees kissing the hands of Santa Anna, and Gen. Taylor was chained in one of the Gen. Valencia’s stables, but the man was evidently excited when he said all this. A wag of an officer at my side says that if they do chain old “Rough and Ready” in a stable, they will find him standing up to the rack. The writer form the same paper –El Estandarte de los Chinacates– handles Gen. Scott severely for his Jalapa proclamation. I shall endeavor to forward you the paper, with the hope that you may read and transfer his ravings for the benefit of those fond of tomahawking and scalping style.

We have a thousand and one conflicting rumors in relation to the upward bound train under Gens. Pillow and Cadwalader, and as many reports about the movements, who are said to be leagued in the attempt to cut it off. The train, maugre all the attempts of the Pintos, guerrillas and others, will be along in the course of a day or two.

Yours, G. W. K.
[NO]


July 16, 1847, RW47v24n57p2c4 More from Puebla

Puebla, Mexico, June 30, 1847

All the talk now is of peace, immediate peace, with the great Mexican nation, and those who talked but a short week since of revealing in the halls of the Montezumas, now appear to think they are just about as near the aforesaid halls as they ever will be. I hardly know what to think of the matter. The arrival of heavy reinforcements known to be on the way for Gen. Scott, combined with the loss of confidence the Mexicans leaders have in themselves and their followers, have turned their feelings to a degree, and the most belligerent among them may now really be in favor of coming to terms. Santa Anna himself, although he will be very far from starting the ball, will doubtless help to keep it in motion when it is once under way. His very salvation depends upon it. He knows that he will be defeated and lose all if he makes another stand; by making cat’s–paws of some of the members of Congress, and getting them to look with an eye of favor upon propositions of peace, he thinks he may be able to second their movement’s if everything looks favorable, and finally himself reap all the benefits that may grow out of it. What the propositions are that have been made to the Mexican Government few here know; but what with British interference, and the timidity of the Mexicans leaders, they have evidently been listened to.

Three days since and hardly a man in Gen. Scott’s army thought that there was a hope of coming to terms with the enemy; now, the tune has changed, and many of the officers are even talking of the chances of avoiding and escaping the vomito on their way home. With all the cry of peace, I am not one of those who think that our affairs with Mexico are yet settled. A great deal depends upon circumstances. Should the upper train, containing as is supposed a large sum of money, meet with a reverse, the Mexicans would be emboldened to offer fresh resistance; should Santa Anna find, on counting noses, that a majority are against him in any committee appointed by Congress, he will be found among the first to scoff at any idea of terms with the perfidious Yankees; should in fact, anything turn up out of which the Dictator may make capital himself, no matter whether for or against the best interests of his dearly beloved (?) country, he will embrace it for his own aggrandizement. He wants time, he wants to procrastinate, he wants to delay the approach of Gen. Scott upon the capital –in short, he wants to do anything which may aid and further his own ambitious schemes.

I might run on for hours with speculations as to the present condition and future prospect of this war with Mexico; but as it would all end in speculation, I shall close with a few remarks which may be taken for what they are worth. Santa Anna, tired of fighting the Americans, is anxious to make peace with them, although fearful of openly to avowing it. The military are anxious to see the war continued, as the only means by which they can support themselves; the leperos, the ragamuffins of the country, care but little, one way or the other, how affairs go, so that they can steal enough to supply themselves of blankets, chinguirite, and frijoles and tortillas sufficient to support life. The Indians care for nothing and they are the most numerous class. The priest –perhaps I should have placed them at the top of the list– are anxious to preserve their position and their riches. All these feelings and interest –after taking into consideration that all hate and despise us– you may mix up and then make out the chances for a peace.

I do not know that any one has reflected much upon this subject, but to me it seems that this thing of making peace is to be a more difficult matter than making war upon the Mexicans, and will be surrounded with greater perplexities. Texas has to be brought into question, other boundaries taken into consideration. California is to be a bone of contention, indemnifications and cost of war are to be called into account, and a thousand other matters will be found in the catalogue of stumbling blocks in the way of an amicable arrangement of the difficulties. The “three millions,” after Santa Anna has helped himself –for the must be thought of first will not go far, in way of salve or cordial for the many wounds under which poor Mexico is suffering, and there will be other provisos than Willmot’s for increasing the sum.

Let me conclude this hasty scrawl. The talk, as I said at the outset, is now of peace; but it will all end in Santa Anna’s advancement or his utter downfall. In all his diplomatic arrangements –whenever he has been allowed to argue his point –he has invariably a winner; at this game, so no how or other, he always turns every thing to his own advantage, or at least always has so far. How he will succeed in his present scheme remains to be seen, but he should, and probably will, be closely watched. A few days will bring us out of the doubt and uncertainty in which every thing is at present enveloped, and I shall make opportunities to keep you informed of every thing that transpires.

G. W. K.
[NO]


July 16, 1847, RW47v24n57p2c5 From Mexico City

From the City of Mexico

We have papers from the city of Mexico to the 22d of June, but not a perfect file. Santa Anna has again been tampering with the freedom of the press. One of his first acts upon resuming the reins of government on the 20th of May was to abrogate the decree of Anaya shackling the press. The press enjoyed their freedom thus obtained nearly one month, On the 18th of June  Sr. Vicente G. Torres, the propietor of El Monitor Republicano, was summoned to the presence of Gen. Gutierrez and informed that President Santa Anna had ordered that he should be sent off at once to Acapulco if he continued the publication of such articles as had hitherto appeared in the Monitor in opposition to the Government. He was expressly forbidden to speak of the generals, to say any thing disrespectful of the army, or to discourage the war. Senor Torres replied in a very spirited manner to the governor, and his papers has not ceased its opposition to Santa Anna and his measures. The editors affect to believe that the verbal threat was merely intended to frighten to the proprietor.

A like message was communicated to the Republicano. Thereupon Senor Otero, who has been acting as editor of that able paper, in the absence of Senor Cumplido, at once withdrew from the paper. He refuses to write under the restrictions imposed upon him.

The editor of the Calavera, a satirical paper, was sent off by an order of the President to san Luis Potosi, and the paper discontinued by the proprietors. The editor of the Boletin de la Democracia, Senor Sojo, has been sent off to Acapulco. His paper was considered the organ of Gomez Farias. While such measures are taken to keep the press in subjection, our readers will not expect to derive much information from such papers as have reached us.

To test how far the laws will protect the citizens against the arbitrary edicts of Government, Senor Torres had determined to bring the acts of Gen. Gutierrez before the Supreme Court, and demand punishment upon him for his infractions of the constitutional rights of the citizens. This will probably lead to some yet more arbitrary act of the Government, and we shall perhaps hear that Torres has been packed off to some remote prison. He is accustomed to these things.

The papers contain accounts of the assaults of the guerrilla parties upon the trains from Vera Cruz. It was supposed that Gen. Alvarez would join Father Jarauta and continue to harrass the trains.  Several communications are published from Governor Soto in which he assures the Government that he will take the promptest measures to cut off all communication between Vera Cruz and Jalapa. He says that guerrilla parties were rapidly collecting upon the route, and he contemplated taking possession of Jalapa. He announces in one of his letters that the American sick and wounded at Jalapa were all to be left their “entrusted to the generosity and humanity of Mexicans.” We believe, on the contrary, that all our sick and wounded were removed early to Perote. The impression is that the command of Gen. Cadwalader awaited at Perote the arrival of Gen. Pillow, but in regard to the movements of these generals we are let almost entirely in the dark.

An official statement is given in the Mexican papers of the forces under the orders of Gen. Taylor on the 2oth of May, with a minute account of the strength of each position from the mouth of the Rio Grande to Saltillo. The volunteers which have lately returned are included in this enumeration. The Mexicans were aware that they were to be disbanded and their places supplied by fresh troops.

The Monitor of the 22d ult. Says that our army at Puebla had lost from 250 to 300 men by sickness, death and desertion. It mentions, too, that four or five months’ pay was due to our troops, a and that in consequence of this the 6th Infantry had refused on the 18th ult. to turn out when ordered for drill. This all gammon, of course.

The American army is twitted with having boasted that they would spend the 4th of July in the capital, while the truth is, say the Mexicans, that their reinforcements instead of reaching Puebla, have got stuck in the mud upon the route.

An opposition paper says that when Americans learned that Canalizo had been appointed to the command in the State of Puebla Gen. Scott was highly delighted; and that Worth and old Twiggs (thus irreverently are they named) declared that if these 8000 cavalry were under his command they were safer than in their own houses.

An official letter is published dated the 14th June from Sna Juan de los Llanos announcing that an American train had been attacked above Cerro Gordo, and forty wagons were taken. This probably refers to the attack upon the trains under Col. McIntosh, which is often alluded to.

In Mr. Kendall’s letter allusion is made to a loan called for by Santa Anna. The decree referred to is dated the 17th of June and imposes contribution of one million of dollars upon the Federal district, and the States and Territories not occupied by the enemy. The apportionment of the amount among the different States would not interest our readers. The contribution is to be enforced by the authorities of the different States, &c. respectively –no one to be compelled to pay over $2000, or less than $25. Ten days are allowed to apportion the contributions among individuals in the most equitable manner. Individuals are allowed just three days to pay their respective quotas; if they make default, they are condemned to pay twice the amount.

The entrance of Victor Romero into the ministry of Justice and Religious Affairs is scolded at by the Mexican papers. The Monitor Republicano pronounces it equivalent to another defeat by the enemy.

The pressure upon our time columns has been such that we have done little more than glance hastily at the Mexican papers before us. They do not, however, contain news of movement; yet we may recur to them another day.
[NO]


July 16, 1847, RW47v24n57p2c5 From Vera Cruz

From Vera Cruz Sun

Late and Important Intelligence form the city of Mexico.

Letters were received in this city, yesterday afternoon, bearing date Mexico, 15th June, from which we gather the following intelligence:

The Presidential election did not take place as it was previously reported, and the Mexican Congress has adjourned after giving Gen. Santa Anna extraordinary powers, with the restriction that he shall not enter into negotiations for peace. Measures have been taken for the most vigorous defence of the capital. The election for President having been postponed until Sep. Next, General Santa Anna will act as such till then.

Gen. Lombardini, has been nominated General in–Chief of the Mexican army, which is gathering in the city of Mexico. It is very difficult to state the correct amount of the troops, the regiments not being all composed of the same number of men; some of them are only 150 strong.– One of the letters states that the forces in the city amounted to 20,000, and that they were daily increasing.

Gen. Alcorta has written a document recommending a plan of campaign in the guerrilla system: –marching 10,000 men to the rear of Gen. Scott, to cut off his supplies and preventing him from being reinforced; and with the remainder of the forces, attack his front. This plan is the favorite of the Mexican people, but Santa Anna is opposed to it, and intends giving the Americans another general battle. –(A Cerro Gordo affair.)


July 20, 1847, RW47v24n58p1c1 This War and Its Generals

[For the Whig.]

This War and its Generals

I do not propose, Messrs. Editors, to favor or to trouble you with a critique (as you might infer from my caption) upon a new work, lately announced, and which has no doubt been suggested by the success of Mr. Headley’s works, and of “Taylor and his Generals,” rather than by that of those Heroes of a day whose deeds are about to be commemorated, in the forthcoming work alluded to, styled “Polk and his Martials.”

However, inviting a theme, the martial renown of Generals Polk, Cushing and Pillow and “Lieutenant General” Benton may be, I must leave it to the Louisville Journal and the American Punch. Of these fourth worthies, only one has given any evidence of his merits, and this has involved him in a dispute, which, however decided, cannot but tarnish his laurels. I suppose that his abilities were not very erroneously described, when the Editor of the Louisville Journal said that Gen. Pillow was only a little softer than Gen. “Cushing.” The latter unfortunately has shewn his powers by breaking his own leg, instead of those of the enemy.

But to be serious: –What I wished to say was this, whatever animated version are made upon the Administration in reference to the Mexican war, however true and well–timed they ma be, are attributed to Federalism, Party spirit, and the like, and supposed to be adequately answered by the charge of “giving and comfort to the enemy.” But there is a voice that speaks not from the present aspect of our affairs, –that belongs to no party, –that utters only the warnings of the past for the guidance of the present –the voice of impartial History. To what can its lessons be ascribed, should they be found applicable to the existing condition of our affairs? We have been at war before, and events then have left their teachings behind them.

A few of these may be found in a work which lies before me, –written before the war of 1812, and having no reference to any immediate purpose to be subversive: It is Lec’s Memoirs of the Revolutionary War in the Southern Department of the U.S.,” –a work of considerable ability and great fairness and liberality.

“Little minds,” says the author, “always, in difficulty, resort to cunning, miscalling it wisdom: this quality seems to have been predominant in the Cabinet of Great Britain, and was alike conspicuous in its efforts to coerce and its proffers to conciliate.”

What quality predominated in our Cabinet, when the miserable cunning was resorted to letting Santa Anna into Mexico, in hopes that he would prove traitor to his country? Or what, in the proffers of conciliation to the Mexicans, in the various proclamations issued, and the proposal to seize all their church property? Or what, in the various arrangements for “conquering a peace” by force of arms? The field of discussion is wide and inviting, but I shall only briefly survey it.

But again, if Col. Lee had been announcing the appointments and promotions in our army, or describing the various efforts to put Thomas H. Benton over it and its veterans officers, or giving an account of the battle of Cerro Gordo, how could he have closed more appropriately than in the following language?

“Thus it is,” says he, “that the lives of brave men a re exposed, and the public interest sacrificed. Yet, notwithstanding such severe admonitions, rarely does the Government honor with its confidence the man whose merit is his sole tittle to preference: the weight of powerful connections, or the art of intriguing courtiers too often bear down unsupported though transcendant worth.”

And how often has this war changed its face? First, volunteers for six months –then, for twelve, and many ardent ones offended by a violation of the terms of their enlistment; now they are called for the whole war. This should have been done sooner. Here comes in the wise voice of the :Father of his Country;” and how forcibly has the immortal hero of Buena Vista, –as his troops have daily melted away from him, leaving him on the borders of Mexico’s sultry deserts with a handful of men –felt the truth of Washington’s sentiments and the strength of his apposite and original figure. Washington to George Mason of Va., October 22, 1781, says: “We must have a permanent force; not a force that is continually fluctuating, and sliding from us, as a pedestal of ice would leave a statue in a summer’s day; involving us in expense that baffles all calculation.” Such expense will be the sad result of this mismanaged war.

President Jefferson is the Political stock from which the modern Democratic Party claims to have descended. Yet, this Administration have set at nought one of his bets examples When Governor of Virginia, he adopted a system by which “Continental officers were substituted IN THE HIGHER COMMANDS, for those of the militia; which although not very well relished by those who retired, was highly grateful to the soldiers; who perceiving the (unintelligible) before them, rejoiced in being lead by tried and experienced men.” President Polk has not only disregarded the system of Mr. Jefferson, but reversed it –by which the soldiers are lead by untried and inexperienced civilians, suddenly elevated from merited mediocrity over the heads of scientific, experienced and able Generals. Should any thing take Gen. Scott now from his command, Gen. Pillow, late of the Tennessee militia, now under the serious imputations of Col. Haskell and others, would command the whole army in Mexico!! Far, far better had the door–keeper of the White House presided over the levees of the East room, or the merest pettifogger be Chief of Justice of the United States. Now, may doctors suddenly turn judges; carpenters, saddlers; and cabinet–makers, statesmen and philosophers!

Once more to history and I am done: –“When Presidents, Kings or Emperors confide armies to soldiers of common minds, they ought not to be surprised at the disasters which follow.” This observation, too, is called forth by a review of the carrier of such men as Gage, Howe and Clinton, –British Generals bred and inured to arms. It is true that few disasters have befallen our arms; but their splendid success have been achieved by those whom the Administration endeavored to supplant and dishonor.

May its unworthy favorites never have an opportunity of verifying the evils of a system which has called them to such responsible stations –a system so unjust, impolite and imbecile, that it requires no disasters to cover it with opprobrium.

SUUM CUIQUE.
[NO]


July 20, 1847, RW47v24n58p2c3 Arrival of McKim

[From the N.O Picayune, Extra, July 12 –A.M.J.]

Arrival of the Steamship McKim.

Later from Vera Cruz.

The steamship McKim arrived at this port on Sunday afternoon in charge of her first officer Capt. Pilsbury having died on that passage of yellow fever.

The McKim left Vera Cruz on the 3d inst. There had been nothing later received from the city of Mexico than was brought down the night of the 1st inst. but fuller accounts had transpired at Vera Cruz than were received by the Alabama.

We have no further information of the March of Gen. Pillow. Had any disaster occurred to him, the news of it could scarcely have failed to reach Vera Cruz promptly. –Our letters makes no mention whatever of him or his command.

By this arrival we have files of papers from the city of Mexico to the 29th ult. inclusive. In the Diario del Gobierno of the 26th June appeared an important diplomatic correspondence. The first note is from the Mexican Minister of Foreign Affairs to the Secretaries of Congress, referring to that body a communication from Mr. Buchanan, which announces Mr. Trist’s appointment. We learn that this letter was communicated to Santa Anna by or through the British Minister at Mexico Mr. Banhead, who has exerted himself to bring about negotiation for peace between the two nations.

Mr. Buchanan’s letter is dated April 15th. It acknowledges the receipt of the Mexican Minister’s letter of the 22d February, declining to accede to our proposition to send commissioners to Jalapa, Havana or other point before the blockade of the Mexican ports should be raised and the Mexican territory evacuated by our troops.

Mr. Buchanan writes that the President holds such a condition absolutely inadmissible –neither demanded by national honor nor sanctioned by the practice of the nations. –He urges that such a preliminary condition would render war interminable, especially between contiguous nations, unless by the complete submission of one of the belligerents.

He shows how puerile a course it would be for a nation which had scarified men and money to gain a foothold in a enemy country, to abandon all the advantages it had won and withdraw its forces in order to induce negotiations, without any certainty or security that peace would ensue from such negotiations.

He then cites the case of our last war with Great Britain, to show that we never considered for a moment that our nation required us to insist upon the withdrawal of British troops before consenting to treat for peace. We sent commissioners to Ghent when portions of our territory were in the possession of British troops; and it was notorious that while negotiations were going on at Ghent, hostilities were carried on upon both sides with unwonted vigor; the most memorable action of the war taking pace after negotiations had been concluded. Such a preliminary condition to negotiation cannot be cited in modern times; at least Mr. Buchanan knows of none.

He then exposes the unusual conduct of Mexico under another aspect. The President, in his desire to avoid the war, had sent a minister to negotiate peace. Even after the war was commenced, by the attack of the Mexican troops upon Gen. Taylor, the President had retired propositions with a view of opening negotiations which should put an end to hostilities. He had declared to the world that he would exact no conditions that were not honorable to both parties; and yet the Mexican Government had refused to receive the minister sent to her, and after refusing to accede to the opening of negotiations, Mexico had never made known upon what basis she would consent to a settlement of the differences between the two Republics. –There will never be a termination of hostilities, Mr. Buchanan proceeds, if Mexico continues to [refuse to] listen to the overtures which have been proffered, and which tend to the establishment of peace.

The President will not, therefore, make further overtures for the opening of negotiations until he has reason to believe that such will be accepted by the Mexican Government; but nevertheless such is his desire for peace, that the evils of the war shall not be prolonged one day later thyan the Mexican Government makes it absolutely necessary. Accordingly, to carry his determination into effect, he had sent in the quality of Commissioner, to the head quarters of the army of Mexico, Mr. N.P. Trist, First Clerk in the Sate Department, with full power to conclude a definite treaty of peace with the United Mexican States. Mr. Trist is recommended as possessing the full confidence of the President, and worthy of that of the Mexican Government.

In conclusion, Mr. Buchanan forbears from commenting upon the closing passages of the last letter from the Mexican Minister, lest it should give to his present note a less conciliatory character than he desires for it. He recurs with pleasure to another passage in the same letter wherein is expressed the pain with which the Mexican Government has seen altered the cordial friendship which it had cultivated with this Republic, the continued advancement of which it had always admired, and whose institutions had served as a model of its own. Such sentiments, continues Mr. Buchanan, the President deeply feels; his strongest desires as prevails with us, may protect and secure the liberty of their citizens, and maintain an elevated position among the nations of the earth.

Such is an outline of Mr. Buchanan’s letter of April 15th. We have not translated it, as the original will no doubt at once be made public. There is no indication in it of the basis upon which Mr. Trist is authorized to conclude a treaty.

This letter the Mexican Minister acknowledges on the 22d of April, saying that the President had instructed him to reply that the whole subject matter of it had been expressly reserved by the Sovereign Congress of the nation for its own control, and that the letter would be at once transmitted to it for its action.

We learn by the Mexican papers that Congress was at once convened to take the matter into consideration, but up to the 29th of June no quorum had been procured.

By a letter from a source entitled to great respect, we further learn that Gen. Scott gave the Mexican Government till the 30th ult. to act upon the letter, when, if nothing should be done he would march in.

The best opinion in Mexico, in our judgment, we have had an opportunity to learn by this arrival. That opinion gives but poor encouragement for peace, but does not entirely despair. Other gentlemen, with very ample opportunities for judging, write from the city of Mexico, that there is no hope of a settlement of the difficulties; that the Mexicans have not yet been sufficiently whipped; and that Gen. Scott will have to reach the city of Mexico. None of the letters we have seen mention any thing about the number or position of Mexicans troops.
[NO]


July 20, 1847, RW47v24n58p2c3 General Order

From the Sun of Ananuac of the 2d inst., we copy the following order issued by Col. Perry upon returning to the mouth of the river from his Tabasco expedition:

General Order –No.3.

U.S. Flag Ship Mississippi. Off Tabasco River, June 25, 1847.

The commander in chief, in returning to his ship from the expedition undertaken to capture and occupy the city of Tabasco, seizes upon the earliest moment to offer his warmest thanks to the officers, seamen and marines composing the force engaged in the attack for the gratifying proofs of zeal and courage manifested by them on the occasion.

Notwithstanding the extensive and judicious arrangements made by the Mexicans for defence, they exhibited little gallantry in maintaining their well chose position.

M.C. Perry, Commanding Home Squadron.

The commodore arrived at Anton Lizardo on the 30th June, with the squadron.

We have no time to make use of our Mexican files, the mail closing at so early an hour.
[NO]


July 20, 1847, RW47v24n58p2c3 Arrival of steamship

Arrival of the Steamship James L. Day

Later from the Brazos.

The steamer James L. Day, Capt. Wood, arrived this morning from Brazos Santiago. By her we have received the Matamoros Flag of the 7th inst. The news is without importance.

The steamboat Enterprize has been sunk in the Rio Grande, fifteen miles above Reynosa. Boat a total loss.

Capt. Dunlap’s company of mounted men from Illinois had arrived at Matamoros, the men in fine health and the horses in tolerable condition.

McCulloch’s company has returned from Camargo to Matamoros. We copy the following from the Flag:

From the Interior of the State. –Mr. Holliday, a gentleman well known in this city, returned on Tuesday evening last from a journey into the interior sixty miles beyond San Fernando. The object of his journey was to purchase mules for Government, which was frustrated on account of an irregular competition in the same business by the band of Carabajal, who were spread over the country taking forcible possession of all the mules and horses fit for service. The alcades of several different villages beyond San Fernando advised Mr. Holliday not to prosecute his journey further, assuring him that would be impossible to obtain mules, and he was running a great risk of being killed or made prisoner. He was informed that a part of Urrea’s forces was in Victoria, and that the mules and horses which were being collected by the Mexican were intended for a force which was raising and was to rendezvous at Victoria for the purpose of making a descent upon Tampico. This he learned from many different sources, and he believes that an attack on that post is intended, the weakness of the garrison there strongly favoring such a design.
[NO]


July 20, 1847, RW47v24n58p2c3 News from Tampico

[From The N.O. Times]

Tampico.

The brig Harriet, Capt. Brovn, arrived here on Saturday, from Tampico, the 29th ult., but brought no news.

The rainy season had set in at Tampico, but the health of the troops was satisfactory. Not a single case of yellow fever had occurred since the commencement of the occupation.

Papers from the capital had reached Tampico to the 19th ult, but they contain little of importance, except the reiteration of the forced contribution of a million of dollars, and stirring appeals on the part of the journalist, to the patriotism of the people, in view of the anticipated advance of Gen. Scott from Puebla.

Mrs. De Russy, the wife of Col. De Russy, and his two sons, had arrived there; also Nrs. Daily, the wife of Lt. Daily, of the Lousiana volunteers. There was to be a grande fete on the 4th inst, Capt. C.S. Hunt, being appointed orator of the day.

Col. Gates, on the 25th ult, issued an order prohibiting the importation of spirituous liquors.
[NO]


July 20, 1847, RW47v24n58p2c4 New from Vera Cruz

Vera Cruz

By the arrival of the steamship M’Kim, Capt. Pillsbury, from Vera Cruz, the 3d instant; via Brazos; the 6th inst., we have accounts from both places up to respective dates of departure. No news had yet arrived from the interior since the receipt of the last advices; consequently nothing has transpired, in relation to the expected on ward movement of Gen. Scott’s army.

We regret to announce the death of Capt. Pillsbury, of the M’kim, who caught the yellow fever at Vera Cruz, and died on the 7th instant, at sea. Capt. P was a son of the Hon. Timothy Pillsbury, a member of Congress form the State of Texas.

Left at Vera Cruz aon the 3d, the brig. Velasco, Capt. Bell, up for this port, about the 8th inst.
[NO]


July 20, 1847, RW47v24n58p4c2 California

Our Territory of California.

We have late accounts from our new territory of California, both from the North and the South. What has become of Com. Stockton we are not apprized, al the letter and papers being wholly silent in regard to that distinguished gentleman. Between Com. Schubrick, his successor, and Gen. Kearny there seems to be perfect harmony, the latter officer being nor the Governor of the territory, as will more fully appear by the following proclamation:

To the People of California.

The president of the United States having developed upon the undersigned the civil government of California, he enters upon the discharge of his duties with an ardent desire to promote as far as the interest of the country and well being of its inhabitants.

The undersigned is instructed by the President to respect and protect the religious institutions of California, to take care that the religious rights of its inhabitants are secured in the most ample manner, since the Constitution of the United States allows every individual the privilege of worshipping his Creator in whatever manner his conscience may dictate.

The undersigned is also instructed to protect the persons and property of the quiet and peaceable inhabitants of the country, against each and every enemy, whether foreign or domestic; and now, assuring the Californians that his inclinations no less that his duty demand the fulfillment of these instructions, he invites them to use their best efforts to preserve order and tranquility, to promote harmony and concord, and to maintain the authority and the efficacy of the laws.

It is the desire and intention of the United States to procure to California as speedily as possible a free Government like that of their own territories, and they will very soon invite their inhabitants to exercise the rights of free citizens in the choice of their own representatives, who may enact such laws as they deem best adapted to their interests and well being. But until this takes place, the laws actually in existence, which are not repugnant to the Constitution of the United Sates, will continue in force until they are revoked by competent authority; and persons in the exercise of public employments will for the present remain in them, provided they swear to maintain the said Constitution and faithfully to discharge their duties.

The undersigned by these present absolves all the inhabitants of California of any further allegiance to the Republic of Mexico, and regards them as citizens of the United States. Those who remain quite and peaceable will be respected and protected in their rights; but should any one take up arms against the Government of this territory, or join such as do so, or instigate others to do so –all these he will regard as enemies, and they will be treated as such.

When Mexico involved the United states in war the latter had no time to invite the Californians to join their standard as friends, but found themselves compelled to take possession of the county to prevent its falling into the hands of some European power. In doing this there is no doubt that some excesses, some authorized acts were committed by persons in the service of the United States, and that in consequence some of the inhabitants have sustained losses in property. These losses shall be duly investigated, and those who are entitled to indemnification shall receive it.

For many years California has suffered great domestic convulsions; from civil wars, like poisoned fountains, have flowed calamity and pestilence over this beautiful region. These fountains are now dried up; the stars, and stripes now float over California, and as long as the sun shall shed its light they will continue to wave over her, and over the natives of the country, and over those who shall seek a domicil in her bosom, and under the protection of this flag agriculture must advance, and the arts and sciences will flourish like seed in a rich and fertile soil.

Americans and Californians! From henceforth one people. Let us them indulge one desire, one hope, let that be for the peace and tranquility of our country. Let us unite like brothers and mutually strive for the improvement and advancement of this our beautiful country, which with a short period cannot fail to be not only beautiful, but also prosperous and happy.

Given at Monterrey, capital of California, this 1st day of March, of the year of our Lord 1847, and of the Independence of the United Sates the 71st.

S.W. Kearny, Brig. Gen. U.S.A. and Governor of California.

There can be no doubt, from the language of this document, that Mr. Polk considers California already annexed, even without a joint resolution, which was deemed to be a decent regard for the forms of the Constitution when Texas was made a member of the Confederacy. “I am the State,” says the modern Louis; and really when one reads the accounts from our new regions –how Governors are made and Legislatures organized– and whole communities of foreigners absolved from allegiance to their own Government, and manufactured into citizens of the United States –he may, without any tax upon his imagination, well conceive that an absolute Sovereign is on the throne, that Congress exists by his mere sufferance, and the People are entitled to no voice in the decision of questions affecting the national weal! “If such things are done in the green tree, what may we not expect in the dry?”

In Pursuance of the plans of Mr. Polk, we perceive that elections are going on in California for members of the Territorial Legislature, which was about to assemble at Monterrey. We are “going ahead” rapidly to the consummation of our “manifest destiny.” But what it is to be, requires a prophetic vision to foretell.
[NO]


July 20, 1847, RW47v24n58p2c3 From San Francisco

We copy the following letter from the N.Y. Journal of Commerce:

Harbor of San Francisco,

On board U.U. transport ship T.H. Perkins,

March 7, 1847.

We arrived at this port yesterday, in 160 days from New York. Before we had dropped anchor, a boat from the U.S. ship Cyane came with despatches from Gen. Kearny fro Col. Stevenson, ordering him, with his whole regiment down to Monterrey, about 80 or 90 miles from this by sea.

The captain having asked a most exorbitant price to carry us, an express was immediately sent to general, and we shall be obliged to wait here until a despatch comes, ordering the captain to proceed at once. The captain is an obstinate man, and is “out” with every one of our officers on board. We expect trouble from him, and an officer from the slopp–of–war will no doubt be sent down in command.

Gen. Kearny has been here three months, and has settled everything that we expected to do. Col. S. is a mere cypher, therefore; a governor having been sent out, who is here now.

We are all sorry for not having remained in New York and gone with the regiments direct for Mexico; for after the glorious news from our army in that quarter, we have no doubt that sine of the regiments were ordered thither.

This vessel is the only one yet arrived, but we expect the others here every minute.

This is a magnificent harbor, about 60 to 70 miles to the farther end.

The town of Yerba Buena is small, only about 500 inhabitants. Our flag flies on shore, and there are six American vessels in port. In fact there are no others.

Col. Fremont has had a difficulty with the officers and men under his command. Seven captains and lieutenants resigned in one day! We could fill a column or two, if we had space to spare, with curious extracts from the California papers, but we are compelled to limit our selection to–day to the subjoined paragraphs from the Buena Yerba Star:

Jan. 23.–We noticed on the morning of the 19th instant, in the streets, ice nearly a quarter of an inch thick, the first that we have seen this season. It is said by those who have lived in the country several years that this is an unusually cold season. Our friends on the Atlantic coast in lat. 38º N, who are in snow to their knees for three months in the year will probably find difficult to account for this great difference in the temperature of the climate of the two oceans.

The Russian brig. Constantine, from Sitka, arrived on the morning of the 16th inst. She was 17 days out; ten days at the mouth of the bay, being prevented by unfavorable winds from getting in. She brought nothing but stone as ballast.

General Kearny has arrived there from Monterrey, where he spent a few days examining that point, with a view to the erection of permanent fortifications. He came up here in the U.S. sloop of war Cyane.

We received no important news from below, since the publication of our last number. At the last accounts Col. Cook, with five hundred United States dragoons, was encamped between San Diego and the town of the Angels. Col. Fremont had not left for Monterrey.

The Star of the 27th says: –We learn from a gentleman who just arrived from the South, that all was quiet in that part of the country. There had been no indications of a disposition on the part of the Californians to renew hostilities since the treaty made with them by Col. J. C. Fremont. Col. Fremont was still acting as civil Governor.

February 27 –Gen. Kearny sailed from this port in the U.S. frigate Savannah, Capt. Mervine, on Tuesday last, for Monterrey, where it is understood, in conjunction with Com. Shubrick, he will immediately commence the important work of organizing a civil government for California.–Shubrick and General Kearny are, we understand, full in this point, and invest them with plenary powers to carry into effect the intentions of the Government.

The precise form of Government that will be established in California, and the mode by which it will be put in operation, until Congress shall have the necessary time and information to take charge of the subject, we do not suppose has yet been determined upon. This, we presume, has been left altogether to the discretion of the gentleman above named, who doubtless will be governed by what they shall deem most practicable, and most conducive to the general prosperity in the present crisis, after full and through observation and mature reflection.
[NO]


July 20, 1847, RW47v24n58p2c3 General Scott

General Scott

The New Orleans Bulletin gives the following estimate of the Gen. Scott’s strength, when all the troops now on their march to join him, shall have reached this camp:

At Puebla, about 7,000 men; Col. Childs, from Jalapa, 1,400; Gen. Cadwallader’s column 1,400; Gen. Pillow 1,800; Gen. Pierce’s 2,500; making together 14,100.

Will the Union tell us what has become of the remainder of the 20,000 troops, which, it proved, by statistics from the War Department, would be under Gen. Scott’s command on the 1st. of July?
[NO]


July 20, 1847, RW47v24n58p2c4 Johan Botts

Letter of Johan Botts

To the Whig Committee of Philadelphia. Richmond, June 26, 1847.

Gentlemen: –I have received your letter inviting me to a Whig festival to be held in the city of Philadelphia, in celebration of the anniversary of American Independence.

I regret that a prior engagement on that day will deprive me of the gratification I should derive from an association with my Whig friends and brethren of Philadelphia on so interesting an occasion.

In your letter you say –“It is the duty of every true hearted Whig to unite with his brethren, on every proper opportunity, in a laudable effort, to harmonize, and impart union and strength to the general movement, and thus to secure an ultimate triumph, calculated to promote the national prosperity, and give harmony to our free institutions.”

It certainly is proper, and desirable, that on all suitable occasions, the member of a political party, having common interests at stake, common objects in view, and a common country to serve and save, should meet and confer together as to the most judicious mode of accomplish their common purposes –and as I could not be present to enjoy your society, and participate in your festivities, and interchange views, I have thought it might not be out of place or altogether unacceptable, if I were to commit to paper some views that may not have struck the minds of all our friends, in the same light, or with the same force that they have struck mine.

If the anniversary of the American Independence is a day for thanksgiving and rejoicing, it is also a day for sober and solemn reflection and the first subject that naturally presents itself to the mind, is our present condition as contrasted with that on the day, the anniversary of which you are just about to celebrate.

Happy would it be, if, in drawing this contrast, we could confine ourselves to wonderful advancement in population; extent of territorial space, (legitimately acquired,) power, greatness, improvement in science and art –in short in all that tends to make a people at once great, prosperous, and free: in all this, we have much to excite our admiration and our pride; but in other respects, how painful to the patriot’s mind, and how the good man’s heart grows sick, as he contemplates the change; when he reflects upon the mass of rottenness and corruption that has slyly crept into every branch and ramification of our government “until increase of appetite has grown by what it fed on,” and now “the spoils of office” are used only as the sure reward of fealty to power in all its profligacy: when we look upon the degeneracy of our Politicians, who barter principles for spoils, and exchange their country’s interests and blessings for honors and wages, how the apprehension is excited, for the ultimate fate of the Republic, which can only be preserved, in the spirit it was conceived, by harmony and concession, high and dignified morality, pure and lofty virtue, sublime and unadulterated patriotism.

On the fourth of July, 1776, our fathers like us of the fourth day of July 1847, were surrounded with difficulties and troubles –and were involved in all the horrors of war: but theirs was a war demanded, and openly declared, by the voice of the people, a war for the establishment of the Independence, for the protection and preservation of great national inalienable rights, a war for a nation’s deliverance, and a people’s freedom; but how is it with the war in which we are engaged?

We have made a war made without the knowledge or sanction of the people, the responsibility for which no one will assume, and every one is anxious to shift from his own shoulders to those of his neighbor; a war, the conception of which is veiled in mystery and darkness; its progress only tolerated and reconciled by the unexampled success that has attended our arms; the object of which is left to fancy and speculation, and the end of which no man can foresee; a war instigated and provoked, from a meretricious lust of conquest, and acquisition of our neighbor’s goods, by men spoiled and besotted with place and power, that nature never designed them to fill or wield. And when we, the conservative party of the country, and its constitution, propose to enquire the cause of the war, we are stigmatized as “federal Mexican Whigs” as “allies of Mexico,” and “moral traitors to our country, giving aid and comfort to the enemy,” and none are patriots and statesmen worthy to trust, but those who bow to the immaculate purity and infallible wisdom of Mr. Polk, the dispenser of power, and patronage, and spoils.

For one, whether a traitor or no traitor, whether in favor at court or out of it, as a friend of my country who never was yet muzzled, nor feared the frowns nor courted the smiles of men in power –I venture to lay down two political axiom as incontrovertible, and such as will by adopted by the whole nation, if they desire or deserve to be free. The first is, that this country ought not to be engaged in any war that can’t stand the test of scrutiny and investigation –and the second is, that it can’t be engaged in any war that ought not to be fully and searchingly enquired into, and fully understood by those who have to fight the battles and pay the cost, and whose national honor is at stake “in doing unto others, as you would do others should do unto you,” –and I might add a third, that no man and no party, that were honest, upright, and innocent, conscious of the rectitude of their own conduct, and the integrity of their purpose, would labor under the awful and dainning responsibility of having heedlessly and wantonly brought such a calamity upon the country, but would court and demand such an inquiry and investigation, as would wipe the bloody and damned stain from their guiltless hands. But how is it with Mr. Polk who stands charged with this terrible crime? –does he come forward like an innocent man and invite his country men into an examination of his conduct? –does he court enquiry? Does he demand a hearing? –does he claim a fair trial and a just verdict? No! but like the guilty man who was arraigned at the bar, and who was assured by the Judge that he should have a fair trial and full justice, at once replied –“May it please your Honor, that is the last favor I have ask of the court.”

Starting events have transpired with such fearful rapidity within the last twelve months –one daring encroachment has followed so quick upon the heels of another, that our people seem upon each occasion to forget the first in wild and almost bewildered contemplation of the last.

Gen. Taylor and the American army have been ordered by the President to the banks of the Rio Grande, (which brought on the war;) but whether he transcended his authority, and whether this was Mexican territory, then, and at all times in their possession, invaded by the U. States, or whether it was American territory invaded by Mexico, must not be enquired into, for the Mexican will hear us, and we will prolong the war by “giving aid and comfort to the enemy” in whose halls HE promised to reveal in three months from its commencement. True, he withheld the information form Congress and the people, that he had done an act that he knew must lead to conflict until two bloody battles had been fought, and it was necessary to call for men and money to prosecute a war that he had provoked and brought upon the people –true, he was determined that his friend, Mr. Slidell, should be received by the obstinate and presumptuous Republic of Mexico, in the character in which it had pleased him to send him, (of full Minister,) although he had been notified, that, with due regard to the national honor, he could only be received in the more humble character of commissioner:–True, he sent Santa Anna back to the Mexicans, to head their armies and encourage their men, to give battle to our brave people, whose bones are mouldering in the charnel houses, and whose blood has made rich the barren plain of Mexico: True, he has dismembered the Mexican Empire, instructed his subordinates in command to declare by proclamation the provinces of California and New Mexico a part of this great Republic, to administer the oath of allegiance to their people and make them citizens of the United States: True, he has established civil governments, appointed Governors, Judges, Attorneys, and Legislative Councils; an if an insolent Mexican dares to raise his hand or voice in favor of his native land, or his own countrymen, the summary process has been adopted of trying him by a drum head court martial, and hanging him by the neck as a traitor and rebel: True, he has enacted laws for Mexico, and is now collecting customs, under tariff regulations, suggested by the wisdom of his profound financier, and free trade Secretary, Sir Robert Walker, as being better qualified for the discharge of that “high duty” (the only high duty he favors being those he exercise himself) than a Federal Mexican Whig Congress. We have seen a proclamation recently issued by the Commander–in–chief in Mexico, as explained by his organ, the Union, makes it manifest that it was under instructions from the seat of the Government, in which it is set forth that the war was the consequence of a design on the part of European Governments to destroy the Republic of Mexico and establish a monarchy on its ruins –which not only contradicts all his former declarations relative to the origin of the war, but convicts him of having committed a most egregious and unpardonable blunder, (if he was determined to have a finger in the pie, on his own authority and responsibility,) of taking the wrong side of the question by fighting against Republican Institutions instead of for them.

What has been his course in regard to the conduct of the war? In the first place we have seen him withhold the command of our gallant army, from the accomplished General–in–chief, who was entitled to claim it, and who did claim it, and he conferred it upon another, then almost unknown to the country –and no sooner did he find that gallant and invincible old soldier performing deeds of valor and achieving victories with vastly inferior numbers and under disadvantages, that exited the wonder and admiration of the world, than he attempted supersede and disgrace him by the appointment of a Lieutenant General from political life, in the ranks of his own party without experience and without skill –thus jeopardizing the honor of the nation and the safe of the army. Finding now, there was more perhaps to apprehend from the rapidly increasing popularity of Taylor than there was at first from Scott, and that he had jumped out of the frying pan into the fire, he endeavored to get back from the fire into the pan, by sending Scott to the field, and stripping Taylor of his command, and leaving him in the heart of the enemy’s country with only 4000 men, to meet and conquer 20,000 under a general of his own selection. On the other hand, what have we seen of Scott? He reaches Vera Cruz, bombards the city, takes it, with the almost impregnable Castle of San Juan –marches on toward the Capital, exhibiting the highest military skill, performing prodigies of valor, overcoming all difficulties, surmounting all obstacles, achieving a victory at Cerro Gordo that vies in brilliancy with that at Buena Vista; and now not knowing which is the hottest place for him –the fire or the pan–  in order to get rid of both he send off some thing of a Lieutenant General in the person of a clerk of the Department of State to watch over, if not control, the movements of Scott and his gallant band. Has his course not justified the suspicion that the brilliancy of our arms in Mexico has mortified and chagrined him, from an apprehension that the benefits of the war were not likely to enure to him and his political friends? We have seen him too tampering, and sporting with the honor and character of the Nation, by proclaiming that there was more virtue in Mexican dollars than in American powder and lead, and it was more desirable and manly to buy, than “conquer a peace,” and he gave assurance that with an appropriation of $3,000,000 to be placed at his disposal for secret purposes, peace should be restored; which could only be effected by a system of bribery for which every American check should blush; (for with the “indemnity” he claimed, there could be no need for purchase of territory;) and yet for all this high pretensions are set up for his disinterested patriotism, and for the pre–eminent ability with which he has conducted the war; and as if acknowledgements of his greatness did not pour in with abundance (unintelligible).

All this is true, but if we complain, or propose an enquiry into his conduct, if we do not speak “with of (unintelligible), if we discredit his infallibility, we are admonished that we shall be held us traitors to our country for “giving aid and comfort to the enemy,” and we shall be denounced, and stigmatized by Executive sanction and endorsement, as “Mexican Allies” and “Federal Mexican Whigs.”

Is not the recital of, and reflection upon, these high fantastic tricks enough, I ask, to pain to the patriot’s mind, and make the good’s man heart grow sick? And yet we are told, that the only remedy is to be found in the ballot box; and that impeachment is a dead letter of the law. Possibly it may be so, but if it be, and the Whig party shall adopt that creed, farewell I say to free institutions; farewell to limited powers; farewell to written constitution; for our president is a sovereign, with powers absolute and unlimited. What more is left for him to do, that he may not do, with impunity?

If the question should be asked, in any promiscuous, though well informed company, “For what are the two Republics of North America waging deadly war the one against the other? How various would be the answers! How speculative the conjectures! How unascertained the fact! And this is the matter of no small consequence to us, that we are at war, and we know not for what –that we have already spent upwards of one hundred millions, and accomplished nothing but military renown; that we have sacrificed ten thousand lives, and are still kept in ignorance of the objects of the war, and the terms of the peace.

Let me ask –How can this war be brought to a close by this administration, or the party which sustains and justifies its position? The position taken by Mr. Polk and his party is, that he cannot bring the war to a close with honor, that he cannot negotiate for peace, without claiming and obtaining indemnity for the expenses of the war; that is to say, we may not look for peace unless be gets Mexican territory (and a pretty large slice too, I should think, if he should make a fair trade, and get land enough to compensate for all expenses incurred.)

If a man claims property in possession, and undertakes by force to put me off, and instead of that I putt him off, and follow him, and trash him to his heart’s content, and my own satisfaction –do I sacrifice my personal honor by returning him the world over, and beat him until there is no more of him left than there was of the Kilkenny cats? Yet such seems to be the view of our ruling men, who are fearful their patriotism or courage may be suspected unless they swallow the whole Mexican family at a gulp: it is a false notion of honor, and ought not to be endured.

I beg pardon for the length of this letter (which almost deters me from sending it,) and in offering you the following sentiment, as connected with the foregoing remarks, I beg to assure you of my high consideration and respect.

Johan M. Botts.
[NO]


July 23, 1847, RW47v24n59p1c3 American prisoners in Mexico

American Prisoners in Mexico. Probable Advance of Gen. Scott.

We have at last direct accounts from the American prisoners in Mexico, which enable us to clear up the contradictory rumors we have had in relation to them. Letters were received here yesterday from Maj. Gaines by his brother A. L. Gaines, dated in the city of Mexico, the 26th of June, with the use of which we have been favored. It appears from them that the rank and file of the prisoners have been released and sent to Tampico. These were doubtless the individuals at Huejutla, as mentioned in our last. The officers had not been released on the 26th of June. We give the greater part of Maj. Gaines’s letters, which, it will be seen, throw great light on Gen. Scott’s movements as well as upon the fate of the American prisoners.

City of Mexico, June 26, 1847.

Dear Sir –I am very sorry that I have it not in my power to advise you of our release from bondage. This execrable Government in violation of repeated promises and a solemn engagement entered into with Gen. Taylor the day after the battle of Buena Vista, still retains us as prisoners of war.

On the 3d inst. I received a note from the Government to present myself at the Castle of Santiago, our late prison, and there receive the final determination of the authorities in our case. At the Castle we were informed that we were exchanged, and that we should depart the next day for Tampico –the officers only, without the men– and were directed to go the place, receive our instructions, expense money, &c, &c, preparatory to our departure. At the palace we were told to call the next day, and on the next day we were informed that they were without means to send us and that we could not go. This disappointment was the more galling because the reason assigned was known to be a mere subterfuge, and it turned out that four days afterwards our men, one hundred and seventy in number, were sent off to the same place without our knowledge, which required a much larger sum than it would have required to send the officers. By sending off the men without our knowledge, they were subjected to great suffering and inconvenience on a long road to Tampico, without the preparation necessary in the way of clothing, shoes, &c, which more then in fact being furnished them. The true reason why officers were not allowed to accompany them remains to be seen.

Since that time (the 4th) I have heard nothing from this infernal Government, if Government it may be called, but to–day I have received an assurance from Gen. Scott that immediately upon his arrival in the vicinity of the city, which will surely be within twelve days, be will make a peremptory demand for us. IT WILL BE COMPLIED WITH, AS I THINK. You may therefore look for me early in August.

Gen. Scott we are assured has made every possible effort to procure our enlargement, but to no purpose. His approach to this city will certainly take place in a very few days. His measures preparatory to moving are all taken, and preparations nearly complete. He comes with a force sufficient to accomplish his object eventually.

I have received no letters from the States except one from A. K. since my captivity, so that the world as to me may be said to be hermetically sealed up. [Here follows passages of a nature altogether private and domestic, and the letter concludes as follows.]

I have now the most positive information of Gen. Scott’s readiness to move on this capital within the next three or four days. He will have an easy conquest.

Your affectionate brother. JNO. P. Gaines.
[NO]


July 23, 1847, RW47v24n59p1c4 State Department and Mexican Government

[From the Washington Union]

Correspondence between the Secretary of the State and the Mexican government, relative to the mission of Mr. Trist.

An extra of the Republicano of Mexico, of the 28th of June, has been received at the Department of State, containing copies of two notes from the Minister of Foreign Affairs of Mexico, dated the 2d of June last. We presented here translations of the two notes first mentioned, together with a copy the original of Mr. Buchanan’s letter; all of which (unintelligible) be read with interest in every part of the country.

Department of Internal and Foreign Relations.

God and Liberty –Mexico, June, 22, 1847.

Most excellents Sirs: by order of his excellency, the President ad interim of the republic, as resolved in a council of ministers, I have the (unintelligible) to place in the hand of your excellencies, that you may submit it to the sovereign Congress, at its first meeting, a copy of the official note, addressed by the Secretary of the State of the United States to this government, under date of the 15th of April last, in which he declares that the President of that republic intends to dispatch, as a commissioner, to the headquarters of the army operating in Mexico, Nicholas P. Trist, with full powers to conclude a definitive treaty of peace with the Mexican United States.

I likewise transmit to your Excellencies, for communication to the sovereign Congress, a copy of the answer which the most excellent President resolved, in a council of ministers, to have made to the above–mentioned note; his excellency feeling assured that the august assembly, to which is reserved the determination on the affair to which the present communication relates, will despatch it with the promptness and wisdom to be expected from its patriotism and its distinguished enlightenment.

Domingo Ibarra.

[copy]

To his Excellency the Minister of Foreign Relations of the Mexican Republic.

Department of State, Washington, April 15, 1847.

Sir: I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of your excellency’s note, of the 22d February last, in answer to mine of the 18th January, proposing, on the part of the President of the United States, immediately to “dispatch either to Havana or Jalapa, as the Mexican government may prefer, one or more of our most distinguished citizens, as commissioners, clothed with full powers to conclude a treaty of peace with similar commissioners on the part of Mexicans, as soon as he shall be officially informed that the Mexican government will appoint such commissioners.”

The President deeply regrets the refusal of the Mexican government to accede to this friendly overture, unless the raising of the blockade of our (the Mexican) ports, and the complete evacuation of the territory of the republic by the invading forces, shall be previously accepted as a preliminary conditions.”

The President has instructed me to inform you that this “preliminary condition” is wholly inadmissible. Such a condition is neither required by the honor, nor sanctioned by the practice of nations. If it were, this would tend to prolong wars, especially between conterminous countries, until the one or the other power was entirely subdued. No nation which, at the expenditure of blood and treasure, has invaded its enemy territory could ever consent to withdraw its forces, as a preliminary condition to the opening of negotiations for peace. This would be at once to abandon all the advantages it had obtained in the prosecution of the war, without any certainty that peace would result from the sacrifice. Nay, more: should such a negotiation prove unsuccessful, the nation which had thus imprudently withdrawn its forces from the enemy’s territory, might not be able to recover, without a cost of blood and treasure equal to that first expended, the advantageous position which it had voluntarily abandoned.

Fortunately for the cause of peace and humanity, the history of nations at war affords no sanction to such a preliminary condition. The United States are as jealous of their national honor as any power on the face of the earth; and yet it never entered into the contemplation of the great statesman who administered our government during the period of our last war with Great Britain, to insist that the later should relinquish that part of our territory of which she was in actual possession before they would consent to open negotiations for peace. On the contrary, they took the initiative, and appointed commissioners to treat for peace, whilst portions of our country were held by the enemy; and it is a remarkable fact, that the treaty of Ghent was concluded by the plenipotentiaries of the two power whilst the war was ranging on both sides; and the most memorable of the conflicts to which it gave rise took place upon our own soil after the negotiators had happily terminated their labors. History is full of such examples. Indeed, so far as the undersigned is aware, there is not to be found, at least in modern times, a single case, except the present, in which it has been considered a necessary preliminary that an invading army should be withdrawn before negotiations for peace could commence between the parties of the war.

It would, also, be difficult to find a precedent for the course pursued by the Mexican government in another particular. The president, anxious to avoid the war now existing, sent a minister of peace to Mexico for this purpose. After the Mexican forces had stacked the army of Gen. Taylor on this side of the Rio Grande, and thus commenced the war, the President, actuated by the same pacific spirit, made repeated overtures to the government of Mexico to negotiate for its termination; and although he has, from the beginning, solemnly declared before the world that he desired no terms but such as were just and honorable to both parties, yet the Mexican government, by refusing to receive our minister in the first place, and afterwards by not acceding to our overtures to open negotiations of peace, has never afforded to this government even the opportunity of making known the terms on which we would be willing to settle all questions in dispute between the two republics. The war can never end whilst Mexico refuses even to hear the proposals which we have always been ready to make for peace.

For the purpose of carrying this determination into effect with the least possible delay, he will forth with send to the headquarters of the army, in Mexico, Nicholas P. Trist, esq. The officer next in rank to the undersigned in our Department of Foreign Affairs, as commissioner invested with full powers to conclude a definitive treaty of peace with the United Mexican States. This gentleman possesses the entire confidence of the President, and is eminently worthy of that of the Mexican government.

This feeling is most cordially reciprocated by the President, whose earnest desire it is that the United States, under institutions similar to our own, may protect and secure the liberty of their people, and maintain an elevated standing among the nations of the earth.

James Buchanan.
[NO]


July 23, 1847, RW47v24n59p2c1 Buchanan and Mexican minister

The Correspondence

The attention of our readers will be attracted by the correspondence between Mr. Buchanan and the Mexican Minister of Foreign Relations. No satisfactory inference can be drawn from the language of the Mexican Minister, in regard to the final determination of the Government; the Executive of Mexico, even in the midst of a war of invasion, the exigencies of which might well warrant its assumption of extraordinary if not Dictatorial powers, absolutely paying more deference to the will of Congress, than the President of the United States is in the habit of exhibiting towards the Representatives of the American people; for, in the first place, he made war without consulting them, and ha has since prosecuted it in a manner which evinces an utter contempt for the constitutional functions of the Legislative department, some of the most important of which he has daringly usurped. We hope, however, that this effort to renew negotiations may be successful, and that it may result in the speedy restoration of peace, on terms satisfactory and honorable to both nations –for only such a peace can be a permanent one.

The correspondence furnishes no means of ascertaining the terms which Mr. Trist has been instructed to propose to Mexico, and upon the nature of which, of course, will materially depend her willingness to terminate the war. It is obvious, however, that the prospects of a speedy termination of hostilities is not very flattering –for, judging from the temper heretofore displayed by the Administration, and from the tone of its Organ, it may very reasonably be apprehended that its demands will be characterized by any thing but moderation.

The Secretary of State dwells with peculiar self–complacency upon the pacific dispositions exhibited by our Government in its unsuccessful efforts to induce the Mexican authorities to renew diplomatic intercourse, with a view to the restoration of peace. If this would be true, there would be immeasurable degradation, instead of generous magnanimity, in the pertinacity with which we have urged her to terminate the war. If she were the guilty aggressor, she ought to be compelled herself to sue for peace, instead of being so often asked to make it. The statement of the Secretary is contradicted by all the facts in the case, as well as by repeated official averments, which must be false if this be true.
[NO]


July 23, 1847, RW47v24n59p2c1 An Unwritten Constitution

The Duke of Wellington is said to have remarked, on one occasion, that “there can be no such thing as a little war” –and, judged by the effects of national collisions up on the morals and the liberties of any people, the remark may be deemed axiomatic. When a war with Mexico was only apprehended as a possible event, it was likewise spoken of as a mere bagatelle, which would end in a blaze of glory, by the triumph of our arms, after a single brief and brilliant campaign, to be consummated by the occupation of the magnificent capital of the Aztecs, almost without fire a gun. But the stubborn resistance we have every where met with, and, the immense loss of life, and expenditure of money that have already attended our efforts to “conquer a peace” which ought never to have been interrupted, have dispelled an illusion as remarkable as it was universal. While no one doubts any more now than at first, that, however long the contest may be (unintelligible), it must eventuate in the complete overthrow of the enemy and his submission to such terms of peace as the conqueror may dictate, it is already apparent, that, terminate as speedily as it may, it will not have been “a little war,” whether we regard its immediate results or its remote consequences.

To some of the results and consequences of this war, we have therefore occasionally adverted; but, perhaps among them all there is not one of more sinister aspect and import than the frequency and the boldness with which the Federal Constitution has been violated, by acts of usurpation on the part of the Executive. Infractions of the written Constitution, to which we allude, are clearly pointed out, and the gradual growth of an unwritten Constitution, like that of Great Britain, made up of precedents, is shown to be progressively superseding it. No one doubts –and very few did– the expediency of the purchase of Louisiana from France; but, on the other hand, no one, we believe, at the time of its acquisition, doubted that it was an unconstitutional act. Florida was never afterwards brought into the Union by a similar exercise of an ungranted power; and these cases were subsequently referred to as justifying the annexation of Texas by a wholly different process, as the three will hereafter be relied on to authorize the acquisition by conquest of California and such other portions of Mexico as may be ceded to us by that Republic. A new power has thus unquestionably been engrafted upon the Constitution, by the precedent established in the acquisition of Louisiana. Mr Polk has enlarged the powers of the Executive department of the Government, under dangerous and delusive plea of “necessity” and, if the acts of his Administration in this regard shall be acquiesced in by other departments of the Government and by the people, they too will be thereafter quoted as precedents for similar outrages, and our written Constitution will be entirely superseded in several of its vital features.
[NO]


July 23, 1847, RW47v24n59p2c2 War or Peace

(no title)

The Washington correspondent of the New York Courier & Enquirer, who professes to have access to sources of authentic information not open to others, makes the following revelations, which, if they be true, are not without interest:

Washington, July 17, 1847.

We must now be on the eve of the most important intelligence from Mexico; and the problem will soon be solved whether we are to have war or peace. My own opinion, formed upon the latest intelligence from Puebla, is still that it will be peace. It is quite certain there is a large party, even in the present Congress of Mexico, in favor of peace. Notwithstanding all that has been said to the contrary, the mediation of Great Britain for peace has not been rejected by the Congress of Mexico, neither has it, as yet been accepted.

The terms proposed by Mr. Trist have not yet been rejected by the Congress of Mexico at the latest dates from the Capital. If they are rejected, or their acceptance delayed, Gen Scott will advance and take the city. But, if, on the other hand, as is extremely probable, these terms should be accepted and the treaty ratified at once by the Congress of Mexico, Gen. Scott, in that event, will not advance beyond Puebla, but will await orders from the Government immediately after the battle of Cerro Gordo, we should have had peace long before this period.
[NO]


July 23, 1847, RW47v24n59p2c3 Spy in Washington

The Spy in Washington.

[From the N.O Picayune, July 15.]

Arrival of the Steamship Galveston.

One day Later from Vera Cruz.

The steamship Galveston, Capt. Haviland, arrived yesterday from Vera Cruz touching at Tampico and the Brazos. She left Vera Cruz at 2 o’clock on the afternoon of the 8th inst., Tampico on the afternoon of the 10th, and Brazos, Santiago on the evening of the 11th. She arrived at the S. W. Pass on the night of the 13th, having made a very fine run.

The Galveston brought no later news direct from the army of Gen. Scott, for there had been no further arrival of couriers at Vera Cruz. We learn nothing more of the march of Gen. Pillow, and remain still in the dark as to his position. The Palmetto left Vera Cruz shortly after the Galveston and arrived at Tampico on the 10th. She may shortly be expected, and possibly may bring later news.

From Tampico we have some verbal intelligence, not without interest. The American prisoners had not arrived there, but were at a place about forty leagues distant –probably Huejutla. On the 8th inst. Col. DeRussy, of the Louisiana regiment, left Tampico, at the head of about two hundred men, intending to proceed to the relief of the prisoners. He took with him a small force of the regular artillery, a portion of his own regiment and some of the mounted men of Tampico – serviceable description of force raised in the town. It is more than probable that the colonel will have a brush with the enemy before he gets back. There are said to be pretty strong parties of guerrillas on the route to be followed.

Our accounts of the health of Tampico, and especially at the Louisiana regiment, are more favorable. The number of the men on the sick list has rapidly decreased, but the remaining cases are somewhat more severe. They are mostly cases of intermittent fever; a few cases of bilious fever have occurred, some of them terminating fatally. –There is very little yellow fever in the town and the cases have been confined to the civil hospital. The fevers which prevail are becoming more malignant as the season advances.

From a file of the Sun of Anahuac, published at Vera Cruz, we have a few items of intelligence. The night of the 7th inst. a fight occurred in Vera Cruz between two Mexicans, in which one stabbed the other so severely that he died instantly. No names are given.

Capt. Mayo of the Navy and Governor of Alvarado having received intelligence that Father Jarauta was in the vicinity and designed to surprise and take Alvarado, went off in pursuit of him at the the head of one hundred and fifty men, proceeding up the river. At last dates the expedition had not returned to Alvarado, nor had any account been received from it.

The editor of the Sun of Anahuac has seen the Republicano of the 28th June, containing Mr. Buchanan’s letter, with which we are all familiar, and the pretended proceedings of an American council of war.  Upon the information thus derived the editor founds an article which we give below.

From the Sun of Anahuac of the 8th inst.

What course will Gen. Scott pursue? – The late intelligence we have received from Mexico of the correspondence between Mr. Buchanan and the Mexican Minister of Foreign Relations, treating of peace, has, it seems to us, altered the course which General Scott was to pursue. 

We have deferred our remarks until now, because we were afraid to be hasty in our speculations.

It seems most likely to us that Gen Scott will not advance any further until he receives orders from Washington to do so. But will the cabinet at Washington give this order? We doubt it very much because it would throw more difficulties in the way of negotiation.

It must have struck the mind of everyone who has read the correspondence above alluded to, that the tone of the Mexican Government has altered very much, if we should judge from the few lines addressed to Mr. Buchanan by the Mexican Premier in answer to his propositions of peace. –We do not see, in his letter, any of that arrogance which in every instance before has characterized the Mexican diplomatic correspondence – but on the contrary a pretty polite, thought short answer, in which he says that he declines answering to the arguments of Mr. Buchanan, until Congress, to whom he refers the matter and who have solely the power to decide, shall have acted upon them. In a note which he addresses to Congress, he presses them to take immediate action upon them.

But in the meantime what is Gen. Scott to do? Will he take up his line of march for the capital while there are hopes entertained of peace? This is not at all probable. We therefore come to the conclusion that he will not make a step forward until all hopes for concluding a treaty of peace is lost.
[NO]


July 23, 1847, RW47v24n59p2c3 Council of War

Council of War in Gen. Scott’s Camp.

Order to March upon Mexico –March Countermanded –Santa Anna’s Preparations –the Column of Honor –Letter from Gen. Taylor –the Republicano upon Mexican victories, &c., &c.

By the way of Tampico, we yesterday received a copy of El Republicano, from the city of Mexico, of the 30th June; also the number of the 28th, which was missing from our previous file. Both papers contain matters of great interest.

A postscript in the paper of the 28th contains a report of the proceedings of a council of war said to have been held in Gen. Scott’s camp on Thursday, the 24th, the business of which vastly determine whether or not to advance upon the capital. One General, whose name is not given, is said to have argued that it would be imprudent, nay, an act of madness to advance upon the city with less than twenty thousand men; that upon the supposition that every thing should work favorably for them, it was evident that they could no enter to the capital without resistance; and that supposing in their different engagements they should lose half of their force or more, they would be left with some four thousand men, with which number it was extremely hazardous to attempt to hold so populous city.

Gen. Worth was of a different opinion. He maintained that every invader who hesitated was lost; that in their situation a single (unintelligible) movement involved the most disastrous consequences, and that this had already been proved. He added loudly that six or eight thousand Americans were sufficient to conquer twenty thousand Mexicans; that their triumph was certain and there was no reason for not pressing on Gen. Scott and others are said to have approved these sentiments, so that it was at last determined that they should commence the forward movement on the 28th, but upon the suggestion of some one that it might not be proper to act so promptly after having just despatched the communication from the Government of the United States with renewed offers of peace, Gen. Scott replied that he would wait some days at Rio Frio to receive the answer of the Mexican Government.

The American force at the time of this council was set down by the Mexicans at eight thousand five hundred men, thirty pieces of artillery and one mortar.

The Republicano remarks upon this information: “We believe that the Americans have compromised their situation beyond measure: and even in the event, certainly very difficult, that they win triumph upon triumph their very victories will cause their ruin.”

The council above spoken of was held on the 25th. It is not alluded to in the Star of Puebla of the 26th or in Mr. Kendall’s letters which came down to the 13th. Yet the facts are said to be derived for a responsible source and they look plausible –Gen. Worth’s opinions particularly so. The Republicano of the 29th says nothing about the subject, but in that paper of the 30th is another postscript to which is prefixed in large letters “Very Important.” This postscript mentions the receipt of letters announcing the debarkation of one 1800 men at Vera Cruz from Tampico, who had marched immediately for Puebla. The letters further say that General Scott had already ordered the march of the first brigade consisting of fifteen hundred troops with ten guns and a mortar, towards the city of Mexico, when he learned that the train was detained at Nopalucan (forty–two miles this side of Puebla) that he thereupon countermanded the march upon Mexico, and despatched a force to the assistance of the train coming up. The letters then speak of the review of the troops which took place on the 26th. The number of the troops is again set down at 8,500 men without including those who occupy the fortifications of San Juan Loreto &c. But the most important paragraph is that Gen. Scott with probably postpone his march upon the city until the 10th July, to allow this reinforcements to come up. We give this very pieces of news as we find them, but the reader will constantly bear in mind that our advices direct from Puebla are later than those by the city of Mexico.

The Republicano, in this same postscript, thinks it very probable that Gen. Taylor will abandon Saltillo, Matamoros, and other towns in the north of Mexico, and shortly proceed to Vera Cruz to insist in the taking of the capital, which is now, it adds, the object of the aspirations of the Americans. It is very anxious that the Government should direct Gens. Valencia and Salas, now at San Luis, that they harrass the retreat of Gen. Taylor.

We see an order of Santa Anna issued on the 29th, admitting provisions of various kinds into the city free of duty. This is two last only as long as martial law prevails.

Another order has been issued modifying a previous one directing the closing of shops every afternoon. They are now to be closed only on Thursdays. They object of closing the shops was to compel every body to turn out for military drill.

On the 28th Gen. Santa Anna issued trough the Secretary of War a brief stringent decree to this effect: –“The army of the enemy being upon the eve of moving upon this capital with a view to attack the same and the moment having arrived to act boldly, energetically and uniformly, to repel our common enemy in a manner decisive and happy for our arms, it is decreed that, martial law having been declared, it shall be strictly enforced, and that no one authority whatever shall be recognised then that of the general in command of the army of the East. This General is Lombardini. The decree is followed up by another greatly restricting the intercourse between the city and the country, and pointing out who may go and come. The details would be uninteresting here.

The Republicano urges the formation of a body of troops under the name of Columna de Honor – something like the Legion of Honor – in which officers of all grades not actually on duty in defence of the city shall serve as private soldiers. Quite an eloquent article is devoted to the support of this subject, but Santa Anna will look with the jealous eye upon every suggestion coming from this quarter.

The Republicano blames the Government for not communicating at once with Mr. Trist, without referring the subject matter of Mr. Buchanan’s letter to Congress. However, it concludes its article by trusting that the Executive as well as the Congress will show themselves “extremely difficult” in relation to peace, and not consent to one unless the conclusion of it should protect in every particular the honor, the good name and the interests of the nation. We regard this as a concession on the part of the Republicano and of good omen for peace.

We hear not a word of the American officers, prisoners in Mexico. We fear their hopes of liberation are to be again for some days deferred.

The papers contain accounts of several outrages committed by Americans in Puebla. We do not believe a word of them. Some of the [unintelligible] are utterly preposterous.

One paper pretends that Gen. Scott is driven to make a desperate attempt upon the capital by the scantiness of his resources and the discontent of the volunteers!  Mexicans are not unprepared for him, it adds.

We have the decree of Santa Anna, by which he endeavors to prevent the introduction into the country of goods entered at ports in our [unintelligible]. It declares such goods forfeited. We have not room for the [unintelligible] today.

Our readers may recollect that some time since our correspondent at Saltillo informed us of a great excitement occasioned there by the arrival of two Mexican officers from San Luis with despatches for Gen. Taylor. They were supposed to be propositions for peace, but turned out to be solemn enquiries whether it was the general’s intention “to conduct the war according to the manner adopted by the Camanches.” The wrath of Gen. Taylor at this preposterous insolence of the Mexicans was described as ludicrous, but we have never seen his reply till now. In the Mexican papers lately received the whole correspondence is in Spanish. The letter to Gen. Taylor was from Gen. Mora y Villamil, and dated the 10th May. The letter is long and we have no idea of translating it, and the impudence of it was not a whit exaggerated by our correspondent. The nature of it will be sufficiently disclosed by Gen. Taylor’s reply, which we translate although we feel what injustice his terse and elegant style will sufer by the double translation. The letter is said to be dated.

[Letter omitted]
[NO]


July 23, 1847, RW47v24n59p4c1 Origin of the War

The Mobile Advertiser informs us that Mr. John T. Taylor, the Locofoco candidate for Congress in that District, in his speeches before the people, endeavors to relieve Mr. Polk from all responsibility for the origin of the existing War, not by adopting Mr. Polk’s own declaration that the first aggressive movement was made by Mexico herself – which, if it were true, would destroy the force of his own labored argument to show that we were justified in waging it by the unredressed injuries and insults to which his less patriotic predecessors in the presidency so meekly submitted – but by throwing it upon the shoulders of Mr. Calhoun and Gen. Taylor! We are aware that Mr. Benton last winter, setting aside the antagonist and suicidal position previously assumed by Mr. Polk – first, that Mexico began the war, and secondly, that the United States Government stood justified before the world, by the unatoned–for catalogue of Mexican outrages, for seeking redress by the sword – endeavored to hold Mr. Calhoun responsible for the interruption of pacific relations, by tracing the war to the unwise precipitancy with which that gentleman sought to effect the annexation of Texas, and to the unstatesman–like manner in which that event was finally consummated. But, what had General Taylor to do with Mr. Calhoun’s actions upon that question? We can not imagine by what fact Mr. Polk can in any manner identify General Taylor with the origin of the war, unless it be by ascribing it to his march from the Nueces to the Rio Grande – and for that movement assuredly Mr. Calhoun was in no manner responsible, either in advising or in executing. It is evident, indeed, that Gen. Taylor himself has no share in this responsibility. The Administration, which gave him the order to move, must be held entirely and exclusively accountable for the movement and all its consequences. If left to his own judgment, Gen. T. would never have crossed, in a “spirit of conquest,” the “natural boundary” between the Anglo–Saxon and the Mauritanian races, pointed out by the sagacious chairman of the Committee of Foreign Relations, Mr. Ch. J. Ingersoll, at least until an attempt had been made to adjust by negotiation the question of territorial jurisdiction between the two countries. He would have been as forbearing towards Mexico as we were towards Great Britain in ascertaining the boundary between the possessions of the two countries in Oregon. Gen. Taylor would not have consented to browbeat and trample upon the weak, after he had succumbed to “a foul man worthy of our steel.”

We believe that there are yet facts to be revealed, which will demonstrate the truth of these accusations beyond the shadow of a doubt. No one will hesitate to concur with him in the declaration that “the war was unnecessary even to accomplish the most grasping views of the administration relative to Mexican territory.” The National calls the special attention to the Union to its question, as it says there is not more behind them than the Union can know if it will examine all the papers of the Secretary of State relative to our relations with Mexico, received at Washington, just before the battles of the 8th and 9th of May, 1846.”

SERIOUS QUESTIONS FOR MR. BUCHANAN TO ANSWER.

1st. Were you not, as well as Mr. Polk, informed by letters, that if Gen. Taylor moved his forces, and took a position opposite Matamoros, a collision would take place?

2d. Were you not shown the correspondence of Gen’l Arista with a gentleman of high standing in the United States, one who had filled an important diplomatic office in Mexico, in which Gen. Arista stated that the Government of the United States could get by treaty or purchase to the line of the Rio Grande?

3d. Were you not shown a note of Gen. Arista’s in which he stated that if the Government of the United States acquired title by purchase or treaty to the Rio Grande, the provinces of Tamaulipas, St. Leon, and Zacatecas would unite themselves with Texas, and come into the Confederacy of the United States! Is not the letter alluded to above, on file in your department?

4th. Were you not informed by an express direct from the camp of Gen. Arista, that the Government of Mexico would receive a Commissioner to settle the boundary question, but would not receive a Minister, and was not Mr. Slidell sent off on his useless errand after you received the express from Arista’s camp?

5th. Did you not have several private interviews in Washington, with the gentleman who sent the express from Arista’s camp, in which you thanked him in behalf of the United States, for the services he had rendered the government, and did you not, as well as Mr. Polk, entirely approve of his views?

6th. Did you not, at a Cabinet Council, lay before the members the whole correspondence, and did you not conclude with Hon. R. J. Walker, and other members that the time for aggressive measures on the part of the United States had arrived: and did not the Hon. R. J. Walker, at that meeting, propose a plan to subjugate Mexico with a standing army of 5000 men?

7th. Have you not been urged by men in and out of power, to produce the letters alluded to above to relieve you of the charge of acting with duplicity towards Mr. Polk, and of pretending ignorance of the facts contained in the correspondence we have called for?
[NO]


July 23, 1847, RW47v24n59p4c3 Important from Mexico

[From the N.O. Picayune, July 13]

Important from the city of Mexico.

Our files of papers from the city of Mexico, by the way of Vera Cruz, come down to the 29th of June.

A summons for Congress to assemble we find in almost every paper we open. We presume it is summoned to take into consideration Mr. Buchanan’s letter announcing Mr. Trist appointment. It is certain that no quorum had been assembled up to the 29th ult. The Republicano publishes daily the list of members present and absent. They have several times come very near a quorum and there is doubtless a sufficient number of members in the city to form one.

On the 26th ult. rumors which the Republicano calls “very alarming” were in circulation in the capital. It was said that Mexican Government had acceded to the mediation of England; that the terms agreed upon between them would be the surrender of the Californians to the Americans, the recognition of the independence of Texas, and the acknowledge of the line 36˚ as the northern boundary between the United States and Mexico. (This line would give Santa Fe and over a third of New Mexico to the United States.) The Republicano has no faith in these rumors. The existence of these rumors confirms the information we derived from a distinct source in Vera Cruz that Mr. Buchanan’s letter was transmitted through the English embassy.

The Independiente of San Louis Potosi announces the arrival there of fifty commissions from the Minister of War for officers who distinguished themselves at Angostura –our Buena Vista. These commissions are promotions to advanced grades.

The Republicano demands of Santa Anna the release of Gen. Arista from the fortress of Acapulco. He is sharply censured for sending him there without any trial.

On the 14th June, Santa Anna issued a decree of indemnity for all political offences of whatever kind up to that date. All in confinement for such offences were ordered to be at once released.

The Republicano gives the result of the election for President made on the 15th May. The 81st article of the constitution  provides that to make an election valid, three–fourths of the States entitled to vote must vote. As there were 23 States entitled to vote at the election, and only 15 votes were cast, being less than Three–fourths, the election has failed.

Our limits constrain us to break off here, but without having exhausted at all the contents of the paper we have received.
[NO]


July 27, 1847, RW47v24n60p1c3 Americans leave Puebla

Mexico –In the Curier Des Etats Unis of Thursday last is published a letter from the city of Mexico of the 20th ult., written, as the editors states, “by a wholly disinterested spectator,” and therefore entitled to full belief.

Mexico, 29th June, 1847.

We are upon the point of seeing the Americans enter this city; they were to leave Puebla yesterday, according to some to–day according to others. Preparations are making to give them a warm reception; in the interior of the city the Alameda and Paseo have been fortified. I think those gentlemen will have occasion to regret not having availed themselves immediately of the stupefaction produced by the victory of Cerro Gordo, and the entry into Puebla.

It is said that Gen. Scott has not more than 8000 men. We have twice that number here and if the last advantage be obtained over him, be sure that more than 30,000 guerrillas will be ready to cut off the retreat of the Americans, who are represented as a bounding in gold.
[NO]


July 27, 1847, RW47v24n60p2c2 Latest from New Orleans

From the South

We have no later tidings from Gen. Scott’s army, intelligence from which in now looked for with intense interest and anxiety.

The last New Orleans Times insists upon the truth of the rumor to which it gave currency some days ago, to the effect that the Mexican Government had peremptorily rejected the proposals for peace recently made to them through Mr. Trist, and that Gen, Scott was on his march to the city of Mexico. We doubt is true, however.

The New Orleans Mercury of the evening of the 17th inst. has a letter from Mr. Chase, our former consul at Tampico, written on the 11th, in which it is stated that “on the 30th ult. Gen. Scott was within nine miles of the city of Mexico, and I presume has planted his flag there ere this.” But the Picayune of the 18th thinks there must be some error in this statement. Gen. Scott it says, was unquestionably at Puebla on the 30th ult., awaiting the arrival of Generals Cadwallader and Pillow.
[NO]


July 27, 1847, RW47v24n60p2c2 Interesting speculations.

In the absence of news from the seat of the war, we copy the following letter from the Washington correspondent of the New York Courier and Enquirer, who claims to be behind the scenes, and who seems certainly to speak by the card.

[Correspondence of the Courier and Enquirer]

Washington, Thursday morning, July 22, 1847.

You will ere this have had time to reflect upon Mr. Buchanan’s desptach of the 15th April, containing full authority to Mr. Trist to conclude a definitive treaty of peace. Mr. Trist having such full authority to conclude a definitive treaty of peace, must have had, as I told you, that definite treaty with him, which I now again aver that he then had and now has; and that this treaty embraced California, subsequently extended to Lower California also, and in addition the Isthmus, or at least a perfect right of way over the Isthmus of Tehuantepec.

What sum was to be given to Mexico I do not know; but I do know that Gen. Scott and the Mexican Government, and the British Minister were appraised that Mr. Trist was authorized to pay down the three million appropriation in cash upon the ratification by the Government of Mexico of the treaty which he took with him; and if the treaty is ratified by that government, that sum will be paid at once to it, by Mr. Trist, without waiting for its ratification by the Senate of the United States.

I think some further sum also, beyond the three millions, was to be paid, if essential to secure a peace; but of this I do not speak with certainty; but as to the three millions I do. We are all waiting here in anxious suspense the next arrival from Mexico, which certainly ought to bring decisive intelligence whether Mr. Trist’s terms will be accepted by Mexico. If they are not positively accepted, the present determination of Gen. Scott is to move on forthwith and take the city; for which purpose, with the reinforcements which have now joined him, he will probably have a force not exceeding eleven thousand effective men.

Gen. Scott himself, and the military men who are with him, are of opinion there will be no serious difficulty in taking the city. Gen. Scott was of the opinion that the best plan was for him to have moved immediately on, after breaking up the garrison at Jalapa and take the city, as a preliminary to the offer of any definitive terms of peace. Mr. Trist was of a different opinion and actually sent on his despatch at that critical moment, not through Gen. Scott, but through an attache to the British legation of Mexico.

It is certain that the British Minister is exerting himself to the utmost to induce the government of Mexico to accede to our proffered terms of peace, and that he has hopes of success even before the capture of the city, although he regards the prospect as better when the city shall have been taken, especially if there shall be another battle in which Santa Anna will be disgracefully beaten, and probably seek shelter by becoming a voluntary prisoner of General Scott. Under all the circumstances it is difficult to form any decided opinion whether the Government of Mexico will or will not accept these terms; but if rejected now, the capture of the City, and another defeat of Santa Anna, will in my judgment ensure a pacification. It is quite possible, however, that even when this shall be accomplished, Gen. Scott and his army may still be required to spend some short time in Mexico to prevent another of those political revolutions which is as much one of the staple productions of Mexico as the lava of their volcanoes.

There is one of my previous statements which I wish you to bear in mind, if there should now be further delay in accepting the terms offered by Mr. Trist, and that is this, which the papers and events, whenever laid before Congress, will clearly show, that if Mr. Trist, instead of waiting until the 22d of June, had sent on his despatch to the Mexican government shortly the battle of Cerro Gordo and before the return of Santa Anna to the city of Mexico, the treaty of peace would ere now have been ratified by that government.

The Spy in Washington.
[NO]


July 27, 1847, RW47v24n60p4c2 Volunteers in Mexico

The Staunton Spectator of the 22 d inst. says:

We have received a letter from the editor, dated at Buena Vista on the 15th ult. in which states that there was a good deal of sickness in his company. His report of that morning told a melancholy tale –twenty–nine on the sick list, and but two officers, seven  non–commissioned officers and thirty–one men fit for duty. He refrains to mentioning the names of the sick –thinking it probable that many of them will recover in a short time –to avoid giving undue alarm or uneasiness to their friends.
[NO]


July 27, 1847, RW47v24n60p4c3 Escape of Eight American Prisoners

The schr Home, Capt. Kinney, arrived here yesterday morning from Tampico, bringing over eight of the American prisoners who have been so long and so unjustly detained in Mexico. The names of these men are A W Holeman, W P DeNormandie, Wm Funk, Jno Thomas, John A Scott, S Cockrill, John Swigert and Wm Russell.
[NO]


July 27, 1847, RW47v24n60p4c3 Gleaning from Mexico Papers

We passed some hours yesterday in examining a file of Mexicans papers extending through the month of June. We found the labor fruitless, but we gleaned from them a variety of miscellaneous matter which we proceed to lay before our readers.

The Diario del Gobierno finds a text in that part of Mr. Marcy’s intercepted despatched  which encourages Gen. Scott to foment domestic dissensions and promise aid and protection to disaffected States when the war terminates. –From this text it denounces our Government as treacherous; declares that any peace with it must be eternal infamy, and concludes by declaring that Mexico can never be tranquil, until the nation of Yankees disappears from the face of the earth. This is terrible, but it is so written in the Mexican papers.

In reasoning upon the project for a Dictatorship, which some honest men among the Mexicans have supposed might be the most efficacious remedy for the anarchy existing in their country, and might concentrate the whole power of the nation, the Republicano takes strong grounds against it. The Republicano opposes the Dictatorship as unnecessary, in consideration of the immense power which the Government is already invested by a law of Congress, passed on the 20th ef April last, which powers have been constructed with the utmost latitude.

In reading the Mexican papers it is very clear that the different States have ceased to anticipate a prolonged resistance on the part of the capital to the American arms. –in view of the speedy fall of the city they are congratulating themselves upon the wisdom of the Federal system. The federal system, they reason, has created new centers of action, and even if the capital succumbs the States, each one for itself, will resist the ascendancy of the American arms and refuse to recognize a treaty which may be forced upon the Central Government.

Out of views of this nature has grown a Coalition among the States of Jalisco, San Luis Potosi, Zacatecas, Mexico, Queretaro, and Aguascalientes –the later claiming to be a State, though not so recognized by the constitution of 1824.

This Coalition has been thought worthy of several able denunciatory articles in the Republicano, although in the principle end it has in view –the prevention of peace with the United States– it has had the Republicano for an ally. This is but one piece of evidence we could present of the hostility of the different States to a peace, even should the Central Government enter into a treaty with us.
[NO]


July 27, 1847, RW47v24n60p4c4 From Mexico City

[From the N.O Bulletin, July16.]

From the City of Mexico.

By the papers from the capital to the 30th June, received via Tampico, by the Galveston, we learn that though there was a quorum of the members of Congress actually in the city, they had not yet been able to get them together.  It would, therefore, appear, that the report was not correct, that Congress had declined to treat for peace under the recent letter of Mr. Buchanan.

The probability is, that such will be the result so soon as they can get a quorum together, but up to the 30th ult. no action whatever had taken place on the subject. It was stated there were 86 members in the city, and that 71 was a quorum.

The force with Alvarez was said to be 5 to 6000 men. The same paper states that the force in the capital amounts to 23,000 men, and boasts that if Gen. Scott attempts to enter the city with his 8,500, they should be destroy his army with stones, witout using their arms!!!

They seem to forget that Gen. Scott has a battering and mortar train with him, that can knock down their city, without rendering it necessary to enter at all.
[NO]


July 30, 1847, RW47v24n61p1c3 Latest from Army of Taylor

Arrival of the Steamship Jas. L. Day

Later from the Army of General Taylor.

The steamship James L. day, Capt. Woods, arrived at a late hour last night from the Brazos. We are indebted to Capt. Wood for the prompt deliver of papers.

We learn that the schr Equiv, bound out from the mouth of the Rio Grande for New Orleans with a cargo of hides, grounded on the bar, where the remained thumping for two days.

Papers from San Luis Potosi to the 6th inst. have been received by the Mexicans at Matamoros. It was reported that Gen. Scott had marched from Puebla and then countermarched, upon learning the resistance to be offered him twenty–five miles from the capital. [We have no faith in news thus half disclosed and half kept back.]

The Mexican forces at San Luis Potosi were variously reported at from four to fourteen thousand. They are commanded by Gen. Valencia. A march against Gen. Wool had been determined upon, but appears to have fallen through. Gen. Wool received (unintelligible) notice of it on the 26th ult. and made arrangements for a hearty welcome. (unintelligible) the brigade of Gen. Minon, (commanded now by another officer,) forming the advance (unintelligible) approached within sixty or eighty miles of Saltillo. Here the soldiers began to desert and dissensions arose, which induce a countermarch and rumor said that Gen. Valencia was en route from San Luis to join Gen. Santa Anna at the city of Mexico. [We can contradict this rumor upon the authority of San Luis papers received in this city within the last few days. –These papers state Gen. Valencia to be still in San Luis, making preparations for the reception of Gen. Taylor.–They mention that despatches ordering Gen. Taylor to form a junction with Gen. Scott, by the way of San Luis, had been captured, and they feel certain that Gen. Taylor will march upon that place. The regular troops of Valencia are stated at nine thousand, and strenuous appeals are made to the people to assist in the defence of the city.]

The troops at Buena Vista (2900) are in good health, and under Gen. Wool’s command progressing rapidly in the “school of a soldier.”

Gen. Taylor is still at Walnut Springs, quietly awaiting the arrival of those reinforcements so often promised and always delayed.

It was rumored along the road that Urrea was on this side of the mountain, but it was not generally believed in Camargo or above there on the line; the country wore the appearance of perfect quiet, and there was no interest in either present or perspective operations. We have positive information of his being in Victoria five days ago, and of his having arrested the Governor of this State, and sent him under guard to the city of Mexico, charged with hatching treason against the Mexican Government. The Department of Tamaulipas is put under contribution for a large sum of money, and Urrea is deputed to enforce its collection with the bayonet.
[NO]


July 30, 1847, RW47v24n61p1c3 From Chihuahua

[From the St. Louis Republican, July 20]

From Chihuahua.

Letters were received in this city, yesterday, from Chihuahua, dated some ten days after the departure of Colonel Doniphan’s command from that city. They were brought by Mr. Webb, who returned by way of El Paso and Santa Fe.

The letters represent every thing as quiet as Chihuahua –the citizens, who fled at the entrance of our army, had returned to their homes– and trade was commencing under an arrangement made by the merchants made by the merchants with the States authorities, after Col. Doniphan left.

By this treaty, the American merchants agreed to pay such custom House duties as were paid by the Mexicans, and the authorities, on their part, guaranteed that safety of the persons and property of the merchants.

The Mexicans are said to treat the Americans with great deference and civility, and it was hoped that sales of all goods would be soon affected.
[NO]


July 30, 1847, RW47v24n61p4c2 Our Army in Mexico

We are indebted to a gentlemen recently from Vera Cruz, for some accurate and interesting information. General Pierce was in command of full 4000 men, who were encamped upon the beach. It is probable, indeed, that but this time Gen. Pierce has joined the advance, and that the whole body of 4,000 men is now in full march to Puebla.

The entire number of American soldiers between Vera Cruz and the city of Mexico is estimated at from fifteen to sixteen thousand men. About the last of June, gen. Scott had with him a force of 8, 500. The detachment under Gen. Cadwallader numbered a little over 1500; when it left Vera Cruz, and must have entered Puebla in the early part of July. General Pillow was in command of 2,500 men, and at the last accounts was pushing forward as rapidly as circumstances would permit. Lastly, we have Gen. Pierce with 4,000 men, who will probably join the main army in the course of the present month.

The statement of the Government paper were therefore incorrect in point of time, as well as numbers. General Scott, instead of having 20,000 men under him, will be in command of about 15,000. Instead of receiving al the new levies, by the end of June, he will not receive them until the close of July. Gen. Scott did not expect to make a forward movement upon the capital, until an answer was received to Mr. Buchanan’s propositions of peace. If these overtures have been rejected, as is again asserted by a contemporary, we presume that he will hasten his departure for the city of the Aztecs with characteristic energy and decision.
[NO]


July 30, 1847, RW47v24n61p4c3 From the Rio Grande

[From the N.O. Picayune, July 20.]

From the Rio Grande.

The steamship Mery Kingland, Capt. Davis, arrived yesterday morning from Brazos Santiago, having sailed on the 15th inst.

There was a rumor at the Brazos when Capt. Davis left that Urrea with a force of 3000 men was about to make a descent upon Reynosa. One company on the way to the camp of instruction have been landed at Reynosa, and the quartermaster was making every preparation to defend the place.

Several bodies of the enemy have lately been seen on the river and it is supposed to be Urrea’s object to attack some of the depots or wagon trains between Camargo and Monterrey.

A gang of desperadoes commanded by a man, named King, composed of Mexicans and people of other nations, has been found near Brazos. Some of the members of the gang have been taken prisoners and the rest dispersed. The rancho frequented by them was burnt to the ground.
[NO]


July 30, 1847, RW47v24n61p4c4 American Prisoners in Mexico

American Prisoners in Mexico

We have been allowed to make use of a letter from Lieut. Barbour, of the 1st Regiment of Kentucky Volunteers, who is now a prisoner in the city of Mexico.  The letter will awaken new alarm for the fate of the handful of brave men now prisoners in the city Mexico. The perfidy of Santa Anna in the case of these prisoners is sufficient to justify every stigma which has ever been cast upon him. It is eminently cruel and contemptible, and far more shameless than most of his unworthy acts, for often the man endeavors to propitiate universal regard by traits of apparent magnanimity:

City of Mexico, June 29, 1847.

On the 4th of this month 190 of our prisoners left the Castle of Santiago in this city for Tampico, where we were told they were to be released, but it was with regret, that we learn through the city papers here that they wee stopped at an Indian village 150 miles from this by order of Gen. Santa Anna, and that they were starving.

We have suffered great hardships, particularly the men. They have been in state of nakedness, famine and disease for the last 5 months, and many of them would have died had it not been fro the foreign here through whom aid was given them. This government, or rather Santa Anna, has no idea of releasing any of us. It is his wish to send us to Acapulco on the Pacific. The most rigid and compulsory measures on the part of our Government will [alone] do us any good.

Respectfully your friend and serv’t. WM.T. Barbour.
[NO]


July 30, 1847, RW47v24n61p4c4 Santa Anna and Cerro Gordo

[From the New Orleans Picayune.]

Santa Anna and Cerro Gordo.

We promised the other day to pay our respects to Santa Anna’s detailed report of the Battle of Cerrro Gordo. It is in the nature of an autobiography, extending from the moment when the Army of the North was retiring to its former quarters, “covered with glory on the field of Angostura,” down to the 18th of April. The difficulties he had to encounter occupy much of the long narrative and do not require to be told. His minute description of the works at Cerro Gordo would hardly be intelligible without the plan accompanying the report. The most rapid and condensed portion of the narrative describes the fighting, but the events are not new, as he confines himself, principally to the storming of the height known as the Telegraph. –The dead of General Vasquez and the faltering of the Puebla brigade are the most notable of the events of the day in his story.

Such is the exact and genuine account of my operations at Cerro Gordo during the few days which elapsed from my arrival till the morning of the 18th. By this it will be seen by the Supreme Government, that surrounded by a thousand difficulties I spared no means or efforts to assure a triumph for the nation in the position selected; that there were no grave errors or faults committed, as malevolence or cowardice has whispered; and that as my interests and my glory were identified with those of the nation, so it is but justice to me confess that it was not my fault that the result did not correspond to my efforts and my most ardent desires. Grant, if you please, that there should have been somewhat more firmness and intrepidity shown by our soldiers; but they should be excused in consideration of the little experience of war which they had had during the few months that they have been enlisted. The fortifications, too, upon the hill known as the Telegraph, were deficient; but it should not be forgotten that they enemy did not allow time for the completion of the works designed and commenced, nor was it possible to complete them without sufficient laborers, without tools, and even without materials. The people did not afford the aid which was required of them, and some of them contiguous to the seat of the war deserve the denunciations which the Governor of the State did not spare them, notwithstanding his well known moderation.

Besides the deficiencies above indicated, more infantry of the line were wanting, which it was impossible to procure. You will have noticed that among the few bodies of permanent infantry which I enumerate, there were only a few more than 3000 men, and even of these some had just been recruited. The remainder, enough to bring up the number to a little over 6000 men, belonged to the National Guard, recently enlisted, and yet to burn their first cartridge in presence of the enemy. It is not true, therefore, that there were assembled there a force of from 12,000 to 14,000 men as has been hastily or maliciously circulated. But there is nothing strange in the victory won by the enemy, if it is considered that their number was almost double ours, that they possessed all those elements which we were in want of, and that their courage in the action was as desperate as would have been their situation if they had lost the battle. At some future day, when political passions and personal rivalries have passed away, entire justice will be done those Mexicans who, notwithstanding their disadvantages, opposed their generous breasts to the arrogant invader on the 17th and 18th of April, and sold dearly the victory which was won on the second day of combat.

A favorable moment gained the triumph, which was in a measure brought about by the want of time to fortify our position properly, by the scarcity of good troops, by the blameless inexperience of others newly enlisted, by the want of laborers and of the tools indispensable for fortifications erecting in haste, and the want of other materials and elements which are reasonably required to assure a successful result.

Nothing of all this was concealed from me, nor was my resolution shaken by it. When a great people is invade by an unjust enemy, which aims at wounding its rights and trampling on its dignity, it cannot excuse itself from a fight, even though it should be unprepared for the combat. It will suffer defeats, but weakening the enemy, even in its own disasters, it will acquire experiences, and sooner or later it will exterminate the invader or at least give him a positive defeat. In this conviction, which is deep rooted within me, I have sought the enemy in every direction, and inflicted heavy losses upon him in both the actions which I have thought. If Mexicans discover that we do not fight the enemy as often as an opportunity occurs, they will abandon themselves to despair, when there are abundant reasons for looking forward to a happy day in which the country may secure again unfading glory. My faith in her destinies has never abandoned me; and I leave to others the pleasure of exercising their malevolence or their envy, whilst I strive with all my powers to wrest victory from the hands of the enemy, or to meet death –the only possible term of my determination to serve with zeal and loyalty the nation which has so constantly honored me.
[NO]


August 3, 1847, RW47v24n62p1c1 News from Mexico

The News from Mexico

The New Orleans papers are alive with speculations upon the subject of the news lately received from Mexico, and its authenticity is canvassed with minute care. Being unable to insert all that is written, the public must be content with our views, derived from an attentive perusal of those journals.

The great question is, has the Mexican Government, in reality, appointed commissioners to meet Mr. Trsit? We will merely state the facts, in order that the reader make up his own mind according to his estimate of them.

It is certain that no papers have been received from Mexico of a later date than 30th of June, up to which (unintelligible) there had neither been any commissioners announced, nor was, any thing publicly known about negotiations of peace, except that Congress had been summoned from day to day to receive Mr. Buchanan’s proposition, and that no quorum had attended.

(Unintelligible) have arrived at Vera Cruz form Puebla, which left on or about the 4th of July, bearing letters for several commercial houses in the former city. Upon the strength of these letters, and this verbal intelligence, two papers in Vera Cruz, both [says the Picayune] edited by Spaniards, announce to the public, that Mexico has appointed three commissioners to meet Mr. Trist at San Martin, and settle terms of peace. The information which these papers profess to have, is detailed with so much minuteness, descending even to the names of the commissioners, that but for the evidence of the other side, we should have no hesitation in yielding implicit faith to it. That evidence is contained in a letter from Tampico, to the editor of the La Patria, in New Orleans. The writer says he has conversed with a gentleman direct from Mexico, which city he left on the sixth, and that the information derived from him, “to contradict the news published in Vera Cruz” relative to the appointment of the commissioners. This is all we have to contradict the appointment, and unless we learn that the informant was a person conversant with public affairs, we shall be disposed to place very little hesitance on it. The appointment of commissioners would be on the part of Santa Anna, an act abhorrent to the feeling of a strong party in Mexico, and its first announcement might create an outbreak. There can be little doubt that an attempt might be made to force the Congress by threats of violence, to cancel the commission. It is probable, therefore, that the crafty Dictator, acting in connivance with Congress, might have sent off the commissioners, without announcing it, thereby rendering the act irrevocable. In that case the appointment of the commission would be known in Puebla before it was announced in Mexico.

Two of the objections enumerated by the other papers of New Orleans to this report, are disposed of very properly, we think, by the Picayune. The first is, that Santa Anna has no power to open negotiations, as he has himself acknowledge by referring the whole matter to Congress. But since he has been unable to get quorum of that body together, and since the emergency demands immediate action, as the acting Executive, would he not be justified in proceeding as if Congress had adjourned? Nay! Is it not his sworn duty to do so? Upon this point there may be doubts, Santa Anna however, is not a man to be restrained by any very nice scruples. The other objection is, that Mr. Trsit is not authorized to conclude a treaty of peace. This is certainly a misapprehension of the extent of his powers, as the following extract from Mr. Buchanan letter, as translated from the Spanish, will clearly show.

“Desirous, nevertheless, that an honorable peace should be reestablished, he [the President] is resolved that the evils of war shall not be prolonged a day beyond what the government of Mexico may make absolutely necessary, and in order that this determination may be carried into effect, he has concluded to send to the headquarters of the Army of Occupation in Mexico, in the quality of commissioner, Mr. Nicholas P. Trist, second in rank to the undersigned in the administration of Foreign Affairs, who bears full powers to conclude a definitive treaty of peace with the United State. The gentleman possesses the entire confidence of the President, and is worthy of that of the Government of Mexico.

Four our part, we do not hesitate to express the belief that negotiations have been commenced –because as the Picayune observes, where there is so much smoke there must be some fire –because it is well known that the British Embassy is extremely anxious to produce an accommodation –because the British Ambassador has despatched his Secretary of Legation to Puebla with this avowed (unintelligible) –and because, in general, we known the interest of England is deeply pledged to bring about a peace if possible. The delay of General Scott at Puebla, which can hardly be accounted for otherwise, seems to confirm this view, as does the fact that the Republicano has already said, more than once, that peace was desirable, and the Republicano is latterly Anti–American. Santa Anna, even, (unintelligible) that his character as a general in the field cannot be retrieved in any contest with our troops, is said to be secretly inclined to an accommodation, and inasmuch as (unintelligible) gain neither glory nor influence by war, we are prepared to believe that such is the fact.

A very few days, however, will decide the question. As to the very important question of what are to be the terms, we have no lights to guide us.
[NO]


August 3, 1847, RW47v24n62p1c3 Further particulars

[From the New Orleans Picayune.]

Further Particulars by the N. Orleans .

The town of Huejutla, is spelled sometimes Guautla. It is thus on Ward’s map, it lies almost directly south of Tampico, and apparently seventy miles only distant, on the road to the city of Mexico. Tantoyuca is on the same road, about fifteen miles north of Huejutla –we follow this spelling, because we find it so in the Mexican papers. We now recur to another and more important part of the intelligence brought by the New Orleans.

On the Spanish side of the Sun the names of the commissioners are given as follows: D. Manuel Eduardo de Gorostiza, D. Manuel Baranda and D. Jose Maria Tornel. In furthers says that letters have been received by a commercial house from Mexico, which declare that Santa Anna is positively in favor of peace, but he was waiting until the peace party should acquire the undisputed ascendancy before declaring himself.

The same paper says further on its Spanish side that it was reported in Vera Curz that Alvarez had returned to the South, having had some difficulty with Gen. Canalizo.

The Sun of the 14th inst. has some speculations upon the subject of the negotiations for peace, but they are only speculations. It was unknown in Vera Cruz whether the three commissioners had been selected by Santa Anna or Congress, or whether Congress had assembled at all. It was understood that Congress would assembled, or had been summoned to assemble, on the 7th inst., but the Sun thinks it would be impossible to get quorum.

Of the commissioners the Sun says that Gorostiza represents the party of the moderados, while Baranda is a mere creature of Santa Anna. Of Tornel it says that although he was a partisan of the administration of Paredes and a monarchist, yet he could not have obtained a place in the commission unless he had previously become reconciled to Santa Anna. The Sun therefore regards the commissions as representing Santa Anna, and is decidedly of opinion that Santa Anna’s real views are favorable to peace.

The Arco Iris of the 13th speaks of letters received from Puebla on the day previous, and gives the substance of them in an article which we translate, regretting that no dates are given:

Mexico. –The Government has just named Senores Tornel, Gorostiza and Baranda as commissioners to repair at once to San Martin Tesmelucan (seven leagues of peace made by the Cabinet of Washington through its minister, Mr. Trist. They have accepted the appointment and departed to discharge their duties. This course was approved by a majority of the men of influence, who by their persuasions in a great degree contributed to its adoption. –Another letter mentions that the individuals appointed upon this commission were Senores Cuevas, Cortina and Zurutuza.

Gen. Santa Anna remained in power, the ministry has undergone no change, and a majority of it is in favor of an adjustment.

The same letters add that orders had been issued for withdrawing towards the capital the troops which had been stationed at Huamantla, and they conclude by saying that Mexico is a faithful picture of Babylon, (Babel?) inasmuch as opinions cannot be concentrated upon any one measure –society being composed of the most heterogeneous members, and divided into innumerable fractions, who continually cry out against every description of measure proposed, and in nothing united. The emigration of respectable families was increasing every day, and the military dictatorship which in fact prevailed was every way irksome and insupportable.

The American train, they say, was very near its entrance into Puebla, without having suffered any interruption or obstacle after skirmished near Jalapa.

The information contained in these letters is confirmed by what we learn verbally by an individual who arrived yesterday from Puebla. We therefore incline to put confidence in the facts mention in the letters, except in regard to the commissioners.

This is the substance of all the news we can extract from the Vera Cruz papers about the commissioners. The Sun’s articles are but speculation, and we do not give them.

Gen. Pillow’s division arrived at Puebla on the 8th, all well. The American army would march on the city of Mexico to a certainty of peace were not soon made. [We never supposed there was any doubt about this.] The postscript, dated the 11th inst., says that peace was the order of the day. The writer placed no faith in the prospect; he considered that Santa Anna’s sole object was to gain time, a principle of general policy with the Mexicans, especially with the great map.

Meager as this news is, it is later than any we can find in the Vera Cruz papers from the Gen. Scott’s army. It establishes Gen. Pillow’s arrival at Puebla on the 8th, and the pendency of peace negotiations in some form as late as the 11th, at which time Gen. Scott had not moved towards Mexico. So far as we have been able to ascertain, this is the latest date received from Puebla.

The express rider was a Mexican. He lost what little money he had and his two horses, besides being severely wounded. When we reached Vera Cruz, he was still unable to get about without assistance. Owing to this unfortunate accident we have not a letter or paper from Mr. Kendall, save the brief note from him to our agents at Vera Cruz.

Our correspondent writes that a large part of the command of Gen. Pierce left on the 14th and 15th. The general was expected to get off the evening of the 16th. Our letters say nothing about the force collected at the National Bridge to oppose our advance. Gen. Pierce had been ill, but had recovered from his attack. Since writing so far we learn from a source entitled to all credit that Gen. Pierce did not leave either on the 16th or 17th, but was expected to get away on the 18th. According to previous announcement he had desptached a portion of his force in advance in order to clear the road, that the main train might pass on unobstructed. The reestablishment of Gen. Pierce’s health is a subject for congratulation. His friends were very fearful that might be laid up with vomito. He is a gentleman of great and good sense and much energy of character, and comes of the best fighting stock of New England.

The five companies composing the Louisiana battalion have arrived at Vera Cruz, and are said to be enjoying excellent health.

We are again favored by Dr. Barton, with a statement in regard to the health of Vera Cruz, which we annex.

An account of the Mortality of Vera Cruz from the 1st to the 18th of July: From Vomito: Soldiers 27; Qr. Master’s Dep 17; Mexicans 5; Others 0; Total 49. Other Diseases: Soldiers 13; Qr. Master’s Dep 9; Mexicans 29; Others 3; Total 54. Nation: Americans 66; Mexicans 34; Other Forg’rs 3; Unknown 0; Total 103.

The fate of Lieut. Whipple, of the 9th Infantry, is a very and one. The following letter is the most minute account of the circumstances attending it that we have seen:

Camp Bogardo, Near Vera Cruz, July 12.

Gentleman –I am sorry to say to you that yesterday afternoon Lieut. Whipple, of New Hampshire, adjutant of the 9th or New England Regiment U.S. Infantry, was taken by a party of rancheros, and we fear foully murdered. Mr. Whipple rode into the city in the morning, and after transacting business there, took a ride to the cemetery, about a mile from the walls, accompanied by private Barnes. Fastening their horses, they walked over the burial–ground, and upon reaching the gate again were met by three rancheros, who, dismounting, presented their carbines and ordered them to mount Lieutenant Wipple drew his sword, the only weapon he had, but was struck and prostrated by one of the rancheros. Barnes knocked aside the carbine aimed to him, and dodging under a horse, escaped into the cemetery, and thence through the chaparral into the city. The last he saw of Liuet. Whipple was as he was struck by the carbine.

Officers from the city were in pursuit within twenty five minutes after receiving intelligence of the capture of Lieut. Whipple. When the news reached the camp, Cap. Bowes’s rfile company and the dragoons started in pursuit, but nothing has been heard of the lieutenant. Seven or eight Mexicans were taken and brought into camp, but whether any of them were concerned in this business is not known. It is to be hoped that they will be summarily dealt with. Major Seymour goes out this morning in pursuit, but I fear much that we have seen the last of Adj. Whipple. He was a gentleman of fine education and an accomplished officer. A lawyer in good practice in New Hampshire, he received a first lieutenant commission in April, repaired to Fort Adams, and on his passage to Vera Cruz was appointed by Col. Hanson adjutant of the 9th Regiment. He was ambition of distinction, and it is a matter of unusual regret that he should have been cut down in so cowardly manner, while just entering upon his career of honor and usefulness.

The Arco Iris of the 14th inst. copies several items from the Boletin de Noticias, a new paper published at Jalapa. The Boletin of the 6th says that a Mexican, acting as a spy for the Americans, was that day arrested in the vicinity of Jalapa, and was speedily to be tried. The public of Jalapa were clamorous against the spy, charging him with having killed two Indians in that town just before he was taken. Upon the spy, were found 25 or 30 letters –among them various articles for the paper of the United States [newspaper correspondence, we take it.] the letters generally were said to contain exaggerated accounts of the encounter at La Hoya, representing that the guerrilla force was 2000 strong and lost 70 killed, twice that number wounded and a considerable number of prisoners; the American only having eight horses lost and one soldier slightly wounded. The Boletin of Jalapa says this is absolutely ridiculous, that every body knows that the loss of the Americans exceeded thirty men; that their guerrillas lost only seven or eight, and that their whole forces was about 700 only. The Boletin makes the statement to prevent people at a distance from being misled.

Among the letters found on the spy was one from Gen. Pillow, written in pencil 20 miles beyond Perote, with instructions for Gen. Pierce. It represented that the men were dying on an average of eight a day in Perote, and gives some other details which the Boletin deems it imprudent to print. According to this authority all the letters agree that the person arrested was a courier, and some made him a spy. The letter to Gen. Pierce represented that he was the same person who had previously taken a letter from Gen Pillow to Perote, and that he would return with letters from Vera Cruz to the garrison of Perote. We treble for the poor fellow’s life.
[NO]


August 3, 1847, RW47v24n62p1c3 Poisoning Americans in Mexico

[From the New Orleans National]

Poisoning Americans in Mexico

We mentioned some time since the rumor, not our own, that the Mexicans at Jalapa and elsewhere in Mexico, were poisoning the milk and other products, and then selling them to the Americans. That this infamous course was attempted to kill our soldiers there is the best evidence. We have taken some pains to gain the history of the matter, and we find it to be as follows:

In Mexico there grows a small bean called Pinon Lillo (pronounced peno–leo) which, when infused in milk and drank, cause a chronic disease that soon carries off its victims, they the while unconscious of the real cause. –This bean, it is said, was used in Havana, amny years ago, with considerable success in destroying the English. The mexicans use an herb called Huaco, pronounced whaco, to relieve them of the poisonous effects of the pinonlillo, and the bite of poisonous reptiles, by showing the weed and swallowing the extract. The extract is also used to put in the place of a bite of a poisonous reptile, and always with success. A Mexican never travels, if it can be, avoided, without a small package of the huaco weed, to be provided for against accidents.
[NO]


August 3, 1847, RW47v24n62p1c4 News from Monterrey

Fourth of July at Monterrey, Mexico

[Special Correspondece of the Picayune.]

Monterrey, Mexico, July 6, 1847.

The celebration is over, and without any accident, a rare thing for a Fourth of July, and everything went off pleasantly and agreeably to all concerned. The morning of the (unintelligible) th was cloudy and portended rain, but the bright sun soon dispelled the heavy midst that clung to the mountain’s side, and ere noon the heavens were as clear and bright as a lovely woman’s smile. Early in the forenoon the American ensign was displayed from the Governor’s quarters and the Spanish flag from the residence of the Spanish consul nearly opposite. The five companies of Massachusetts volunteers were assembled, all but the guard, with the colors of the regiment presented them by the Governor of their State, and a little after 9 o’clock they formed and marched out towards Camp Taylor. An American flag born by a citizen was carried near the regimental colors. Colonel Wright and the members of the Regiment staff, and others, preceded the regiment, and on the road received the marching salute. At Camp Taylor all was ready; under the wide–spread awning in front of Gen. Taylor’s tent were the brave old hero and the members of his staff and the officers attached to the forces stationed at camp. On the right of the awning the soldiers of Major Brag’s Light Artillery were drawn up in line on the left the 2d Dragoons, and in the front the Massachusetts regiment. As soon as the latter had formed into line, Gen. Cushing made his appearance, and Gen. Taylor and his officers all rose. Gen. Cushing then proceded to address him as follows:

General. –The veteran officers and soldiers whom you have so many times led on to victory and to fame –those yet untried in the field, who ardently long for the day when your voice shall bid them also tread triumphantly in the same noble path of honor and of duty– and others your fellow–citizens present, who, though not called to fight the battles of their country, are not the less animated with the same devoted love toward her which we feel –have desired on this anniversary of our separate existence as a sovereign people, to present their respectful salutations to you as the official representative here of the power and authority of the United States.

We come to rejoice with you on this day of glorious memories, in the prosperity and greatness of our country, and to rekindle in our hearts the sacred fire of patriotism by remembering together the virtues and the sacrifices of our wise and brave forefathers, who have transmitted to us the splendid heritage of the land hallowed by their blood; of the institutions they founded, of their own immortal names.

It is indeed a day never forgotten by an American; for, whether in the home of our affections and interests, surrounded by all that is dearest to the human heart, or on the broad expanse of the fathomless ocean, or wandering over some far distant land, on this anniversity, wherever we may be, our thoughts are turned spontaneously to the same point, as truly as the needle to the pole, as devoutly as the Moslem to his holy Mecca.

And well it is for us that it is so, since no warmth of gratitude is intense enough to be commensurate with the debt of thankfulness we owe to our patriot sires, no language is powerful enough to express adequately the emotions of pride which our country’s career awakens –no homage of the soul is profound enough to render due adoration to that gracious Providence which continue to guide and to guard the destinies of the Union.

Meanwhile let us be just to the memory of our fathers, and just to ourselves in the measure of regard which we bestow on this day.

Men who have but superficially studied the history of the United States are accustomed to speak of this day as the anniversary of our emancipation from bondage, and vague ideas of that vaguest of all things, called liberty, are attached to the very name of our national independence. But the people of the United States were never in at state of bondage. The war of the revolution was not a war for liberty. On the contrary it was a struggle in arms to determine whether the two great subdivisions of the British race, one inhabiting Europe and the other inhabiting America, and both equally free, should continue to constitute a single empire, or whether they should be reconstituted separately into two independent empires. The God of the Battle decided that we, the American Colonies, were as competent for independent self–government as the mother country; and England, with that practical good sense which distinguished her from other nations, manfully acquiesced in the decision which split her power asunder,   and gave to us separate dominion in America.

And the mysterious order of the Providence seems to have predestined the American to surpass the European subdivision of the original empire, for, of that high–minded, bold–hearted, and strong–handed British race, which, wheresoever it appears separate but to command; the more numerous part will ere long he found in America; and the British Isles have already reached that fatal term in the history of the nations when their native land can no longer feed its sons; while the people of the United States are still expanding with a rapidity and strength of possession which defies calculation, over the rich virgin soils of the New World.

This reflection acquires new force from the circumstances under which we this day we meet, a conquering American army, here, in the heart of the Mexican Republic, in sight of the captured redoubts and heights of Monterrey, amid the venerable trees, and by the side of these living waters of the wood of San Domingo; which, occupied by you, general, and your victorious troops, has acquired a place in history as enduring as poetry ever gave to the fountain of Vaucluse, or eloquence to the grove of Academus.

Yes, millions of men will have assembled to–day within the broad limits of the United States, to do honors to the traditions of the Revolution, to ponder on the excellent beauty of the Federal constitutions, to congratulate one another on the happy condition of our country, and to look froward with inquisitive eye into the sublime future of the American Republic. They will call to mind the names of the stricken fields of that first war of independence which vindicate our national rights on the land, of that second war of independence which vindicate our national rights on the sea, and of the heroes who illustrated each; but while Bunker Hill, and Saratoga, and Yorktown, and New Orleans will not be forgotten, Palo Alto, Resaca de la Palma, Monterry, Buena Vista, Vera Cruz and Cerro Gordo, will yet more

“Be in their flowing cups freely remembered,”

and earth and sky will re–echo with shouts of enthusiasms at the mention of the names of Scott and Taylor, and of the brave men who under their lead have borne the banner of the Union in triumph over the wild plains and through the mountain passes of Mexico.

But we assembled in this grander than all human templates, the outspread sky of the bright firmament of heaven, treading with our own feet the conquered savannahs of New Leon, surrounded by that lofty Sierra, which rises on either hand, as though placed by nature to be the boundary of the empires, we, I say, can best appreciate with the sober but strong conviction of the palpable reality, how vast are the strides which the United States have made in greatness, since the day, not yet remote, when we were humble colonies scattered in a narrow line along the shore of the Atlantic, until now; when we have swarmed across the great central valley of the continent, have struck over to the shores of the Pacific, and unembarrassed by the burden of a foreign war, which has already given to us the possession of the two–thirds of Mexico, are yet able, from the superabundance of our overflowing prosperity, to nourish at will the starving nations of the Old World.

Honor them to the bold hearts, who, on the great day whose anniversary we celebrate, dared to comprehend their country’s capabilities and to proclaim it independent! –Honor to the heroes and the sages who have conducted it so gloriously on to our times! Honor to the statemen whose vigorous hands at this time so ably and successfully administer its Government! Honor to the generous minded people of our country who freely send forth their sons so fight her battles in this foreign land! Honor to the brave soldiers whose lives and to enjoy the renown, they have so nobly earned in the battle field! Honor above all to the gallant men who fell in the hour of their country’s triumph, whose blood was the sacrificial incense of victory, and who, tho’ dead, yet live immortal in the affectionate memory of their countrymen!

We trust and believe that our brethren in arms, whom Scott has been leading in triumph from Vera Cruz to Puebla, will celebrate this day in the capital of the Mexican Republic, and on the site of the great teocalli of the Aztec. And if Mexico shall then continue in the blind obstinacy of her fatal infatuation, and still refuse the proffers od peace which the President of the U. States, with honorable solicitude to terminate the evils of the war, has at all (unintelligible) been ready to conclude, –then we look to you, sir, m the undoubted confidence of perfect faith in your generalship, your wisdom, your courage, and your fortune, to conduct us in similar triumph along that lofty table land before our eyes, and to complete, on the plains of the Bajio, that which you so gloriously commenced on those of the Rio Grande, namely the total subjugation of New Spain.

Once more, general, in the name and as the humble instrument of your fellow–soldiers and fellow–citizens, whom you see before you, I tender to you their felicitations on occasion of this suspicious anniversary, with sentiments of admiration for the high achievements which have marked your life, of deep respect for your personally, and of the sincerest aspirations for your future happiness and honor in whatever else of danger or duty you may hereafter be called to by the providence of an all wise God.

Gen. Taylor, who had listened with great attention to the remarks of Gen. C. and evidently powerfully affected by the mention of his name, briefly but feelingly responded as follows:

General –In replay to your eloquent and complimentary allusions to the services of the army under my command, I can only briefly express my thanks and those of the brave men of my command, to whose exertions and gallantry alone our success are due. For myself I can claim to merit beyond that of sharing and encountering danger with them. You have traced up and depicted in most faithful colors the rapid progress of our country from the commencement to its present condition of greatness and prosperity –occupying the front rank in the nation of the world. The existing war may show the world that in great national enterprise and interests are firm and united –and that the flower of our country, without distinction of party, is always ready to vindicate the national honor on the battle–field. Should it be our lot to resume offensive operations on this line, I shall move with every confidence in the gallantry and success of the forces. I have but little doubt that those who have but recently come into the field, and have not been able to participate in active service as yet, will distinguish themselves as greatly as those who have gone before. That thousands of volunteers who have many of them, been brought up in affluence, have left their pursuits and comfortable homes, to encounter the hardships of an active campaign, is a sufficient guaranty that the rights and honor of our country will always be maintained.

A general shaking of hands and congratulations here took place for some moments, after which Col. Wright of the Massachusetts volunteers by invitation, read the Declaration of Independence. The company then partake of a substantial lunch provided by the hospitable commander, who had an smile and a pleasant word for all, and seemed happy in being able to make other so. –He was dressed in undress uniform, and looked a little more like the brave old hero that he is and a little less like the plain, unaffected country gentleman –a very little– than I have yet seem him. At 12 o’clock, while the company were yet at camp, a national salute of the last gun bad died away, the booming of cannon from the black fort seemed to echo back the salute.

About 3 o’clock Gen. Taylor and staff with an escort of dragoons came into town, and with Gen. Cushing and the officers of the Massachusetts Regiment proceeded to Arista’s garden or Arista’s house I should say, where a table was spread in the broad corridor opening into the garden with its bright green shrubs, its crimson rose bushes covered with fragrant flowers, its well kept walls, and the gurgling stream that meanders through it. The smell of the bright gems of nature’s handiwork were not more pleasing than the odor which arose from the savory viands prepared for immediate consumption. Everyone was surprised at the profusion of good things and the variety that was placed upon the table, all owing to the exertions of Capt. Glover, a merchant residing here for some years, one of the committee of arrangements, whose peculiar providence it was to see that nothing should be wanting. He performed his duty to perfection. Claret, Madeira, and Champaigne in abundance served to give zest to the repast and aid in the sentimental expression of feeling.

When the substantials had been discussed and removed, Gen. Cushing, who presided at the head of the table, with Gen. Taylor on his right, arose and after some remarks complimentary to the committee of arrangements for the faithful manner in which they had cared for their guests, proceeded to announce the following regular toasts, which I think you will admit are better than regular set toasts generally are:

The Day we Celebrate –As dear to us in a strange clime and the midst of war as when welcomed at our peaceful homes.

The President of the United States.

The Memory of Washington –Brightening with time, all nations will at last behold and admire its lustre.

The Army and the Volunteers of the United States –They have conquered all but peace.

The Navy of the United States –With amphibions facility, finding no enemy on the waters, it has constantly sought and successfully encountered him on the land.

The Constitution –May it ever be administered in the spirit which controlled its first formation.

The Surviving Heroes of the Revolution –Length of days has been vouchsafed to them that they might behold the marvellous results of their youthful toil –all honor to their venerable names.

Our Brethren in Arms at the South –They have lighted their paths with a blaze of victories.

Mexico –Blessed with a genial clime and the physical elements of greatness and power, she is a prey to civil strife and bad government; may the influence of wise rulers and free institutions restore her to her proper rank among the nations of the earth.

The Spirit of ’76 –It burns as brightly among the mountains of Mexico as of old at Trenton: “Skies, not souls, they change who cross the sea.”

The Mexican War –Waged to secure a honorable and a lasting peace, may such be its early consummation.

The Illustrious Dead –From Palo Alto to Cerro Gordo every field is consecrated by the sacrifice of gallant spirits; a sympathising country yields spontaneous and grateful homage to their memory.

The American Fair –Worthy descendants of the women of the Revolution their hearts and prayers are with those who uphold their country’s cause in a foreign land.

These sentiments were all drank with the strongest testimonials of admiration, and all was harmony. About seventy persons, including a number of citizens, partook of the repast.

Volunteer toasts being called for, Lieut. Crowningahield of the Massachusetts Regiment gave:

Andrew Jackson –Sacred be his memory (Drank standing in silence.)

Lieut. Fuller, of the Massachusetts Volunteers, gave:

Gen. Taylor– We hail him as the next President; may his civil be as brilliant as his military career. (This sentiment was drunk with three times three.)

Gen. Taylor rose to respond to this sentiment and said: Mr. President and Gentlemen –I have never had the vanity to aspire to or look for that elevated situation which has just been alluded to, but if my fellow–countrymen think proper to elevate me to so distinguished and honorable a position, I certainly shall do my best to discharge the duties of that responsible position faithfully. But if any other candidate is preferred and offered who may be competent than myself, I need to say that I shall acquiesce most cheerfully in their decision, and shall rejoice that there is one more worthy to represent them in the highest office in their gift.

He then gave as a toast:

The State of Massachusetts and the city of Boston –The place where our liberties were cradled; whose sons have borne so conspicuous a part in the establishment and maintenance of the principles of our independence and the constitution, and have gallantly maintained the same by sea and land.

Col. Wright responded:

Massachusetts and the city of Boston; it is my native state and my native city, and the State where many of us who have been complimented this day were born. We have just received a compliment and a great one from the commanding general. Massachusetts has therefore done her part; her name reads well, her star shines brightly in the national galaxy. In former times, she was known well and did well. She then held, and does now, as her most sacred spot, what we call “ the Cradle of Liberty” –old Faneuil Hall. We may all securely praise the past because it cannot be changed, and now may it be our lot to make the future as brilliant as the past has been, and perhaps more so. We are here with our arms in our hands, her colors, bearing the figure of that proud warrior and that good old shield with its lone star, a twin star to that of Texas. I do not believe, gentleman, Massachusetts has a son on this soil but who comes with the same feelings and sentiments that inspired their sired of old; whose whole heart is not in the cause and who will not do all he can in supporting the name and the honor of his country; in maintaining that bright chivalry of which she is so proud, and displaying courage and good conduct when the foe is in sight. I will give you, gentlemen–

The Past and Present –Palo Alto, Resaca, Monterrey and Buena Vista, the Bunker Hill, Princetown and Yorktown of the present century.

By Capt. Montgomery, USA. –The orator of the day, scholar, statesman and soldier. An ornament of his country at home and abroad. We doubt not that his sword will prove as irresistible as his eloquence.

Gen. Cushing rose and said:

Gentlemen –I beg to return you my heartfelt thanks for the sentiment just presented and the kindness with which you have received it. I know and see that those who are bravest in the battlefield are the roast courteous in the saloon; that the best soldier is the best gentleman. I appreciate the kind feelings which dictated this sentiment, and when I look on them I am ready to say, as Marshal Boursicault said in the face of the chivalry of France, “they are not only competent to sustain their country’s honor, but Heaven itself upon their lance points.” Let me repeat what has been said at home, a fact which has struck them with well founded admiration, that whereas in all the contests of the American and Mexican Armies the Mexican officers have followed, the American officers have lead. –Our officers not only made the plan of battle, ordered the contest, and planted themselves in the first rank, but placed themselves in the post of the danger, and where the cry of danger was loudest, the boom of cannon heaviest, and the iron hailstorm thickest, there were found the gallant general and his officers. It was not in the cathedral of Monterrey that the American commander was found, beneath the impervious walls of the city that our gallant officers sheltered themselves (unintelligible) in the deep ravines of Buena Vista that the general and his officers took repose; to Gen. Santa Anna and his staff was left that post of security. The men of America; they whom their country has selected to fight for her honor and who have given evidence that their confidence was not misplaced, need I say where they were found? When the blood of the brave streamed the fastest, the leaders were the first to be struck, and died on the bosom of honor sending up to Heaven that cry of glory which shall enkindle all the young souls of America. But gentlemen, we, the remote hearers of the stupendous events occurring here, we were forbidden to stop at the leaders in our admiration; for we saw, and were proud to see, that common soldiers, men in the ranks, regular soldiers, to whom the prospect of promotion is remote and casual, with nought to animate them but that love of liberty which is inherent, were worthy of their officers; and whatever Taylor would lead, there would the brave soldiers gallantly follow. Wherever that victorious foot was placed, there stood to back him the invincible legions of the army of the United States.

Gen. C. made some additional remarks, but the limits of my letter, already swelled to an extraordinary extent, will not permit me to give them any more at length. I could not refrain from giving these remarks so complimentary to the regular army. In conclusion, he offered his sentiment:

The United States –Baptised in the blood of the revolution, concecrated by the sacrifice of our fathers, rendered glorious by the courage and glory of their sons, may her future prosperity correspond with her present grandeur.

A number of volunteer toasts were given, but I have only time to give a very few.

By Capt. Montgomery, A.Q.M. U.S.A. –Henry Clay: Ha has devoted a life to his country and a son to his country’s glory.

By Capt. Hoyt, A Commissary U.S.A. Mass Reg. –Peace: Whenever it comes may it be a permanent one which shall result in the national prosperity of both the United States and Mexico; a peace which shall bring to the people of Mexico liberty and happiness –to the people of the United States union, and all the blessing of a free and united nation.

By Capt. R A Arnold, 2d Reg. Dragoons –The square of the circle: The discovery of perpetual motion, and the “conquered peace.”

By Lieut. Sturgis, 2d Dragoons –Henry Clay: He brought to the altar of this country, the highest talents that ever adorned it and sacrificed his favorite son upon the plain of Buena Vista.

You will perceive that the dinner and the celebration was got up entirely without distinction of party, and the prominent men of each of the two great political divisions were indiscriminately toasted, and the sentiments net with equal applause, a proof of the good feeling and harmony which prevailed, and that it was not intended to have and did not have any party purpose.

Gen. Taylor and his staff and Gen. Cushing and his aid decamp are to start on a little excursion to–morrow morning to Arista’s plantation, about thirty five miles from here. It is a pleasure trip, strictly, I believe, and will only occupy three or four days. An escort of dragoons will accompany the party. As it may not be an uninteresting occurrence I think I shall accept an invitation, to make one of the party, so for the present adios senores.

J.E.D.

  [NO]


August 3, 1847, RW47v24n62p4c1 Trist and DeRussy

The Mexican News

It will be a subject of congratulation to our readers, of all descriptions, that at last there is a prospect of peace. –They will find the details in the news which we publish from the New Orleans Picayune in another column. We know not what terms Mr. Trist, on the part of our Government, may propose, nor what concessions the enemy will be willing to make. Yet, tired as both parties evidently must be of the protracted war, a war full of disasters to Mexico, and thus far productive to us of nothing but barren laurels won at a great expense of blood, suffering and money, we should conceive it not very difficult to settle such preliminaries as would be acceptable to both.

The gallant conduct of Col. De Russy and his little band seems to meet with general admiration. We regard it as far from being the least brilliant feat of the war. Col. De R. is another of those “Mexican Whigs,” who after a very peculiar fashion have on so many occasions of late given “aid and comfort” to the enemy.
[NO]


August 3, 1847, RW47v24n62p4c2 From Army of Talyor

From Gen. Taylor’s Camp .

The N.O. Picayune has received the Matamoros Flag on the 17th instant, three days later than any it had before received. A letter is alluded to as not having come to hand containing an account of a splendid fourth of July dinner, at Monterrey, at which Old Zac being toasted in connexion with the presidency, made a speech which is said to have elicited great enthusiasm. It was said to be in the same spirit with his letters already published, the General saying that it he consented to allow his name to be used, it must be at the call of the country. A report of the speech was made by the correspondent of the Picayune, and will be published as soon as it comes to hand.

Gen. Taylor made an excursion to Arista’s hacienda, Mamalequi on the 7th, a full account of which is given in a letter from the Picayune’s correspondent. Gen. Cushing and his aid accompanied the party, which was escorted by a dozen dragoons. The following account is given of the hacienda:

“Arista’s hacienda is situated upon or near the Rio Pecacho, and at the foot of a spur of the Sierra, in a north easterly direction from Monterrey, about twelve miles from Salinas, and from a distance has quite the appearance of a baronial estate. His plantation is a very extensive one, comprising fourteen square leagues; but miles of it are useless, low chaparral, only relieved by the tall Spanish bayonet plant, which bristles up in every direction. Arista purchased the place about four years ago from a lady residing in the city of Mexico for $35,000, and has since expended about $40,000 in improving it. There is a very fine sugar and saw mill upon it, the motive power of which is water of course. The dam across the river forming the mill–pond is a very fine solid piece of mason work, and was estimated in the bill sale at $14,000. The state is managed by an administrator, who has under him an overseer. –There about ninety men and boys, peons, upon the place, and as many women and girls, all of whom are fixtures for life, as are all peons in ninety nine cases out of a hundred, and quite as bad off as slaves in your section of the country –worse even, as when they become past work their landlord (?) is not compelled to support them, and this duty devolving upon their relative, serves to bind them the firmer.”

The correspondent thinks Arista does not find farming quite so profitable as arms, the state, according to the Administrator yielding little or nothing. The nominal wages of the peons (from two to ten dollars a month, out of which they are compelled to purchase every article of food clothing, and other necessaries of life,) being insufficient to support theirs, they are always in debt to the landlord, and as he is allowed a lien on their persons for payment, they slavery is as real as that of our negroes. Two crops of corn are raised, and twenty four fanegas are planted. The yield is an hundred fold! The bean crops is 800 fanegas 2200 lbs. There about 1000 head of cattle and a few sheep. A beef is killed every day; of course, few are sold off. Not more than 40 arobas (1000 lbs.) of sugar is raised.

The Administrator came out to meet Gen. Taylor. –The residence of Arista is spacious, very strongly built of sun–dried brick, with walls three feet thick, perced with loop–holes for musketry, &c. In the evening, the party, by the invitation of the Administrador, attended a fandango on the state. About sixty females were present, as brown as berries, and as ugly as sin. Some national dances, accompanied by wild and discordant singing and resembling the negro–dances of the South, were given, followed by waltzes and quadrilles, the music consisting of a guitar and two violins. The Aministrador had received a letter from Arista, purely on business, dated Mexico, 16th June.

The next day the general and suite left for Villa Real, owned by a wealthy Mexican, Senor Don Jose Maria del Villa Real, who met them en route, and gave them a hearty welcome. Their entertainment here is highly lauded. As soon as they had gotten under his roof, the host had a cart load of melons (water and musk) and a bushel basket of ripe figs brought in for them. The Senor insisted, though it was early in the day, that the party should take “a little refreshment.” The little refreshment consisted of seven courses of meat and fowl, well cooked, served up on a waiter in massive silver dishes, the garniture of the table consisting of an enormous quantity of plate, of the richest description. While at Mamalequi, the alcalde of a small town applied to the General for a force to capture a band of robbers, headed by Mucho Martini, a one armed robber, who had committed many outrages, but the request was declined. The party arrived at Cam taylor the same day, where the correspondent learned that a private of the Massachusetts Regiment had been killed by robbers near Marin.

Gen Taylor will return to the U. States in November. He is said to have written to the War Department, to the effect that if he is to remain at Monterrey he has men enough and could even spare a regiment; but if he is to advance to San Luis, he require 10,000 men. There was a splendid review at Gen. Wool’s camp on the 4th –The discipline of the Virginia and North Carolina Regiments is spoken of in high terms. It is said to be quite equal to that of the Illinois regiments under Hardin and Bissell. High praise this, and just, not doubt. Captain M’Gee’s company of mounted men from Alabama, is in the vicinity of Matamoros. Col. Gorman’s regiment (4th Indiana) had reached the Brazos, with the exception of two companies on the Ann Chase. Gen. Hopping’s encampment near Mier, is spoken of as very beautiful. The medicinal qualities of the waters are much commenced. –The Flag has see a copy of a San Luis paper, with a horrid wood cut, representing Valencia on horse back, holding aloft an ensign, inscribed “Hail Virgin of Guadalupe,” and on bended kness, in front of him, Scott and Taylor, from whose mouths issue the words, “pardon Mejicana, pardon.” The following account is given of an incident which lately occurred in the neighborhood of Matamoros.

From the Matamoros Flag.

Taken Prisoners. –A party of three of our citizens, Ernest Montilly, [a Frenchman,] Elias B. Lundy and Charles, accompanied by a Mexican, left here some eighteen days ago on a expedition into the country to purchase mules. –The Mexican returned on Thursday last and reports that the whole parte were made prisoners by Manuel Caravajal, near San Carlos. The Mexican effected his escape after being several days a prisoner. Mr. Lundy was the only American of the party, and he is stated to have been harshly treated –the other parlez–voused the Mexicans into the belief that they were not enemies. The guerrilla bans around us are gathering strength every day, and guar every avenue form our city. Fifty Mexicans, well armed, we are credible informed were seen on Thursday within four miles of the city. Their object is plunder, and we should be not surprised to hear of a stampede of all the horses about the place. There are several mounted companies here and parties are daily sent out scouting, without being able to discover any traces of armed force of Mexicans. The city is lulled into security by the reports which these scouting parties bring in; but it should borne in mind that the troops employed in this service are perfectly green as yet; they have no knowledge of the country and the Mexicans can easily elude them in the chaparral. We cannot forbear to mentioning an occurrence which came to our knowledge yesterday; it is but fair to infer that none of these scouting parties are more conversant with the country than the one who speak of: –A lieutenant with a troops of 25 Illinoians was order on a scout on Thursday morning, directed to take the road to San Fernando. Anxious to be off the officer put his troop in motion without stopping to inquire the direction, and in his haste even forgot the name of the town. In turning down one of our streets, he espied a gentleman standing in a door and thus accosted him: “Can you speak English, sir?” Col. Fitzpatrick was the gentleman addressed, who replied, “I can, sir.” Then said the lieutenant, “Can you tell me the road to San Antonio?” “Yes,” was the reply – “if you will go back to the ferry at Fort Paredes and cross the Rio Grande you will take the road to San Patricio, and from there to San Antonio is a plain wagon road.” “Stop sir,” said the lieutenant, “it is not San Antonio, it is some other San,” “Perhaps,” said the colonel, “you mean San Fernando?” “Oh yes, you are right!” “Well then, sir, keep down this street and continue to follow the road leading south and it will bring you at last to your destination.” –We have not heard whether the lieutenant has returned from his expedition. We are satisfied he will not find Caravajal, unless that worthy thinks he can made prisoners of his troop.
[NO]


August 3, 1847, RW47v24n62p4c4 Important from Vera Cruz and Tampico

[From the N.O Picayune, Extra July 20

Arrival of the Steamship New Orleans

Important from Vera Cruz and Tampico.

The steamship New Orleans, Capt. Auld, arrived at an early hour this morning from Vera Cruz, via Tampico and the Brazos. Her latest dates from Vera Cruz are to the 17th inst.

Her news is very important. First of all we give Capt. Alud’s report, by which it will be seen that he left Vera Cruz for this port as early as the 14th and then returned thither, going no further than Tampico.

Report of the U.S. Steamship New Orleans, Edward Auld, commander, from Vera Cruz, via Tampico and Brazos:

On her departure from Vera Cruz on the morning of the 14th inst. Gen Pierce with his command of detachments, from the 3d Dragoons, 4th Artillery, 3d Infantry and the 7th, 8th 9th, and 14th Infantry, a detachment of voltiguers and a large detachment of marines, amounting 2500 men and 150 wagons, had taken up their line of march towards Puebla.

We arrived in Tampico on the morning of the 15th inst. at 8 o’clock. Col. Gaines informed us the two hundred American prisoners who had been released from the city of Mexico had been ordered down to Tampico and recaptured by Gen. Garay at or near Huejutla, about ninety or one hundred miles up the river, and Col. DeRussy, with detachments of Louisiana volunteers, parts of Capt. Wyse’s company of artillery and Capt. Boyd’s (formerly of the Baltimore battalion) company of infantry, amounting to 115 or 120 men and officers; had left there by the way of the river on the steamers Undine and Mary Summers, on the morning of the 8th inst., for the purposing of releasing the American prisoners. They had landed sixty mile above unmolested, and the two steamers had returned to the city. At 2 o‘clock P.M. an express arrived from Col. DeRussy stating they had been permitted to march up unmolested until they got in a narrow pass near Huejutla, where they were surroanded by twelve or fourteen hundred Mexicans under Gen. Garay. They had suffered considerable loss, but by the assistance of Capt. Wyse’s artillery they had cut their way out and returned towards the river and wanted assistance. Col. Gates despatched the New Orleans back to Vera Cruz with a requisition on Col. Wilson for four companies of infantry, and also the steamers Undine and Mary Summers up the river with 150 men to the relief of Col. DeRussy. The New Orleans arrived at Vera Cruz on the 16th at 2 o’clock P.M., when we found the city in a great excitement.

Gen. Pierce had marched out and encamped about ten miles form the city, when the scouts or out guards came in and reported a large force of Mexicans at the National Bridge and marching toward the city. Everything was got ready for an attack. The shipping was removed from between the city and the castle. Gen. Pierce came in and took a reinforcement of seven hundred men making in all thirty two hundred. In consequence of the late difficulty the requisition of Col. Gates on Gov. Wilson could not be complied with. We received on board twenty–five marines from the U.S. sloop Saratoga, and on the morning of the 17th at 7 o’clock sailed for Tampico, at which time Gen. Pierce had marched out to meet the enemy. At 7 o’clock on the 18th inst. we arrived at Tampico, and heard that two detachments had returned; and the result, as near as we could ascertain, was as follows:

The detachment had marched up towards their place of destination, unmolested, until, they came in a narrow pass –several miles from Huejutla, when they were surrounded by 1200 or 1400 Mexicans, who cominenced a heavy fire on them from all directions. Capt. Wyse got his piece of artillery to bear on them, after giving them six or eight rounds of grape, which cut lanes through their lines, they gave away and fled through the chaparral, on each side of the road. This was in the morning of the 12th. They continued lighting their way back towards the river, at intervals, until the morning of the 16th inst., when they were released by the reinforcement of 150 men sent by Col. Gota. They returned to the city late on night of the 16th inst, with a loss of twenty killed, ten wounded and two missing, and fifteen or twenty horses and sixty pack mules. I regret to state that Capt. Boyd was the first who fell with three ball through his body. Also, his 1st lieutenant fell mortally wounded, and was left dying on the field. Col. De Russy had several balls through his clothes. Capt. Wyse had three horses shot from under him. The Mexican loss, by report of a Mexican was 150 killed and wounded. Their general fled and left the charges to the second in command. –The names of the officers who accompanied Col. De Russy are not recollected.

Lieut. Whipple, acting adjutant of the 9 h Infantry, was assaulted by a small party of guerrillas on the 10th inst., when returning from the cemetery, within four hundred yards of the walls of the city of Vera Cruz. They were pursued by the Americans who could not overtake them. The chaparral has been searched for miles around but his body could not be found.

Capt. William Duff, of the 3d of Dragoons, died of vomito at Vera Cruz, on the afternoon of the 16th inst.

The New Orleans sailed from Vera Cruz on the 17th inst. arrived at Tampico on the morning of the 18th, took in 1100 barrels of coal, 1000 gallons of water, and sailed on the same day at 6, P.M., arrived at the Brazos at 2, P.M., on the 19th; sailed for this port at 6, P.M., and arrived in the South West Pass at 3, P.M., on the 21st, making the passage from Brazos in 45 hours.
[NO]


August 3, 1847, RW47v24n62p4c4 Colonel DeRussy

We give another report of Col. De Russy’s expedition from our own correspondent:

[Correspondence of the Picayune]

Tampico, July 18, 1847.

Dear Pic. –The expedition under Col. De Russy returned here on the 16th inst. at 9 P.M. john the express arrived here on the morning of the 15th. Col. Gates immediately ordered Lieut. Col. Marks, of La. to take command of the three companies of the 11 th U.S Infantry and a detachment of 3d Artillery with two field pieces and proceed at once to reinforce Col. De Russy. Col. M. with his command embarked on the Mary Summers at 3 o’clock the next morning. When the express left Col. De Russy he was fifteen miles of that place, his men being utterly exhausted by fatigue and want provision, having but three rounds of artillery cartridge and but a small stock of muskets. He succeeded in making his way, however, to Panuco where he was joined by his reinforcements. At the time of the arrival of the Mary Summers the people of the country were raising en masse armed with cane knives for the purpose of making a rush upon our men while asleep, and fortunate was it that Col. Marks arrived at the moment; every one seems to think that they would have been indiscriminately massacred.

On the night of the 11th inst Col De Russy encamped at Tantayuca, a village some twenty miles distant from Huejutla, where the Americans prisoners were detained. –He resumed his march at 6 o’clock the following morning nine miles to the Rio Calabosa. Capt. Boyd with his company of dragoons, being in the advance, was fired at immediately upon the bank of that river, the enemy lying in ambuscade in the chaparral, (the enemy estimated variously from 500 to 3000.) Captain B. charged across the stream, but was not supported by his men, Lieut. Tanneyhill and five men only crossing with him. Finding the fire of the enemy too severe he started back to his command, and was about midway in the stream when he was struck by a musket ball in the body, and immediately afterwards two shots struck him in the head, killing him it is supposed instantly.

Lieut. Tannyhill at the same time was mortally wounded, two musket balls taking effect in his thigh. The men immediately fled back to the main party, as the Mexicans commenced firing on this side of the river from every direction. The colonel on hearing the firing had immediately advanced the main body to support of Boyd, and not knowing the nature of the ambuscade, the pack mules with all his provisions fell into the bands of the enemy, who were quite as numerous in his rear as in his front.

A retreat now became actually necessary, and was made fighting every foot of ground until we reached Tantayuca again. Here he entrenched himself and remained until midnight, when he started in the direction of Pamecho. –Daylight brought the enemy again, and until his arrival at that place he was continually harassed by the enemy.

Lieut. Tannyhill was left at Tantayuca, being unable to be carried any further. No hopes are entertained that he survived twelve hours.

The New Orleans is ringing its bell. I will give you the official report when published.

Yours in haste,

B.A.

  [NO]


August 3, 1847, RW47v24n62p4c4 News from Vera Cruz

From Vera Cruz the news are less satisfactory than we could wish. On the 13th, our correspondent writes that two expresses had arrived from Puebla. The news had not fully transpired, but the report had got into circulation that the Mexican Government had sent three commissioners to San Martin Tesmelucan, about nine leagues from Puebla, to meet Mr. Trsit and hear through him the terms offered by the President. This was but a rumor, in which we place little confidence.

Our correspondent writes on the 16th from Vera Cruz that an express from Gen. Scott (a Mexican) while on his way from Puebla to Vera Cruz was murdered near Jalapa. The guerrillas report that he fought desperately, and before he fell killed two of their number. Our own express rider arrived at Vera Cruz on the morning of the 16th inst without his letter and severely wounded. He came by the route of Orizaba, and when six leagues from that place he was attacked by five guerrilleros and captured. They took from him his letters and inflicted seven severe wounds upon him with a poniard and left him for dead. Had he not played possum a little he thinks they would certainly have finished him. After they had left him he found a business letter to our agents in Vera Cruz torn into fragments, near him. He gathered up most of the pieces and took them safe to Vera Cruz. Our correspondent writes that after putting the pieces together as well as he could he could only make out the following items:

Gen. Pillow’s division arrived at Puebla on the 8th all well. The American army would march on to the city of Mexico to a certainty if peace were not soon made. [We never supposed there was any doubt about this.] The postcript dated the 11th inst, says that place was the order of the day. The writer placed no faith in the prospect; he consider that Santa Anna’s sole object was to gain time, a principle of general policy with the Mexicans, especially with the great man.

Our correspondent writes that a large part of the command of Gen. Pierce left on 15th. The general was expected to get off the evening of the 16th. Our letters said nothing about the force collected at the National Bridge to oppose our advance. Gen Pierce had been ill but had recovered from his (unintelligible).

The Governor of Vera Cruz had received such information (unintelligible) to suppose an attack would be made upon the city as soon as Gen. Pierce left, and precautions had been taken to defend the place. General orders were issued for every citizen to enroll himself under Capt. Tibbitts and hold himself in readiness for an emergency.

Lieut. J. L. Parker, of the navy, died on the 12th inst. on board the steam–frigate Mississippi. Lieut. Parker was saved from the Somers, was severely wounded at Tuspan, was at the capture of Tabasco and had been amongst the foremost in almost every enterprise undertaken by the navy. He was noble, brave and generous, and beloved by all who knew him.

We copy the following from the Sun of Anahuac of the 13th inst. it is not so late as the advices subsequently received, but contains some of the rumors afloat:

A private express arrived here night before last from Puebla, bringing interesting intelligence from that place, from Mexico and from Gens. Cadwallader and Pillow’s trains.

The express left Puebla on the 3d inst., and brought private letters dated the same day.

News have been received the day previous from Mexico, that commissioners had been appointed by the Mexican Government to confer with Mr. Trist at San Martin Tesmeluoan, eight leagues from Puebla, and it was supposed they would meet him on the 4th of July.

The express rider met with Gens Cadwallader and Pillow and their respective commands at Perote. They had been attacked at La Hoya and had completely route the enemy, having sustained but little loss. No property was lost, and both trains had arrived in Perote; which place, a correspondent says, they were to leave on the 9th inst.

We have seen a letter dated Mexico, July 2d. The writer says that he does not doubt that a treaty of peace would be concluded at once by the commissioners. He also says that the peace treaty has become so considerable in the capital that he thinks that Santa Anna, (who is always on the side of the strongest,) will soon pronounce himself in favor of peace.

A letter from Puebla, states that there had been some sickness among our troops. We do not give our readers the whole contents of this letter because it is full of rumors which had not been realized at the latest dates.

The Mexicans were still fortifying the city of Mexico, but the means of the Government are so limited, that we do not doubt that it will not be more than a day’s work for Gen. Scott to demolish, in case they should show resistance.
[NO]


August 6, 1847, RW47v24n63p1c1 John Minor Botts

Hon. John Minor Botts

The letter of this gentleman to the Philadelphia Committee (unintelligible) of Invitation, having become a subject of animadversion in a late number of the Enquirer, he transmitted to the editors of that paper the following note, which was published on Tuesday morning last:

To the Editors of the Enquirer:

Richmond, July 29, 1847.

I submit to daily misconstructions and misrepresentation of my political view without complaint or correction, because I take it for granted that time will prove the best corrective to all errors and misstatements that have been, or may be, made respecting me. There is a statement of fact, and not of construction, however, in your paper of this norning, of a nature that if I were to permit it to pass in silence would be taken by your readers as acknowledgement of its truth. The statement I refer to is as follows:

“It will be also seen that Messrs. Wilson and Tuck, along with Messrs. Botts and Corwing, are pledged to vote against giving a dollar for the prosecution of the war.”

Will you be so obliging as to state when, where and how I stand pledged to any such course? for if it can be shown that in my public speeches, or writings or private conversations, I have given any such pledge that I have not intended to fulfil, and that I have expressed a sentiment I never entertained. On the contrary, I have uniformly said, that, whilst I thought the war ought to be brought to a close, by withdrawing our troops to the boundary line between Texas and Mexico, yet, while the army continued in Mexico, they were entitled to the protection of government and that they must be sustained; and I would therefore give all the men and money asked for necessary for that purpose. You surely, however, have not made this grave assertion without some authority, and you will oblige me by publishing it in connection with this note.

Respectfully JNO. M. Botts.

The following paragraph in the editorial comments of the Enquirer, explains the process by which the conclusion that Mr. B. stood on the same ground with Mr. Corwin is arrived at:

“But to the particular specification complained of by Mr. Botts. We said last Thursday, that “Messrs. Wilson and Tuck (of the New Hampshire) along with Messrs. Botts and Corwin, are pledge to vote against giving a dollar for the prosecution of the war.” Mr. Botts denies the position and calls upon us for our authority. We meet the issue and refer him to his own letter to Philadelphia, which has been made so famous by its many bold assertions and false arguments. The particular passage of that letter we have cited over and over again. After denouncing the war was instigated and provoked from a meretricious lust of conquest, and acquisitions of our neighbor’s goods, by men spoiled and besotted with place and power, Mr. Botts proceeds to avow his own opinion as to the proper means to “stay the hand of mischief.” In his own language “It is to disclaim promptly all purpose and intention to take one foot of Mexican soil on any terms, either by conquest or negotiation; to ascertain the teru boundary line of ‘the beautiful but most unfortunate Texas,’ withdraw our troops to that line, and defend it if assailed, (which would never be attempted) and thus bring the wat at once to a speedy and honorable termination. Surely, neither the honor of the nation, nor the glory of our arms, calls for the prosecution of an offensive war.’”

Comment. –The Enquirer professes great admiration of and gratitude to, Gen. Taylor. It will not, of course, the willing to have him set down in the same category with (unintelligible) to whom it is wont to speak of as “moral traitor.” The following paragraph fro his letter to Gen. Gaines, already widely known, may be compared by the reader with these sentiments of Mr. Boots. In order that the comparison may be the more easily made, we place them in parallel columns.

Mr. Botts. –(Unintelligible) promptly all purpose to take one foot of Mexican soil on any terms, either by conquest or negotiation; to ascertain the true boundary line of the beautiful but unfortunate Texas, withdraw our troops to that (unintelligible) and defend it, if assailed which would never be attempted,) and thus bring the war at once to a speedy and honorable termination. Surely, neither the honor of the Nation, nor the glory of (unintelligible), calls for the prosecution of an offensive war.”

Gen. Taylor.–“If we are (in the language of Mr. Polk and Gen. Scott) under the necessity of ‘conquering a peace,’ –we must go to Vera Cruz, take that place, and then march on the city of Mexico. To do so in any other direction, I consider out of question. But, admitting that we conquer a peace by doing so, –say, at the end of the next twelve months– will the amount of blood and treasure, which must be expended in doing so, be compensated by the same? I think not, –especially, if the country we subdue is to be given up; and I imagine there but, few individuals in our country who think of annexing Mexico to the United States.

I do not intend to carry on my operation (as previously stated) beyond Saltillo, –deeming it next to impracticable to do so. It then becomes a question as to what is best to be done– It seems to me the most judicious course to be pursued on our part; would be to take possession, at once, of the line we would accept by negotiation, extending from the Gulf of Mexico to the Pacific, and occupy the same, or keep what we already have possession of.”

Our readers will see, at once, that the position of Mr. Boots is nearly identical with that of Gen. Taylor.

That Mr. Boots, in common with the Whig party, and with many (aye, very many) too who formerly belonged to the Locofoco party, is opposed to this principle, we very well know. But we know, likewise, and every man who has conversed with him on the subject knows, that he always held it to be the solemn duty of Congress to sustain the Army, since it is already there, by every possible reinforcement both of men and money. He and the Whig party would have prevented the war if it had been in their power; but since that is now impossible, they would sustain it to the end, whatever that ends may be. If it be possible to bring it to a close in the manner proposed, they are in favor of doing so. If, on the contrary, their whishes be overruled, they are in favor of furnishing all necessary supplies render our forces efficient, and prevent them from suffering more than can be avoided. We think we have truly stated the position of Mr. B and the Whig Party.

It should be unknown to the Enquirer, that Mr. B. has already given practical proof that his sentiments are such as they are here represented. He has already lost in the service one gallant son, in the bloom of youth, who, but for this war, might have been still alive to cheer the declining years of his father, when he shall be sinking in the down (unintelligible) march of life. Nothing would have been easier than for him to have kept back that son from his country’s service. But he heard her voice, and he gave him up at her call, deprecating all the time, the measures from which had originated the necessity.
[NO]


August 6, 1847, RW47v24n63p1c2 Moral Treason

“Moral Treason.”

Hon. James Buchanan.

Records are sometimes very dangerous things, as many a Demagogue has heretofore found to his cost.

It has become fashionable, as our readers very well know, in certain quarters, to denounce all who are opposed to the Mexican war, as guilty of “moral treason” and of furnishing “aid and comfort to the enemy.” This attempt to stifle investigation, and render Executive authority supreme and irresponsible, has met with but poor success thus far, yet the men who make the charges are far from being discouraged. They are wont to represent the Whig party, though it has thus far furnished more than its quota of a men to fight the battles of the country, as responsible for all the blunders of the administration, and the disastrous consequences that occasionally result from them; and if Gen. Scott was unable to pursue his victory for the want of men and means –if Gen. Taylor has been kept idle for six months, because his force is insufficient to penetrate San Luis –if the reinforcements promised to both Generals, have thus far been existent, in a very great measure, only “upon the pay–rolls” of the army –if seen all this, the Mexican Government have become aware that there is a deficiency of vigor in our councils, and obstinately refuses to treat for peace –it all been owing to Whig editors and Whig speakers, who will not permit this best of all possible administrators “to take a single step for the honor or prosperity” of the Republic. If, indeed, the Mexicans should be blind to facts occurring every day before their eyes –if, from the inactivity both of Scott and Taylor, after the splendid achievements of Buena Vista and Cerro Gordo, they are not able to infer that this war not only is not popular, but that it is prosecuted by the Administration with a feebleness bordering on imbecility– if, finding themselves routed whenever they come in contact with our troops, they yet see no advantage taken of the most complete victories –if, seeing all this, they learn not there from the inefficiency of the Executive, we confess we are unable to see how it is in the power of any editor or orator, Whig o Democrat, to open their eyes to the fact. What are writing and talking in the United States to facts in Mexico?

But if it be true that any man who may oppose this war is guilty of “moral treason,” what can be said of those who oppose the last? We presume that not even Locofoism itself will draw a comparison in favor of this war, with that in which we contended for our very independence –which is, in fact, called “the second war of independence” by Charles J. Ingersoll, himself a rabid Locofoco, and an unwavering supporter of the present Executive. And if the editor or the speaker who shall venture to question the property or morality of this war, be, in very truth, a “moral traitor,” what shall we say of him who not only denounced that, but proclaimed James Madison the “degenerate successor of Washington,” and stigmatized the peace as “bad and disgraceful?” Can such a man, you will ask, yet venture to show himself, with the evidence of “moral treason” so palpably staring him in the face?

The curious reader will no doubt, enquire, who is this “moral traitor?” Is it Clay, or Webster or Adams? No reader, it is none of these. It is a man filling the second office in this Nation. It is JAMES BUCHANAN, Mr. Polk’s PATENT DEMOCRATIC STATES RIGHT SECRETARY OF STATE.

In a speech delivered at Lancaster, Pa before the Washington Association, on the 4th day of July, 1815, that gentleman, after denouncing the Republican party of 1789, in the most unmeasured terms, and assailing the doctrine of the State rights as the invention of the Demagogues, who wished to keep the country divided into small States for their own advantage, because they could not hope to rise on so large a theatre as the Union presented, speaks as follows of the war then just concluded:

“Time will not allow me to enumerate all the other wild and wicked projects of the Democratic Administration. Suffice it to say, that after they had deprived us of the means of defence, by destroying our navy disbanding our army; after they had taken away from us the power of re–creating them, by ruining commerce, the great source of our national and individual wealth; after they had, by refusing the Bank of the United States a continuation of their character, embarrassed the financial–concerns of the Government, and withdrawn the only universal paper medium of the country from circulation; after the people had become accustomed to, and, of course, unwilling to bear taxation, and without money in the Treasury, they rashly plunged us not a war with a nation more able to do us injury than any other in the world. What was the dreadful necessity for this desperate measure? Was our country invaded? No. Was it to protect our little remaining commerce from the injuries it sustained by the orders in Council? No. Commerce was not such a favorite, and the merchants wished for no war account. Besides, if the existence of the orders in council had been its true cause, after their repel our country would have accepted the olive branch which was offered by England. What then was the cause? The one for which we professed to draw the sword, and risk our all, was to determine an abstract question of the law of the nations, concerning which, an opinion different from that our administration was held by all Europe, –to decide whether a man can expatriate himself or not. In the decision of this questions our administration pretended to feel a deep interest. The greater part of those foreigners who would be affected by it, had long been warmest friends. They had been one of the great means to elevating the present ruling party, and it would have been ungrateful for that party to have abandoned them.

“Superficial observers may suppose this to have been the real source of the war; but whoever will carefully and impartially examine the history of our country will find its true origin to have been far different. It took its rise from the over weaning partiality which the Democratic Party have uniformly shown for France, and the consequent hatred which they felt against her great adversary, England. To keep this foreign feeling alive has been the labor of their leaders for more than twenty years, for it has been one of the principal causes of introducing and continuing them in power. Immediately before war, this foreign influence had completely embodied itself with every political feeling of a majority of people, particularly in the West. Its voice was heard so loud at the seat of government, that the President was obliged either to yield to its dictates, or retire from office. The choice in this alternative was easily made by a man, who preferred his private interest to the public good. We were therefore hurried into the war utterly unprepared.

“What has been its result? Exactly what every reasonable man expected at its commencement. We declared our intention of conquering Canada; whether for the purpose of annexing it to the United States, or of compelling our enemy to yield the doctrine of impressment, is immaterial to the present question. Instead of conquering it, we have ourselves invaded  in every quarter, and the best blood of the country has streamed in defence of own soil. The very capitol of the United States, the lofty temple of liberty, which was reared and consecrated by Washington, has been abandoned to its fate by his DEGENERATE successor, who ought to have shed his last drop of blood in its defence.

After the Administration had entered upon the war, instead of coming forward with manly confidence, and taxing the people for its support, they basely shrunk from their duty, in order to maintain their popularity, and adopted the ruinous system of carrying on the contest by borrowing money. What were the effects of this policy? Does not every man in the country know, was it even disguised by the Administration, that the United States would, in a short time, have become bankrupt, had not peace been concluded? Thanks then to heaven, that we have obtained a peace, BAD AND DISGRACEFUL AS IT IS; other wise, the beautiful structure of the Federal Government, supported by the same feeble hands, might have sunk, like the capitol, into ruins.

“Instead of exempting seamen sailing under our flag from impressments by the war, we have altogether relinquished that principle; because it is a well established truth in the law of the nations, that if war be waged by on e country against another for a specified claim, and the treaty which terminates the contest, is silent upon that subject, it is forever abandoned. Thus the Government have at last yielded the very point for the maintenance of which they professed to go war, after having expended nearly $200,000,000.

“We have not only not obtained by the war any thing which we are taught to expect, but we have lost many valuable privileges. All the numerous rights and advantages guaranteed to by Jay’s treaty have been relinquished, nay, we have not only compelled to conclude a treaty which does not contain any solitary stipulation in our favor, except that there should be peace, but which unsettles the boundaries of our country, and leaves to the decision of commissioners whether we shall longer retain a part of our own territory, which we have held in quiet possession for more than 20 years.”
[NO]


August 6, 1847, RW47v24n63p1c3 Officers at Camargo

[From the N.O Picayune.]

The Officers at Camargo

We do not feel at liberty to deny the use of our columns to an officer who in the following letter vindicates the character of the service, which suffers under the aspersions cast upon those members of it who happen to be stationed at Camargo or on that line:

Camargo, July 13, 1847.

Gentlemen –In a newspaper recently started in your city and called, I believe, the National, there appeared on the 26th ult. a letter from this town dated June 9th, 1847, full of false statements of a nature most injurious to the character of many officers on this line –the writer going so far as even to single out one of these objects of his malignity by name. And not only have these been published to a world which, ignorant of the truth and unacquainted with the person thus assailed would be already sufficiently disposed to believe in the verity of the charges alleged against them, but they have been published, moreover, with the endorsement of the editor of this paper, since has taken the trouble to call his reader’s special attention to them by a long editorial encomium on their author. Now this being so, justice to an energetic and deserving officer, whose whole crime consists in the honest execution of an order imposed upon him by his superior, demands that these statements should meet with that flat and emphatic contradiction due to their egregious falsity. And, for this reason, I would respectfully beg for the use of a small space in the columns of the Picayune.

Taking these charges, then, in the order in which they occur, I, in the first place, deny that any merchant “has been prohibited from selling his goods, except at wholesale, under penalty of incarceration, street–sweeping, ball and chain, and finally transportation.” The only sales prohibited here have been those of liquors and of articles contraband of war; the later under the general authority of the law of the nations, the former by Gen. Taylor particular command. And this charge is therefore utterly false.

The story of “secret partnership between officers and their favorites, to whom they give the exclusive privilege of vending merchandise ad libitum, whom they protect and furnish with public transportation, together with every other facility, to the exclusion of all others,” is equally false, and the writer can point to no instance of it.

In the next place, the assertion that “Capt. Hunt, 4th Artillery, commanding Camargo, is a partner of any house enjoying such privileges” is another falsehood; and that “every one in Camargo believe this,” is certainly news to me who live here. It is false that “he has a favorite house,” false that “he dresses up his own men as citizens, others as Mexicans, and sends them spying and eaves–dropping about tents and stores, telling them to beg for a glass of wine, ale or cider, that they may impeach the giver.

The Capt. Hunt “broke into a ware–house here upon information that there was liquor to be found in it, and took thence three barrels of whiskey, and “put one of the partners in prison for a few hours,” is true; such was his duty, which admitted of no discrimination between “respectable merchants” and poor devils of teamsters or others, when engaged in the same prohibited traffic. Thus march, I say is true; all the rest of the paragraph is wholly false.

Finally, Capt. Hunt is a graduate of West Point, has served faithfully and well in the army for eighteen years, was in the Black Hwak, the Creek war, the Florida war, and will again do his duty, whenever the opportunity is afforded him, in this war against Mexico. He has always borne a high character, both as an officer and a man of honor, and those who know him will surely have felt only indignation and contempt on reading the scurrilous article in which it was sought to defame him, I have the honor to be, your obedient servant.

Julius P. Gareschi, 1st Lt. 4th Art’y.

  [NO]


August 6, 1847, RW47v24n63p1c3 Spanish Gossip

Spanish Gossip.

In La Patria of Sunday last we find the latest invention of the day in the space of a letter from Havana, dated the 16th inst. This letter pretends that a report is current at Havana, especially in commercial circles, that the three millions voted by Congress for the use of the President in making a treaty are employed in subserving influential personages in Mexico. This reporter of the pretended little tattle of Havana has been unable to learn the names of the Mexicans bought by the money of the “Yankees,” but has heard the name of Arista, Ampudia, Almonte, Canalizo and Rejon mentioned, and other whom he does not recollect. The editors of the Patria here intervene to screen some of the individuals mentioned by declaring that they “do not believe that all these names deserve to be classed among those sold!” The letter writer goes further and insinuates that others have been tampered with, mentioning that he has heard that Basadre, Gomez de la Cortina, Lombardini and two or three more proved incorruptible.

What a precious mass of folly have we here! The editors of La Patria in introducing the letter to their readers disclaim giving credence to its infamous revelations, but by their intervention to save some of the Mexicans enumerated form the suspicions attached to them, they show themselves not totally incredulous. Passing by the preposterous nature of the charges thus brought against the United States Government, which no citizen will credit for an instant, however,, deep–rooted his opposition to the Administration, what a state of political ethics does this letter reveal among our Havana and Mexican neighbors, who may reasonably be supposed to know something of each others moral qualities.

Our readers may be curious to know how these Spaniards pretend that the purchase of these broken down Mexican generals is to be made available. “They are to use all their influence to bring about a peace, or at least see that the war is so conducted that the Americans, if they do not come therefrom” –[bien librados.] One cannot but be struck by the fatuity imputed to the Americans in buying up such rank of cowards as Ampudia and Canalizo, and two Mexicans like Arista and Almonte, both in complete disgrace at home and in no condition at present to exercise influence with their countrymen. The whole substance of the letter is as preposterous a mess of stuff as we have seen in a twelve months; it is only paralleled by a former Havana letter which appeared in this same Patria, which enjoyed a brief notoriety. –N. O. Pic.
[NO]


August 6, 1847, RW47v24n63p1c4 A Battle

Highly Important Intelligence

A battle.

[Correspondence of the Commercial Times.]

Tampico, (Mexico,) July 18, 1847.

Gentlemen: Considerable excitement has existed in this city for the past two weeks, in relation to the detention by General Garay, at the town of Guautla (pronounced Wahoutla) 140 miles from here, of one hundred and eighty Americans, who were recently liberated in the city of Mexico, and sent towards this city with a small escort. They are those who were taken last February at Encarnacion. –The renowned General Garay, in true Mexican style, pretended that they passports were not correct, and that he would be under the necessity of detaining them at Guautla, until he could hear from his Government.

Six of them made their escape, and arrived in safety in this city, and immediately communicated the above facts to our Governor, Col. Gates.

An expedition was fitted out on the 8th instant (unintelligible) of Colonel Gates, and the command of it given to Colonel De Russy, of the Louisiana regiment. This expedition consisted of one hundred and twenty men, and (unintelligible) pound field piece –forty men third artillery (unintelligible) by Capt. Wyse –forty dragoons, mounted on (unintelligible) musting horses, and commanded by Capt. Boyd and Lieutenant Tannehill, late of the Baltimore battalion –and forty mounted men from Louisiana regiment, commanded by Captains Mace and Seguine –Lieutenants Linderburger, Campbell and Heimberger, of the Louisiana regiment, accompanied the expedition, to act in such capacities as might be required.

Their march for four days was uninterrupted, passing through the town of Puebla–Viejo, Tampico–Alto, Ozuania and Tantoyuca, in all of which the people made professions of friendship, and had got within seven miles of Guautla, eight miles, beyond the last mentioned town, and one mile from Rio Calabasas. Here the Col. Met an Indian, who informed him that a large force of Mexicans, under the command of Garay, had heard of his approach, and was in ambush on both sides of the river. Col. De Russy immediately despatched Lieut. Lidenburger, acting Adjutant, with an order to halt the column (advance guard) under command of Capt. Boyd. The Captain had haltered at the river for the purpose of watering his horses, and while in that act, he received a destructive fire from an unseen enemy. As I said before, the horses were all mustangs, and at the report of the musketry they became unmanageable, threw most of the riders, and created great confusion. Capt. Boyd dashed across the river, followed by his Lieutenant and six men. In crossing the Captain was shot in the head, and of course died on reaching the opposite shore. Three of the men were also killed. All this took place before Lt. Lindenburger reached him. The remainder succeeded in recrossing the river, and joined the main body. Thus fell one of the bravest and finest men that ever lived.

On hearing the report of musketry from the opposite bank of the river, the Mexicans concealed on this side, commenced firing on the main body of the expedition from every side, when Capt. Wyse, came gallantly into action with his field piece, and opened a destructive fire on the enemy, with grape and canister. At the same time, Captains Mace and Seguine charged the enemy on the right and left, in the most spirited manner. The battle now raged with great fury on both sides for one hour, when the Mexicans sounded a retreat, at least that portion of them in front.

The Colonel now discovered a large body of lancers approaching him in the rear, but before he succeeded in getting within reach of them, they capture a portion of the pack mules and then took to their heels.

During the engagement, Liuet. Tannehill was mortally wounded, a ball passing through his thigh and breaking the bone. The six men at the cannon were all severely wounded; three bullets passed through Col. De Russy’s coat, and as many through Capt. Wyse ‘s. Capt. Mace was struck twice with apent balls, but not hurt.

After the engagement, to the astonishment of all, only one round shot and one charge of canister was left for the gun, when our troops, having fired away the greater part of their ammunition, it was deemed prudent to fall back on Tantayoca, which was accordingly done.

The road from the river Tantayoca lay through a narrow defile, the summits of the mountains nearly hanging over the heads of the men as they passed through it. The deep and precipitous sides were covered with a dense chaparral from base to top. Here the enemy rallied, and concealing themselves from view, poured a destructive fire down upon our gallant little band, which, from the nature of the ground, they were unable to return.

On approaching Tantoyoca, in which they had encamped the previous night, and from which they had started peaceably that morning, our men found, to their surprise, that the plaza, church and streets were crowded with lancers and other troops. They marched up boldly to the enemy, until they got within a few hundred yards of the plaza, when they opened to the right and left, and gave Capt. Wyse an opportunity to discharge his last round shot. It did some execution, killing and wounding some three or four, and also making a tremendous hole in the walls of the church. Col. De Russey, with Capt. Seguine, at the same time made a charge up the street, when the Mexicans, for the second time, took to their heels, returning only a few scattering shots. The lowest estimate I have heard made of the number of Mexicans engaged in this affair was 1000. Some say as many as 2000 and 3000. Our troops now took possession of the town, and encamped on the same ground they had occupied the previous night, (Sunday, the 11th inst.)

A detachment was now sent through that town to search for ammunition, and they succeeded in finding enough to make five rounds of canister, which at this moment was an invaluable prize.

A number of the men, contrary to orders, broke open both stores and houses, and helped themselves to every thing valuable they could lay their hands on, and foremost among them were the Mexican muleteers who accompanied the Colonel. They appeared to be told hands at the business.

After our troops encamped, they could see large bodies of the enemy moving to the rear of them for the purpose of cutting off their farther retreat, but both men and horses were so exhausted, that it was determined to remain in their present position for a short time to retreat.

Near dark, Gen. Garay’s aid–camp and a Major of the staff, came near Col. De Russy’s camp with a flag of truce. The Colonel did not allow them to enter his camp, but met them at a short distance outside of it. The Colonel was accompanied by by Capt. Wyse. The aid handed the Colonel a letter. The Colonel told him, in substance, “that it was too dark to read it, and that he had no candles or light, probably he, the aid, could tell him the purport of it.” The aid, (who spoke English fluently) replied, “that \it was a summons for an unconditional surrender, as Gen. Garay had sufficient men and means to conquer him, and he wished to spare an effusion of blood.” Col. De Russy immediately returned the letter, unopened, to the aid, and he told the aid to “tell Gen. Garay that the idea of surrender had never entered his mind, and he therefore declined shy correspondence on that subject” –when the aid and Major, after the usual compliments, retired.

Col. De Russy now ordered camp fires to be made, and all the horses to be unsaddled, and every thing had the appearance, to the Mexicans, of his remaining there all night. In this, however, they were deceived; for the Colonel took up his line of march at 2 o’clock A.M., during one of the heaviest rain storms ever experienced, and passed silently through the city. They took the road for Penuca, passing in a country direction to the one he came by, and on which Garay was encamped, and was ten miles from Tantayoca when daylight overtook him.

At 10 o’clock A.M., the lancers and guerillas again came in sight, and hung in the rear of the detachment all day, spearing and shooting down, without mercy, such unfortunate persons as straggled off from the main body. On one occasion, a large body of lancers collected in a group, when Capt. Wyse gave them a salute with a charge of canister, and made great have among both horses and riders, killing and wounding about 30 men, and from that time they kept at a respectful distance.

The Mexicans followed our little detachment for two days, occasionally exchanging a few shots. Lieut. Heimberger was shot in the arm during the retreat the first day. When Col. De Russy  got within 15 miles of Penues, he dispatched Mr. Geo Lefler, a old citizen of this place, to Col. Gates, giving him an account of his position, and informing him of their being entirely out of ammunition , and a large body of the enemy in his rear.

Col. Gates immediately despatched Lieut. Col. Marks to his relief with 160 men, two pieces of cannon, and plenty of ammunition. Lieut. Col. Marks went to Penuca with his command per steamboat, where he met Col. De Russy and his command, completely tired out,. And almost without a cartridge. As there was an attack anticipated, the following night, on this place, both parties returned.

Thus ended one of the most brilliant affairs, for the numbers enagaged in ti, (terminating with a masterly retreat,) which has taken place during this war. Col. De Russy was every where in the hottest of the fight, and pointed his solitary gun several times, while bullets were falling around him as thick as hail.

P.S. –I have this moment learned that official reports have been received in town, that the number of Mexican engaged in the late battle was 1850. So you may judge for yourselves, of the gallant defence of 120 men against such odds. I had nearly forgotten to mention that we lost thirty horses killed in the battle.

Yours in haste,

P.

  [NO]


August 6, 1847, RW47v24n63p2c4 Funeral Honors to the Gallant Dead

Funeral Honors to the Gallant Dead!

The interment of the remains of Col. William R. McKee, Lieut. Col. H. Clay, Capt.Wm T. Willis, Capt. W. H. Maxey, Adjutant Edward M. Vaughan, Lt. Joseph Howell; W. W. Bayles, Wm. Thwaits, N. Ramey, Thos. Weigert, Alex. G. Morgan, C. Jones, Henry Carty, T. McH. Dozier, H. Trotter, C. B. Thompson, and W. C. Greene, soldiers of Kentucky who fell at Buena Vista, took place on Tuesday last, in the presence of a concourse of people whose numbers were variously estimated, from fifteen to thirty thousand.

The notice given, was unfortunately so short, that the citizens from distant parts of the State, were not able to attend; indeed, we learn that several of the companies belonging to the regiments to which the deceased belonged, were not advised of the day fixed for the ceremonies until it had passed. The intense and almost overpowering heat or the weather, prevented many from attending; but notwithstanding these things, there came together on that day, the largest concourse of people ever assembled in Kentucky.
[NO]


August 10, 1847, RW47v24n64p1c1 General Taylor and the Locos

General Taylor and the Locos

It is amusing to watch the course of Locofocoism relative to this redoubtable champion of our country. When the news of his triumphant success at Palo Alto and Resaca de la Palma reached the United States, the politics of the conqueror became immediately a subject of most eager enquiry. It was soon found that he was a Whig –a Clav, Crittenden Whig– and Locofoism ceased to talk about him as far as possible. Then came Monterrey, and the terms of the capitulation offered a theme for vituperation, which was not to be neglected. Accordingly, every (unintelligible) hero that could wield a pen, entered the arena against old Rough and Ready.

But this did not do for the people. They had taken a far more accurate measure of the man’s stature than their rulers, and they know him to be a giant. His name was on every tongue, and his services had sunk deep into every heart. The famous letter to General Gaines, which gave an insight into his true situation and led the people into full view of the difficulties with which he had struggled and ever which he had triumphed, the genuine, unaffected modesty of the man, and his forbearance under provocation that must have severely tried his temper, raised enthusiasm in his favor above fever heat. To throw cold water upon this spirit, the little party leaders in Congress were induced to try their feeble lauces against the iron–cased form of the old hero, and they shivered in their hands up to the very grasp. The Administration was in despair. Its organ did not come out directly, but all that could be done by sly hint and innuendo, was attempted in vain. A bolder game was necessary. Withholding forces and supplies had been tried censure, indirect unmistakable, from the war office, had been tried, almost to an insult had been tried; but it was of no avail– Old Rough could neither be whipped by the Mexicans, nor disgusted by the Secretary of war, nor bullied by Benton, nor forced to resign by Congress. Onward, he kept the even tenor of his way” –marching, fighting bivouacking, and conquering. It was important to stop his progress; indeed, it was absolutely necessary to do so. An attempt was made to put Lieut. General Benton over his head, but Congress had too much sense to do that, Locofoco as it was. In the very midst of their machinations, after they had left him without reinforcements, and while they were indulging the consoling reflection that now he must halt in his career, the astounding news but upon the country, that he had not only disobeyed the order to fall back, given by an ignorant Secretary two thousand miles off, but that he advanced and gained a most unheard victory, over forces five times as numerous as his own! At that very moment his destruction was expected to be heard from, and the President had already begun to say “Shake not your gory backs at me,” “thou canst not say I did it.”

No, that was the simple truth. No matter what happened, the President was not to blame for the fight at Buena Vista, for he had ordered to fall back. But he was very anxious to come in for a share of the glory, and his followers even talk about the “eminent ability” &c.

After the battle of Buena Vista it was found impossible to restrain public sentiment, which broke through to the trammels of party and flowed irresistible towards General Taylor, Whig though he was. A new plan was then adopted. The democrats made haste to have themselves dubbed Taylor men, and strove to bias the old General’s mind by declaring in his favor. But it was no go; and at last, with all the evidence before it, the Washington Union says:

“In no case, nor under any circumstances, will General Taylor agree to, or submit to, any one of the three, circumstances to which we referred –viz: that the Presidential candidate for the Republican party should be a Democrat in his principles –the he should avow his sentiments beforehand –and that he should be nominated by a Democratic Convention.”

And again:

“is it to be believed that any of them (the Whigs) would support General Taylor, unless they believe him to be a Whig. Some of them cry him up as a no–party candidate; but, at the same time, they have reasons to (unintelligible) them, as they think, that he is a Whig in his principles. The New York Courier, ‘the North American,’ even the ‘Cincinnati Atlas,’ &c. &c, affirm their conviction of his Whig principles. Do they not believe that he is a ‘Whig –a Clay Whig?’ Otherwise, who believes for one moment that they will support him for the Presidential chair?”

Certainly they will not. Spoken like an Oracle for once. In future let Locofocoism keep its hands clear from Gen. Taylor. They can neither rule him off nor steal him.
[NO]


August 10, 1847, RW47v24n64p1c2 Attack on a train

From the N.O. Picayune, July 30

Further from the Rio Grande.

Successful Attack upon a train.

The schooner Sarah Churchman, Captain Errikson, arrived yesterday from the Brazos, having sailed thence on the 23d inst. By her we have a Matamoros Flag of the 21st inst. –four days later than the number previously received.

The ship Edgar, Capt. Smith, also arrived yesterday from the Brazos, having sailed on the 24th inst. this vessel took out a detachment of two hundred and eighty regulars from New York to the Brazos.

Quite the most interesting news in the Flag is the following in relation to an attack upon a train, which was partially successful:

The last arrival from Camargo brings an account of a recent attack by the Mexicans, supposed to be a detached party of Urrea’s troops, upon a train on its way to Monterrey. The wagon train was attended by a small escort, and following in the rear were some sixty or eighty pack mules, freighted with goods belonging to merchants of Matamoros. The train was attacked near Marin, and the assault was direct against the rear, with a view of cutting off the pack mules, in which the Mexicans were completely successful –all the mules with their packs were captured by them. –A considerable booty has thus fallen into their hands –some say about $30,000 worth of dry goods and a quantity of tobacco. The principle loss is sustained by Mr. Tarniver, one of the most respectable merchants of Matamoros, who loses upwards of $25,000 in dry goods, Mr. Kingsbury was the owner of the tobacco.
[NO]


August 10, 1847, RW47v24n64p1c2 From the Matamoros Flag

The following items are all from the Flag:

Tenth of Infantry. –This regiment left on Monday last in the steamers McKee, Col. Hunt and J E Roberts. They go to Mier, there to remain until called to a field of greater activity by Gen. Taylor as a portion of the detachment under Brig. Gen. Hopping, forming a school of instruction which has been established at place. Lieut. Edward Harte, formerly connected with the press in the United States, has been appointed regimental quartermaster and acting commissary of subsistence by Col. Temple, making the list of the staff officers complete. The regiment has been drilled regularly during its sojourn here, and it has conducted with more property and given less annoyance to citizens than any regiment that has been stationed here. We are sorry to lose them.

Fourth Ohio Volunteers. –This regiment has arrived here and is now encamped on the lake, taking the position recently occupied by the 10th Infantry. They are commanded by Col. Chas. H. Brough, fromerly editor of the Cincinnati Enquirer. The other field and staff officers are, Mr. Wernet,of dayton, lieutenant colonel, Wm. B. Young, of Hamilton, major; Lieut. Kessler, adjutant. The Regiment numbers upwards of nine hundred men and is enjoying excellent health –but one death having occurred since its organization. Three companies of the regiment, with its lieutenant colonel and adjutant, are Germans, who have made the United States the country of their adoption.

Ms. M L Fulton, of this place, has shown us several letters from E B Lundy and E Montily, who were mentioned in our last paper as having been taken prisoners near San Carlos, by a party of Mexicans under Caravajal. These letters were dated “La Marina, July 4th,” and state that they were taken prisoners on the day previous, by Col. Caravajal, who has treated thenm with great kindness, and assured them they would be released upon proper evidence being furnished that they were not in the employ of the United States Government. They were awaiting the order of Ge. Urrea, whose headquarters was at Tula. Mr. Lundy has sent a note to the British Consul at this place, stating that he is a Canadian by birth, and has never become a citizen of the United States. We understand from Mr. Fulton that he was engaged in connection with Mr. Lundy in the purchase of mules for the purpose of taking them to Louisiana, and that Mons Montilly and Don Carlos were employed by them to assist in “driving in” mules of ten from the interior, and the party proceeded beyond San Fernando on account of the high price which they were compelled to pay on this side of that town.

We take it back.– Lieut. Simon Doyle, Illinois cavalry sent us a communication denying positively that any lieutenant, or troop of the Illinois cavalry, made any such display of verdancy as we impute to them in our last paper. He says no officer or man of the company ever held such conversation with Col. Fitzpatrick, and furthermore, that on the day we state this conversation took place, (the 15th) no scouting party of his company was ordered out in any direction.
[NO]


August 10, 1847, RW47v24n64p1c3 News from Vera Cruz

From the N.O. Picayune, July 31

Letter from Vera Cruz.

We are permitted to make an extract from a letter of the latest date from Vera Cruz, written  by a gentleman who certainly possesses more than ordinary facilities for getting at authentic news. It shows how meager are the materials of the Vera Cruz editors for forming opinions of the course of events about. The letter is dated:

Vera Cruz, July 22, 1847.

Gen. Pierce, with his brigade, is fairly off at last, with, I am told, some three thousand men –a pretty good force, but not enough, however, to frighten off the guerrillas, who commenced firing on them by the time they were well out of sight of the city. This place is quiet now; all fear of an attack seems to have died off. Pickett was ordered by the quartermaster last Sunday to divide off the quartermaster’s men – there are about five hundred of them in all – into companies of fifty or sixty men each, and select a captain and two lieutenants to each, in order that they might receive arms. This was done, but the officers would not receipt for the arms, and the matter seems to be dropped.

There is no news here from headquarters that I know of, the last from Puebla was up to the 22d ult. It was stated that Gen. Scott would certainly leave there on the 15th of this month for the city of Mexico. It is very difficult to get anything from the interior in an authentic shape; we have nothing but rumors and reports. Everything from Mr. Kendall goes through to his paper, of course, and whatever comes to Col. Wilson or is intended for the government does not transpire here.

The Quartermaster’s Office in a building [the Mexican Treasury Department] which is within a few feet of the waters of the Gulf, and directly fronting the castle. The building is, I suppose, 350 or 400 feet inland, very substantially built of this coral rock, and stucco or cement in and outside. The gateway, or “entrada” and “salida” – which are in large golden letters overhead – gives ingress and egress to the Mole and water and the city. The floors of this building are all of flag marble. The other end of the building is occupied by the Governor and by the collector of duties. The wide steps of the second story are of white marble. The windows are very large and defended by heavy cooper gratings which are, I am told, worth 200 dollars each. There could not be a house placed to be more comfortable than this in a hot climate. The sea breeze blows in the whole day, and frequently so strong that you must have a pound weight on every piece of paper you lie down or it is off. A man can wear clothing in this building all the time with comfort; in fact, if one keeps out of the sun there is no danger of being too warm. In may and the first part of June it was rather hot, but since the middle of the latter month the rain has fallen almost nightly, and the air has been much cooler than before. The quartermaster, Maj. Smith, is very sick, though as yet not considered in danger. I hope he will recover shortly, as he is much liked by all in the department. Captain Plummer, of the First Infantry, is acting at present in his place.

This is probably the most important quartermaster’s post in the campaign, and there is enough business for a half (unintelligible) of them, and yet there has been but one acting quartermaster here since the bombardment, and he of course liable to be sick, as in the present case, and not regularly authorized quartermaster to fill the post.
[NO]


August 10, 1847, RW47v24n64p1c3 From Tampico

From Tampico.

The U.S. schooner Velasco, Capt. Draker, arrived at this port yesterday from Tampico, whence she sailed on the 22d inst.

Capt. Martin M. Moore, of the 11 Infantry, died on board the Velasco on the 25th inst. of yellow fever. His remains were committed to the sea. Capt. More was from Pennsylvania, we believe.

The verbal news from Tampico is to the effect that the American prisoners at Huejutla have been sent further into the interior of the country.

We have a copy of the Tampico Sentinel of the 18th, but it does not contain a report of the expedition of Col. Russy, although one is promised the following day in a supplement. The fight is termed the battle of Tantenuca in the Sentinel.

This paper says that Tampico is healthier than it has been for years; that most the cases in the hospital arise from exposure and imprudence.

From the ship news of the Sentinel we copy a paragraph, though it may be no late:

The U.S propeller Washington, Capt. Pratt, at Tampico on the 15th inst., two days from the Brazos, bound to Vera Cruz, reportas that on the 13th inst., in lat 23º 15, lon. 96º 18, she spoke the U.S. bomb vessel Hecla ten days from Santander, in distress –her crew on half rations. She would try to get to Vera Cruz; had been expecting to be relieved from blockading the ports for two months; she was ten days in getting thirty miles to the southward. Supplied her with all the provisions that could be apeared.

List of officers of the Hecla. –Lieut. A B Fairfax commanding; Lieuts. W M Walker and H J Hailsteim, Acting Master J M Clitz, Passed Midshipman J B Elliot, Dr. Harrison, W J Innes and J W Duffield.

Also spoke the U. S. sloop of war Germantown, in lat. 23º 40, lon. 27º 30, on a cruise. All well.
[NO]


August 10, 1847, RW47v24n64p2c1 Investigation of the conduct of the War

Investigation of the conduct of the War and the causes which led to it .

From the very commencement of this war with Mexico, the adherents of Mr. Polk have assumed the astounding position that no enquiry is to be made into its origin –that al investigation calculated to enlighten the people upon this subject is to be entirely stifle –that those who are called on to fight the battles and pay the expenses of the country, have no right to ask what they are fighting and paying for –and that he who shall express any curiosity upon a subject so well adapted to excite it, Is no better than a “moral traitor.” It is, it seems, the business of the Executive to know what we are at war for, and his business alone, the duties of the people being confined to the very narrow circuit of seeing that it is successfully waged. –This new doctrine, which might well suit the latitude of Constantinople or St. Petersbug, seems strange enough in a country, (unintelligible) very existence of whose liberty depends upon the vigilance with which its public officers are watched –in which freedom of speech and of thought a re among the rights most carefully guarded by the constitution –and where public opinion, only properly made up, when it is fully enlightened, has been held to be the only natural and legitimate basis of all Government.

These startling doctrines  have been maintained, in spite of the fact, notorious to all the world, that in no country where Freedom exists can any subject, even the most unimportant, arise, upon which there will not be a contrariety of opinions; and that, of course, unanimity upon one of such magnitude as is implied in the existence and conduct of a war, is a sheer and literal impossibility. The men who formed the Constitution of the United States were well aware of these facts, which the present supporters of the war seem altogether to have overlooked. They knew that in times of trouble, differences of opinion, sometimes pushed to a degree of exaggeration very nearly approximating an open rupture, would unavoidable arise, and yet, that both sides might be perfectly honest, thoroughly loyal, equally zealous for the honor and interest of their common country. They made every possible allowance for the different lights in which the same subject would present itself to minds differently organized; and knowing that in the heat of party strife, those who entertain opposite views are but too apt to regard each other with more bitterness than a foreign enemy, they determined to deprive the strong of all power to proscribe and destroy the weak, unless upon such evidence of hostility to their native land, as it was impossible for the understanding to reject. In this view of the subject, founded on a deep knowledge of history, of man, and of the springs which regulate and control the action, alike of individuals, and of communities; the definition of treason by the constitution had its rise; a definition which, though founded in common sense, and amply sufficient to secure every object which could be obtained by the multiplication of treason to any extent; however indefinite, has not its like upon the statute book of any nation, even the freest in Europe. The proof of treason must be confined to the “over act;” speeches, writings, publications of every kind, be their nature what they may, are only evidence to prove the intention, where the act has been committed.

That the advocates of this war would most gladly (unintelligible) for the present law of treason one by which they could put a curb upon the tongues of those who opposite it, is evident, enough to all who have observed the course they have pursued since its commencement. A new phrase has been invented, sufficiently significant of the wishes of those who claim its paternity. “Moral treason” is the phrase –a species of offence, of the existence of which there can be no proof –for which the law has provided no punishment –the possibility of which it did not recognize, since it did not define its nature –which is referrible to the secret heart of the accused alone –and for which, since there is no punishment by law, it has been thought proper to substitute one in the shape of slander and detraction. The Revolutionary Government of France invented a description which it denominated incivism and which was wide enough to cover all offences no cognizable by any statutory provision previously in existence. This offence of “moral treason” seems to be precisely of the same nature, its meaning being “the crime of differing with the Executive.” There is some difference in the punishment, however, for which we are well assured that neither Mr. Polk nor those who take their cue from him are in the least to blame. Thy have indeed shown their zeal to the satisfaction of all who may be disposed to doubt, by substituting slander for the  (unintelligible), that being the (unintelligible) hunt to which their power at present extends.

We should judge, however, that Democratic opinion was undergoing a change, and that the time was approaching when men might be allowed to investigate the origin and causes of the war, without danger of the “moral” guillotine. Our opinion is founded upon the following extract from an editorial in the Washington Union of Thursday last, upon a work which it says is forthcoming, and which is to be styled “a complete comprehensive history of the war between this country and Mexico.”

“It is proper that all Governments and Nations should be seen in their true light by the people who live under their respective laws and constitutions, when engaged in enterprises so important as that which has called our brave and patriotic soldiers to the battle fields of Mexico; and the people of the United States have a peculiar right to see their Government in its true and undisguised position toward a country with which it is engaged in a sanguinary war; or rather, it is the peculiar duty of the people who live under a government like ours, to inquire carefully, (unintelligible) into the circumstances, motives, and principles which control their Government in the prosecution of a war against a foreign country. The incongruity of our institutions with military exploits, and the immediate relation of the American people with the machinery of their Government, make it peculiarly their right and their duty to become acquainted –familiarly acquainted– with the history of the cause and events which bring their country into belligerent contact with other Powers.”
[NO]


August 10, 1847, RW47v24n64p2c2 The Mexican News

The Mexican News

Our reader will see accounts form the seat of war in an other (unintelligible) and will be able to form their own opinions. Opinion (unintelligible) divided in New Orleans at the latest dates. We are inclined to put confidence in the main incident, the entry of Gen. Scott into Mexico, for in opposition to the positive testimony of the National’s Matamoros correspondent, we regard the various surmises and conjectures of the press, as of very little value.

Supposing Gen. Scott then to be, at this moment, in the Halls of the Montezumas, the questions occurs, What is to be done next? Will Mexico be more disposed to treat for peace now than she was six months ago? We hope she may, but we confess it looks to us very much like “hoping against hope.” If Buena Vista, which so utterly destroyed the morale of the Mexican army as to leave them almost helpless prey at Cerro Gordo, had not the effect of taming the pride of the enemy, we cannot be made to see how the capture of Mexico can. If the war were a combined national movement it might be different. But the very reverse of this appears to be the case. Every State, every town, every political division of every kin –every individual, in fact, seems to be fighting on its or his own hook, without any regard to the movements at the capital: So very many neighborhoods, all indeed in which the American Army, or any portion of it, is stationed, are thriving under the war, that we doubt whether they would not regret to see it ended. They are well paid for every thing saleable, and have learned better than some of our own citizens, to estimate the value of a Home Market.

If then the war is approaching its end, we can not believe that the capture of Mexico will have any part in hastening the result. The Washington Union scolds the Mexican furiously for not finding out that they are beaten; but the Mexican are an ignorant and conceited race, and will not listen to the Union. The war will, we presume, change its character. We shall have no more of (unintelligible) battles, in the open field, but the guerrillas system seems to be fully organized and to that there is literally no end.

Apart from the glory necessarily involved in the (unintelligible) the capital of an enemy in triumph, we do not see (unintelligible) much will have been gained by the capture of (unintelligible), it may be that the necessity of holding it may welcome somewhat of a drawback upon Gen. Scott’s future operations, and that he may find himself in the condition of Sir. William Howe after the Battle of Brandywine, when Dr. Frankin said “Howe has not taken Philadelphia; Philadelphia has taken Howe!”

By the next post we shall doubtless receive full accounts (unintelligible) the news will be affirmed or contradicted.
[NO]


August 10, 1847, RW47v24n64p2c2 Expenses of the Government

Expenses of the Government

Are the public aware at what enormous expense this war is conducted, and what a bright prospect exists of a nice little National Debt to be paid off when we shall have gotten out of it? The official quarterly return of the Secretary, for the quarter ending on the 30th of June, estimates the war expenses alone at $16,572,594, and the whole expenses of the Government at $22,474,505. There are more troops employed now than were then, and consequently the expenses for the next quarter will be greater; but allowing them to remain in status quo, at the end of the year the Government will have spent $90,000,000! Pretty well for an economical Government! The receipts from customs, and other sources, for the same time, were scarcely eight million –so that, in the year, if there is no falling off, they will reach thirty two million. Take 32 from 90, and $68,000,000 are left of debt with which the country will be saddled, at the end of that time.
[NO]


August 10, 1847, RW47v24n64p2c4 Quarrel between Santa Anna y Canalizo

[From the New Orleans Bee, Aug.2.]

Gen. Scott in the city of Mexico

Quarrel between Santa Anna y Canalizo.

Such is the title of an extra issued from the office of the National on Saturday evening last. Our Sunday contemporaries of the Picayune and Delta appear to entertain opposite views on the subject. The one “fears the announcement is entirely premature,” the other “has every reason to believe it is substantially true,”–a third paper –the Patria– ridicules the entire statement and says that the last accounts from Puebla were to the 11 th, and at that time General Scott had made no preparations for a forward march; yet to reach the city of Mexico on the 17th he must have started about the 11th or 12th. Knowing that he had no idea of moving at that time, the Patria stigmatizes the whole account as preposterous and untrue.

We shall not probably remain many hours longer in suspense, as later news from the army may be received before this paragraph meets the public eye.

There is news in the city of Mexico, as late as July 17th. It came through by a Mexican courier, who came by the way of Orizaba and Alvarado to Vera Cruz. General Scott entered Mexico on the 17th of July. He met with no opposition on his way from Puebla, until he arrived at Penon, about eight miles from the city. Here a slight skirmish ensued between his advance and the Mexicans, when the latter fell back. Stipulations were entered into, by which the persons and property of the citizens of Mexico were to be respected; this accomplish, our army marched quietly into the city of the Montezumas.

This important news reached here in the Massachusetts, but has been withheld for purposes that we do not understand. The authority upon which we publish it, seems to us undoubted. The courier that brought this news could come from the city of Mexico via Orizaba to Vera Cruz in 5 days, if the weather is good, seven under any circumstances. –the Massachusetts left Vera Cruz on the 23d. it will be perceived that this allows seven days for the news to reach Vera Cruz by the route he have stated.

We know upon the highest authority, that there is a letter now in the city, of the 17th of July, from the City of Mexico. The gentleman who gave us the information has a letter of the 15th, in which is mentioned the preparations of families about leaving, from the approach of the Yankees.

Santa Anna and Canalizo had quarreled about the defence of the city. Canalizo did not want the city injured, as there was no hope of successful resistance. He preferred to meet our troops in the plain and there decide the contest. Santa Anna would not agree to this, so no opposition was made.

The entrance of Gen. Scott into Mexico is a rumor –from the letter of the 15th we know positively of the preparation of the families in the city to move on the approach of Gen. Scott, and of the quarrel between Santa Anna and Canalizo, as to the defence of the city, and we know that there is a letter in the city, of the 17th from Mexico.

The courier that brought through the letter of the 17th, brought news of Gen. Scott entering the city. We have no doubt of the truth of the report.

P.S. –Since the above was in type, we learn by passengers from Matamoros, on board the propeller Washington, which arrived last night from Brazos, which place she left on the 27th, that on the day they left Matamorors an express arrived from the city of Mexico with letters to Mexican merchants of that place, stating that Gen. Scott met the Mexican army at Rio Frio and had a battle, in which the enemy were defeated and totally routed, with a loss on the part of the Americans of 300 men; after which Gen. Scott, with his victorious troops, entered and took possession of the city of the Motezumas.

The news was publicly read to the troops at Matamoros and although it savors somewhat of impossibility, may nevertheless, be wholly true, for our readers will bear in mind that of all the battles fought and victories won on the fields of Mexico, our first news of them was received from the Mexican authority and afterwards confirmed through American sources. Ve incline to the opinion (though somewhat doubtful) that our army under Scott has again been victorious, and we then, as now, in possession of the city of Mexico.
[NO]


August 10, 1847, RW47v24n64p2c4 Scott in Mexico City

From the N.O. National, August 8

Arrival of the Washington. Confirmation of General Scott’s entrance into the city of Mexico –Less of 300 men –Express from San Fernando to Matamoros.

The steamship Washington, Capt. Pratt, arrived yesterday, (since the above was in type) from Vera Cruz, via Tampico and the Brazos. By her we have received the Sun of Anahuac of the 22d ult., the Tampico Sentinel of the 25 ultimo, and the Matamoros Flag of the 24th ult. These papers containing nothing of particular interest. But the following letter, received by a gentleman of this city, furnished us for publication, is of exciting interest, and fully confirms the news we gave in our extra of Saturday, that Gen. Taylor had entered the city of Mexico.

Brazos, Sr. Jaco, July 27th.

Sir: I hasten to inform you that MR. Fracher has just arrived here from Matamoros, and was informed that Col. Commanding had read on parade last evening, that Gen.. Scott had entered the city of Mexico, with a loss of 300 men. The news was brought by express to Matamoros from San Fernando by a Mexican to the Alcalde, and was generally believed to be true.

There is no doubt as to the information having been imparted to the troops at Matamoros. I would have given you more particulars, but Mr. Fracher has gone back two miles, in hopes to get his baggage here in time for the Washington. I cannot give you more, as the boat goes, and he has not returned in time to go to New Orleans in her.

In haste, yours, W.

  [NO]


August 10, 1847, RW47v24n64p4c1 News from Mexico

The news from Mexico

Our readers will find from the news from Mexico, that not only is every prospect of peace banished for the present, but that active preparations are in progress for a renewal of the conflict.

A great battle is shortly expected, the result of which will doubtless be another triumph of the American arms, and another glorious (unintelligible) in the military history of our country. The dauntless valor of our troops –the irresistible impetuosity with which they surmount every obstacle, and carry all opposition before them at the point of the bayonet are subjects of just and lasting pride to every citizen of the United States. But at what a fearful sacrifice is this high distinction purchased! We are far from being among the number of those who affect an extraordinary horror at war, or surprise at the bloody and demoralizing scenes it presents.

We know that where there is a battle, there must be bloodahed –that where hostile armies are engaged, upon any theater of war, in doing each other all the mischief they can, that theatre must present a desolate and terrible appearance –that (unintelligible), burnt cities and trampled fields, are part and parcel of the “circumstance of glorious war.” With this knowledge before our eyes, we yet believe that there are cases in which war is absolutely necessary –in which it is far better to encounter all its hazards than to submit to the (unintelligible) and injuries which are its moving causes –in which, whatever may be the suffering, it is better to endure it all, with a firm (unintelligible) and a cheerful countenance, than to take such an alternative as the continuance of peace would imply. Yet we do hold that war should be, in fact, as it has been somewhat improperly called, the last argument of Monarchs and nations –that the reasons which induced it should not only be strung but imperative–that it never should be resorted to until every other expedient of remonstrance and negotiation had been fairly exhausted without success.

In the most fortunate event, the triumphs of the field (unintelligible) A French lay once said to the Duke of Wellington, “a great victory must be a glorious affair,” “Madam,” replied he, “I conceive it to be the most deplorable catastrophe that can possibly happen, except a great defeat.” The experience of our man, who had been witnessed to so much (unintelligible

Deep, the, must be the responsibility of God, to mankind, and to History, of that Government; which, either upon slight provocation or for the sake of adding to his territories, or for any other than a most controlling reason, prunges a people into this fearful sate.

How far the Executive of the United States is implicated in bringing the present war upon us –whether he was excited by ambition and the lust of conquest; –and whther he first tried all that the honor of the nation would allow, in order, if possible, to avoid it, is a mater of grave and serious consideration. We are in for it now, and it is our duty to fight it on. But the day will come, when a searching investigation will be made into its origin, and tha causes, both remote and immediate, which led to it.
[NO]


August 10, 1847, RW47v24n64p4c1 Strict Construction

Strict Construction as it is understood by Mr. Polk

When the people of the Great West are prevented by Mr. (unintelligible) regard for the great doctrine of “Strict Construction” as he understands it,  enjoying the benefits to be derived from any improvement of her great “Island (unintelligible)” and when the Lakes are every year strewed with wrecks in obedience to, and in consequence of the President’s scrutinies, the doctrine is operating very singularly in other quarters.  We allude of course to Mexico.

It is well known that the President through his Secretary, has established a tariff for the port of Vera Cruz, and that duties, to a considerable amount, have already been collected under it. This act is one of purely despotic power, neither recognized by the Constitution, nor the possibility of even so much as (unintelligible) to by that instrument. It places the President precisely in the position of Emperor in his own person al the attributes of Sovereignty, Legislative, Executive and Judicial, and renders him entirely superior to responsibility for all acts committed on his name, in that country, to Congress or to any power whatever. By assuming the power to impose and collect duties without the intervention of the Congress, he assumes, that from the circumstances, this is case of necessity, the power of Congress no extending to the laying a tariff for foreign ports. If then the necessity exists in this case, it exists also in that of establishing courts, trying causes, and every other accident belonging to or springing from sovereign in its largest and most irresponsible sense.

What is the President of these United States? Clearly a creature of the Constitution. From that he derives (unintelligible); by virtue of that he exercises his functions; by his words his action is limited, restricted and confined. By the grants of that instrument, the President is made entirely the Executive officer of Congress, to whom all Legislative functions are given. If, Then, the city of Vera Cruz belongs to (unintelligible) and it be advisable to levy duties upon vessels entering the harbor, it is the province of Congress to prescribe the tariff, which cannot exceed that laid upon other parts of the Union, and of the president to see that the duties are collected. If on the other hand, it belongs still to Mexico, then neither Congress, nor any other power recognized in the Union, has the authority to levy duties there.

Leaving out of view the fact that the duties there are higher that they are in the ports of the Union, and that they are (unintelligible) contrary to that express provision of the constitution which says that “taxes shall be equal and uniform” we maintain that in every aspect of the case, the President has acted in open violation of law. Even Congress itself, in the ports of the Union, cannot lay a tariff for one, and another tariff for another. It cannot compel our own vessels, cleared from our own ports, manned by our own sailors, and laden with our own merchandise, to pay duties upon entering any harbor of this Union. Yet if Vera Cruz be in truth an American port, this is precisely what the President has undertaken to do, without any regard to the powers vested in Congress, and utter contempt of that exposition, so much insisted on by strict constructionists, that the duties of the Legislative and Executive Departments are entirely separate, and that what belongs to one, cannot, without usurpation, be exercised by the other.

All these monstrous absurdities – this assumption of power to levy duties by the Executive, and to levy them in a foreign port – are justified by strict constructionists, under the “General Welfare” clause of the constitution! And yet complaints are made that the Whigs, because they wish to place it in the power of Congress to advance the commercial prosperity of the country, under the clause granting to that holy power to “regulate commerce, &c.” are stretching the constitution until it is likely to tear.

It has well been asked by the National Intelligencer, since law implies the right of resorting to tribunals, and (unintelligible) by making laws to the port of Vera Cruz, the President has erected himself into a legislator, where any relief to be found for the wrongful administration of his enactments there! There is no Court there, and surely our Courts have no jurisdiction beyond the limits of the Union. Suppose the collector, appointed by virtue of this newly assumed Presidential power, should collect a sum of money, say a million of dollars, if you please – put it in his pocket, and refuse to pay it (uningtelligible) How is it to be gotten out of him? – what court has cognisance of his case? – what process can be served on him? – and what Marshal or Deputy Marshal can serve it? Suppose even a bond be taken (unintelligible) large amount, with all due security – where (unintelligible)

All these are subjects of reflection for the serious, and doubly so for those among them who, professing to belong to the Strict Construction (unintelligible) dangerously in banks, railroads and canals, while the very Constitution is abolished under the general welfare clause.
[NO]


August 10, 1847, RW47v24n64p4c3 Late and Important Intelligence

From the N.O. Commercial Times, July 30

Mexico. Late and Important Intelligence.

Failure of Peace Negotiations –Gen. Scott to march on the City of Mexico –Santa Anna prepared (damaged) of 22,000 men (this part of the newspaper is quite damaged) with the Guerrillas – (damaged) of Gov. W(unintelligible) Vera Cruz – Health (damaged).

(damaged) states that rumors were (unintelligible) quite unfavorable to the success of Mr. Trist’s mission.  Indeed, from letters which had come by hand from (unintelligible), it was certain that the commission had not been installed and “consequently, that the hopes of peace which had been (unintelligible), had completely vanished.” He adds, on the other hand, that (unintelligible) the continued inaction of Gen. Scott’s army, the duty (unintelligible) on which can possibly rest the probability of a commission for the (unintelligible) difficulties, and the total (unintelligible) of news for some time from the interior, it may be that the Commander–in–Chief is waiting the arrival of fresh instructions from Washington. The immediate nomination of commissioners, and the designation of the place of meeting, would seem to indicate a sincere desire on the part of the Mexicans, for some kind of a pacific arrangement.– Difficulties of an accidental nature, delays, etc. may have intervened to obstruct the consummation of the treaty – English mediation, it was stated, had been proffered and accepted, which had progressed as far as to have brought the Secretary of Legation to the British Embassy at the (unintelligible)–quarters of General Scott at Puebla in (unintelligible) to the last means to which the Mexicans (unintelligible) recourse, the Sol de Anahuac expresses its dissent from any foreign interference, as being always (unintelligible) and sometimes most fatal in its results. In (unintelligible) the news, however, which has reached us by this arrival, we are bound to contest that everything seems all status quo as (unintelligible) receipt of intelligence. Nothing (unintelligible) either of the sentiments of the Congress of whose meeting not a word is said or of the (unintelligible) acting of the Mexican Government. Gen. Scott had not (unintelligible) when the last accounts were received at Vera Cruz from that city.

Affronts in Battle – In opposition to the foregoing speculations, however, we find that a letter of the 17th, which has not come to hand as (unintelligible) circumstance we much regret is (unintelligible) by our regular corresponder “Indicator” and which, as we glean from his remarks on the 20th (unintelligible), thereto, he states that all hopes of peace are entirely crushed and that Gen. Scott was to march on the Capital on the 15th inst. Santa Anna, at the head of a large army, supposed to be 22,000 strong, intended to give (unintelligible) point between Puebla and Mexico.

Gen. Pierce – This officer (unintelligible) with his train on the day indicated in our last advices. During his advance, firing had been heard along the road, by which it seems he must have met with some obstacles from the guerrillas. His (unintelligible), however, was so overwhelmingly strong – three thousand men with one hundred and fifty wagon – that he no doubt brushed away these predatory birds with ease. In reference to that we learn that two hundred men (unintelligible) from Vera Cruz (unintelligible) the train which left a few days before were attacked a short distance from Santa Fe. The Mexicans had a strong force but were defeated.
[NO]


August 10, 1847, RW47v24n64p4c3 Burning of Santa Fe (in central Mexico)

Burning of Santa Fe – Lieut. Fitzgerald had been sent on an expedition with twenty–five men. They went to Santa Fe, took away some provisions belonging to the army, and set fire to that town, a place of refuge to guerrillas.
[NO]


August 10, 1847, RW47v24n64p4c3 Vomito

Vomito – This disease, the terror of foreigners at Vera Cruz, still continues its ravages, but it is quite certain that the health of the civilians immensely improved in comparison with that during past years, (unintelligible) the enlightened measures introduced by the Americans. The Board of Health are increasing in their labors to prevent and (unintelligible) the ravages of this horrid scourge.
[NO]


August 10, 1847, RW47v24n64p4c3 Colonel De Russy and the Battle of Huajutla

We take the following from the Sol de Anahuac of the 22d instant.

Col. De Russy and The Battle of Huajutla – The following extract of a letter from Col. Gates, addressed to Gov. Wilson, who had the kindness to permit us to publish it, will show that Col De Russy’s loss was not so great as we have announced it:

Tampico, July 17, 1847.

(unintelligible) I do not at this time regret that you could not send (unintelligible) the assistance desired. Col. De Russy has returned with his command, having lost only eight or ten men after being attacked by twelve hundred or more, and surrounded for three days, whilst on his way to Tampico. He made such a havoc with his (unintelligible)–pounder and his men, that the enemy were afraid at last to come within gun–shot. He killed and wounded one hundred and fifty, confessed by an officer of the Mexican forces. Our officers say one hundred and fifty killed – the truth is one hundred and twenty men passed through a range of one hundred and eighty miles and a population of fifty thousand with great success. The Col. was ambuscated three times by one thousand, or more, and yet he defeated the enemy continually, and when I heard of his being surrounded by so (unintelligible) I thought he would (unintelligible) beyond it his power to escape, but he extracated himself handsomely – and I (unintelligible) rejoice at his (unintelligible).

Alarms – As there is a probability of a night attack on the city, when much injury might result to persons and property (unintelligible) war or combined movements, the Governor of Vera Cruz has issued orders, directing all Americans residing there to enroll themselves in a corps to be commanded by (unintelligible) Wm. S. Tippetts, and to repair on the first (unintelligible) designated.

In the event of an alarm, which will be known by the discharge of a signal gun, all Mexican men, women and children [watchmen included] residing in town will repair to the northern end of the city, in rear of Fort Conception, and all neutral foreigners to the Mole, where they will be secure from injury.

At a signal from the town, the guns of the castle will open fire upon the city.
[NO]

(The rest of this article is unclear and unintelligible)


August 13, 1847, RW47v24n65p1c1 General Scott

General Scott.

It has been a matter of considerable astonishment, not only in this country, but in Europe, and even in Mexico itself, that this officer did not take advantage of the panic occasioned by his overwhelming success at Cerro Gordo, and advance immediately upon the capital, before it had had time to recover from the blow. Such an advance, it is said, would not only have been consistent with the rules of war, but whit the well known character of Gen. Scott, always terrible in attack, and seldom taking into consideration the possible necessity of a retreat. It would have been highly gratifying to his army, flushed as they were with victory, confident in the talents of their leader, exulting in their well ascertained superiority, and firmly impressed with the belief that no force of the enemy, nor any obstacle he might be able to oppose, could for a moment stop them in the career of conquest. The force which had conquered at Cerro Gordo was sufficient not only to have planted the stars and stripes on the towers of the Montezumas, but to have borne them triumphantly from one end of the Mexican Republic to the other, with as much ease as Wellington and Blucher penetrated to Paris, after the flower of Napoleon’s army had been destroyed in the disastrous battle of Waterloo. The eyes of the whole world were turned upon the American General; the utmost terror existed in Mexico, where disorder reigned triumphant, and organised resistance was not even among the dreams of its inhabitants; the feelings of this country were wrought up to a pitch of excitement, only allayed, by an extraordinary degree of confidence both in our men and our officers; and Europe could ill disguise her chagrin at the prospect of our approaching success. Suddenly the whole world was taken aback in the career of victory –that the enemy had been allowed time to recover from the stupor of despair –that he was actively engaged in organizing new means of resistance to our victorious than which had just taken place, would probably be fought (unintelligible) our troops could arrive at the goal to which all their (unintelligible) pointed. This apparently strange neglect to make use of the success which he had obtained by his own skill, not less than by the valor of his troops, has subjected Gen. Scott to much, and in our opinion very undeserved censure. The cause of it is well known to be found in the discharge of a great number of volunteers who had assisted him to gain the victory of Cerro Gordo, and the loss of whose services entirely paralyzed his movement advance. It is well known, likewise, that these men were actually discharged six weeks before their terms of service expired, upon the absurd pretext that such time should be allowed them to return their homes. That General Scott was the author of such a interpretation of the law, an interpretation at variance with common sense, and calculated to produce incalculable mischief to the service, we have never for one moment been able to believe. He was the last person, in a word, to insist upon such an interpretation of the law, as would deprive him of a large portion of his men at the very moment when he wanted them most, and when he better knew their value than any other person could be supposed to do. We should not have been surprised to have heard, even that after their term had really not constructively expired, he had stretched his authority so far as to compel them to serve until he had reached the city of Mexico.

If a man enlist here, and his term of service expire in Mexico, upon the very day of the expiration of that term, and not one hour before, is he entitled to his discharge; and thus far the volunteer and the enlisted soldier stand on precisely the same ground. No man knows this fact better than General Scott himself, and to suppose that he would make an exception in favor of the volunteer, because he would return to the body of the people, and be enabled to exert a political influence in his favor, is to attribute to a most gallant officer a want of patriotism, the bare suspicion of which is put to shame by his many and valuable services.

With far greater appearance of justice, Secretary Marcy has been charged with inventing this interpretation of the law, and the date of the invention is fixed in February last. To him, then, be all the praise, honor and profit of the new invention; to him we are indebted for the delay of three months, and revival of Mexican spirit from the terrible overthrow of Cerro Gordo; to him should full credit be given for all the blood that may flow in a new battle, and for the necessity of doing now that which should have been done three months ago.

We hope all these things will be duly remembered to the praise and glory of the present administration, but more especially to the benefit of Secretary Marcy.
[NO]


August 13, 1847, RW47v24n65p2c2 Scott and the Union

General Scott and the Union

The Courier and the Enquirer asserts positively, that the policy of discharging the volunteers in Mexico, six weeks before their term of service expired, originated with Mr. Secretary Marcy. To this Union replies as follows:

“We have no disposition to censure Gen. Scott. We will not examine the force of the reasons which induced him to discharge the volunteers before the expiration of their service. We will not apply to him the language which the New York Courier hypothetically employs. We will not draw the inferences which that paper makes; nor will we animadvert upon the “folly” or “insanity” of which the Courier is mistaken; that Mr. Secretary Marcy expressed no such decision to Gen. Scott, in the month of February, or at any time before the General had issued his general orders of May 4th, for the discharge of the volunteers. Gen. Scott was no doubt at first anxious to retain them, and he threw cold water upon his wishes of the volunteers. But when he advanced to Jalapa, his views appear to have changes; and on the 4th of May he issued the following general orders, which we take from the print before us:

General Orders, Nº 135.
Headquarters of the Army, Jalapa, May 4, 1847.

Extracts of a recent act of Congress, published in the general orders, N0 14, dated at the War Department, March 27, 1847, provide for and invite the tender of the “services of such of the volunteers now in Mexico, who may, at the termination of the present term, voluntarily engage to serve during the war with Mexico.”

The general order containing these extracts reached the General–in–chief at this place some nine days ago, and was immediately sent to the headquarters of the volunteers for prompt circulation among the regiments present; and appealed to, viz: the Tennessee infantry, the Illinois Infantry, the 1st and 2d Tennessee infantry, the Georgia infantry and the Alabama infantry, whose several terms of service will, it is understood, expire in four, five or six weeks.

The General–in chief regrets to learn, through a great number of undoubted channels, that, in all probability, not one man in ten of those regiments will be inclined to volunteer forthe war. This predetermination offers, in his opinion, no ground for reproach –considering the long, arduous, faithful and gallant services of those corps– however, deeply all will regret the consequent and unavoidable delay in the prosecution of this war to an early and honorable peace; for the General–in chief cannot, in humanity and good faith, cause regiments to advance further form the coast in the pursuit of the enemy, and thereby throw them upon the necessity of returning to embark at Vera Cruz at the season known to be, at that place, the most fatal to life.

Accordingly, the regiments of old volunteers, and the independent company of Kentucky volunteers, serving with this army, will stand ready, on the return of the large train from below, to march to Vera Cruz; and thence to embark for New Orleans, where they will be severally and honorably mustered out of the service of the United Sates, and paid off by the proper officers on duty there.

This order will be sent to these officers; and the government and commander of Vera Cruz, who has been instructed to have the necessary transports ready by the early arrival of the returning troops.

There is nothing in the foregoing intended to interfere with the invitation presented by Congress and the President to re–enlistments on the part  of the old volunteers. –On the contrary, the General–in–chief ardently hopes that many new companies will be formed out of those old troops, and presented for continue service, according to that invitation. He will gladly accept them for the war, and cause them, if not embodied into battalions, to be temporarily attached to the weaker regiments of the regular army, as indicated in the President’s orders, Nº14, above recited.

Horses of the Tennessee cavalry, as well as officer’s horses generally, if desired by their owners, who may decline re–volunteering, will be paid for by the Quartermaster’s Department here, at a fair valuation. The same disposition may be made of saddles and bridles, if needed for the public service.

The four regiments of new volunteers, present, will be formed into a brigade under Brig. Gen. Quitman, who will designate one of the four for Jalapa, and another for Perote, to constitute parts for garrisons of those places. He will receive orders, for the commencement of his march, at general headquarters.

Major Gen. Patterson, rendered for the moment supernumerary with his army, will accompany the returning volunteers of his late gallant division, and render them (unintelligible) assistance on the way as he well knows how to give. He will report, in person at Washington, or by letter, from New Orleans, for future orders from the War Department.

This distinguished general officer will please accept the thanks of the General–in–chief for the gallant, able, and efficient support uniformly received from the second in rank of this army.

By command of Maj. Gen. Scott: H. L. Scott, A.A.A.G (signed).

It will be seen that the Union merely “ventures to afirm,” &c. It does not offer a decided and authoritative denial, such as should come from Mr. Secretary Marcy, were he speaking in his own behalf. There have been occasions enough, of late, to show that the “organ” is very moderately trusted by the Government it is understood to represent, for it has more than once, as if by authority contradicted statements made in other papers, which nevertheless turned out be perfectly true.

As for the general orders quoted above, we see nothing in them to weaken the force of the Courier’s statement, or to controvert the truth of its assumption, that the policy in question originated with the Secretary of War. It is well known that the Executive sent to General Taylor his famous proclamation to the Mexican nation, already written, and it is believed that the proclamation of General Scott was dictated at Washington. When, therefore, gen. Scott says that humanity and good faith require him to carry the volunteers no further into the interior, there is nothing therein to show that the mandate did not come from Washington, any more than there was in the two proclamations above alluded to.

The Courier certainly has means of getting accurate information from Washington, and we should sooner trust to the statements of its correspondent than to those of the Union, for the simple reason that they have oftener been verified by the event. Besides, they are supported in this instance by every consideration that can possibly give plausibility to an assertion of fact. It is impossible to believe that General Scott would have so far reduced his army as not only to render it ineffective, but even to expose it to attack, at the very moment when the interest of the service and his own glory, alike required the most energetic measures on his part. He is known to be an officer of great ability; to suppose him voluntarily guilty of such an act as this, were to make him out a fool.
[NO]


August 13, 1847, RW47v24n65p4 From the Army of Gen. Taylor

From the N.O. Picayune.

From the Army of Gen. Taylor.

The propeller Washington, from Vera Cruz and Tampico, touched at the Brazos on the 27th ult. and received a mail from the army of Gen. Taylor.

The American flag of the 24th ult contains not a word of any interest here.

Passengers from Matamoros, who came over on the Washington, tell us that the day they left that city news was received there by Mexican merchants that Gen. Scott had had an action with the Mexicans at Rio Frio and defeated them totally, with a loss on his part of 300 men. This news the Bee says was read at the head of the troops at Matamoros.. We presume this was done on the 26th – the day before the Washington left the Brazos. If Gen. Scott entered Mexico on the 17th ult, this would give nine days for the news to have reached Matamoros – a distance of nearly 250 leagues by the way of San Luis Potosi and the Tula pass. The time is amply sufficient for the transmission of the news. But we have dates to the 26th from Tampico also, which is several hundred miles nearer the capital, and yet not a word of Gen. Scott’s victory.

Furthermore, our correspondent at Monterey, writing on the 13th , says they had then received a rumor there that Gen Scott had defeated a very large force under Santa Anna near the city of Mexico. This was a Mexican rumor, and very possibly was as authentic as the one which reached Matamoros a few days later.

We annex the latest letter we have received from Monterey. We have others on hand, some of which should have been received long ago.
[NO]


August 13, 1847, RW47v24n65p4 News from Monterey

[Special Correspondence of the Picayune.]

Monterey, Mexico, July 13, 1847.

As I leave for Saltillo mananita, as the Mexicans say, which, being translated into a respectable language, signifies early to–morrow morning, I will jot you down a few lines by way of bringing up matters here. In the first place, let me correct a blunder I made in my last about the direction in which Salinas lies from here. Instead of northeast, as I had it, it lies northwest from Monterey, and the Villa Real is a little south of west of Mamalequi, almost directly north from Monterey. The day we started for Mamalequi rather an interesting incident occurred at Gen. Taylor’s camp. A Mexican lady residing in Monterey, drove up to the general’s tent, accompanied by three young children, two girls and a boy, and solicited advice from him. She stated that she was extremely anxious that her children should be properly and thoroughly educated at some good institution in the United States, and particularly that they should be taught the English language, and she was desirous of taking them herself to the United States for that purpose, but being totally unacquainted there, wished the advice of some competent person as to what course she should pursue. The general gave her good advice, and promised her conveyance and escort to the Brazos by the next train that goes down. She appeared to be a very intelligent and lady–like person, and of very pleasing manners. A happy thing would it be for Mexico if she had a few more such mothers as this one – quickly would her destiny be changed.

The party of dragoons who started on a reconnaissance on the 7th inst. have not yet returned, but will be back in a few days, as they contemplated being gone about ten days.

The stampeded train, which I alluded to in my last, arrived here the day before yesterday, and much to the satisfaction of everybody it appears that the train was ordered to return to Cerralvo from the best and most prudent motives. There was quite a force of mounted men forming part of the escort of the train, and Lieut. Col. Abbott recalled it that he might employ them to make a scout in different directions in that vicinity, to satisfy himself as to the reports of Urrea’s presence which had come to him in such a shape that he felt it his duty to ascertain their truth. It was found that there was no foundation for them whatever. I understand that a Mexican robber was brought into Gen. Taylor’s camp last night by two Mexicans, bound in something more substantial than “slumber’s chains.” – As a matter of course he will be turned over to the Mexican authorities, unless they have evidence that he has committed some offence against our people.

Everything is perfectly quiet here, but I suppose Dr Lushington will be on hand this afternoon, creating some little confusion, as the five companies of the Massachusetts regiment are to be paid off to–day. The unruly ones were taught a pretty severe lesson on Sunday last. Six or eight have been tried by court martial for drunkenness, disobedience of orders and offences of that character, and they received their sentences in the presence of the battalion. One surgeon was reduced to the ranks, and the rest were sentenced to do police duty and wear a ball and chain, for various periods of from one week to one month. It will do a world of good if followed up properly. Intelligence was received here a few days since from San Luis, via Saltillo, that Gen. Scott had met a very large force under Santa Anna near the City of Mexico and defeated them. It is reported here that Maj. Chevalie, of the Texas rangers, met with a very serious accident a few days since at Saltillo, from which it is feared he will not recover. He was about starting for Parras, and while on horseback was taken with a fit and fell to the ground, receiving severe and serious injuries thereby. This may perhaps delay the expedition to Parras for some days. Gen. Cushing proceeds to–morrow morning to Saltillo to take command of his brigade, or such portion of it as is in the field there.

The inhabitants of Monterey seem to be gradually returning to the city. At mass in the cathedral on Sunday morning, there was full four hundred able–bodied men upon their knees, and nearly as many women and children. As they were emerging from the church with the solemn tones of the organ reverberating through the arch of the cathedral, the drum and fife struck up a martial air in the center of the plaza for “guard mounting,” telling them, in shrill tones, that “grim–visaged war” prevailed in their midst.

I announced to you some time since that Mr. Brown an artist, was in Gen. Taylor’s camp for the purpose of painting portraits of Gen. Taylor and staff. I have had an opportunity of examining the gentleman’s performances as far as completed, and unhesitantly pronounce them beautiful productions – such as would do credit to any artist in the country, not only from the faithfulness of the likenesses, but from the general excellence of their execution. He has already completed a splendid portrait of Gen. Taylor and of Maj. Bliss, both of which are most admirable likenesses – that of Gen. Taylor particularly. He has also finished a painting of Gen. Taylor and most of his officers in camp, on a canvas about four feet by three, representing the general standing under the awning in front of his tent, bare headed, about to leave for a ride; his orderly surgeon is standing near by, holding his old grey horse, and Maj. Bliss is in the act of calling his attention to a letter just received, which he holds in his hand. In various positions, seated and standing, and variously occupied, are Col. Mansfield, of the Topographical Engineers, Col. Monroe, of the Artillery, Col. Croghan, Inspector General, Maj. Eaton, 3d Infantry, Maj. Bragg, Light Artillery, Capt. Garnett, 7th Infantry, Capt. Ramsey, Ordinance Department, and Capt. Linnard, Topographical Engineers. The figures are all in miniature, and executed with a most life like faithfulness and exquisite finish. I cannot pay the artist a greater compliment than by saying that there is perceptible in all his faces that peculiar delicacy and exquisite softness of finish that was so distinguishing a feature in the production of the lamented Inman. Mr. B. is now engaged upon a battle piece, the scene of Buena Vista. It is contemplated by Mr. B. to exhibit these pictures all together in the States, and a very handsome and interesting collection they will be, too. A rumor is current here to–day, brought in by a Mexican, that a party which started from here day before yesterday morning, numbering something like 20, were attacked near Agua Frio, on their way down, by a party of rancheros, and near half their number killed. The party consisted of Col Reuben Davis, second Mississippi Regiment, Capt Davis, assistant quartermaster USA, and others, and by Capt D. I sent you a package of letters. I place little confidence in the report, as it comes from a Mexican source, although the informant most positively avers that he saw six dead bodies himself. [This rumor was totally false; all the parties mentioned arrived here duly.] The health of this city is good – at Saltillo not so good as it has been, the North Carolina and Mississippi troops suffering severely from diarrhea. I shall write you again on my arrival at Saltillo.

J.E.D.

  [NO]


August 17, 1847, RW47v24n66p1c3 Scott still at Puebla

From the N. Orleans Picayune, Aug. 7

Arrival of the steamship Fashion.

Gen. Scott Still at Puebla.

Thirty Days Later from Puebla and Mexico.

The U.S. steamer Fashion, Capt. Ivy, arrived late last evening from Vera Cruz, bringing us dates from that city to the 2d inst. her news is most important. She brings a large mail.

Capt. Ivy will accept our best thanks for his courtesy and prompt delivery of our packages.

Gen. Scott was still at Puebla on the 30th of July. The news of the National’s extra was totally unfounded, as we believed and have contended from the first.

Before going further we may mention that since the Fashion has been absent she has made one voyage from Vera Cruz to Tampico and back. The Mary Kingland had arrived at Vera Cruz from Mobile with troops, and the Telegraph and New Orleans from this port.

The courier of the British legation arrived at Vera Curz on the 31st ult., with correspondence from Mexico to the 29th of July and from Puebla to the 30th.

Our letters from Vera Cruz differ somewhat from Mr. Kendall’s regard to the probable movements of General Scott. They represent the chances of peace in a more fashionable light than Mr. K., and think the resistance to our advance will be almost (unintelligible). Mr. Kendall thinks differently and gives (unintelligible).

In Mexico every thing was at sixes and sevens. Congress has referred Mr. Buchanan’s letters back to the Executive, and thrown upon him all the responsibilities of the war. About 26,000 men are collected for the defence of the city, but the peace party in the town is yet strong and increasing, and they have no faith in their generals.

Gen. Pierce, whit his train and convoy, had arrived safely at Perote. Gen. Scott, it will be seen, despatched Gen. Smith’s brigade from Puebla to meet him. It will be seen that Mr. Kendall believes that Gen. Scott would advance the first week in August upon Mexico, and that there would be the severest battle of the war. The Mexicans fully prepared to receive him.

The Sun of Anahuac gives the following account of an encounter between Gen. Pierce’s train and the guerrillas. It must be regarded as rumor, says our correspondent, and so too says the Sun.

A respectable person of the city has informed us that a letter has been received yesterday morning by a citizen of this place, (unintelligible) stating that the guerrilleros, about 600 in number, attacked the train commanded by Gen. Pierce, near the National Bridge. The letter says the Americans approached under the fire of the Mexicans until they arrived within a hundred yards of them, when the American infantry opened d deadly fire on them, forcing them to retreat. While the Mexicans were retreating the American cavalry rushed on them, sword in hand, and killed about one hundred Mexicans. The position of the Mexicans was one of the strongest that can be found in the country. The Americans passed the bridge after this successful engagement.

A gentleman who conversed with Santa Anna since the middle of July –we are told this on the best authority in Vera Cruz– found him in favor of negotiating, but dreading to assume the responsibility. Gen. Valencia had arrived at the capital with 4000 men from San Luis Potosi –all full of fight. This embarrassed Santa Anna. He left himself strong to give up without a fight.

Our letters mention the death of Lieut. Tipton, of the Ritles, and Liuet. Sturgeon, of one of the Pennsylvania regiments. The former was the son of the ex Senator Tipton, of Indiana –the latter of Senator Sturgeon, of Pennsylvania.

Gen. Shields’s health is nearly reestablished, as his many friends will be delighted to hear.

Two letters from Lieut. Whipple are published in the papers. He is treated kindly as a prisoner of war and expects shortly to be exchanged. He was on his way to Cordova at last accounts. The letters are too long for us to–day. Gov. Soto has him in charge, to whom Gov Wilson has written, thanking him for his civilities.
[NO]


August 17, 1847, RW47v24n66p1c3 Evacuation of Tabasco

The following in relation to the evacuation of Tabasco is from the Sun of Anahuac of the 27th ult.

The U.S. steamer Mississippi, Com Perry, arrived yesterday at Lizardo, bringing with him the steamers Scorpion, Spitfire and Vixen.

The forces have been withdrawn from the city of Tabasco, in consequence of the severe sickness which prevailed among them, till the sickly season shall have passed.

Every thing was taken on board, and the evacuation was effected without molestation from the enemy, who was in considerable force outside. The defences were all destroyed when the place was first occupied six weeks since.

Com’r Van Brunt, with the bomb brig Emma, the steamer Scourge and the gunboat Bonita, were left at Frontera, a few miles from the mouth of the river, (it being a healthy location) to take charge of the custom house there, and guard the passages leading to the capital.

It is due to truth to say that the Sun of Anahuac on its Spanish side represents the evacuation of Tabasco in a less favorable light for our arms than the above account –It attributes our withdrawal to the overwhelming forces of the enemy. Our commandant feared he would be unable to resist an attack and determined to evacuate the place rather than risk the issue.
[NO]


August 17, 1847, RW47v24n66p1c3 Orders from Perry

Com. Perry has issued the following notice and order:

U.S. Falgship Mississippi, Anton, Lizardo, July 28, 1847.

Notice is given that the war tax of 10 per ct. ad valorem hitherto imposed on exports from the ports of the Gulf of Mexico occupied by the naval forces of the U. States is hereby ordered to be discontinued.

All officers under my command having charge of the collection of duties under the war tariff of April 7th, 1847, will act accordingly.

M. C. Perry. Com’g Home Squadron.

  [NO]


August 17, 1847, RW47v24n66p1c3 Lieut. Kendall stabbed in Vera Cruz

A drunken Mexican the other day stabbed Lieut. Kendall, of the Vera Cruz police, and two other men. Some Mexican horses thieves have been caught outside the walls of Vera Cruz with ten of our horses in their possession.

The health of the city of Vera Cruz is improving, say the (unintelligible). We will give the official statement in our next but the (unintelligible) daily mortality is about nine. The vomito is decreasing.

The Sun tells of various exploits of Mexicans robbers near Vera Cruz, but they are (unintelligible) worth repeating, stealing horses being the greatest feat. The following paragraphs from the Sun of the 23d ult. touches Father Jarauta:

This priest and his band of robbers having robbed some of the property belonging to the U. S. Government, from Gen Cadwaller’ train, delivered it over to the Governor Orizaba, who sold it and pocketed the proceeds. It is said the priest is not at all satisfied with this and has abandoned his command.
[NO]


August 17, 1847, RW47v24n66p1c3 News from Puebla

We have a copy of the American Star of the 29th July. This paper it will be recollected and published at Puebla –It contains little news from the capital and is not as full as Mr. Kendall’s letters. We annex the last general order we see in it.

General Orders No 238.

Headquarters of the Army, Puebla, July 28, 1847.

Experience has shown that the safety of the persons and property of this army cause for a more regular system of a police and activity on the part of patrols, guards and sentinels.

In addition to the means heretofore prescribed, (see general order, No 206,) the commander of the cavalry brigade will detail daily for night duty, beginning at 12 o’clock in terminating at sunrise, a mounted patrol of a sergeant, a corporal and twelve men, for every two hours, to make the entire circuit of the environs of the city.

The cavalry patrols, like those of (unintelligible) interior, will receive the standing instructions to sees and to turn over to the nearest guard all suspicious and the disorderly persons for examination or trial.

The field officers of the day will see that the patrol duty, both exterior and interior, be duly perform, and distribute that duty between the foot patrols, so that every part of the city may be regularly patrolled several times in every night.

By command of Major Gen. Scott: H. L. Scott, A.A Adjutant Gen.

  [NO]


August 17, 1847, RW47v24n66p1c3 American prisoners

We have letters from the Americans officer prisoners in Mexico which we cannot find room for this morning. The latest date is the 15th July. The health of the party is good, but they see no prospect of release. They long for the arrival of the army. Gen. Scott has made another effort in their behalf, but we do not yet know the result.

Gen. Almonte has been sent to Tulancingo. The nature of the charges against him we have not yet been able to ascertain. More of him in our next.

Gen. Alvarez was in the capital the middle of July and had several long interviews with Santa Anna.

Mr. Kendall (unintelligible) in sending couriers to Vera Cruz, though he has had three captured. One has been killed. He fought bravely for his life and was faithful to the last. By singular good fortune the letters by this courier we have recovered. They are not of a late date, but it is rather singular that they should have reached their destination against the whishes of the Mexicans, when once in their possession. We have not yet had time since even to read them. Mr. K. will continue to despatch messengers to the coast.

Mr. Trist must have been indisposed., A private letter written on the 29th ult. says: “Mr. Trist’s health has improved.”
[NO]


August 17, 1847, RW47v24n66p1c3 Mexicans defeat American at Atlixco

We have a copy of the Nacional, of the 24th and 21st ult. this paper is published at Atlixco, the present capital of the State of Puebla. From it we learn that Gen. Garay has reported to the Government that he had defeated one hundred and fifty American riflemen at the river Calabozo. He sets down pur loss at one captain and fifteen soldiers killed, five drowned and fifteen made prisoners. –Besides he says he took forty horses and some mules and arms. His own loss is not mentioned.

We are unable to make further use of our papers and correspondence to–day. To–morrow we will present every thing to our readers which we can find of interest. Our correspondence from Puebla and the city of Mexico is important.
[NO]


August 17, 1847, RW47v24n66p1c4 More news from Puebla

[Editorial Correspondence of the Picayune]

Puebla, Mexico, July 25, 1847.

Since despatching my last courier, three days ago. I have not written you, for the simple reason that I had nothing to say. Even rumors have not been as abundant as they were a week since, the jade who circulated them with so prolific a hand on our first arrival having either tired herself down or worn herself out. Not ten days since, and we had twenty different stories in relation to Santa Anna in as many different hours –his stock, if I may be allow to use the term, was purely of a fancy description, rising and falling with every puff of wind form the capital. Now, we simple heard occasionally that he continues to lead Congress and the people by the nose –in short, that he is having everything in his own way. Dictator he was, at last accounts, two all intense and purposes, and his measures, whatever they may have been, he was carrying out with a high and most unscrupulous hand. The law of one day, if is stood the least in his way, was to abolish the next, and he who (unintelligible) a word of opposition of dissent was placed where his voice could not be heard, let him shout at his loudest –Such was the state of affairs at the capital four days ago –they may have altered since then.

In my last, I mentioned the capture of a Mexican mail by a part of dragoons. Since then another package has been taken, and the contents of one of the letters was outrageous beyond belief. The writer, a young men half crazy and two–thirds (unintelligible), spoke of women being daily outraged by not only our men, but the higher grades of our officers; says that the most gross excesses were perpetrated in open day; that females were not safe even in their own houses; that many good citizens of Puebla have already died of rage, and he himself could not possibly live much longer and witness such horrible crimes as were hourly committed by the savage and perfidious Yankees – he must die from an excess of cholor. He winds up his letter by swearing to the truth of all ha has written, and then seeks his friends in the city of Mexico to read and circulate the precious documents. He is now safely ledged in prison, and gives as an excuse that he only wrote the letter in joke! As he has been told that he must remain in prison until he proves one of the statements he has so solemnly sworn to his incarceration is likely to be a long one.

I have seen an order, issued at the city of Mexico on the 19th inst. Gen. Lombardini in which, after stating that it is now time for the great Mexican nation to show the world that her sons have not degenerated, the commander–in–chief goes on to decree as follows: That on the American’s first appearance in sight of the capital a gun shall be fired in the plexs; that instantly all the band shall stroke up the alarm; that all the military shall at once hurry to the appropriate stations; that all (unintelligible) save those where charcoal and provisions (unintelligible) shall be immediately closed; that no change shall be allowed in the streets, and that there shall be no assemblage of persons an any part of the city. Such is the plan of giving the first alarm, and the after government of the city. The idea of showing to the world that her sons have not degenerated is purely Mexican, but what (unintelligible) a deal of hard fighting and bloodshed to place them where they stood previous to the battle of Palo Alto.

In one of my letters I noticed the death of Lieut. Tipton, of the Rifles –a son of Senator Tipton, of Indiana. Since then a son of Senator Stugeon of Pennsylvania, a lieutenant in one of the regiments from the State, has died, and he too, I have been told, was a young of much promise. I cannot learn that any of our officers are now seriously indisposed, and the health of the army generally is improving. To be sure there are 1500 or 2000 men still on the sick list, but a larger portion of them are convalescing.

I wrote you a short time since that I had despatched a man to Vera Cruz with letters, and that after his departure I was obliged, in virtue of a verbal contract, today all the expenses of his family during his absence, to keep a candle continually burning and have a function performed in one of the churches for his safety and buen viaje. I have just learned that the fellow was captured on the road by the guerrilleros, stripped, beat most unmercifully, his horse –I paid for the annual– taken from him, and was turned loose to make the best of his way back to Puebla. The story of his adventures and capture is most amusing, and I will gave it if (unintelligible)I live to get home; at present I will only say that I thought the family made too much fuss from the first.

Last evening, on the strength of a letter paid said to have been received from the Spanish Minister in Mexico, peace stock went up. It was rumored that the contents of his communication made peace inevitable –that the Congress and Santa Anna were disposed to agree to any thing is order to insure it now, while I am writing, intelligence has come in from which it would appear that there is no earthly chance for an amicable adjustment of our difficulties. From all accounts, it would appear that Santa Anna and Congress passed an act declaring any one traitor who would even entertain the idea of a peace with North America. So far so good. When Santa Anna received Mr. Buchanan’s last proposition, a few weeks ago, he at once submitted them to Congress for that body to act upon the matter in the (unintelligible); but what did Congress do but send the papers back with an answer that the initiatory steps belonged exclusively to the Executive. At this Santa Anna became enraged –said that he did not send the papers before Congress to ascertain what prerogatives were –he knew their full extent well– but he had laid the matter before that body in order that the members might rescind their former decree declating any one a traitor, &c., if they saw fit. That he thought they would do this, and thus give him all and every power, is highly probable; but Congress took a stubborn fit, and here the whole affair rests for the present. I do not even see who is to deign to offer an answer to Mr. Buchanan’s propositions, which seem to have been transferred into a species of foot–ball to be kicked backwards and forwards by Santa Anna sad the Congress –neither party, in the present distracted state of the country, daring to lay hands upon the unfortunate document– Bold and unscrupulous  as even the tyrant is all matters of state policy, he dare not take a responsibility so heavy upon his shoulders as to come out alone and advocate a peace. The impression now is, that he has determined to hazard the defence of the capital, and this impression gains strength when it is know that he has Congress to lay the blame upon in case he suffers another defeat.

Another battle, in my humble opinion, will be of immense advantage to the United States; for if Gen. Scott moves upon the capital the Mexicans will certainly be defeated, and if he remains here, and there is no more fighting, the enemy will contrive to come out of the war conquerors. They will endeavor to make it appear that the Yankees, fearful of risking a battle at their principle city, (unintelligible) for peace, and in the eyes of the world they will be able to make a tolerably clear case.

Santa Anna has recently levied a contribution –a force loan it may be called– upon the inhabitants of the capital, in which he calls for $280, 875 to carry on the war. The churches and convents, as well as private individuals, are (unintelligible), and it is hinted that the tyrant has left the names of some of his few friends off of that tax list. The foreigners who have been called upon without (unintelligible), have made regular protests it is said against the unjust exaction, but Santa Anna does not stand trifles in his money transactions.

From every indication it would appear that Gen. Scott intends an immediate movement upon the city of Mexico –at last within a week or ten days. Hard bread is being baked for the march, the quartermasters have been ordered to hold themselves in readiness, and in every department all is bustle and activity. It being found impossible to receive clothing from the United Sates, hundred of Mexicans are hard at work putting our men in uniform. Some even think that the army will move before Gen. Pierce comes up; but it is hardly probable that Gen. Scott will march before that officer gets within one or two day’s march. At least 1500 hundred of the sick will be left behind, but a majority of them would be in a situation to take up arms in case the garrison was attacked.

Speaking of sickness, the South Carolina regiment has suffered more than any other in the service. This was not expected. It was thought that the Northern regiments would suffer most (unintelligible) in the tropics, but the New Yorkers and South Carolinians, out of 900 strong with first mustered, now turn out but about 400. –Of the other 500 some 140 have died, 200 have been left sick in the rear, and the rest are now in hospital here. The health of the regiment is improving, however, and many are convalescing.

Yours, &c. G. W. K.

  [NO]


August 17, 1847, RW47v24n66p1c5 Kendall from Puebla

Puebla, Mexico, July 30, 1847

We have s story, tolerable well authenticated, that over a million of dollars has recently arrived at Vera Cruz for the army. A day after the (unintelligible), again, for how is this money to find its way up in season to relieve the great necessities of those who have so long suffering? The straits to which our commissaries and quartermasters have been driven, as well as the army agent, Mr. Hargous, to raise the means for the absolute support of the men, has beat the kite–flying and skinning days of ’37 all to pieces. A dollar is a dollar, and more than a dollar, here in Puebla.

In relation to the movements of the army, I can give you no other than the impression that Gen. Scott will march immediately on the arrival of Gen. Pierce. The men composing the division of Gens. Worth and Twiggs are probably better soldiers than any at present in the world. In the first place, the material is equal if not superior to any they are equally well drilled; have the best of officers to lead them; and, what is of the greatest importance, a gret portion of them; have been in the front rank of battle in numerous fights. Nor is the division of Gen. Quitman, which will doubtless take an active part in any operations yet to take place, much behind the others. The regiments composing it, the New York, South Carolina, and the 1st and the 2d Pennsylvania, have been long enough in the field to become well drilled , while Steptoe’s admirable battery is attached to it. The army that will set down before Mexico will be the strongest and the best appointed we have yet had in the field, and let the Mexicans fight as they will the result of any contest that may take place cannot be doubted  (unintelligible).

I have  seen a gentleman who left the careful awaiting (unintelligible). The story that the city was partially overflowed is confirmed, but the report of the extent of the fundation, and of the (unintelligible) it had occasioned, have been exaggerated. There was a strong belief among many of the foreigners that there was a perfect understanding between Gen. Scott and Santa Anna, and that a peace would grow out of it. The Congress was still al leggerheads with the President, all business was completely at a stand and the only law known was that of the military.

The obstinacy of Congress, the deep hatted of the Mexicans to the Americans, and the slight hold Santa Anna has upon the people, may, probably will, prevent his own schemes and those of the English from being carried out –the coming fortnight will tell the story. No wonder the English are anxious to see this war brought to a close, for it has already proved most disastrous to their heavy mercantile interests in the country, and its continuance must hasten (unintelligible)

Difficult (unintelligible) it now is to get letter off to the case, I shall continue to attempt it, for the events of the coming month must be pregnant with interest.

Yours, &c. G. W.K.

P.S. –I might mention, as an item of interest to his numerous friends, that Gen. Shields is here and in good health. The health of the army continues to improve, and a large portion of the soldiers may now be said to be acclimated.

  [NO]


August 17, 1847, RW47v24n66p4c2 Later from Army of Taylor

From the N. O. Picayune, Aug. 6

Later from Gen. Taylor’s Army

The steamer Ohio, Capt. J. Swiler, Jr. arrived yesterday morning from Brazos Santiago, touching at Galveston. She left the Brazos on Saturday, the 31st ult, and Galveston on the 2d inst.

The Flag says that Col Gorman, with four companies of Indiana volunteers, passed up the river on the 24th ult, on the Big Hatche; Lt Col E Dumont, with two companies on the 25th, on the Col Hunt; and the remaining four were on the Col McKee, at the mouth of the river, all bound for the camp of instruction. the regiment is nearly 1000 strong, and has suffered a loss of but four men since leaving Indiana.

For the particulars of news from Monterey and Buena Vista we refer our readers to the interesting letters of our correspondent, who were glad to find in improved health writing from the battle field of Buena Vista. The following items are all from the Flag of the 28th ult:

The Third Dragoons. –A letter was received on Monday, by our commandant, form Gen. Hopping, stating that he had received information that Gen Urrea was on this side of the mountains whit some 4000 men, and requesting a squadron of dragoons –but we learn that their colonel chooses to remain here until he has received his complement of horses, in the meantime drilling his men as throughly as could be done elsewhere. A company of mounted men form Ohio, who had recently arrived here, was, therefore, sent up by the first boat, and will report to Gen Hopping immediately for duty.

Col. Caravajal. –We understand form several sources entitled to credit that this worthy was on Friday last at a rancho called La Vacaria, some twenty–five leagues distant, on the road to Linares, with a force numbering about 250 men, having been joined by Galan, another guerrilla chief. They are said to have detained a large number of mules loaded with corn, soap, sugar and other produce, destined for this place; beside one hundred cargoes of goods which had been sent from here to Monterey. They appear determined to spare neither friends nor foes, but confiscate all they can intercept as fair booty –looking upon those interested as given “aid and comfort” to the enemy. A party of sixty men are reported to have been, a few days since, within two or three leagues of this place, picking up deserters form the Mexican army, and impressing others into their service from the various ranchos in our neighborhood. A squadron of mounted men could soon open the way for the trader; and we understand that our commandant has an eye upon the proceedings of these commissioned parties, and we hope soon to hear that the roads are cleared and made safe for the transmission of merchandize of all descriptions.

Capt. E. A. Ogden has been relieved at his own request from the post of quartermaster at the mouth of the Rio Grande, and Major Anderson assigned to duty at tha place. The occasion of Capt. Ogden’s retirement demands of us a word in praise of the zeal and untiring industry he has displayed in the discharge of the duties which have devolved upon him since the commencement of the war. In taking charge of the affairs of the department at the mouth of the river, a world of obstacles had to be encountered and a vast of responsibility assumed. How he has discharged the trust reposed on him, the regularity and order with which every thing have been conducted gives sufficient evidence. An uninterrupted navigation of the Rio Grande form the mouth of the river to Camargo has been kept up throughout the whole year, against obstacles which by nearly every one were considered insurmountable. In the transportation of the troops and supplies there has been no delay; they have been forwarded with a despacth and safety deserving the highest commendation. At his immediate post the enry of the man shows more apparent. One year ago the post at the mouth of the Rio Grande was a barren sand–beach; and millions of dollar worth of public property was being landed there without any protection from weather, and immense losses were sustained in consequence. In a brief space of time commodious and secure storehouses were erected , and as we viewed the place a few days ago it has the appearance of a thriving commercial town, with an industrious population busted at the various avocations. A substantial long wharf, several hundred feet long, has been completed, a ship yard for the repair of steamboats and vessels is in operation, and nothing seems to have been left undone which it was in Capt. Ogden’s power to accomplish for the advancement of the Government interest. The zeal he has displayed in the discharge of his multifarious duties is the theme of universal praise, and as a memento of the esteem in which he is held by the commanders of steamboats, we understand it is contemplated by them to present him with a silver pitcher, suitably inscribed, in token of their regard. Major Anderson, the successor of Capt. Ogden, is gentleman every way worthy to succeed him.
[NO]


August 17, 1847, RW47v24n66p4c2 News from General Wool

[Special Correspondence of the Picayune]

Communications were received from General Wool last night by Gen. Taylor, transmitting papers from the city of Mexico to the 26th ult. they contain the intelligence of the offer of the United States Government to negotiate, made by Mr. Trist, which is stated as the Rio Grande to 36 degrees, and from thence to the Pacific ocean for a boundary, the Unites States to indemnify Mexico by money for the land thus ceded. The British Minister has expressed his opinion that this offer is highly favorable  to Mexico, and such a one as she can accept in justice to herself without compromising her dignity or honor. The Mexican press, however, regard this offer as quite as outrageous as all former ones, and pronounces it out of the question to accept it, still (unintelligible) the most warlike language, denouncing the United States and striving to incite the people.

J. E. D.

  [NO]


August 17, 1847, RW47v24n66p4c2 From Buena Vista

Camp Buena Vista, July 18, 1847.

I arrived to Saltillo from Monterrey on Friday at noon, in company with Gen. Cushing and staff, and came out here to camp in the afternoon. The general comes to assume command of his brigade, consisting of the 2d Mississippi, Virginia and North Carolina regiments. The encampment really presents a most beautiful and picturesque appearance, spreading over a vast plain just sufficiently inclined to enable the water to run off rapidly. The volunteers brigade is encamped according to the regulation, and every tent and camp–dire is its appropriate place. The artillery and the dragoons are in the left of the field, Gen. Wool and staff in the center, and the infantry brigade on the right. The discipline of Gen. Wool is extremely strict; and enforced, and discipline is nine points in the game, especially where volunteers are concerned. Company drills take place every morning, battalion and regimental  drills every afternoon, and brigade reviews every Sunday. As regards the climate, it suits me, being an Eastern man, to a degree –the air being delightful cool and bracing at all times, except during the middle of the day for a few hours; a shower lays the dust almost every afternoon. With respect to the health of the troops, I regret to say that the Mississippi and North Carolina regiments are suffering severely, and have been for some time, form chills and fevers and diarrheas, but principally the later. The average number of diarrheas in each regiment is about three a day for a fortnight; the sick list of the North Carolina regiment is now about 150 –that of the Mississippi regiment about 100. There are about 120 on the sick list of the Virginia regiment, not one death has occurred during the three weeks they have been up here. This sickness is manly attributed to the imprudence of the officers and men in eating too heartily of fruit, which abounds here now, and in keeping up the practice after they are attacked. Recently Gen. Wool has prohibited fruit from being brought into camp, and the beneficial effects to this proceeding have begun to felt, the sick list decreasing gradually every day. It seems rather a hard matter to deprive the men of fruit, which if eaten in moderation would prove beneficial, but as the men will not take care of themselves they must be taken care of. It does seems as if they required as much looking after as children.

Yours, truly, J. E.D.

  [NO]


August 17, 1847, RW47v24n66p4c2 More from Saltillo

Sunday Night, July 18, 1847.

Since writing my letter of this morning, Capt. Rucker has returned from his expedition to Mazapil , and confirms the report received from him. He found no troops there, but had every reason to believe that Minon’s cavalry (under whose command is not know) were at or in the neighborhood of Matehuala. An express was despatched by the Mexicans at Mazapil, immediately upon the approach of Capt. R., to the enemy wherever he was, informing them of his approach that they might be cut off. Capt. R. saw nothing of them on his return, although I have no doubt it would have afforded him infinite satisfaction to do so. –Information has been received from Parras to–day to the effect that Don Manuel Ibarro had received an express two days since, announcing the approach of a body of upwards  of 300 Indians, who had burned and destroyed three ranchos on their way and killed three hundred Mexicans. It is very likely that this report is correct, as it was known that a large body of Indians were in the neighborhood. –the number of killed is probably greatly exaggerated I will be increased.  An extraordinary Mexican express has arrived in town from San Luis Potosi, en route for some point west of the mountains, but what is purport is of course has not leaked out. It is thought that a movement is on foot. The arrival of this express is only known to a very few, but that a courier has arrived there is no doubt. I believe this all I have to offer to–day as the auctioneer remarks when he sell his last article.

Yours, truly, J. E. D.
[NO]


August 20, 1847, RW47v24n67p1c1 The Union and the War

It is a well know fact, that parties who lose in the game of politics, as in every other, are always bitter in proportion to their losses. Much of this spirit was to have been expected from the Locofoco party at the present time. Their defeat has been so utter, and the disasters which combined to make up the grand catastrophe, have followed each other with such astonishing rapidity, that it is no wonder if the last remnant of patience has been swept away by the overwhelming triumph of their adversaries. Much abuse, and much hard swearing followed, as a matter of course – for though it be easy enough to advise a losing man to keep his temper, we are disposed to think their are very few capable of acting on such occasions, according to their own precepts. Prepared for this, we had made up our minds to endure it all, as no more than we should have done ourselves, had we been in the situation of the losers. We had come to the conclusion that it was even ungraceful to laugh, and we had determined to bear the ills of our neighbors with all the composure becoming such a solemn and interesting occasion. An article, however, in the Washington Union of Monday, has completely put to rout all our studied decorum, for the rage of the writer is so ludicrous, and its positions are so entirely at variance with truth, that, while no Whig can feel the least degree of resentment, we would defy any to read it and preserve his gravity. It is headed “Coalition of Whig leaders and Mexican chieftains,” and begins in the following delectable strain:

“It was a conceded principle among the ancient republics, that foreign wars united domestic parties. In those days, love of country so far exceeded allegiance to party, that the tocsin of war was a signal for the burying of party feuds, and for the union of party men, rank and file, in a resolute effort to uphold the interests, the honor, and the glory of the republic. They were unable to perceive how they could serve their country by embarrassing its chosen rulers, how they could obtain peace but by vigorous war; how they could give vigor to war by denouncing it as unnecessary, unjust, and abominable; how they could nerve the arms of their own kindsmen in battle, by telling them that they were upon a work of murder; how they could dispirit and disarm their country’s foes, by telling them that in the slaughter of battle, or by assassination of their sons and brothers, they were guilty of no other “treason” than such as had conferred merited immortality on patriots and martyrs.”

This is all very fine, and very Utopian to be sure; the only fault to be found with it, and that we presume will not lesson its value in the eyes of some people, is, that it is entirely untrue, as every man who has read any thing about Greece or Rome very well knows. Athens was ruined by intestine dissensions, in the midst of war, and the impossibility of uniting the States of Greece against a common enemy, led her to subjugation by Alexander the Great, and previous to that time, had been the cause of many and serious disasters. The lust of conquest, that very passion which has led to the present war, produced that of the Peloponessus, which humbled the pride of Athens, and inflicted wounds from which she never recovered. Let any man read any history whatever, (even Peter Parley’s will do,) of the Peloponesian war, and then say whether the Athenians, at least, were distinguished by that unanimity which the writer would have us believe.

Rome, called a Republic, but in fact little more than an Oligarchy, is an example still more unfortunate. For a period of a half dozen centuries, during which the Temple of Janus was not closed a half dozen times, that city was the scene of everlasting contention, a war without end, perpetually raging between the Patrician and Plebian parties, both struggling for the supreme power, which no fear of foreign danger had the effect of allaying for a single moment. The expedient of involving the country in a fresh war was more than once tried, with success by those who were anxious to divert attention from their own misdeeds at home; but that success was temporary only.

But why bring up the example of Rome? Rome was a nation of warriors; her descent was proudly claimed from Mars the God of Battle; with her, military genius comprised all that mankind admire of great and noble; the very term from which our word virtue is derived, with her signified valor. Trained to battle from his youth, the Roman was taught to believe that there was no glory but such as was to be acquired in the camp – that the higher destiny of a nation was fulfilled in the conquest and slavery of her fellow men. She made war without pretext, and waged it without mercy. The most insignificant (unintelligible) met with indemnity for all the evils he might inflict, provided success justified an unprovoked war, and that he never waited the advice or consent of the Senate, or of the people. He knew he would be borne out by the general sentiment of the Nation, provided only he should prove victorious in the field. It is not wonderful, among such a people, that in war, upon that particular point, all parts were united, because they seemed to regard it as (unintelligible) natural condition of man, as it certainly was the only condition with which they were familiar. For them peace had no charms, and if the accusation of the Caledonian (unintelligible), “they first create a desert, and then call it peace,” (unintelligible) it is not wonderful that it had none. The civil strife and turmoil with which the pages of her history are (unintelligible), was not connected with her foreign wars, for believing them always inevitable, they troubled themselves very little about their justice or unjustice, and did not think of calling their rulers to account for involving them in them.

But the American people, we rejoice to say, are altogether a different nation from the Roman. Peace, honorable (unintelligible) is their true policy. In order that it might not be possible to disturb it upon every slight occasion – in order that a state of war might not be rashly entered by ambitious and designing rulers – in order that the full sense of the whole people might be brought to bear upon a question of such momentous importance – the power of declaring war was especially reserved to the Representatives of the people and of the States, by the Constitution. It is the privilege of freemen to watch the proceedings of their delegated rulers, to investigate their acts, to scan their motives, and to hold them to a strict accountability. The consequence is, that in this country, no war can be entered into without its exciting a spirit of eager inquiry among the people. If a President, by merely saying “we are at war,” and calling upon Congress to endorse his assertion, can put a padlock upon the lips of a whole nation – if it is, after such declaration on his part, no longer lawful for the people to enquire even whether it be true, that we are at war – (unintelligible) Congress, under pain of being denounced as moral traitors, dare do nothing more than register the rescript of the Executive officer – then we ask of what avail is the clause of the Constitution to which we have alluded? The President, undoubtedly, has it in his power to declare war at any moment he may think proper. He may march a hostile force into Canada, and do some act which may lead to a collision with British forces – he may then send a message to Congress declaring that we are at war – and Congress dare not make any inquiry into the fact, because by so doing they lay themselves liable to the charge of “moral treason.” The power of Congress to declare war, is thus entirely superseded – usurped by the Executive branch of the Government – and the right of questioning the act, let it have been as illegal as it may, is utterly forbidden to the people.

But let us proceed:

“The problem of such an opposition has been once worked out. Such was the opposition of the federal leaders to the war of 1812, and what was the result? A nation’s and a world’s contempt. Degraded and self–despised, the guilty men sought to avoid universal scorn by disavowing the name which their fathers had assumed, and under cover of which they had wrought treason against their country, in their frantic opposition to its constituted authorities. In discarding their once–cherished name, and adopting one not associated with crimes against their country, they abandoned no principle, and changed no feeling. On the contrary, having been joined by a few renegades from the old republican party, and assuming the name of the whig, they are now carrying on against their country, through its public authorities, a campaign which bids fair to exceed, in boldness and atrocity; that of the federal party during the war of 1812. By perfidy in her foreign relations, and the contempt Mexico has brought upon herself by her internal administration, she finds nothing in the wide world base enough to sympathize with her, and become her ally, except the whig leaders in the United States. If she does not receive from them men, money, and arms, she receives that which is more essential to her success in her system of robbery and murder – she receives assurances that she is right, and we are wrong; that it is a war of the Executive, and not of the people of the United States; that it is looked upon with abhorrence by the mass of our population, who would if they could, and will when they can, withdraw our armies from her territories, without exacting indemnity for the past or security for the future, and perchance will pay her all the damages and expenses she has sustained by the war! With this encouragement and those assurances before them, is it a wonder that the Mexican leaders will not listen to the voice of peace on any terms short of those the federal leaders propose – the entire withdrawal of our armies from Mexico? Is it a wonder that Jarauta and his robber band beset the roads for the purpose of shooting down not only our soldiers, but every American who may incautiously come in front of their coverts? Is it a wonder that Urrea’s bandits murder our fellow–citizens in the highways, tear out their hearts and thrust them into their mouths, mutilate and hang them by their heels in the trees? Is it a wonder that the Mexican lancers feel at perfect liberty to ride over the field of battle, and murder our wounded officers and soldiers, who, their whig allies tell them, have invaded their country without justice or right, to rob and destroy them?”

Before proceeding any farther, it may be proper to remind the reader that one of these “degraded and self–despised” men, here spoken of, is at this moment Secretary of State – that another fills the seat left vacant by Marshall – and that t third is the Locofoco Chairman of the Committee of Foreign Relations.

It cannot be denied that a part of these allegations at least is true. There has been sympathy and alliance between prominent Mexicans and prominent Americans; nay, the most prominent men of both nations. There is a small mistake, however, as to the party to which the American portion of them belonged. The Whigs had no hand in restoring Santa Anna to his country – they are not responsible for the sudden order brought out of disorder upon that officer’s return – their souls are not stained with the blood of their brethren shed in the bloody battles of Buena Vista and Cerro Gordo. The man who permitted this author of all the mischief which has occurred upon these occasions to return to his country, there to reanimate the drooping spirits of the war party and to reorganise the broken forces of their army, was JAMES K. POLK – the party which has justified the proceeding, is the Locofoco party – the journal which has been foremost in applauding the policy, is the Washington Union. “With this encouragement before them,” it is not, indeed, a wonder that the “Mexican leaders will not listen to peace.” It is, indeed, no wonder that “Jarauta and his robber bands beset the roads for the purpose of shooting down, not only soldiers, but every American who may incautiously come in front of their coverts.” Under such circumstances, it is not, indeed, strange that “Urrea’s bands murder our fellow–citizens in the highway, and that the Mexican lancers feel at perfect liberty to ride over the field of battle and murder our wounded officers.” Under the encouragement afforded them by the only man who could encourage them thus far, all this was to have been expected, and everybody foresaw it but James K. Polk and the editor of the Government Journal.
[NO]


August 17, 1847, RW47v24n66p4c2 Atrocity

We publish the next paragraph for the sake of its peculiar atrocity:

“There is a fearful responsibility resting upon the Whig leaders. On their heads rests the blood not only of the Mexicans who are encouraged to persist and perish in a hopeless war, but of their own countrymen, of their own sons, brothers, and friends, whom they encourage those Mexicans to waylay and kill in their chapparals and among their mountains. The guilt of a double crime – of two crimes the most atrocious known to human laws – rests upon their souls – treason and murder; treason to their country, and the murder not only of Mexicans, but of their own countrymen, kindred, and friends.”

It appears, then, that if those 100,000 volunteers, from the Southern and Southwestern States, who the Union told us in three months would be revelling in the halls of the Montezumas, are not forthcoming – if General Taylor contrary to his own judgement was pushed forward without a force sufficient to advance as he wished, and left exposed to the attack of five times his number – if the ten Regiments, voted by Congress in February with all the money asked for, have not yet arrived in place – if in spite of the fact that he had a majority in both branches of the Legislature, the President’s conduct of the war has been marked by doubt, indecision, and inertness – the responsibility rests upon the Whig party, who had no power to restrain, and who have proved their devotion by shedding their choicest blood upon the field of battle.

The opposition of the Whig party to this war has been sustained – triumphantly sustained – by the people of these United States. There is no mistaking the voice in which they have just spoken. It is the majority of the people then – of that people to whom he owes the office that he fills – whose creature he is, and by whose breath his presidential life exists – that Mr. Polk, through his organ, charges with treason. Treason against whom? Against themselves? Or against the majesty of James K. Polk? And has it come to this? Has the President already assumed the substance, as he has heretofore done the forms of royalty, and is there such an offence as treason against majesty in the person of James K. Polk? Murder! The majority of this nation guilty of murder? Murder of whom? Of their own sons, and brothers, and kinsmen; for chiefly of Whigs have the armies been composed, and Whig States have contributed largely to its rank and file.

[To Be Continued]
[NO]


August 17, 1847, RW47v24n66p4c3 News from Vera Cruz and Matamoros

From the New Orleans Picayune, August 11.

Arrival of the Steamship Telegraph

The steamship Telegraph arrived last evening from Vera Cruz, having touched at the Brazos on the voyage.

We understand that she left Vera Cruz on the 4th inst., but brings no news whatever. We received no news or letters from that city.

Passengers by the Telegraph – Col. Randell; Capt. Ogden and lady; Maj. Arthur, Quartermaster U.S.A.; Miss Townsend; Capt. Walker; Lieut. Conch; Lieut J.J. Mun; Dr. Beard; L.A. Whitley; J.S. Holt; J. Lawrence; W.W. Enethro; J. Fatterson; Mr. Carr; Capt. Clendew; Downsend, Clough and Wells.

We are indebted to the commander of the Telegraph for a copy of the Matamoros Flag of the 4th inst.

Quite the most important article in the Flag is the following:

Advance upon San Luis. – From Major Arthur, formerly quartermaster at Cerralvo, we learn that Gen. Wool has received orders to proceed with the advance of Gen. Taylor’s column, on the 20th inst., in the direction of Encarnation, some twenty leagues from Buena Vista, where he will establish a depot, into which three months’ rations will be thrown. The army will then advance upon San Luis and communication be opened with Tampico or Tuspan, from whence supplies will thereafter be received. All the mules and other means of transportation have been ordered above and activity prevails throughout the whole department.

The Flag gives sad accounts of outrages perpetrated in the vicinity of Matamoros, by Mexicans upon their own countrymen and countrywomen. The same paper mentions that the resident Mexicans near Parrass, lately applied to Gen. Taylor to protect them from armed bands of their own countrymen, sent thither for the express purpose of ravaging the country and destroying the crops. The Flag thinks that aid should be furnished them.

The Flag has more rumors from Gen. Scott’s army, but this time we are happy to known that they are false, being entirely Mexican. We do not repeat them.

Col. Davenport inspected the Ohio regiment on the 31st ult. The result was very creditable to the appearance and discipline of the troops. They generally enjoy good health, there only being a few cases of diarrhea among them.
[NO]


August 17, 1847, RW47v24n66p4c3 Captain Aulick

From the Washington Union, of Thursday

Capt. Aulick. – We lay the following correspondence between Capt. Aulick and the Secretary of the Navy, with great pleasure before our readers. It is calculated to put down an idle rumor from an anonymous source in a newspaper, which Capt. Aulick never would have condescended to make the basis of official action, if it had not also been suggested that this rumor had reached the department. It appears from the Secretary’s letter, that there was no foundation for any such supposition. We do not mistake Capt Aulick’s character when we say that he defies any one to produce the slightest evidence of the truth of such a rumor. Let it be submitted to the department, and Capt. A. is prepared to meet it, let it assume whatever phase it may.

Washington, 11th August, 1847.

Sir: Since my return to the United States in command of the United States ship Potomac, I learn, with a sensibility which you can readily appreciate, that reports are in circulation affecting my character as an officer of the Navy, and especially my conduct when I was in command of the navy battery during the bombardment of Vera Cruz. I respectfully inquire if any report has been made to the department by my commanding officers, or any others, (as rumor says there has been,) of conduct on that occasion unbecoming the honor of the service, or my own character.

After a service of more than thirty–seven years, and having in the last war, and since, been often placed in circumstances which would at least have evinced a want of personal courage, if it had been my misfortune to labor under such an infirmity, I feel very acutely such an accusation. If I had exhibited it on the occasion referred to, I presume that some of the officers who were on that service, or in the squadron, and whose duty it is to protect the honor of the navy, would have taken the steps necessary to an examination; and I therefore respectfully ask if any such report has been made to the department? If there be any such report, I may hope to be excused in asking that such measures may be taken as speedily as may be deemed proper, as will establish the charge, if true, or vindicate me from the aspersion.

I have the honor to be, very respectfully, &c.

J.H. Aulick.

Hon. J.Y. Mason,
Secretary of the Navy, Washington.

Navy Department, Aug. 12. 1847

Sir: I have received your letter of the 12th instant, in which you state that reports are in circulation affecting your “character as an officer of the navy,” and especially your conduct when “in command of the navy battery during the bombardment of Vera Cruz,” and inquire whether any report has been made to the department by your commanding officers, or any others, of conduct, on the occasion referred to, unbecoming the honor of your service or your own character.

In reply to your inquiry, you are informed that no report of unbecoming conduct on your part, on the occasion which you mention, and no statement in which your “personal courage” is called into question, has been made to the department by your commanding officers, or any others.

In the despatch of your commanding officer, Com. Perry, dated at Vera Cruz, on the 25th of March last, your name is mentioned in the following terms: “Capt. Aulick, assisted by Commander Mackenzie and several lieutenants, had the direction of mounting the guns and opening the fire, and well and bravely was the duty performed;” and in the General Order of Commodore Perry, dated March 29, ’47, congratulating those under his command upon the surrender of Vera Cruz, he states that he “feels called upon, by a high sense of duty, to tender his warmest thanks to the commanders, officers, and men of the squadron, for the admirable zeal and courage with which they have executed their respective duties.”

There is nothing on the files of the department which would justify a belief that these terms of commendation employed by Com. Perry are, so far as respects yourself or others, undeserved.

I am, respectfully, your obedient servant,

J.Y. Mason.

Capt. John H. Aulick; U.S. Navy, Washington, D.C.

  [NO]


August 20, 1847, RW47v24n67p2c1 Security on the Frontier

Mr. Brownson’s Article

We republish and append this article at the suggestion of a friend, who seemed to think that the position assigned to it the other day was not sufficiently prominent. It should be read by every man in this country; nay, it should be gotten by heart. Never was there sterner, juster or more well–timed rebuke. At the very moment when the Whigs, those who voted against Mr. Polk are denounced by the organ in his pay as traitors and allies of Mexico for saying that this war was made in violation of the constitution, one of the most prominent men of the party, and the man who edits the Review which is supposed to represent Democratic feeling says the same thing. The myrmidons of government may thus see what the people think of them and their master.

From Brownson’s Quarterly Review

The course the President should have pursued is plain and obvious. On learning the state of things on the frontier, the critical condition of our army of occupation, he should have demanded of Congress the reinforcement and supplies necessary to relieve it, AND SECURE THE PURPOSE FOR WHICH IT WAS AVOWEDLY SENT TO THE RIO GRANDE; and if he believed it proper or necessary, to have in addition laid before Congress, a full and truthful statement of our relations with Mexico, including all the unadjusted complaints, past and present, we had against her, ACCOMPANIED BY THE RECOMMENDATION OF A DECLARATION OF WAR. He would then have kept within the limits of his duty, proved himself a plain constitutional President, AND LEFT THE RESPONSIBILITY OF WAR OR NO WAR TO CONGRESS, THE ONLY WAR MAKING POWER KNOWN TO OUR LAWS. Congress, after mature deliberation might or might not have declared war – MOST LIKELY WOULD NOT, but whether so or not, the responsibility would have rested with it, and no blame would have attached to the President.

Unhappily, this course did not occur to the President, or was too plain and simple to meet his approbation. By declaring that the war already existed, and by the act of Mexico herself, the President relieved Congress of the responsibility of the war, by throwing it all on Mexico. But since he cannot fasten it on Mexico, – FOR WAR DID NOT ALREADY EXIST, OR IF SO, BY OUR ACT, AND NOT HERS, – it necessarily recoils upon himself, and he must bear the responsibility of doing WHAT THE CONSTITUTION FORBIDS HIM TO DO, – OF MAKING WAR WITHOUT THE INTERVENTION OF CONGRESS. IN EFFECT THEREFORE, HE HAS TRAMPLED THE CONSTITUTION UNDER HIS FEET; SET A DANGEROUS PRECEDENT, AND, BY THE OFFICIAL PUBLICATION OF A PALPABLE FALSEHOOD, SULLIED THE NATIONAL HONOR. It is with no pleasure that we speak thus of the chief Magistrate of the Union, FOR WHOSE ELEVATION TO HIS HIGH AND RESPONSIBLE OFFICE WE OURSELVES VOTED. But whatever may be our attachment to party, or the respect we hold to be due from all good citizens to the civil magistrate, we cannot SEE THE CONSTITUTION VIOLATED, AND THE NATIONAL HONOR SACRIFICED, whether by friend or foe, from good motives or bad, without entering, feeble though it be, our stern and indignant protest.
[NO]


August 20, 1847, RW47v24n67p2c1 The Union and the War

[Concluded] (fromp1)

The more we examine the extraordinary article in the Union, upon which we commented yesterday, the more fully we are confirmed in an opinion adopted at first sight, that it was not written by the senior editor of that paper. The style is entirely unlike anything we have seen from that quarter. It is more vigorous, and less guarded – not, however, that the vigor is at all remarkable. We continue our extracts:

“Is it not so? What, in effect, is the language of the federal leaders to the Mexicans? “Mr Polk has made this war without cause, and in violation of the constitution, and our armies ought to be withdrawn from your territory – Fight on until we can turn him out, when those armies shall be withdrawn, and we will give you just such a peace as you want!” This, and nothing short of it, is the substance of the language held by the Whig leaders to the military chieftains of Mexico. The consequence is, a perfect concert between our Whig leaders and the Mexican chieftains. The Whig leaders say, our armies ought to be withdrawn from the Mexican territory; which is virtually a promise to withdraw them when they get the power. The Mexican chieftains say, “we will not even treat for peace until your armies are withdrawn” – in other words, “Until the Whig leaders are made the rulers of the United States.” We do not say there is an express written compact between the Whig leaders and the Mexican chieftains, in which it is stipulated that they will make common cause against the democracy of the United States; but we do say there is a palpable practical concert, the effect of which is perfectly understood by both parties. The federal wolf, under the whig sheepskin, knows that he has no chance to acquire power but to put down the democracy of the U. States; and that he has no chance, amidst the flood of prosperity that rolls in upon the country, to effect that object, but by making the Mexican war unpopular. The Mexican chieftains know that the continuance of their power to plunder their own country and insult the United States, alike depends upon putting down our democracy, and siding men who publicly proclaim their intention to yield all that their country’s enemy demands. To put down the American democracy is, therefore, the common object of the Whig leaders and the Mexican chieftains – Both know that a speedy peace would be fatal to that object, and both seek to protract the war. “Withdraw your armies, and then we will treat,” say the Mexican chieftains. “We will withdraw them as soon as we get the power,” respond the federal leaders; both knowing that no democratic President, or any other President who is unwilling to bring on his country the contempt of all mankind and the perpetual hostility of Mexican bandits, will ever resort to so disgraceful an expedient.

We will pass over the scurrility of this paragraph, leaving it to work its own destruction. We only regret that it cannot be read by every man in the United States, in order that it might be fully understood to what the President, speaking through his organ, can descend – in order that the people might learn what offence they have given to our high and mighty rulers in Washington, by their late demonstrations against them – in order that those who have heretofore considered themselves the sovereign power in the land, might be taught to exercise their privilege of voting for their representatives in such a manner as to give least possible umbrage to the royal personage at Washington. – There can be no doubt that the result of the late elections has sunk deep in the royal bosom, and that his majesty has taken this method to rebuke his liege subjects, and to remind them of the duty due to his sacred person. To doubt his power of making war when he may think proper – to dispute even the proclamation issuing from the palace that the country was at war – to pretend to scrutinise the acts of so high a personage – to criticise his military appointments, even to the point of asserting that royal favor cannot in one month make a great general out of an obscure attorney, and to give still higher color to the “treason” by voting down the men whom kit was his majesty’s express wish to see in his councils – what is all this but lese majestie – a direct insult to the sovereign in person?

But to be serious. We were told by the Union, before this war broke out, that if Mexico dared to wag a finger in defiance of our own repeated threats – if she did not do precisely what she was required to do by the United States – the western and south–western States would furnish 100,000 men for the invasion of her territory, who, in three months, would plant the stars and stripes, in triumph, on the towers of the Montezumas! No fish–woman ever scolded longer, louder, and in a higher tone of exasperation, or in more wretched taste, than did the editor of that paper from one week’s end to the other. “The infatuated Mexicans” said he; “are they mad?” he exclaimed. “they are bent on their own ruin,” &c. These were common phrases, addressed, not to the Mexicans, for they could not hear them, but to his own partizans. Well! at last the war came. Instead of the 100,000 men, that were to be revelling in the halls of the Montezumas, at the end of three months, Gen. Taylor, after two splendid victories, found himself at the head of not a tenth part of that number; instead of being in Mexico, they were but a short distance, comparatively, from the Rio Grande; instead of being furnished with every thing necessary for an army of invasion, which was expected to terminate a war of such magnitude in six months, they were deficient in means to transport the little baggage which they had – To put the crowning stone upon all this – at the end of six months, after that gallant little army had made marches, endured hardships, fought battles, and gained victories, such as we read of only in romance – while it was yet at an immense distance from its home, surrounded by enemies, with the greatest of all the Mexican generals let loose by the inconceivable folly of Mr. Polk, in their front – as if to offer up a sacrifice to confirm the new friendship struck up between them, and to bind the victim hand and foot, so that there could be no possibility of escape – all his regular forces were withdrawn from Gen. Taylor, and he was left with nothing but raw volunteers, who had never seen service before, to encounter Santa Anna with five times his number. So inconceivably stupid, was the whole affair of the withdrawal of these troops and the exposure of Gen. Taylor, that we have seen it stated, that Santa Anna, when first informed of it, said it was utterly impossible! In spite of all obstacles, interposed by executive jealousy, that glorious old man triumphed; but that jealousy, or something else has prevented him, thus far, from reaping the reward of his labors. It has now been six months since the glorious battle of Buena Vista put the seal to his fame; yet he is still inactive – still unable to advance – still crippled in his projected and ardently desired operations, for want of both men and money. Congress has furnished the Executive with all that it asked for of both, yet General Taylor is still inactive, notwithstanding his express wishes to pursue a different policy.

But let us look in another direction. It has now been four months since the battle of Cerro Gordo destroyed the force which Buena Vista had already seriously shaken. In that time Mexico has had an opportunity, under the skilful direction of Mr. Polk’s pet, to re–organize the war, and to present a front even more formidable than that which it showed at Cerro Gordo. We have been told, over and often by the Union, that Gen. Scott was to have 20,000 men in the field, ready to march on the capital by the 1st of July; yet on the thirtieth he was still at Puebla, unable or unwilling, from the inferiority of his force, to advance.

And does the Union, in the face of all this mismanagement, crippling, as it does, the operations, and marring the combinations of our most skilful generals, at the same time that it encourages the enemy, and enables their leaders to persuade the populace that we are afraid of them, pretend to ascribe the feeble and inefficient manner in which this war has been conducted, and the inordinate length to which it has been protracted to the speeches of Whig leaders, or to paragraphs in Whig newspapers? Are any of its readers so thoroughly stupid as to think, for a moment, that paragraphs published in the papers here, two thousand miles from the scene of action, are going to keep those in the ranks whom the utmost efforts of their own generals, aided by the example of hand and voice, can scarce induce to stand a volley from our troops?

“We do not say there is a written contract.” Indeed! that is very liberal; why not say so? it would be far more effective, and equally true, with the positive declaration that “there is a palpable practical concert” between the Whig leaders and the Mexican chieftains. Truly this is a modest accusation from the organ of James K. Polk, the man between whom and Santa Anna there was a “concert” so “palpable,” that he cannot venture to deny it, and so “practical,” that it has already cost us the lives of hundreds of brave soldiers, who might otherwise, at this moment, be alive and well.

The object of this paragraph is apparent enough. It is to induce the people of this country to believe that their honor is concerned in supporting James K Polk, the author of those feeble and inefficient measures, from the effect of which it required the combined genius of Scott and Taylor to extricate the country with credit – the man always ready to stand noun–substantive to any epithet won by the valor of these great generals and their invincible troops – the man who would gladly, were it possible, appropriate all the laurels which he has been unable to blast upon the brow of another – the man who would reap where he has not sown, and would claim credit for the great deeds his utmost efforts have been unable to mar.

Such articles as that we have been commenting on, can do serious injury only to those who write them. They bear with them their own condemnation – they require only to be read to be generally denounced. If the elections were to go over again, the Whig candidates would require no better text–book than this turgid mass of insane fury, to prove the utter incapacity of those who are placed at the head of affairs. We trust in Heaven the time may be far distant when the Whig cause shall stand in need of such a defender as the author of this article, or such excuses as he has offered, for the deplorable mismanagement of his superiors.

Judgement has already been pronounced upon this most feeble and most corrupt Administration, and all that the fury of politicians, parting with the spoils with as much complacency as a man would with the whole of his teeth may dictate; cannot alter the decree, or stay the execution. The great West – they who have had most to do with this war – whose sufferings have been greatest and whose glory has been chief – have just spoken in tones which cannot be mistaken. In the midst of all the pride, pomp and circumstance of war – with their sons in the midst of them bearing on their brows the laurels still green from the bloody fields of Buena Vista and Cerro Gordo – they have pronounced upon James K. Polk, the author of this war and the man who expected to derive from it unfading glory and a new lease of power.
[NO]


August 24, 1847, RW47v24n68p2c3 News from Vera Cruz and Tampico

Arrival of the Steamship New Orleans

Later from Vera Cruz and Tampico.

The steamship New Orleans, Capt. Auld, arrived yesterday afternoon, having sailed from Vera Cruz the evening of the 7th inst, and from Tampico the evening of the 10th. Capt. Auld reports the steamship Mary Kingland having left Tampico via the Brazos, for this port on the 6th inst.

The steamship Fanny arrived at Tampico on the 7th, and was to have left for Vera Cruz on the 10th inst.

The New Orleans (unintelligible) over the following passengers: Lieut. W. Smith, U. S. steamer Vixen; Lieut Jones, U. S M corps; Passed (unintelligible) CH Wells and Geo P Welsh, from the U S steamer Petrel; Midshipman McLanghlin, and Maury, of the steamer Mississippi; Lieut Chas Carapbell, USA. Dr Cantr, in charge of the sick, USA; Messrs W H Brown, Odysseus W Humphreys, Jno. Laplace, JM Gilbert; P Casasus, P H (unintelligible), EJ Lawrence, R Maire, E A Martin, Geo Creps, C Meret, C H Pemberton, C De Russey; G Case, C whit, McMerry, L Degenheart, F Heirn, W F Mallory, J Odysseus’Brain, J Gaston, J Simonds, C Flower, sergt Daley, WD (unintelligible), J Allerton, J Dibry, E T Perterson, J R Larry, S Whitemore, BT Caro, WJ Needhan; 125 discharged and sick soldiers, and 45 steamers.

The New Orleans brings mails from Vera Cruz and Tampico. We regret to learn that Tampico mail was stolen at an early hour yesterday morning and rifled of a portion of its contents. Some of the letters were subsequently recovered, though had supposed he disposed of them by casting them in a water closet. In the mail was a letter addressed to Wm wift, Esq, from the contents of which it would appear that three U.S. treasury notes, numbered 321, 322 and 323, for 500 each have been abstracted. They were dated Oct. 31, 1846. It is supposed that the other valuable letters have been stolen.
[NO]


August 20, 1847, RW47v24n67p2 Mexican guerrillas

Lieutenant Waters, with a detachment of Capt. Besancon’s company, returned from a scout of the 6th inst. about 15 miles from the city while riding along the banks of the Medellin river, they were fired by some Mexicans concealed in the bushes on the opposite side of the river, but no harm was done. The (unintelligible) that one of the party, Mr. Wilkinson, being in advance, entered a house which had from all appearance, been abandoned with precipitation, and found in some papers, among which was the following pass;

2d Company of the East.

The chiefs of guerrillas all please let the bearer, Crespin Marin, pass unmolested with ten mules, as he goes to Vera Cruz to get provisions for the guerrillas.

God and Liberty!
(unintelligible) Aug. 5, 1847.
Juan Aburto.

To the Commanders of guerrillas.

A train left the evening of the 6th inst for the army above under the command of Col Wilson of the 12th Infantry. The trains was escorted about 1000 men. The following officers are enumerated by the Sun as commanding them: Capts. Clarke, Morris, Alord, Hoke, Hornsby, and Williams, of the Infantry; and Luis Jones, Cantwell, Waddell, Wheeden, Wilkins, Dole, Sears and Creanor, of the artillery. Some accounts set down the number of troops in this train at from 1500 to 2000; our own correspondent says one thousand. Verbal reports say that Col Wilson was taken suddenly ill and could not proceed, and that the command devolved upon another officer whose name is not recollected. Our letters say nothing of this.

On the 3d inst. a mail arrived in Vera Cruz from Jalapa. The Boletin de las Noticias was received by it as late as the 30th of July. This is a little paper thoroughly Mexican, published in Jalapa. From it we learn more particulars of Gen. Pierce’s march through that town than had before been received. The Boletin says that the train which the general escorted passed by without halting, but he with 300 dragoons entered the city and addressed the following note to the corporation –(we give the Sun’s translation)

To the Corporation of Jalapa: a brigade of the Americans army, now encamped near Jalapa, are in want of provisions. I therefore ask this corporation of Jalapa to furnish, at a reasonable price, all this brigade is in need of. I will take the necessary steps to protect those who will furnish those provisions. If, at two o‘clock this evening, precisely, the provisions demanded are not forwarded, all member of the corporation will be sent to Perote as prisoners.

F. Pierce.

W K Van Bonlin, Brigade Q.M.

The reply of the corporation is given on the Spanish side of the Sun. The members are very indignant at what they consider the harsh language of the general. They make no difficulty about the provisions; these could have been had at reasonable rates without any threat. They deplore their unfortunate position, being defenceless. –This they say should have protected them from insult. –Gen. Pierce is the first American officer, they say, who has thus had occasion to find fault with them. The reply is pretty “sharp” upon the general, but it is hardly worth translating.

We give from the Sun of Anahuac the following summary of news made from the Boletin:

The same paper says that a Mexican (‘traitor,” it says) was encountered by a party of guerrillas, and being suspicious, he was required to undergo an examination; but having offered resistance, he was killed. Three large packages, containing letters from the officers of the army, to their friends in the United States, were found in his possession.

The Boletin adds: “In said correspondence it is stated that great discord exists between the volunteers and regulars of the American army, and that this may cause them to fight among themselves.

That paper is delighted at this, and takes that opportunity to call the Americans “highway robbers,” and “Yankees,” &c. it also says that it appears from intercepted letters, that Gen. Pillow and other American chiefs are of opinion that the attack unpon the capital will not be successful –that the commanding officers consider tha capital to be in a very strong state of defence, as much for its fortifications as for the number of men who will be brought into action –and finally that the guerrillas had completely interrupted the correspondence between Puebla and Vera Cruz.

The letters after having been read were sent to the Government at Mexico.

Four Americans deserters arrived at Jalapa, on the 30th ult., three of whom were from Puebla and one form Gen. Pierce’s train. They were to leave Jalapa for Coatepec. The Boletin says that the desertion was very great from the ranks of the American army, and that seventy–three deserters were advertised in one day, at Puebla. The one from Gen. Pierce’s train, is said to report that waggons full of sick follow hum. We don’t believe one words of this.

The Boletin further says that the inducements held out to Americans to desert are not enough; that if the government would promise them money or any other rewards, Scott’s army would be destroyed. It counsels the Government of States to take measure to foment and encourage desertion.

The same papers says assassination are frequent in Jalapa, as well of Americans as Mexicans. A small garrison is required there for the protection of the inhabitants.

The Boletin of the 30th ult. says its paper of the 27th was so far from giving offence to the Americans that it was bought by many officer and soldiers. The Boletin expresses its surprise that the Americans had not rebuked its freedom with them, as Santa Anna would have done with the press of the capital.

We have received no letter from Tampico by this arrival. Can the following order of Col. Gates have anything to do with this? We hope, at all events, that Mexican papers will be allowed to come through. We underscore one paragraph in the orders.

Orders N0. 67.
Headquarters, department of Tampico, August 7, 1847.

1. The following extract from the “Army Regulations” is published for the information of all concerned:

“Private letter or reports relative to military marches and operations are frequently mischievous in design and always disgraceful to the army. They are therefore strictly forbidden; and any officer found guilty of making such report for publication without special permission, or placing the writing beyond his control, so that it finds its way to the present within one month after the termination of the campaign to which it relates, shall be dismissed the service.”

2. Any citizen of Tampico found guilty of making similar reports for publication without the sanction of the commanding officer, will be dealt with according to the nature of the case.

By order of Col. Gates: WM. H. Gray, A.A.A.G.

  [NO]


August 20, 1847, RW47v24n67p2c4 From Army of Taylor

From the Army of Gen. Taylor

The U. S. transport schooner Belle, Capt. Morgan, arrived yesterday from Brazos Santiago, having sailed thence on the 6th inst. the papers from Matamoros are no later than have been before received but we have a mail through from the army of Gen. Taylor. Below we give two letters from our correspondent at Buena Vista, first marking out several passages of Mexican rumors which our later advices from the city of Mexico, enable us to stamp with false hood in the outset.

[Special Correspondence of the Picayune.]

Camp Buena Vista, July 24, 1847.

The town has been full of rumors for the last week relative to the movements of the enemy and the prospect of peace, and the camp has of course been fruitful and multiplied, bringing forth the most splendid improbabilities. –[We omit these rumors, as they were all unfounded.] The news supposed to have been brought by express from San Luis, of which I spoke in my last, was of no importance whatever. The dragoons who went on a reconnaissance under Capt. Arnold from Monterey on the 14th inst returned a few days since to that place, and without meeting any of Urrea’s band or hearing of them –everything was perfectly quite.

It pains me to say that the health of the troops here, the infantry brigade, continues to be very bad and the sick list very large. The deaths are principally confined to the North Carolina regiment, which has lost fourteen men within a week. The Virginia regiment has lost three only, old cases, and the Mississippian about the same number. There is very little of interest in this column now, but the other division furnishes enough to make up for it – our turn may come after a while – in the hope of which, adios.

J.E.D.

Camp Buena Vista, July 25, 1847.

As this is the last opportunity I shall have of communicating with you for some ten or twelve days probably, I will give you the only item of news there is afloat. This morning four Mexicans came to Encantada, about 12 miles from here, and stated that in the Zacatecas pass, so called, 25 or 26 miles from here, they had been attacked by a Mexican guerrilla band and robbed of everything about them of the slightest value; that they had been taken to a place near by, blindfolded, and tied and kept there for two days when they were released. The band of robbers they say consisted of 15 armed men. The prisoners were en route from San Luis Potosi for this place, and one of them, an agent of an English firm in Saltillo, had a letter from the city of Mexico postmarked the 7th inst written by a correspondent of the firm. The Mexicans arrived at Encantada this morning and reported their story to the commander of the Texan Rangers there who immediately despatched a party with one of the Mexicans in search of the robbers. This all the news I have for you until I return from an expedition upon which I start to–morrow morning in company with a party of dragoons. Where I am going I will tell you when I come back, as an Irishman would say, and what the purpose of the expedition is for, of neither the one or the other have I the remotest conception. It is sufficient for me to know that I shall have a chance of seeing something, and that it promises variety and adventure, so farewell for the present.

J.E. D.

  [NO]


August 24, 1847, RW47v24n68p4c1 Far from peace

The News from Mexico .

It will be seen from the intelligence which we published this morning, that we are as far from peace as ever, and that if the Mexican Congress can have their way, the capture even of the Capital, will have little effect in producing that desirable result. The Enquirer is publishing long articles every morning, asking what the Whigs will do? –It had better tell us what the Executive will do, for beating the Mexicans does not seem to have the effect of inclining them to peace, the least in the world. Before plunging into war, it seems to us, the President should have brought him, how we were get out of it. He was well aware of the obstinate nature of the people he was about to come in contact with, or at least portions of their ante colonial history were often enough told him, in proof of their stubborn disposition.

The information relative to the British ambassador is important and interesting.
[NO]


August 24, 1847, RW47v24n68p4c1 Editorial on War

Brownson on Polk,

We find, in the Philadelphia North American, a fuller extract from Brownson’s Quarterly Review, upon the subject of the war, which we append. The latter paragraph, it will be seen, is that published yesterday; but the reader will like to see the connection; and the truths there uttered cannot be too often repeated, not too strongly impressed. In the meantime, it is proper to call the reader’s attention to an error, into which we inadvertently fell in describing this article as an extract form the “Democratic” Review; an error into which we were led by the knowledge that Mr. Brownson was long editor of that periodical, to which he was likewise the ablest contributor. –His Quarterly Review is as much Democratic as the other, and is regarded by a large portion of the Democratic party as their organ.

From Brownson’s Quarterly Review.

“Four ourselves, we have regarded the Mexican war from the first as UNCALLED FOR, IMPOLITIC AND UNJUST. We have examined the documents published by order of the government; we have read the official defence of the war in the last annual Message of the President to Congress, and with every disposition to fund our own government in the right; BUT WE ARE BOUND TO SAY, THAT OUR ORIGINAL IMPRESSIONS HAVE BEEN STRENGTENED RATHER THAN WEAKENED. The president, undoubtedly, makes it clear that we have many just causes of complaint against Mexico, which at the time of their occurrence might have justified reprisals, perhaps even war, –but we cannot plead these in JUSTIFICATION OF THE PRESENT WAR; FOR THEY WERE NOT THE GORUND ON WHICH WE PROFESSED TO ENGAGE IN IT. The official announcement of the President to Congress was that war already existed between the two republics, by the act of Mexico herself, and whatever use we may make of old grievances in adjusting the terms of the peace, we can make no use of them in defending the war. We can plead in its defence only the fact on which we grounded it, namely, war exists by the act of Mexico herself. But unhappily, at the time of the official announcement, WAR DID NOT EXISTED BETWEEN THE TWO REPUBLICS AT ALL, for neither republic had declared war against the other. –There had been a collision of their forces, BUT THIS WAS NOT WAR, as the President would probably have conceded, bad he known or recollected the distinction between WAR AND HOSTILITIES. By placing the war on the ground that it existed by the act of Mexico, AND THAT GROUND BEING FALSE, he has left it wholly indefensible whatever the old grievances we may have to allege against Mexico.

‘The act of Mexico in crossing the Rio Grande, and engaging our troops on territory which she had possessed and still claimed as hers, but which we asseted had, by a recent act against which she had presented, become ours, –that which the President chose to inform Congress and the world as war– may or may not have been A JUST CAUSE for declaring war against her, BUT IT ASSUREDLY WAS NOT WAR ITSELF. We have no intention to justify Mexico. She may have had no valid title to the territory of which the President.
[NO]


August 24, 1847, RW47v24n68p4c2 General Taylor and the justice of the war

General Taylor and the New Orleans Courier

While the Enquirer is laboring to prove General Taylor no Whig, its coadjutor in New Orleans seems to be be–laboring him with as much hearty good will as though the point were entirely concealed. Commenting upon the letter which appear in our columns on Thursday, and which we dis–cover was addressed, not to the editor of the Floridian, as the paper from which we took it said, but to Dr. Delony, a Locofoco of Clinton, La., the Courier (La.) says”

“The General’s reply to the first question relative to “the justice and necessity of the Mexican War,” sets froth that “being a soldier to inquire about its justice, or any thing else connected with it.” One would suppose that a high–minded American soldier, like Gen. Taylor, commanding his country’s troops in presence of the enemy, would have formed an opinion on the justice of the war, and feel no repugnance or hesitation to express it in the face of the world. We venture to assert that no other general officer attached to our army in Mexico, would refrain from publicly avowing his sentiments on the justice of going into the war and continuing it.
[NO]


August 24, 1847, RW47v24n68p4c3 Mexican Congress and Peace

From the N. O. Picayune, Aug. 12.

The Mexican Congress and Peace

We find room to lay before our readers this morning the report of the Committee on Foreign Relation of the Mexican Congress, to which had been referred Mr. Buchanan’s late latter to that Government. The document is full of importance as expressive of the feelings and views of the Mexican Congress and nation. In endeavoring to adhere closely to the original we are apprehensive lest the report should be deemed somewhat obscure to a hasty reader. Thoughtfully pondered, however, it will be found a lucid, condensed and most significant exposition of the views of a majority of the Mexican Congress and nation. The report is directed to the Secretary of Congress:

Committee Room of the Sovereign Constituent Mexican Congress.

Sir –The majority of the Committee on Foreign Relations deem it not improper to represent their report with the promptitude which the Chamber has thought fit to allow, as well because the legal question involved appears to be perfectly clear, as because the same subject has for a long time been the object of their mediations, and also of the debates of the national representation.

In the judgment of the committee our fundamental code is perfectly clear in this part of it. The 110th article of the constitution places among the powers of the executive authority of the Union that of the directing diplomatic negotiations and concluding treaties of peace, friendship, alliance, truce, federation, armed neutrality, commerce, and every other kind whatsoever; but it says that to a grant or refuse the ratification of any one of these the approbation of the General Congress must first be obtained. The executive power is also exclusive, according to the 15th number of the same article, to receive ministers and other agents of foreign powers.

These articles prove in a manner incontrovertible, that by our constitutional laws, as among other civilized nations, the direction of the foreign relations is entrusted exclusively to the executive; but without conferring on it the power to conclude any thing, definitively or to bind the nation to any thing, without the consent of the legislative body. –The same federal constitution places among the power of the Congress, that of “approving treaties of peace, of alliance, of friendship, of federation, or armed neutrality, and every other kind whatsoever which the President of the United [Mexican] States may conclude with foreign power.”

For these reasons, therefore, the majority of the committee cannot propose any other course than to return to the Government the despacth; and if this report appears subscribed by only two members of the committee, it should be borne in mind that our associates Sr. Ceballos, who worthly presides over the committee, but who from his well known illness is unable to co–operate with us, has authorized us to express his agreement with us, and he even offered to subscribe that report which we should prepare expressive of our views, which we conclude with the following proposition:

Mexico, 13th July, 1847

Otero, Lafragua.

  [NO]


August 27, 1847, RW47v24n69p1c1 Editorial continued

The Enquirer and Mr. Brownson

Concluded.

We shall commence this article by the correction of an (unintelligible) that appeared near the conclusion of that of yesterday. We said “our troops had passed through 150 miles of (unintelligible) cultivated by persons who spoke the Spanish tongue.” This is certainly not correct in its entire extent. They had passed through 150 miles of territory, but the latter part of it was barren waste. At the time of the (unintelligible), however, they certainly were in the midst of fields cultivated by persons who spoke the Spanish tongue –descendants of Spaniards who had settled the country more than one hundred years before –who had always owned (unintelligible) either to Spain or to Mexico –who had taken (unintelligible) part whatever in the revolutionary movement of Texas who felt not the least desire to become incorporated in the Union as the Texan did –whose habits and inclinations (unintelligible)them to favor the Mexican domination –whom the Republic of Texas had never conquered –who had conquered and made prisoners of the only party that had penetrated into the country –who, in fine, considered themselves, and were considered by the Mexican Government, portion of the province of Tamaulipas –a province over (unintelligible)the long arm of the Texan Republic had never existed.

If there ever was a time when a distinction, such as Mr. Brownson establishes between hostilities and actual war would have been taken, then certainly was the time. The President has already ordered the commission of a hostile act –he had marched into territory subject to adjustment, as all acknowledge, by treaty, thereby justifying war on the part of the enemy –and on that account he should have hesitated before he gave the name of war to an act of hostility, seeing that the whole blame must lie at his door. When therefore, the Enquirer admits that there may be hostilities without war, it is undoubtedly correct; but when it goes farther and claim this as the exception and not the rule, we beg leave to differ with it. The rule is, we conceive, that there is no war until war is formally declared, otherwise there would be no necessity for determining where he war–making power is to be lodged. It would in fact exist in the bosom of every officer who chanced to have a command on the frontier, and might be exercised by him at discretion to the great damage of his own country, and to the perpetual danger of the peace of the whole world. The circumstances upon which it relies to alter the case are, as we have already shown, decidedly against it; for the position of our army commencing in a tort, might allow it to repel an attack, but nothing more.

Does not the Enquirer perceive from this exhibition of dates, how futile its attempt is to justify the march to the Rio Grande, on the ground that Mexico had rejected our minister, when it shows conclusively that the order was issued at least ten days before the application was made, at least twenty–five before it was rejected, and just twenty–eight it was known at Washington?
[NO]


August 27, 1847, RW47v24n69p1c3 Polk in Mexico

For the Whig.

Mr. Polk in Mexico .

The legality of the President’s “Orders in Council” has been defended by those whose interest it is to justify every act of the great Dispensed of Patronage, by quoting the laws of war, which in the regulation of belligerent rights, allow one belligerent to take and convert to his own use the property and possessions of whatever kind belonging to the other. It is lawful for either party in this way to reimburse himself the amount of his outlays, no augment his own resources and diminish those of the enemy. This unquestionable the law of nations.

No one, therefore, pretends that Mexico, standing in the attitude of the most determined hostility to our Government, ought to complain that her revenues, or a part of them, have been seized for the use of the enemy. It is one of the stern rights of war to which every nation, when she has assumed the helmet and shield, must submit, who cannot defend her property. It is the law on land and sea defend all nation of the earth.

But the question between Mr. Polk and the Whig party is not thus easily disposed of. When it comes to be discussed in the Senate at the next Congress, it will cause the feeble administration to totter on its base.

The true question appear to be, to whom does the property which the enemy has this lost belong?  And if it belongs to the conquering nation, who has the authority under our government to take possession of it for the use and benefit of the nation/ it will be seen that things taken from enemy neither belong to the commander, whose skill and conduct may have mainly contributed to the enterprize, nor yet to the soldier whose courage and strength may have achieved the success; but to the sovereign or nation under whose banners, by the aid of whose resources, and in whose cause he is doing battle.

“It is asked to whom the conquest belongs, –to the prince who has made it, or to the Sate? This question ought never to have been heard of. Can the prince, in his character of sovereign, act for any other end than the good of the State? Whose are the force he employs in this war?” All advantages which accrue for the war, of whatever kind and of whatever value, from the public treasure and rich provinces of the enemy, to ornaments stripped from the slain, all go to the nation whose arms have won them. Upon this part of the subject, the author is more full in the following extract –[The italics are the author’s]: –“As the towns and lands taken from the enemy are called conquests, and all moveable property taken from him comes under the denomination of booty. The booty naturally belongs to the sovereign   making war, no less than the conquests; for he alone has such claims against the hostile nation as to warrant him to seize on her property and convert it to his own use. His soldiers and even auxiliaries, are only instruments which he employs in asserting his rights. He maintained and pay them. But the sovereign may grant to the troops any share of the booty he pleases. At present most nations allow them whatever they can make on certain occasions, when the general allows plundering, –such as the spoil of the enemies fallen in the field of battle, the pillage of the camp which has been found and sometimes that of a town taken by assault” Vattel, 366.

As soon as the duties are collected they become national property, and “belong to the nation making the war;” the they have been collected in virtue of Executive decreed does not alter the case. As the nation in its primordial capacity cannot exercise this right of acquisition without the intervention of agents to act for it in the premises, our constitution has delegated Congress to receive the public property and expend it for the benefit of the people. Hence Congress can sell publics land, and dispose of their proceeds, and receive and dispose of the national property in the shape of taxes, and is the guardian of the public treasury. Why, the, does not property acquired in war fall under the jurisdiction of the Congress, as the trustees for the nation?

When it is borne in mind that to Congress is entrusted the power to declare war, and that it is clothed by the Constitution with powers necessary to conduct it, –to raise and discipline armies and vote the necessary supplies, –no right admitted person can for a moment doubt that Congress in war, or in peace, is the legal representative of the sovereignty of the people and to whom the laws of nation declare belong all acquisitions of property made by our arms.

Had the Constitution been silent and Congress, as incidental to the power to declare war, would (unintelligible) had the appointment of the Commander–in–chief. But that (unintelligible) President might be the better enabled to discharge the duty of executing the laws of the Union and maintaining its internal peace, the Constitution committed to him likewise the duty of commanding our armies in war, and made him Commander–in–chief. But that it was ever designed by those simple words to give him the power of collecting revenues in the conquered province, and thus be enabled to carry on the war, in many cases, without the concurrence of Congress, no man in his senses can believe. If this claim be once admitted, all power of the people over the warlike operations of the government, is at and end, and this boasted “government of the people’ becomes the government of one ma.

B.D.

  [NO]


August 31, 1847, RW47v24n70p1c3 Latest from Mexico

From the Charleston Courier, Aug. 26

[By Express in Advance of the Mail.]

Latest Mexican News.

After a considerable interval of rest – not on account of the heat of the weather, or state of the roads, which are no obstacles in the way of our little four–footers, but simply because no news of stirring interest has occurred to put them in motion – the “ponies” have resumed their exercise.

Yesterday, through their exertions, we were placed in possession of the following extra from the office of the New Orleans Picayune, of Saturday last. The regular mail brought us later intelligence from Mexico than had been previously received. The extra, by express, brings us still three days later news from Vera Cruz, and the most important item is the announcement of Paredes – his landing at Vera Cruz, and his escape into the interior, on his way to the Mexican capital, before the authorities were aware of his being in the city.

Daily Picayune Extra,

New Orleans, Saturday, Aug. 21 – 10 A.M.

Arrival of the Steamship Alabama.

Three Days Later From Vera Cruz.

Return of Gen. Paredes to Mexico – His Successful Escape into the Interior.

The Steamship Alabama, Capt. Windle, arrived this morning from Vera Cruz, having sailed thence on the 15th instant.

Quite the most important news by this arrival, is the return of Gen. Paredes to Mexico. At last accounts he was in Paris. He reached Vera Cruz on the 14th instant, in the English royal mail steamer Teviot, under an assumed name. The steamer was telegraphed about 6 o’clock in the morning from the castle. From the steamer herself a private signal was thrown out, known only to English merchants, that a distinguished personage was on board. Preparation was made for his immediate reception by his friends, but all was still as midnight. The steamer anchored, and Don Martino, passenger from Havana, leaped into the first boat lying alongside, landed on the mole, and went to his friend, Pepe Zamora, borrowed forty ounces, three horses, hat, coat and servant, and was past the gates in less than thirty minutes, with a fast horse and a clear track.

We are deeply pained to learn of the death of Colonel Wilson, of the 12th Infantry. He was represented to us by the last arrival as convalescent, but he died the evening of the 12th inst. He was to have commanded the train which left Vera Cruz on the 7th inst. He was buried on the 13th inst, the following orders having been issued for the occasion:

Orders No. 34.

Headquarters, Vera Cruz, Aug. 12, 1847.

It is announced to this command the melancholy intelligence of the death of Col. Lewis D. Wilson of the 12th Regiment U.S. Infantry, who died on this date.

The escort for his funeral will be commanded by Lieutenant Colonel, commanding, and consist of the 1st U.S. Infantry, stationed in the city. The funeral will take place at 5 o’clock, P.M., on to–morrow, to which all the U.S. Navy, citizens and strangers are respectfully invited to attend.

By order of Lieut. Col. Miles.
W.L. Crittenden, Act. Adj.

Correspondence of the Picayune.

Vera Cruz, Aug 14, 1847.

It is with mortification and regret that I have to inform you that Gen. Paredes passed through our city this morning, about 7 o’clock, in disguise, and before it was ascertained that such was the case, he was far out of our reach on his way to the city of Mexico.

He arrived this morning on the royal mail steamer Teviot, under an assumed name, and entirely unknown to the captain of the vessel. As soon as the vessel came to anchor he immediately came to the Mole in a pilot boat, and proceeded to the heart of the city to the residence of a Mexican merchant, to whom he had made himself known, and obtained from him a round–jacket, a sumbrero and horses for himself and servant and “vamosed the ranch” without ceremony. One hundred dollars reward was offered for his arrest as soon as information reached Col. Wilson that he was or had been in the city, and every effort was made to arrest him, but the “bird had flown” and given us a specimen of assurance and cunning that would do credit to the father of Yankee tricks.

The Mexican merchant who assisted in the escape is Pepe Zamora, and during the search for Paredes his house was surrounded. The officer entered and was assured by Sr. Zamora that Paredes was not in the house. “Has he been here,” was the question asked, “Yes,” replied Sr. Zamora, very coolly. “What did he want,” asked the American. “He introduced himself to me as Gen. Paredes, and asked me to befriend him, and I told him that I would. He then asked me to let him have a jacket, hat and horses, which I furnished him immediately, and he has been gone from here two hours. You are welcome to search, but I can assure you that you will not find him here, and what I tell you is so. There are his coat and hat, which you can take along if you like.”

I forgot to mention that a letter was sent by the American Consul at Havanna informing the authorities here that Gen. Paredes was on board, but it came to hand too late to do any good.

There is hardly an American here but what felt that he could crawl through a gimlet hole when the astounding news that Paredes, the sworn enemy to Santa Anna, to Americans and to peace, and the only man who at the present situation of affairs can partially restore the confidence of the Mexican people and inspire them once more with a hope to conquer their enemies, had passed, unknown and unmolested, into and out of the gates of our city. He will no doubt make every effort to reach Mexico before Gen. Scott does. The consequence will no doubt be the overthrow of Santa Anna, and most likely he will take in hands the reins of Government, crush all attempts at negotiation, and head the army in person against Gen. Scott, should he think it expedient; but if not, fall back to some place beyond the city and prepare himself for another and perhaps better occasion. At all events he is just the man that the Mexicans have been wanting ever since the battle of Cerro Gordo, and now that he is with them once more, there is no telling what mighty events may be the result of his return from exile.

Last evening the remains of Col. L.D. Wilson were escorted to the grave by the 1st Infantry, and a large concourse of American and Mexican citizens. The coffin was placed in a vault in the cemetery, where it can be conveniently obtained by his friends.

P.S. Aug. 15 – Not even a rumor from above. I enclose a slip from the Sun of Anahuac office published yesterday.

  [NO]


August 31, 1847, RW47v24n70p2c2 The Union and the War.

The official organ of the 25th instant says:

“It is nothing to the purpose to say that the Whig leaders will not all refuse to stand by their country. Nothing is more probable than that even some of those who have betrayed the cause of their own country in war, will then turn round and betray the public enemy whom they have chosen for their ally. The real question as to the responsibility of protracting war, is now what the Whig leaders will do, but what they say they will do – what they tell our public enemy they are resolved to do, or, rather, what effect will their present declarations have now upon the policy of the enemy. The Whigs dare not stop the war, nor the supplies for it. But Mexico will learn this too late.– Meantime peace will have been lost to our country; our victories will have been robbed of their moral force; and all the horrors of murderous war will have been multiplied and prolonged, because the Whig leaders, for the basest purposes of faction have dared to promise to the public enemy a moral treason, which yet they do not dare fully to perpetrate.”

We shall say nothing of the extremely dignified nature of these remarks, coming as they do from the official organ, which is always supposed to speak the language of the President, and certainly is not apt to make use of any which he may chance to disapprove; we pass over the “aid and comfort” daily afforded by it in paragraphs intended to prove that one half of the nation are traitors, and that the Mexicans have firm allies in them; we shall not dwell upon the immense comfort such paragraphs must afford to Santa Anna, in his final struggle with the army of General Scott, when he finds, from the showing of the Official, what he would never believe upon the assertion of any other paper – that the President distrusts the people, and is in his turn distrusted by them. But when the Government editor tells the world that the Whig leaders have chosen “the public enemy for their ally,” it becomes us, and other Whigs to disclaim all such inferences as are to be drawn from the passage of Santa Anna into Mexico at a time when his presence was most needed, and the consequences which have already ensued, and the end of which is not even yet. No Whig leader would ever have been guilty of such folly as this – a folly which, though we acquit the President of evil intentions, is so very glaring that, where he a shade less weak, it would be mistaken by the whole world for downright treachery. Surely Gen. Arnold, when he signed the pass giving John Anderson permission “to go to White Plains, or lower down if necessary, he being engaged on the public service,” did not commit an act from which stronger conclusions could be drawn against his fidelity, than did Mr. Polk. We repeat, we acquit Mr. Polk of all treasonable designs, though a strong case could be made out against him; we believe him to have been guilty only of an indescretion, sufficiently demonstrative, it is true of his utter incapacity to fill the station he occupies; but if he had been an English or a French minister, he would have run the most imminent risk of losing his head. Ill does it become him, then, for this reason, if none other were to be found, to charge others with consorting with the enemy, and giving them “aid and comfort”; and if he really intends to stand the hazard of the die in the game for another term, his first step should be to put a curb upon the tongue of his editor, already exasperated to a pitch of frenzy at the prospect of losing the spoils of his office. It ill becomes a man whose father has been hanged to talk of ropes, and no better does it behoove the President, whose conduct is, to say the least, vastly more suspicious than that of the men he accuses, to deal in accusations of so serious a nature.
[NO]


September

RW47v24n71p1c3, September 3, 1847, LATER FROM TEXAS

            By the steamer Yacht, Capt Crane, we have papers from Galveston to the 21st inst.

            The papers of the country generally represent the incoming cotton crops as large and fine. Some complaint is made of the worm in certain quarters, but little importance is attached to it.

            The latest number of the Civilian copies from the victors advocate the following, at the same time indicating doubts of the authenticity of the intelligence contained in it:

            We learn, from a friend recently from San Antonio, in whose sentiments the utmost reliance may be placed, that on the 24th of July Col. Hays, returned from the pursuit of a body of Lipan Indians who had been committing depredations upon the frontier. A fight took place on the Leon, one of the head waters of the Nueces river, in which six of the Lipans were killed. A Mexican girl, about fourteen years old, and a boy about ten, who had been prison are among the Indians, were brought in. The girl was first taken at Laredo, about a year since. She was afterwards released and sent home by the people of San Antonio––She has been a second time taken, and is now a second time released by them, Col Hays also too a number of horses and mules, which are said to have been stolen from the Americans. Our informant gathered the above information from the members of the company. He did not talk with Col. Hays. He left San Antonio on the evening of the 24th, via Corpus Christi. Twenty–five miles above San Patricio he passed a large body of Indians, which supposed to be Camanches, encamped on the Nueces. He thinks they numbers about one hundred and fifty, and had three hundreds head of horses in their procession.–––They came from the Rio Grande region, and crossing the Nueces at their encampment, were traveling north.

            Our informant also states that on the day before he left San Antonio an express arrived there, bearing despatches to Colonel Hays from Major Neighbors, Indian agent––The express stated that the Camanches had become hostile and had ordered all persons who were surveying lands to leave that part of the country. The express also states that five surveyors, under Mr. Robert Hays, a brother of Col. Hays, who were missing, had been certainly killed.––It was also rumored at the agency that Mr. Hudson, of Bastrop, with twenty–five men, who were out surveying on the San Saba, had been killed or taken prisoners.
[BRM]


RW47v24n71p2c1, September 3, 1847, THE ENQUIRER AND THE MEXICAN WAR

            The Enquirer of yesterday, in an article headed, “The Richmond Whig and the Mexican War,” says:

            “We hardly know to whom the enemies of the Administration, we should give precedence for the thoughtlessness of their complaints of the war in which we are engaged. Really we are afraid to speak as we feel in the matter, least we should give offence; for harsh language alone could express our ideas of the groundless complaints and silly objections which some of the Whig papers which of all the anti–war advocates––are most to blame, we are utterly at a loss. A few days ago we thought that Mr. Brownson had gone as far as any. The absurd position which he had taken, we thought, could not be surpassed by any one.––He admitted that the causes which we had for a war against Mexico were entirely sufficient. This he entirely conceded; yet, said he, Congress has, under the Constitution, the power to declare war––the President, in fact, has declared war; therefore the United States is responsible for the war. This is absurd as well as ridiculous. But a few days ago we exposed the bald fallacy on which it was founded, and invited refutation of our reasoning. No refutation has come––none has been attempted; and we challenge either or both of the Whig papers of this city to take up the gauntlet. In making shit challenge thus confidently, we do not mean to intimate that we are superior to them in any respect, except that we have the vantage ground of right and justice; and, having that, we are ready to meet them. Let them leave declamation. Let them come down to the realm of sober argument. Let them bring their accusations and we will meet them.”

            The first idea which any man, previously unacquainted with the facts, would entertain upon reading this paragraph, would be that Mr. Brownson was a Whig, and the editor of a Whig paper; a position which we are very certain he would be among the last of men to assume voluntarily. The editors very well know that he is, whatever else he may be, at least no Whig; that he was among the foremost in zeal as he was likewise in talent, of those who sustained the present Executive in the race for the Presidency; that he gave to the Democratic Review, the leading Locofoco Periodical of the day, all the character for ability so which it can lay claim. That he agreed, in one very remarkable point, with a party from whom he differed in every thing else, we regard as a strong piece of testimony in favor or the correctness of their views; for it has never been alleged, as far as we know, that his opinions had their origin in interest, or in any other motive that the most thorough conviction of their justice. That his arguments were overwhelming, the Enquirer itself has tacitly acknowledged, for while it affects to treat then as absurd, it takes very good care not to allow its readers to form their own opinions by publishing his article in its columns. True, as it says, it attempted a refutation, but it failed so signally that we did not think it worth while to push the discussion farther, convinced that among all men, who understood both sides of the question, the position assumed by My. Brownson would be seen at a glance not to have been touched. As the whole of his argument is based upon facts and as these facts have not been refuted, to enter into additions, and the deductions he has drawn from them. To take up the gauntlet, therefore, which the Enquirer throws down to the Whig editors of city papers, would be an useless assumption of labor, unless the Enquirer will let its readers know what we are disputing about by publishing the article which forms the ground of the controversy, or at least so much of it as we have used already. If that shall be done, we shall not hesitate to accept the challenge made by that paper, and even to publish its articles, provided it will publish ours in return.

            The Enquirer continues:

            After quoting an extract from a speech delivered by the Hon. C. J. Ingersoll, relative to the power of the President in time of war, the Whig says:

`”Now admit that the President of the United States has, in fact, all these enormous powers––admit that, when once at war, like Napoleon, or Mahmoud, or Nicholas, he is no longer responsible to any but God alone––admit too, that at his pleasure he may say the country is at war, and no man dare dispute it­––can any many any longer pretend that this government is a Republic? Is it not, to all intents and purposes, the government of a single individual? Is not James K. Polk, at this moment, the autocrat of all these States, just as decidedly as Nicholas is autocrat of all the Russias? To say that the war–making power is not lodged in his hands, is to trifle with the public understanding.––He can order his troops to march where he may wish them––he can compel them to commit any act of aggression he may think proper––he can even order them to assail the enemy, before they shall have given any provocation––and than if they resist, he can call it war, and call on Congress for men and money. It is vain to say that Congress, before declaring a state of war to exist, would first enquire into the circumstances, and if it found the original act unjustifiably aggressive would refuse to recognize it. The doctrine of Locofocism is entirely different: It holds that any enquiry into the President’s motives of his acts, though in theories to be found the true origin of the war, is nothing less than treason!”

            Now we ask our readers––nay, we ask the Editors of the Whig, if this is not superlatively ridiculous, when supplied as an argument against the justice of the present war? What, in fact, is this complaint, but a complaint against the Constitution, if, indeed, it is any thing more than the idle words of one who opposes the interests of his country,without being able to cite any thing which will tend to justify his unnatural conduct. For ourselves, we can find but one opinion to entertain. That we will elucidate more fully, when we comment at large and at leisure upon the unparalleled enormity of the Editorial of the Whig. We had hoped that when that paper had taken sides against the South––when it had asserted the right of Congress to control in every and any manner our territories, and contended for the power of that body to impose any restrictions and conditions it thought or might think proper in our territories, we should not, for a time at least, remain quiet for a time. If has taken a different course, and we mean to follow it to the end.

            It will be seen that the Enquirer doe not publish the extract from Mr. Ingersoll’s speech, to which we alluded, and which goes farther, much farther than even we have intimated; which declares that when once the war making power is entrusted to the hands of the President, “that all power was as great as the power of the autocrat of all Russias, of the Sultan Mahmoud, or of Napoleon in the utmost culmination of his authority­­––that it was a great mistake to suppose that there was in that respect any difference between the sovereignty of the European despot and that of the United States––and that the Sultan Mahmoud the autocrat of all the Russias have no more sovereign power than that which was no in full exercise for waging war with Mexico.” Such were the sentiments of Chas. J. Ingersoll, the Locofoco Chairman of the committee of Foreign Relations, and Mr. Polk’s nominee for the place of Ambassador to France,” “who would have been a tory had he lived in the days of the Revolution.”––We ask the reader to read these enormous assumptions with car, and then to say whether the remarks on which the Enquirer comments are either ill–founded, or overstrained. It is not clear, if they are just, and the Enquirer does not say a word against them, that the sovereignty of the States, the rights of the people, and the powers of Congress, are alike merged, during war, in the stupendous prerogative of the President? Congress, by the Constitution, has the power to lay taxes, and raise money, &c. If during war, the power of the President be as great as that of the Sultan Mahmoud, or the Emperor Nicholas, is not this clause, the most thoroughly conservative of the whole Constitution, entirely abolished? The Emperor Nicholas and the Sultan Mahmoud both have power to collect taxes, &c; and if, in a state of war, the President’s power to be equal to theirs, cannot he, too, lay takes, &c. as they can? Far from being a complaint against the Constitution, our article was only a complaint against those who would thus construe it, and by thus construing, literally abolish it.

            But the Enquirer charges us with having taken sides against the South! We should be sorry to leave the decision of what is Southern in the hands of the Enquirer, or its Natural Allies of the north. It is true, we oppose, and shall continue to oppose a war of conquest on the part of the Executive, and the addition of any more territory to the Union. True we deprecate the recurrence of the sectional dispute which arose upon the introduction of the Missouri question, and which could not fail to recur, were any territory taken from Mexico. True, that in company with William Lowndes, we asserted and still maintain that the “constitution gives to Congress the power to admit States in the broadest terms.” But we have yet to learn how the maintenance of any one or all three doctrines can be construed into taking sides against the South. The Enquirer is not the South, nor as far as we can learn is it the exponent of Southern opinion; nor constitution, under the entire control of Congress, a sovereign State, does it speak Southern sentiment, which never construed any restriction proposed by Congress, into any thing but a dangerous abuse of a delegated power.

            No! it is the Enquirer, and such as it, that are dealing the most fatal wounds to the interest of the South. It perfectly well knows, that the majority in Congress, is in favor of the Wilmot Proviso, and that by bringing more territory into the Union, it will give occasion for the question to arise. When it does come on, the Missouri compromise will be broken down, and the Wilmot Proviso will be carried. It is as certain as any future event can possibly be, and it will be a most disastrous day for the South when it shall have arrived. This day, the Enquirer and those who claim to be the peculiar guardians of the South desire to hasten. This day we desire, for the sake of the South and the Union, never see arrive. The Enquirer would most unnecessarily, place the South in a position where it must inevitably sustain a defeat; we desire so to arrange matters, that it can never be placed in that position. Which of us, we ask any candid man to say, is the truest and safest friend of the South?

            The United States, the Southern portion more especially, can gain nothing by the dismemberment of Mexico. We learn that there are no public lands in that country worth the trouble of entering them, but that on the contrary, all lands of any value of long since been appropriated. The rich men of Mexico live in a semi–barbarous style of federal magnificence, one person sometimes owning several hundred thousand acres of land. Kendall speaks of one estate, somewhere in the Western States of Mexico, which was more than fifty miles (as well as we recollect) long, by nearly as many broad. In this way the whole country is private property, and the Government would get nothing, not even the mines, for they, in a great measure, are in the same category. What, then, does the United States, what does any body, but land speculators, want with it? Are all this blood and money lavished for their benefit, and are they the only persons whose interest it if worth while to take any care of?
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RW47v24n71p4c1, September 3, 1847, A WAR OF CONQUEST

            If there were no other objection to a war of conquest on the part of these States, the immense power which war under any circumstances confers upon the President, according to the Locofoco reading of the Constitution, should be amply sufficient to render it edious in the eyes of every Republican. The extent of those powers may be clearly gathered from the extract from Mr. Charles J. Ingersoll’s speech, published by us last week, in which he asserted, that as soon as war was declared, the President was as absolute in all matters relating to it, as Tamerlane, or Napoleon, the Czar of Russia or the Sublime Porte. Lest we be accused of misstating the substance of his remarks on his head, we republish his very words. He sad then, “that when the Congress had given the President the war–making power, that power was as great as the power of the Autocrat of all the Russias, of the Sultan Mahmoud, or of Napoleon, in the utmost culmination of his authority; and that it was a great mistake to suppose, that there was, in that respect, any difference between the sovereignty of the European Despot, and that of the President of the United States.”

            And again–– “The Autocrat of all the Russias––the Sultan Mahmoud––have no more soverign power, than that which was now in full exercise for waging the war with Mexico.

            Now admit that the President of the United States has, in fact, all these enormous powers––admit that, when once at war, like Napoleon, or Mahmoud, or Nicholas, he is no longer responsible to any but God alone––admit too, that at his pleasure, he may say the country is at war, and no man dare dispute it––can any many any longer pretend that this government is a Republic? Is it not to all intents and purposes the government of a single individual? Is not James K. Polk, at this moment, the autocrat of all these States, just as decidedly as Nicholas is autocrat of all the Russias? To say that the war making power is not lodged in his hands is to trifle with the public understanding. He can order his troops to march where he may wish them––he can compel them to commit any act of aggression he may think proper––he can even order them to assail the enemy, before they shall have given any provocation––and then if they resist, he can call it war, and call on Congress for men and money. It is vain to say that Congress, before declaring a state of war to exist, would first enquire into the circumstance, and if it found the original act unjustifiably aggressive would refuse to recognize it. The doctrine of Loco–Focoism is entirely different: It holds that any enquiry into the President’s motives or his acts, though in them is to be found the true origin of the war, is nothing less that treason.

            By such a system has Mr. Polk succeeded in erecting, out of the shattered constitution, a stupendous despotism, while he is deluding the ears of his followers with the syren cries of “Democracy” and “equality!” he has stolen alike from the people, and the Congress, every privilege to which they were entitled either as a birth–right or by the grant of the Constitution. He may make war when he pleases, and no man dare say nay! When he is at war, none dare question his authority. He is as absolute, according to Mr. Ingersoll, as Mahmoud or Napoleon, and he may push his lust of conquest to any extreme, without either let or hindrance on the part of Congress or people.

            The form of our government, essentially altered as it is in the eyes of the Democratic rulers, is far better adapted now for the purposes of conquest, than it was when the constitution still existed, and a formed the rule of all political action. The sinews of government, to use a phrase of Blackstone, are knit into one hand, and of course are more effective for action than when dispersed. The President may do any act which the Queen of England in council can do, He may order seizures at sea of vessels belonging to any power, at peace with us, and as soon as he shall have alleged that they, and not we committed the first act of aggression, every body is estopped to dispute his word, or to enquire even into the actual state of the case. He may speak the truth or he may be guilty of uttering a falsehood! It makes no difference whatever. No man must even ask is this true or is it false. If the nation, whose commerce has been thus assailed, should resist, why we are at war, at once, and then the more than dictatorial powers of the President come into full operation. Whenever he may covet a piece of territory belonging to one of our neighbors, he may pursue a similar policy. He may march his forces into it, and upon their meeting with resistance, may say, as he did in the case of Mexico, we are at war, and forthwith there is an end to all complaint or enquiry.

            That such a power in the hands of a President, is far more effective for aggression and conquest, than the old distribution of powers allowed by the constitution, we presume there is no one who will deny. Republics, as long as they are worthy of the name, are not adapted to wars of conquest, and the passion for such has often proved their ruin. Thos who originally establish them are generally more eager to secure their own liberty and happiness, than to crush the freedom of others. Patrick Henry, when the present constitution was under consideration, said he did not want a splendid Government. What he wished for, was one which would ensure the happiness of the citizen. For that, or similar reasons, doubtless, the power of declaring war was confined by the constitution to Congress, the framers believing, no doubt, that they had effectually secured the country thereby against wars upon light and frivolous pretexts, or what are far more dangerous, wars of ambition and conquest.

            It is for the people to say which of these two Governments they prefer; safe and happy one, founded by our fathers, and transmitted in all its purity to us, having for its object the preservation of freedom, which it attempted to secure by a system of checks and balances, recognized and established by the constitution, or the splendid and arbitrary one, which now, for the first time, has been boldly avowed to be in actual operation. We cannot doubt the virtue of our countrymen so far, as to believe that they will hesitate long. They have before them too many, and too fatal examples of the evils which follow in the train of conquest; they see the three principal powers of Europe, at this moment, each engaged in the most disastrous and destructive wars, for no other object that the acquisition of territory. They see France annually whitening the desert sands of Africa with the bones of tens of thousands of her brave soldiers, for no other object than the reduction of a few barbarians, who never did her any harm, and who, before she appeared as an enemy, knew not her existence as a nation. They see England moistening the fertile plains of India with the blood of her unoffending inhabitants, whose great crime is the richness of their lands, and the temptation it offers avarice. They see the same power murdering the helpless Chinese by myriads, for no better reason than that they do not wish to sacrifice their independence to foreigners whom they have been taught to abhor, and whom their own conduct has made appear to them in the most odious of all possibly lights. They see Russia, already possessing a territory, compared with which, in extent, the Empire of Rome, at the period if its greater extension, was but as a point upon the map of the world, sacrificing thousands of lives, every year, for the purpose of robbing a few daring mountaineers of the independence which they inherited from their fathers, and which they regard as far more valuable than life itself. When our people see all this, and reflect upon the waste of life and treasure with which it is done––when they remember, likewise, that they who are engaged in this crusade against the rights of man, are Kings, Queens, and Czars, they will hesitate before they will consent to follow such revolting examples. Even supposing the conquest effected, it must be kept up at the point of the sword. The whole theory of our Government will have been revolutionized, and like the ancient despotism of Europe, we shall, be found holding provinces, in times of dead peace, by means of a standing army, often more dangerous to the citizens that to the enemy. For it is impossible to suppose, that nine millions of people will ever submit to our domination, unless it is continually enforced by the presence of an overwhelming military power. What justice, what equality, what law is to be expected under such a system, the history of the British Dominion in India, will sufficiently show. The very warmest apologists for the atrocities committed by Clive and Warren Hastings, found their defence on the very fact that the government was one of the sword, and had not its basis in the affections of the people. If such were the fact among the Hindoos, who had been for centuries subjected to the rule of a succession of conquerors, what can be expected of the Spanish race, always jealous of foreigners­­––always distinguished above other nations of Europe for the turbulence, as well as exclusiveness of their disposition––always preferring the worst government of their own institution, to the best that could be imposed on them by the stranger? It will not be difficult to see that our President is carving out for us war, domestic feuds, and internal dissentions, of eternal duration; that he is preparing to shut the doors of peace for an indefinite period, upon even the hopes of his nation––and that in the end liberty must give way to the sword, and the happiness bid adieu to our shores forever.
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RW47v24n71p4c1, September 3, 1847, PAREDES AND MONARCHY

            It is well known to many of our readers, that an attempt has already been made to induce the belief that Mexico, (or a party in that country at least,) entertains a design to erect herself into a monarchy, for the benefit of some sprig of royalty in Europe. That the attempt to create such an impression, would be revived by those whose trade it is to humbug and deceive the people, we felt convinced from the moment we first heard of Paredes’ arrival in Mexico.––That we were not all wrong in our suspicions, the following feeler from the Union, thrown out to see how much the public will stand, sufficiently proves:

            As to Paredes, we regret to state that the Captain of the British steamer must have been acquainted with his true name and character, as Paredes did not hesitate to speak freely on board vessel. He spoke freely of Santa Anna’s want of energy, ability and principles, and declared that unfortunate Mexico would have to throw herself into the arms of America, or of some European power. (This last allusion is suspicious, and confirms what the President stated in his Message to Congress:)

            “In any event, it was certain that no change, whatever in the government of Mexico which would deprive Paredes of in the government of Mexico which would deprive Paredes of the power could be for the worse, so far as the United States, were concerned, while it was highly probable that any change must be for the better.”

            Paredes is a monarchist­––a friend of a foreign monarch, there is some reason to believe; and his presence in Mexico, if it looks to any change, looks rather abroad than to America, for the change of her rulers. It will remain for the British Captain to explain how and why he, as a neutral, introduced so decided an enemy into our ports at all, and without acquainting us with his character.

            It appears from the Vera Cruz letter, that when Paredes entered that city, he was recognized by two or three persons––an inspector at the gate, and by Senor [illegible], who attempted justification for his silence upon the same excuses, that though he was an American citizen, but he was no spy! The fact is, that Paredes scarcely remained ten minutes in the city and went off without the knowledge of Col. Wilson, or any of the military officers.

            We have marked the most conspicuous portion of this extract for italic. Those who have been accustomed to the ally, hinting, insinuating style of the editor of the Union, who [illegible] arrives at any conclusion save by indirection, will readily understand what is here meant.­­––It is meant, that Paredes has come to Mexico with the intention of engaging her to erect herself into a Monarchy, and to confer the crown upon one of the sons of the French King––for he is the monarch spoken of as the especial friend of Paredes. The public, then, is to be cheated with another tale in confirmation of the reputed foreign interference, and this is to be the apology for continuing this war of conquest!

            Hardly has General Houston’s letter exposed the ridiculous tale of British designs on Mexico, when this still more ridiculous story is revived, for the purposes of a similar nature. We must confess, that if the people, with that example before their eyes, are so blind as to be cheated by such a monstrous story as this, they deserve to be––that is all.

            Let the reader examine the extreme improbability of this tale. The monarchial party in Mexico is, according Co.l. Benton, very small, and entirely uninfluential. The rest of Mexico, if it agrees nothing else, at least does on one subject; that of hating the very names of King and Spaniard. Upon these people, without their own consent, it is proposed to fasten a prince of the House of Orleans––of that very House, and that very Nation, which but a few years ago humbled the pride of Mexico, and forced her to pay an enormous indemnity for alleged spoliations on French property. This family of Orleans, French as it is, and therefore detestable in the eyes of all full–blooded Mexicans, is allied by marriage to the Crown of Spain, one of the sons having married the heiress apparent, and the children of that issue being the rightful heirs of the Crown. This operation, therefore, not only restores Monarchy in Mexico, but it brings in a French King, with the certainty of restoring the influence of the Spanish Crown, which Mexico detests even more than she does the French.

            Really, this humbug is too bald, even in the hands of those who managed the Texas business.
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RW47v24n72p1c1, September 7, 1847, THE CONQUEST OF MEXICO

            The New York Express, in the course of an article of great vigor on this subject, says:

            “THE CONQUEST OF MEXICO, it is daily becoming more and more clear, is the object of the administration of the Government is daily becoming as distinct as it dare to be. The longer the war lasts, we are told, the more territory we must have as a renumeration! Our destiny, we hear often, is to conquer and annex, that is, to steal­­!––No party, it is just given out, can, will, or dare recall our troops! The war must go on, till Mexico is humbled and subdued! That is, the United States must re–enact in America the scenes that for half a century, every man, woman and child have denounced as cruel and atrocious, in Europe, to wit the subjugation by a strong power of a weak neighbor, the exercise of the law of force against feebleness and imbecility. In short, our glorious old Eagle, that never knew what it was to be dishonored, is now to be sent out from its eyrie, to head the armies that are to dismember the Poland which is contiguous to us, and to degrade our country to a level with the despotisms and tyrannies of Europe! Peace is made impossible for Mexico, and by our Government, because, as a preliminary, it demands the dismemberment of Mexico; or its annihilation from the roll of nations. The grave, the awful question arises, and one that should startle every man to answer,­––shall we, ought we, nay, will we, be led from our homes and our firesides thus to, crusade against a neighboring State? Are we ready with more men and more money? Shall thirty thousands lives be sacrificed a year, (for that is the cost by disease and the sword) and a hundred millions of treasure?”

            Such, it seems, is the fixed and unalterable determination of the Executive of free, happy, and independent America; of her who should shelter the oppressed, not become oppressor in her turn; of her who should regard a younger sister, struggling to free herself from the chains of a foreign tyrant for twenty years, and coming out of the conquest free but exhausted, with favor and compassion; of her, who is she were determined to take part in her affairs, should close the door against her murderers “not bare the knife herself.” The parallel between Poland and Mexico, is in this case, neither far–fetched, nor unnatural. The wretched government of Poland, one of the cardinal principles of which was, that a measure must be unanimously carried in the diet before it could become a law, had made that unhappy country, for ages, the scene of everlasting strife. Those estimable philanthropists, Frederick of Prussia, Joseph of Austria, and Empress Catherine, offended with the ambitious rulers of that fine country, and taking compassion on its unfortunate people, determined to put an end to their sufferings, and very quietly took possession of them and enacted them thenceforth into Russian, Prussian, and Austrian subjects! It is true, the Poles were not so grateful for this favor as they might have been––true, their new allegiance sat upon them somewhat awkwardly at first––true, they had the folly to prefer a bad government of their own to their paternal scepters of their new monarchs! But what own good, and they were to be forced to adopt that which these wise and potent monarchs had found so beneficial to their old subjects. One of them (Frederic) was a great philosopher and had written a book (Examen du Prince) against tyranny, and if he did not know what was for their good who could possibly know?

            Now our Executive Is also philosophical; at least if he is all deficient, his short coming can be readily made by the genius who grinds the Organ. He has discovered a fact Which the Mexicans were rather slow in arriving at themselves, that the Government under which they have hitherto lived, and which they waded through blood to establish, is not at all adapted to their genius, capacity and taste; and in imitation of his Royal and Imperial predecessors, he has determined to give them a better. Hence the Proclamation, written at the War Office and transmitted to General Taylor, in which the tyranny of Mexican rulers is set forth in strong terms, and the people are assured that it is the design of this Government to relive them of it.­­­––Hence, too, the proclamation of General Scott, in which they are invited to turn traitors to their own Government, and to throw themselves into the arms of those whom they might under other circumstances be disposed to regard as enemies. There is, however, one essential point of difference between the two cases. The great patrons of Poland were invited to mediate between her nobles and her people, and to settle the Government upon something like a stable foundation. Our Frederick waited for no such invitation.––Like the Irishmen at the wedding, he invited himself. His good–natured officiousness did not, it appears, prove altogether so agreeable to his entertainers as it might have done, but that was a matter of small importance. Another slight difference is also to be found in the manner in which the difficulties of Poland were actually settled, and that in which it is proposed to arrange those of Mexico, arising out of the difference in the number of parties interested.––There were three in the care of Poland, and it was found necessary to divide the spoils among them all. Our Frederick,, on the contrary, “solitary and alone has set this ball in motion,” and he proposes to take all under his protection. That is a matter, however, likewise, of small importance; the effect will be precisely the same; Poland ceased to exist, and Frederick means to blot out Mexico from among the nations.

            In one point of view, we have the decided advantage of the great European confederates. Poland owed their subjects, as far as we have ascertained, nothing at all.––Now Mexico did owe one of our citizens for fifty–six– dozen bottles of porter––it must have been prime, too, and no mistake, for it is set down at sixteen hundred and ninety–three dollars a dozen. We have said the article was prime; when we have explained to him that the best porter which we have ever heard may be bought all over the world for three dollars a dozen! No doubt it was a mortal of fence to plunder so much good liquor, and offers just as good excuse for mediating Mexico, as the two Italian cities found in going to war for an old bucket. Then there were other claims: one Mr. Gilbert Thompson, for instance, claimed $407,000 for lands lying in Texas, which belongs to us, and for which the lands are alone liable; but Mexico ought to be made to suffer for not being able to keep Texas! Besides, there were many other claims equally just, which Mexico would have paid if she had been able, and which we must render her able to pay, by putting her to the expense of a bloody and protracted war.

            It is true, the greater part of these claims existed during the administrations of Jackson and Var Buren, and that if war was ever to be adopted as the best means of collecting them, then was the time. It is true likewise, that it is rather inconsistent in us, who have our confederacy, repudiating States to the number of four or five, and who were so lately thrown into a flame on account of Lord Palmerston’s threats, to offer any such apology as this. But what of that? Any excuse is better than none at all.

            Serious as the subject is, we cannot but treat the pretexts for the conquest of Mexico with derision. Yet it presents considerations which are far better calculated to elicit sorrow than ridicule. The United States have for the first time, assumed that attitude so formidable to liberty in the Old World, and which has been so destructive of the interest of weaker powers. We are at this moment threatening the independence of a neighbor, and the ground we allege is, that she owes us money. To use the words of Sheridam, with slight paraphrase, “towns are to be besieged on a note of hand, and governments subverted for the balance of an account.” How much more manly would it be, to say at once to Mexico, we long for your rich lands and your inexhaustible mineral wealth––we are stronger than you––we mean to take them and you may get them back as you can. There would be a certain degree of magnanimity in this, if one species of that virtue, as has been alleged, consists in boldly conceiving a bad plan and undauntedly pursuing it to its execution.
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RW47v24n72p1c3, September 7, 1847, MORE ABOUT CONQUERING MEXICO

            The Washington correspondent of the Baltimore Patriot, under date of the 2d. Sept. says:

            “I wrote you the other day that I had been assured upon the most reliable authority, that the administration had resolved upon making conquest of the whole of Mexico.––This information has since been confirmed to the fullest extent. A military gentleman, who has recently held conversation with the President and the Secretary of War, says the determination now is to push on the war of conquest until the entire republic of Mexicanos shall be ours: and that, if Mexico wishes for peace upon honorable terms, she must henceforth come to us in the character of a supplicant.”

            This is one only of numerous proofs which we have, to some of which we already alluded, that it is the design of Mr. Polk to conquer Mexico. And for whose benefit? Not for that of the public, for there fare no public lands, and Mexico, is so poor that she cannot pay her own debts. Who then is to receive the benefit? That highly favored generation the land speculators. Them it will enrich, but no one else.

            The same correspondent makes the following statement:

            “Military gentlemen who talk with members of the administration, assure them that there must be more mounted men in the army to pursue and punish the guerillas––that there is already a sufficient infantry force in Mexico––and that the last call for five more regiments should have been accompanied with a direction for the whole force to be mounted. But Mr. Polk and Governor Marcy both cry out against the enormous expense, and say they can’t do it!

            “The Ohio Regiment which has recently volunteered and been accepted, desired, and, I believe, stipulated to be mounted, and a gentleman from Cincinnati is her now, trying to beat into the brains of the administration the expediency, propriety and utility of mounting the Regiment in question––but all to no purpose! The expense would be too great! Mr. Polk and Governor Marcy can see great economy in sending the Regiment to Mexico in a condition to render no available service, and saddle the expense upon Uncle Sam with a clear conscience! But to add a little to the expense and thus render the Regiment really valuable, is a step which they could not think of doing! O No!”

            This is precisely what we should have expected Secretary Marcy and this penny–wise pound foolish, save–at–the–spile–and–lose–at–the–bung–administration.

            The following statement with regard to the President’s present vies, from the same source, we can hardly believe just:

            “I understand, from pretty good authority, that the President makes no count at all upon a speedy peace, and that, for the future, he is not going to be over anxious to bring peace about. The cost of the war troubles him some; but by degrees he hopes to get over that. He knows and partially feels that the people are saying, that if Mr. Clay had been elected President this war and its expense of blood and treasure would have been avoided, and we could have had California by treaty and the Rio Grande for a boundary––but he hopes to get over it all! He thinks the people, honest souls, will forget what might have been and get reconciled to what now exists!”

            We feel sure that Potomac must be mistaken here. We have no doubt that Mr. Polk, if he had his own way, would gladly be rid of this war; but the fact is, he does not know how to get rid of it. The speculators and land–jobbers will not let him rest without the whole of Mexico, and as he was elected by them, he is in a great measure under their thumb.
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RW47v24n72p2c3, Septmeber 7, 1847, FROM TEXAS

The steamship Ohio, Capt. J. Swiler, Jr., arrived yesterday from Galveston. She left there on the 23d ult.

            The following is from the News of the 21st inst.

            The steamer Reliance, arrived this morning from Houston. She brings a few more bales of new cotton. Some gentlemen just from the interior represent the season as extremely favorable for picking cotton. The worm has every where disappeared, doing very little, if any damage, and the cotton is opening rapidly and in the greatest abundance.––The prospect was never before so encouraging. Corn is so abundant that it is said contracts can to made for almost any amount at 20 cents per bushel.

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From the St. Louis Republican, Aug. 27.

CALIFORNIA.––In the Californian, a paper printed at Monterey, on the 24th of April last, it is stated, that the “new mail arrangement has gone into effect,” and that the first arrival brought a number of letters and paper. The Quartermasters at the several military posts were constituted Postmasters, and it was expected, that where there was no military posts, the Alcaldes would perform the duties of the office.

            Monterey is improving, [illegible] said, rapidly. Several American families have settled there. The houses are all occupied. The editor says, that, being compelled to give up the Government House, to make room for a portion of Col. Steveson’s regiment, he was obliged to us a slightly built shed, on the corner of Dr. Stokes’ yard. “A small paper, a small press, and a small house, but rather a lengthy editor.”

            Among the advertisements, we notice a “great tale of city lots,” laid out upon a pretty extravagant scale. The lots are fifty yards front, running back ninety–six yards.––The city is called Francisca. In front of [illegible], there is said to be a commodious bay, in which two hundred ships can ride at anchor in safety. MC Vallego and R [illegible], late of Illinois, are the proprietors.

            One man advertises that he is constantly supplied with “that precious beverage, sparkling cold water,” which he sells at the rate of two reals per week for each family.

            Two proclamations of Gen. Kearny, “by virtue of authority in him vested,” and issued April last, constitute John A Sutter “sub–agent for the Indians of and near the Sacramento and San Joaquin rivers,” and on the Mariana G Vallejo a similar agent in another direction.

            The schooner William, “recently condemned in the Court of Admiralty,” with her cargo consisting of a hundred and eighty bales (about 26,000 pounds of Mexican sugar,) thirty packages panoche, and one bale of [illegible], assorted, was advertised to be sold at auction, on the 24th of April. Two or three of the papers are filled with the judicial decision of Judge Walter Colton, in this case.

            Another sale of lots, in the town Francisco––not the one above named––is advertised by “Edwin Bryant, Alcalde and Chief Magistrate of the town and district of San Francisco.” The prologue of this sale is so curious, that we must give it in the words and figures of the advertiser:

            By the following decree of his Excellency, Con. S. W. Kearny, Governor of California, all the right, title and interest of the united States and the Territory of California, to the beach and the water lots on the east front of the town of San Francisco, have been granted, conveyed and released to the people, or corporate authorities of said town.

DECREE OF GOV. KEARNY.

            “I, Brig. Gen. S. W. Kearny, Governor of California, by virtue of authority in me vested by the President of the United States of America, do herby grant, convey and release unto the ton of San Francisco, the people, or corporate authorities thereof, all the right, title and interest of the Government of the United States, and of the Territory of California, in and to the beach and water lots on the eat front of said town of San Francisco, included between the points known as the Rincon and Fort Montgomery, excepting such lots as may be selected for the use of U. States Government by the Senior Officers of the army and navy now there; provided, the said ground hereby led shall be divided into lots, and sold by public auction to the highest bidder, after three months’ notice previously even––the proceeds of said sale to be for the benefit of the down of San Francisco.

            “Given at Monterey, capital of California, this 10th day of March, 1847, and the seventy–first year of Independence of the united States.

“S.W. KEARNY,

“Brig. Gen. And Gov. of California.”

            The sale is made in pursuance of this decree, and the site of the town is said to be the “most commanding commercial position on the entire western coast of the Pacific Ocean.”
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RW47v24n72p2c3, September 7, 1847, COL. BENTON AND MR. POLK

            Col Benton lately addressed the following note to the Editors of the National Whig:

To the Editors of the National Whig:

            “Gentlemen––On seeing the article form the Louisville Journal, headed, ‘Mr. Benton and Mr. Polk’ in yor paper of this day, I have to request that the papers be no long left at my house.

Yours, respectfully,

            Aug. 23, 1847.

THOS. H. BENTON.”

The article alluded to, is the same with that of which we spoke last week. It is as follows:

            “Mr. Benton and Mr. Polk.­––It is certain, says the Louisville Journal of the 17th instant, that Mr. Benton is preparing himself for a terrific attack upon the Administration next winter is the Senate chamber. At a town in the interior of Kentucky, a few days ago, he got into a conversation upon the subject of the Mexican war, and became immensely excited––perfectly infuriated. He stated that he should go to Washington and make one speech on the subject––only on––and that it would be the greatest speech of his life, and he was willing that it should be the last. In speaking of the administration, his language barely, if at all, fell short of downright cursing. His wrathful declamation lasted a full hour.”

            It will be observed that Col. Benton does not say that he means to support Mr. Polk, nor does he deny having used very strong language in speaking the present Administration. If all be true that the Journal states, he could not deny it. We have heard of his having done so, from more sources than one.
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RW47v24n72p2c4, September 7, 1847, IMPORTANT FROM GEN. SCOTT’S ARMY

From the Charleston Courier, Sept. 4

FIGHT WITH THE MEXICAN GUERILLAS

            By our exclusive Express we yesterday received the slip which follows from the office of the New Orleans Picayune, dated on Monday last, being one day in advance of the mail.

            It will be perceived that General Scott has advanced to within a short distance of the Mexican Capital, and has already passed the Rio Frio, where it was anticipated that a severe battle would take place, without a gun being fired. This naturally leads us to hope that no resistance will be made to the entrance of the American army into the City of Mexico.

DAILY PICAYUNE EXTRA}
NEW ORLEANS, AUG. 30–10 A.M.}

LATER FROM VERA CRUZ

GEN. SCOTT’S ADVANCE TO AYOLTA.

SAFETY OF MAJOR LALLY'S TRAIN

REPULSE OF AMERCIANS AT NATIONAL BRIDGE.

            The schr Mississippi arrived from Vera Cruz on Sunday, having sailed thence on the evening of the 21st inst. At that time the Fashion had not arrived there, though constantly expected. She left here the evening of the 17th. The most important news by this arrival concerns the movements of Gen.Scott. There had been various rumors on the subject in Vera Cruz, many of which our correspondent knew to be unfounded, but he writes us on the afternoon of Saturday, the 21st instant, on what he considers the “best authority,” that the vanguard of Gen. Scott’s army was at Ayotla on Friday, the 13th instant, and up to that date had not fired a gun. This news reached Vera Cruz by a gentleman whom left Ayotla on the 13th, coming down by the war of Orizaba. Ayotla is but twenty–one miles from the city of Mexico, being twenty miles beyond the pass of Rio Frio. We now turn for a moment to other subjects of great interest.

            The expedition which left Vera Cruz about the 13th inst. To reinforce Major Lally’s command was composed o Capt. Wells. They returned to Vera Cruz on the 17th, after having proceeded as far as the National Bridge; where they expected to overtake major Lally’s command. Major Lally, however, had gone on, and by subsequent advices at Vera Cruz it is known that he had carried up his train in safety beyond Jalapa.

            The command of Capt. Walls were compelled to fight their way to the Bridge; and they made the attempt to pass it, but found all the heights occupied by the guerrillas, who opened a heavy fire upon them, killing nearly all of the mules and forcing the whole party to retire. They left the whole of their wagons save only one in the possession of the enemy. All the baggage of the officers and knapsacks of the men, which were in the wagons, fell into the hands of the Mexicans, and little else besides the mail was saved. The loss of men in this affair have been five or six killed and two or three wounded, and several men have subsequently died from fatigue and exposure on the march.

            About eight miles this side of the Bridge, Capt. Wells, on his advance detached twelve dragoons, accompanied by Dr. Cooper, with directions to go forward cautiously, and, if they found it prudent, to report to Maj Lally; but if they encountered any obstacle, to return and report that fact at once. Nothing has since been heard of this party,, and it is supposed the whole have fallen into the hands of the Mexicans. These twelve dragoons we supposed to be a portion of Fairchild’s company. Dr. Cooper was the surgeon who went up with the train.

            Capt. Wells had five successive engagements with the enemy before the final affair at the Bridge. In this the Mexicans had one piece of artillery engaged, from which they fired grape, and were thus able to make their stand against the command of Capt. Wells.

            Maj. Lally on going up with the train is said to have had a sharp skirmish with the guerrillas at Cerro Gordo, and to have expected another brush with them at La Hoya. No accounts of these affairs have been received, but our latest letters say there where is no doubt of the safety of the train. No news had been heard at Vera Cruz of Capt. Besancon’s company for a fortnight. It was out on a scout when news reached there that Major Lally required reinforcements, and it is by many supposed that the company fell in with the train, and, crossing the National Bridge, continued up with it. Others again think differently, and suppose the whole company has been cut off by the Mexicans. Such is the tenor of our latest letters.

            In regard to Gen. Scott’s march, there were rumors at Vera Cruz that he had met the enemy and repulsed them after a sharp engagement, in which he lost 800 men. This the Mexicans regarded as a victory on their part, at their loss was insignificant. Notwithstanding these details, our correspondent writes that there is no truth in them whatever. He also considers the announcement of the Sun of Anahuac that Gen. Scott arrived at Ayotla on the 11th as a statement hazarded upon mere rumor. He has confidence in the veracity of a man who arrived on the 21st, and declares the vanguard of Scott’s army to have been in Ayotla on the 13th, having met no resistance so far. Both the Vera Cruz papers and our correspondent believed that Gen. Scott was in possession of Mexico by the 20th inst, but they had no information to this effect.

            We have more minute accounts on board the ship Agnes of the various engagements with the guerillas mentioned above. The Mississippi, being a fast sailer, has anticipated those accounts, but without supplying all the details.

            We have no letter direct from the army. The Boletin de las Noticias, of Jalapa, says that more correspondence from the army has been intercepted by the guerrillas.––This paper appears to have advices from Pueble to the 10th inst., but only states that the lat divisions of the American army left on that day 4000 strong.
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RW47v24n72p2c4, September 7, 1847, FROM THE PACIFIC SQAUDRON

            Despathches have been received at the Navy Department from Commodore Biddle, of as late a date as May 3, 1847, at Monterey, from which we obtain the following intelligence of the movements of the squadron under his command. The “Independence,” the “Cyane,” and the “Portmouth” were one the coast of Mexico, enforcing the blockade of Mazatlan and Guaymas. The frigate “Congress” was on her way from San Diego, and the “Dale” had sailed from Panama to Monterey. The “Warren” was at San Pedro. The “Preble” arrived at Monterey on the 33d April, with Mr. Norris, bearer of despatches from Washington. The store ship “Erie” was at Monterey.
[BRM]


RW47v24n72p2c5, September 7, 1847, CALIFORNIA PAPERS

            You have before us files of California papers as last at the 5th of June, for which, we are indebted to a gentleman who returned with Gen. Kearny from his late expedition to California. They contain a good many matters of interest to our readers, and to the people of this country, which we shall briefly sketch.

            Very marked discontent seems to have pervaded the “California Regiment,” at the time of his discharge from service. This regiment had been enrolled by Col. Fremont, and promises of pay were held out, which, it seems, were not realized. We infer from what is stated, that a portion, only, of the pay was given to the men, and that they were compelled to receive :certificates” for the balance, and that the payment of this amount is made to depend on relief to be granted by Congress.

            News of the battle of Buena Vista and the capture of Vera Cruz was received at Yerbailduena, or San Francisco, of the 29th of May, and occasionally great rejoicings. The town was illuminated.

            The thieving propensities of the horse and mule stealers, is the subject of a long letter from Santa Barbara, and the new government is censured for not being able to check these depredations.

            A letter from Sonoma, on the 8th of May, says that Gov. Boggs had received a letter from Gen. Kearney, appointing him Alcalde of that town. But Mr. Nash, the old incumbent, who was elected under Com Stockton’s Proclamation, refused to surrender the books of the office; and that in consequence they had no civil magistrate. The writer says, that in consequence of this state of things a man who had stolen four horses, another accused of stealing a saddle and a bridle, and a third who was charged with breaking open a trunk, all went unpunished.

            Two Sabbath Schools were in operation in San Francisco.

            The California Star, in announcing the departure of Gen. Kearny and Col. Fremont for the United States, indulges in some pretty severe structures upon the conduct of the latter, while in California. It charges that his movements while in that territory have been ill–judged, and producing complete dissatisfaction. His proceedings are said to have been “in direct opposition to the best interests of his countrymen in California,” and it is remarked, that “it will require an effort, and an immense one, to reinstate his lost fame in California.”

            Of Gen. Kearny, the editor speaks mincingly: he can neither “commend nor condemn.” “It may be that he has need his best endeavors to promote the welfare of the people, and that he has been over regardful of their interest. We are not to determine.”

            Almost every numbers of these papers has something to say in reference to the sufferings of the emigrants who died in the California mountains, last winter; and it is rightly argued, that the news of the horrible fate which befell them, will deter emigration from the States to that country. We have copied as complete a list as could be made out of the names of those who perished, as well as those who survived. One of the papers contains the journal of Capt. Fallon, who, with a party of six others, left the settlements last April to relieve the emigrants, and brought in all the property which they could find belonging to the company. Kiesberg, the monster whose cannibal propensities and him to delight in the living upon human flesh and drinking human blood, was the only person in the camp alive. Fallon’s account confirms, every thing we have herefore stand in regard to the villainous conduct of this man, and we shall not reiterate them.

            The exportation of quicksilver from California, a strictly prohibited from an order of Com. Biddle.

––––

            FROM CHIHUAHUA.–––Intelligence to about the 20th of June, has been received in this city from Chihuahua. Every thing was then quiet in that town. The citizens who fled on the approach of Col. Doniphan’s army, and remained away from during his stay there, were returning and resuming their accustomed pursuits. The American traders were employed in the sale of their goods, and it was observed that the Mexicans took unusual pains to testify their friendship for them and their determination to protect them from attacks from any quarter.
[BRM]


RW47v24n72p4c2, September 7, 1847, PAREDES

            The return of this man from Europe, where he must have been known to thousands, through Havana, where he certainly was known to our Consul at Havana did not send on some one to arrest him at Vera Cruz, is unaccountable. Then, how he could have come ashore, without undergoing a strict scrutiny, is still more so. We can believe any thing of the folly of Mr. Polk, after his avowal of the part he took in the return of Santa Anna, and we are disposed to think this one of his wise schemes for distracting the enemy.

            We take the following extract from a latter of Col. Wilson’s to the Secretary of War, from the Union:

            “HEADQUARTERS DEPARTMENT OF VERA CRUZ, Aug. 15.

            “I have the honor to report that on the 14th instant British steamer Tevoit, Captain May, arrived here from England and the Havana, having General Paredes on board, under the assumed name of M. Martinez; who in consequence of the tardiness of the boarding officer, (Capt. Clark,) landed at between 6 and 7, A.M., incognito, from a four–oared boat, apparently prepared for the occasion. In his transit through the gate of the mole, he was recognized by an inspector, who took no notice of him. Therefore, I immediately ordered the discharge of both him and Capt. Clark––the former for having lost sight of the main [illegible], notwithstanding my office is but a few yard from the mole.

            “The General, having arrived at the house of a Mr. G. Zamora, a native merchant, he presented a letter of introduction from Paris, and requested that horses might be directly furnished for himself and servant––a request immediately compiled with; and but ten minutes after his landing he passed through one of the gates of the city on his way to the interior, without myself or any of my officers being able to avoid it, from the circumstances of his arrival and presence here being unknown, and the letters from the United States consul at the Havana, giving notice of his having left, not being delivered to me until after the General’s departure, owing to their being in possession of a lady passenger on board.”
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RW47v24n72p4c4, September 7, 1847, LETTER FROM GENERAL TAYLOR

HEADQUARTERS, ARMY OF OCCUPATION,}

Camp near Monterey, Mexico, July 20, 1847.}

            Dear Sir––I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of your esteemed letter of the 16th inst., which has just reached one, accompanied by certain resolutions entered into by a Democratic meeting of my fellow–citizens at Clarksville, Tenn., on the 7th of June last, in relation to certain important matters and principles connected with the management of our national affairs, desiring to know my views and opinions in regard to the same, as they might have an important bearing on their courses, should my name be before the country as a candidate for the Presidency at the coming election; which I must beg leave to decline doing, for even if disposed to do so, I cannot spare the time from my official duties to devote to the investigation of those subjects which their importance seem to require, to enable me to reply to them in a way that would be satisfactory to myself, much less so to your honorable committee. I must therefore say in this instance what I have stated to others on like occasions, which is, that I am no politician, near forty years of my life have been passed in the military of the Republic, most of which in the field, the camp on our western frontier or in the Indian territory, and I may say with great propriety, for the most port constantly on duty, the last two in Mexico, or on its immediate borders, during which time I have not passed on night under the roof of a house; you may therefore very readily suppose under such circumstances, I have had but little time to devote to the consideration or investigation of important political matter, or to their discussion, nor have I attempted to do so, or been mixed up with political men or matters in any way, not even having voted, for one of our chief magistrates or any one else since I have been in the public service, having been stationed or serving for the most part beyond the limits of the States.

            I can say in all sincerity I have no aspirations for the Presidency, an if I am a candidate, or to be one, it must recollected I am or will be made so by others, and by no agency of mine in the matter; under this state of things should a majority of the good people of our country think proper to elevate me to the first office in their gift, or I may say the first in the world, I will feel bound to serve them, and will do so honestly, and faithfully to the best of my abilities, strictly in conformity to the provisions of the Constitution, as nearly as possibly in the way it was acted on and construed by our first Presidents, two of whom at least participated in creating and putting into operation that glorious instrument. But many important changes in our affairs at home and abroad may take place between this and the time for holding the election for filling said office, so much so, as to make it desirable for the general good, that some individual other than myself should be selected as a candidate for that station, and could he be elected, I will not say that I would yield my pretentious to that distinguished position, for I have not the vanity to believe I have any, but I would not only acquiesce with pleasure in such an arrangement, but would rejoice that the Republic had on citizen more worthy and better qualified than I am, and no doubt there are thousands, to discharge the arduous and important duties appertaining to that high office. Be this as it may, should I ever occupy the White House it must be by the spontaneous move of the people, and by no act of mine, so that I could enter on the duties appertaining to the Chief Magistrate of that country untrammeled and unpledged beyond what I have previously stated as regards to the Constitution, so that I could and would be the President of the nation and not a party.

            For the interest you and other kind friends of the committee and those you an they represent take in my continued success against the enemy while this war continues, which I sincerely hope will soon be brought to an honorable close, as well as I fear for the too flattering manner you have been pleased to connect my name with the distinguished office in question, and especially for the handsome and complimentary terms in which they have been communicated, are duly appreciated, and I beg leave to tender to you and through you to the gentlemen of the committee, collectively and individually, my most cordially thanks for the same. With considerations of highest respect and esteem, I remain gentlemen,

Your ob’t. and devoted Serv’t.

Z. TAYLOR
Major General, U.S. Army.

To Dr. C. L. WILCOX and others of the Committee
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RW47v24n73p1c4, September 10, 1847, FROM THE RIO GRANDE

            The propeller Secretary Buchanan, Capt. Corser, arrived yesterday from Brazos Santiago, having sailed on the 24th inst. By her we have a copy of the Matamoros Flag of the 24th inst. It contains no news whatever of the army above. There seems to be some question of the jurisdiction between Col Davenport and the Texas, which has givin occasion to the following notice by Col Davenport, which may be important to those engaged in trade on the Rio Grande:

HEADQUARTERS, MATAMOROS, Aug. 19, 1847.

            Sir,‑‑‑It was reported to my yesterday that the steamers Eagle and Lama are engaged in the business of transporting goods from the mouth of the river to points above this place, on the Texas side of the river. If this be so, you must, in the multiplicity of business, have overlooked my instructions to you, on the 5th of July last. There being so few consumers of goods above this, on the Texas side of the river, the object, it is almost certain, is to smuggle them into Mexico, and it is the duty of all custom house agents to prevent this by all lawful means. Being required to collect Mexican duties, in accordance with the late tariff, it becomes my duty to determine the boundary between Mexico and Texas. This I understand to be the left bank of the river, and consequently all good brought into the river are in Mexico, and subject to Mexican duty.–––In the execution of your duty as deputy collector. I wish you to act according to this contraction. Should any departure fro it be necessary, the cases may be referred to the collector for decision.

Respectfully, your obd’t serv’t
WM. DAVENPORT,
Colonel 1st Infantry, Commanding.

Lieut. Thos. B. J. Weld,
2d Artillery, Mouth of the Rio Grande.

            The following are the instructions of the 5th of July, referred to above:

HEADQUARTERS, LOWER RIO GRANDE DISTRICT,

Matamoros, Mexico, July 5, 1847.

            Sir.–––The Hon Secretary of War having decided that Mexican duties are not collectable on the east of the Rio Grande, I hereby appoint you deputy collector, for the collection of duties under the Mexican tariff, on all goods and other dutiable articles for the Mexican market coming into the Rio Grande. Tonnage duty, if not collected there, will but seldom be collected any where; I have, therefore, to desire that you give your attention, particularly to this branch of that service. You must decide what vessels are to pay this duty. My opinion is that Texas only claims to the river, and consequently all vessels not freighted for the public, entering its mouth, are liable to this duty.

            When the importer desires to pay duty on his merchant, dize at this post, you may, after satisfying yourself that the packages or parcels agree with the bill of lading, allow him to bring it up, when he shows you the authority of the collector this post, or his agent for it. In every such case give immediate notice here, which the business may receive timely attention. If the goods are to go higher up the river than this post, as we have no collector above, the duties should be paid at the mouth of the river, for it may not be convenient to stop her for that purpose.

Respecfully, your obd’t serv’t
WM. Davenport
Colonel 1st Infantry, Commanding.

Lieut. Thos. B.J. Weld,
2d Artillery, Mouth of the Rio Grande.
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RW47v24n73p2c5, September 10, 1847, A GLANCE AT A MEXICAN PAPER

[From the New Orleans Picayune, August 31.]

            By the arrival of the ship Agnes we have received copies of the Boletin de las Noticias of Jalapa of the 13th and 15th inst. When the latter number was issued the train under Major Lally had not, so far as the editor knew, crossed the National Bridge, and he felt great hopes of over powering the train. Senor Aburto and Father Jarauta had been the leaders in the attacks made on the train. They are represented to have killed or wounded over 300. We have not a doubt that this is ridiculous exaggeration. Senor D. Juan Soto, the Governor of the State of Vera Cruz, was in the vicinity of the train, giving confidence to the guerrillas. The editor repeats the story that the train has in charge a million of dollars in specie, most of it concealed in bags of golf in the loads of forage.

            The Boletin announces the arrival of Paredes in Vera Cruz and his escape thence. It does not extend to the ex–President a very cordial reception. It thinks his return very indiscreet, and doubts if his object be to take part in the defence of the country, as it asserted. We can get no clue to the whereabouts of Paredes by the article.

            We have read all the editor of the Boletin has said of the last intercepted courier. He was taken at Cordova, and appears to have been formerly connected with the convent of San Francisco at Vera Cruz. The editor invokes justice upon him, from which we presume he is to be shot. The contents of some of the letters cut off the editor thinks would be imprudent in him to commit to paper, lest his sheet should fall into the hands of the Americans. The contents of the other letters make the editor blush for his countrymen, he says. The American officers, according to the Boletin’s version of these letters, confess themselves astonished at the debasement of the Mexicans, especially of those of high position in society. The higher their rank the more indifferent do they show themselves to the conquest of the country. According to the Americans, the Indians upon the frontiers display a much greater share of love of country. We are sorry that we cannot discover from the general terms employed by the editor something more definite of the contents of the intercepted letters.––The editor is too crafty to reveal much, but he concludes as follows: “What chastisement shall an outraged nation, an indignant people inflict upon these despicable members, who have slandered and vilified the nation, degrading it in the eyes of its enemies?”

            The Boletin has an article running into two numbers of the paper upon the general aspect of affairs. He mentions that the last division of General Scott’s army was to leave Puebla on the 10th inst. 4000 strong––he does not say it left that day. He then goes on to speculate about the chances of victory in the battle to be fought at the capital and its vicinity. He reasons that a victory gained by the Americans would not advance their cause substantially, while if it were won by the Mexicans it would be decisive of the whole question. Mexico by a victory would be in a situation to listen to terms of peace. The fruits of victory would be so immense that he sees not how the Mexicans can fall short of the vigorous and desperate and heroic efforts necessary to win it. He points out the disastrous position of Gen. Scott should he meet with the slightest reverse. Hitherto the Americans have owed their successes, he tells us, to their superiority in numbers of to accidental circumstances which do not now exist. If they now suffer any defeat it will be ruin for them, as there is no retreat. The editor then goes on to tell his countrymen how they should follow up their victory. They should not be too exacting towards the Americans; they should not drive a hard bargain with them about the terms of a peace. In the editor’s opinion, they should at once give up Texas to the United States should immediately withdraw all their troops from Mexican territory occupied by them. Her is concession for a Mexico.
[BRM]


RW47v24n74p1c1, September 14, 1847, THE MEXICAN NEWS

            We received Saturday, from one of the editors of the Picayune (New Orleans,) the following short note, which of course is authentic. Mr. L. passed through this city a few days ago, and dates this note from Charleston, S.C., dated the 9th inst.

            “Dear Sir–––I have only time to say that by steamboat, just arrived, news is receive that Gen. Scott is declared President of Mexico until the 15th January next.

F. LUMSDEN.”

            We are utterly at a loss to know what is to be made out of this intelligence, so the reader must spell it out for himself. That it is true, is we think, beyond doubt. But the fact is of such a bewildering nature—so entirely unexpected—so singular and so anomalous, that we know not what to think. We presume the appointment must have been made by the Mexican Congress, and that the object is, to place the entire executive power in the hands of General Scott, in order that he may make such a treaty as may seem good to him. Under any circumstances, it is impossible for him, we take it, to accept the office in these terms, for it is expressly forbidden by the terms of the constitution. The 9th section of the 1st article says “no person holding any office of profit or trust under them, shall, without the consent of Congress, accept of any present, emolument, office, or title of any kind whatever, from any King, Prince, or foreign State.” Thus far, therefore, the bestowal of the office is a mere nullity.

            It is nevertheless a transaction of the highest importance, inasmuch as it demonstrates the hopeless condition of the Mexican people, as represented by their Congress, and their willingness to submit to any terms which our commissioners may think proper to dictate. We are induced, therefore, to hope that the day of final settlement of all our difficulties it at least near at hand, if it has not already arrived. We have triumphed signally; we have humbled Mexico, by the force of our arms, in spite of all the obstacles that could be thrown in the way of a feeble executive–––a national honor has been vindicated, and the national arms have acquired a luster, which will render them the subject of just admiration to the whole world.

            What now remains for us to do? To make a peace as honorable to ourselves as the course of the war has been, or to take advantage of our position, and crust into the very earth, those who have been unable to resist us? We hope there are not many who will hesitate in their choice of alternatives. We went to war, so says the President, in order to punish certain aggressions on the part of Mexico, and to obtain redress for spoliations committed upon the citizens of the United States. So far as the punishment is involved, we have had ample satisfaction. The redress for spoliations is yet to be settled, and it is a matter of great importance to settle it in the proper manner. Those who have been despoiled, we presume, will only desire that they may be reimbursed, and the question then arises, how is this to be done?

            We know that there is a class of persons, generally defenders of the President throughout this war, who look to the lands of Mexico as a remuneration for all losses on our side, as well as for the reimbursement of the expenses of the Government in this war. That such a source of revenue is vain and illusory, we think sufficiently evident from the fact often stated in the controversy arising out of the war, and as far as we know, not yet controverted nor even denied, that Mexico has no public lands, but that on the contrary the whole country, with the exception of certain barren regions in California and New Mexico, not worth having, have already been appropriated. There can, therefore, be no probability of settling the claims of the sufferers, or paying the expenses of the war, from this source, while it would open the door to speculation and fraud on a gigantic scale, resulting only in the enriching of that tribe, which is the bane of a new country, and which has in a very great measure, we doubt not, been at the bottom of the war. We allude of course to the tribe of land speculators.

            The payment of the claims of the sufferers will at last devolve upon Congress, and Congress will have nothing, besides the ordinary sources of revenue, to pay them with.–––In this view of the case, we can see no possible reason for dismembering the Mexican Republic, seeing that we will gain nothing by it, in a pecuniary point of view, and that we shall incur the everlasting hatred of the nation whose weakness we take advantage . The whole of Mexico, we hope, will no longer enter into the dreams of Mr. Polk and his kitchen cabinet of land speculators, since Mexico seems to have surrendered at discretion, and to have thrown herself upon America mercy, appealing, in the most striking manner thereby, to American magnanimity.

            We have left out of consideration the question upon which we have hitherto so much insisted, and with which is involved the ultimate destinies of this free and happy country. It will be a most disastrous day for the Union when the principles involved in the Wilmot proviso shall have been brought under discussion, not upon a prospective and probable case, but in actually practice. We conceive the man who would willfully provoke it, to be little better than an open enemy to the future happiness of his country, and if the odious doctrine of “moral treason” could ever fall, justly upon any set of men, we take them to be more fully entitled to all its benefits, than any other whom we have heard. The incendiary, who would throw the torch of civil war into the midst of such a land as this, deserves no mercy at the hands of the press of the people.

            We should state that we are not aware what degree of our credit our correspondent attaches to the news which he was so kind as to send to us. He dates from Charleston, and says the steamboat is just in; whether at Charleston or at New Orleans, we cannot undertake to say.
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RW47v24n74p2c1, September 14, 1847, FROM THE SEAT OF WAR

            The statement transmitted to us in a letter from Charleston, received on Saturday morning last, that Gen. Scott had been declared President of Mexico, is not confirmed by the last Southern advices. The improbability of such an event induced us at the time to entertain some doubt of its authenticity, and we should have treated it as a quiz, but for the fact that is purported to have been written by one of the editors of the New Orleans Picayune, who we were aware had passed through this city a few days previously, on his return from a visit to the North, and because w could not suppose that any individual would attempt to palm off upon us so sill a hoax.

            There is no later intelligence from Gen. Scott’s army than that received some days ago, and which left Scott in front of the City of Mexico, negotiation with the Mexican authorities. The New Orleans Picayune is of the opinion that this negotiation has reference exclusively to the terms upon which the City should be surrendered, and not to the restoration of peace. We hope that this may not be the fact, although it must be admitted that the suggestion is not without plausibility. We have always believed that the occupation of the Mexican capital would exert but little, if any, influence on the duration of the war; for it certainly would be remarkable, if the Mexican Government is willing to terminate hostilities, on the terms proposed by our Government, and of the character of which it was doubtless fully apprized before Gen. Scott left Puebla, that it should not have acceded to them when they were tendered, rather than to have deferred its submission until it had been reduced to the signal humiliation of seeing it magnificent capital in the possession of the conqueror, and a foreign flag waving in triumph over its public edifices. We are strengthened in this impression, too, by the fact, some time since made public, that the Mexican Minister in London had been instructed by his Government, in evident anticipation of the occupation of the city of Mexico by the American army, to ascertain from the British Ministry what would be its course should that event occur, and the Mexican rulers be forced to take refuge in some other city. Lord Palmerston’s reply, it will be remembered, was that the British Ministry would acknowledge the existing Government of Mexico, and that the British Minister would consequently be instructed to follow that Government, whithersoever it might go. It may be, however, that the pacific councils have prevailed, and that, it dispirited by the unbroken series of disasters that have attended their efforts to repel the invader, and torn to pieces by the violent factions, which, even with a foreign enemy at their gates, have not ceases to make war upon each other, the Mexican Congress has determined to submit to the terms of reconciliation tendered them by Mr. Polk’s ambassador. We sincerely hope that this may be the case and that we may very soon have it in our power to announce the termination of a war so unnecessary in its origin, notwithstanding its end threatens to be so pregnant with danger to ourselves, in the disposition of the new territory, the acquisition of which is unquestionably to be made a sine qua non of peace.

            We have later accounts from General Taylor’s division of the army, which it is now certain will not advance farther into the interior of Mexico in that direction–––a large portion of his force, already inadequate for offensive operation, having been detached, and ordered to proceed immediately to Vera Cruz. Some of the New Orleans papers ascribe this change in the plan of operations to the determination of the President to doom Gen. Taylor to inactivity during the remainder of the war, old Rough and Ready having already rendered himself far too formidable as arrival to the next in line of succession of Locofoco Presidents. The New Orleans Delta, on the other hand, applauds the wisdom of this arrangement, which it says, is rendered necessary, in order to keep open the communication between Gen. Scott’s army and his depot at Vera Cruz. The Delta thinks that the present aspect of affairs indicates very clearly that we shall be “under the necessity of occupying and holding Mexico after its conquest,” the Government of that country having neither the will nor the power to make peace; and consequently, while a mere garrison force, sufficient to hold the principal points now in possession of the Rio Grande, will be entirely adequate in that quarter, Gen. Scott will require a much larger force than that with which he marched from Puebla. “The mere conquest of the capital, (says the Delta, and we concur with it in opinion,) will not be the great difficulty of this war. Our serious difficulties commence with it capture and occupation. A line of 350 miles, through thickly settled and inveterately hostile country, admirable adapted for partisan and guerrilla warfare. Will have to be fortified and garrisoned–––and valuable trains will have to be continually guarded and escorted form the coast to the capital. To perform all these difficult duties it will require at least 30,000 men.” But if this opinion shall be confirmed by events, when, in the name of heaven, is this war to terminate, and the incessant drain upon our treasury, rendered necessary by its prosecution, to cease? The expenditures for the army, navy, &c., for the past year, are about fifty millions of dollars, or nearly a million of dollars per week. At this rate, how long will it be before the departments of New Mexico and California, which we have been led to believe were at one time supposed to embrace a sufficient “area” to atone for all the wrongs that we have suffered at the hands of Mexico, as well as to pay all the cost of punishing her for their infliction, will be regarded as wholly in sufficient for that purpose? Nothing less, indeed, than the whole of Mexico, may be requisite finally to satisfy our claims, increasing as they do thus rapidly; and we presume the Delta has an eye to this result when it says, “we shall be under the necessity of holding and occupying Mexico, (referring to the entire Republic,) after its conquest!” Nous verrons!
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RW47v24n74p2c1, September 14, 1847, FROM THE VIRGINIA REGIMENT

            The mail of yesterday morning, brought two letters form Captain Robert G. Scott, to his father. The one dated at Buena Vista, August 8th, and continued on the 9th, and the other from the same place, commenced on the 14th of August, and closed on the 15th of the same month. This last letter brings the intelligence of the death of Capt. Fairfax, expressed in the following terms:

“TUESDAY, MORNGING, Aug 15.

            “Capt. Fairfax, who has been sick for three or four weeks, died in Saltillo, last night, at 8 ½ o’clock, He was a most excellent man, and a good officer. We shall feel his loss most sensibly. Just before his attack, he boasted to me, that nothing could hurt him in this country–––that he had not been sick for twenty years, and apprehended no danger form the climate.

            “My Company enjoy good health. I have only two o three in the hospital, and they not seriously unwell. The routine of camp duty becomes so monotonous that men and officers complain a good deal. Yet an attentive and industrious officer will find enough to employ and engage him. Since coming here, I have not visited Saltillo, nor indeed been much from the camp. The drill of my company commands now my undivided attention. The North Carolina regiment has suffered much from sickness, and the effect has been to dispirit the men. Our regiment has but little sickness in it, and its condition for active service is at least respectable.

            “When we shall move forward, I am unable to inform you, nor do I believe Gen. Taylor himself is informed on the subject. When we do, the Virginia regiment will be in the advance, and I fain hope will not disgrace the Old Dominion.”
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RW47v24n72p2c2, September 14, 1847: (no title)

            The last Raleigh Register publishes the following correspondence:

Raleigh, July 5. 1847.

To Maj. General Z. Taylor:

            Sir—In obedience to a Resolution, passed at a very large and respectable meeting held in this city on the 3d instant respecting the next occupancy of the Executive Chair of our Republic, I have the pleasure of enclosing a copy of the proceedings of that assemblage of the people, and sincerely hope their perusal will afford you as much pleasure, as their passage, without a dissenting voice, did your numerous of friends on that occasion. We all cordially esteem your many virtues, and great abilities, and well–tried patriotism, and desire, with your approbation, to manifest our sincerity, by voting for you to fill the highest office in the gift of a free people. We hold in grateful rememberance your services to our common country, and are enthusiastic in your cause; because we believe the true interest of the country will be promoted by your election to the Presidency.

With sentiments of high esteem and respect,
I am your obedient servant,
GEO. W. HAYWOOD.

–––

HEADQUARTERS, AMRY OF OCCUPATION,
Camp near Monterey, Aug. 2, 1847.

            SIR—The copy of the Resolutions, recently passed in the City of Raleigh, N.C., on the 3d of July, and which you were charged with communicating to me, has been with your letter, duly received.

            Be pleased to convey to the voters of that District of N. C, my deep appreciation of the high honor they have conferred upon me in their nomination. While I am ever willing to yield to the popular will, and serve the country in any capacity to which I may be freely and unanimously called I may be permitted to say, that I have the assurance to believe, that my abilities are suited to the discharge of such responsible duties as rest upon the office Chief Magistracy. My best efforts, however, will always be exercised in the cause of the country, in whatever position may be my fortune to be placed.

            Accept for yourself, sir, my best acknowledgements for the very courteous and flattering manner in which you were pleased to communicate these Resolutions, and my wishes for your continued prosperity and health.

I am, sir with high respect,
Your most obedient servant,
Z. Taylor
Maj. Gen. U.S.A.

Geo. W. Haywood, Esq.
Chairman late Public Meeting,
Raleigh, N.C.
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RW47v24n72p2c3, September 14, 1847, PORTRAITS OF HEROES

            Mr. Wm. G. Brown, who left this city on the 1st of May, for the purpose of transferring to canvass the lineaments of Gen. Taylor, the Hero of the Rio Grande, and his principal subaltern officers, reached home yesterday morning, having successfully, and we understand most admirably accomplished his undertaking. Gen. Taylor constitutes, of course, the principal figure of his attractive group––besides whom are the following: Majors Bliss, Eaton and Bragg, Colonels Mansfield, Monroe, Whiting and Belknap, Captains Garnett and Leonard, and Dr. Craig.

            We understand that the Paintings will be open for public examination in a few days.
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RW47v24n72p2c3, September 14, 1847, DEATH OF SERGEANT POLLARD OF THE 1ST COMPANY OF PETERSBURG VOLUNTEERS

The Southern mail of yesterday morning brought to this place the melancholy intelligence of the death of Orderly Sergeant Pollard, of Capt Archer’s company of Mexican Volunteers.

Sergeant P. was forced, by sickness, to get leave of absence from the army some weeks since, and had got as far as New Orleans, on his way home, where, being too weak to continue his journey, he stopped, in hope of recruiting his strength. The hope, however, proved to be vain––The hand of the fell destroyer was upon him, and he yielded to disease that life which he had nobly offered to the service of his country.

            The deceased was a son of our worthy fellow–citizen, Capt. John Pollard. He took an active part in raising the 1st company of Volunteers from this place, was elected to the office of 1st Sergeant of the company, and while in Mexico won for himself the good opinion of all who knew him. It was not his destiny to fall upon the battlefield, but his life was not the less given to his country than if he had perished amidst the clash of arms and din of battle. To him may well be applied the lines of one of our own Poets:

“And they who for their country die,
Shall fill an honored grave;
For glory lights the soldier’s tomb,
And beauty weeps the brave.”
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RW47v24n72p2c4, September 14, 1847, LATER FROM THE ARMY OF GENERAL TAYLOR

The steamship Telegraph, Capt Wilson, arrived here Sunday forenoon from Brazos Santiago, whence she sailed on the 1st inst.

The intelligence by this arrival is interesting and important. We have at last the execution of the design of the Government to withdraw from the column of Gen. Taylor all the troops which can be spared by the General with due consideration for the safety of the line of the Rio Grande and thence to Buena Vista. The General was also directed to detach to brigadier generals; by the following general orders it will be seen how he has directed the views of the Government to be carried out:

ORDER No. 96.

HEADQUARTERS ARMY OF OCCUPATION
Camp near Monterey, August 16, 1847.

            1. Five companies of the 10th Infantry, under the colonel will proceed to Matamoros and relieve the Ohio regiment of volunteers now in garrison there. The Ohio regiment will then proceed to Brazos Island and be held ready to embark fro Vera Cruz. The remaining companies of the 10th, under lieutenant colonel, with Capt Hunt’s company of artillery and Capt Reed’s company of Texas cavalry, will form the garrison of Camargo and its dependencies, relieving the other troops now on that duty.

            2. The Indiana regiment of volunteers will proceed to Brazos Island and will then, with the Ohio regiment embark for Vera Cruz. Brigadier General Lane will take the command of these regiments at the Brazos and conduct them to their destination.

            3. Six companies of the 16th Regiment, under the colonel, will take up the line of march for Monterey, when they will relieve the present garrison, composed of six companies of Massachusetts regiment. The remaining four companies, under the lieutenant colonel, will in the like manner relieve the battalion of the Massachusetts regiment at Cerralvo. The troops thus relieved will proceed to the Brazos and be there concentrated under the command of Col. Wright.

            4. The 13th Regiment will proceed to the Brazos as soon as practicable after the companies of Massachusetts regiment, now at Cerralvo, shall have passed down the river.

            5. Brig. Gen. Cushing will take up the line of march, no latter than 23d inst., with Capt. Deas’ light battery, (company B, 4th Artillery.) He will proceed to the Brazos, when he will bring under his orders the 13th Regiment and Massachusetts regiment, and thence conduct his entire command (one battery and two regiments) to Vera Cruz.

            6. Brig. Gen Hopping will remain in command of the district of the Upper Rio Grande, and will establish his headquarters where he may select. Should it be found necessary to retain the general hospital at Mier, a sufficient guard will be furnished for its protection, and also sufficient force of medical officers and attendants must be detailed from the regiments which leave their sick. Great care will be taken to furnish descriptive rolls of all attendants and patients thus detached. Col. Belknap is specially charged with the rigid enforcement of this order.

            7. Col. Hays, with his command of Texas horse, will march for the Brazos, and there embark for Vera Cruz, in conformity with the instructions issued to him by the War Department.

            8. The above movements will be executed with the least possible delay. The quartermasters and other staff departments will furnish the necessary transportation and other facilities for this purpose.

            By order of Maj. General TAYLOR:

W. W. S. BLISS, Ass’t Adj’t Gen.

            The Ohio and Indiana regiments under Gen. Lane, and the 13th Infantry and Massachusetts regiment, with Deas’s (late Washington’s) battery, under Gen Cushing, being ordered to Vera Cruz, and Hay’s regiment being sent to the same point, let us see what troops are left on the Rio Grande line.

            Gen Wool’s command at Buena Vista and Saltillo will consist of the Virginia, North Carolina, and 2d Mississippi regiments of volunteers and Maj Chevalie’s three companies of Texas Rangers.

            Gen Taylor at Valnut Springs will have only Lieut Col Fauntleroy’s squadron of dragoons and Maj Bragg’s battery.

            The 16th Infantry, Col Tibbatts, and the 10th Infantry, Col Temple, will garrison the Monterey, Cerralvo, Camargo, Reynosa and Matamoros.

            The squadron of the 3d Dragoons, Col Butler, and two companies of volunteer cavalry from Alabama and Illinois remain unassigned. A portion of the dragoons are at Mier, and it is conjectured that they will remain on the line for escort of trains and like duties. [A correspondent of the National thus sums up the troops who remain between Brazos Island and Buena Vista.]

Distribution of forces on the line of the Rio Grande, after the departure of the force now under marching orders for Vera Cruz:
Brazos Island 1 Company 1st Artillery
111
Point Isabel 1 Company 4th Artillery
109
Fort Brown 1 Company 2d Artillery
93
Matamoros 6 companies, 5 of 10th Infantry


1 of Mounted Volunteers
511
Camargo, &c. 12 companies, 5 of 10th Infantry, 5 of 3d

  Dragoons, 1 of 4th Artillery

  1 of Mounted Volunteers
1133
Cerralvo 4 companies of 16th Infantry
403
Monterey 6 companies 16th Infantry
604
Camp near Monterey, 5 companies 3d Artillery, 2 2d


Dragoons, 1 Mounted Volunteers
413
Buena Vista, Saltillo, &c., 42 companies
2191
Total number of troops
5568

            A few weeks since it was supposed that Capt. Raylor and his command had been cut off. The Flag gives the following letter from its correspondent, which assures us of Capt. B.’s safety:

            Editors Flag–––My letter to you of a recent date gave information of an attack by a large body of Mexicans upon a detachment of twenty–seven Texas rangers, commanded by Capt. Baylor, and the probable destruction of the whole part save three, who had effected their escape and got back to this place. So positive were they in their statements that no more could have escaped, that I did not hesitate to express to you my belief that all the rest had been killed. Such was the opinion of ever on here until this morning. Greatly to our relief and much to our astonishment, composing part of an escort to a train which arrived this morning from Monterey, there came Capt. Baylor and all but four of his reported dead companions. There escape was truly miraculous, and knowing that you would like to have a history of it, I have obtained from Capt. B and Lieut. Lee the full particulars.

            After visiting and searching several ranchos without finding anything in them which would convict the inhabitants of being concerned in the late robberies of the trains, Capt. B. left them unmolested and proceeded on to a rancho, called Las Tablos, situated on the river Salinas. Here a large quantity of good were found, and $500 in American money. The goods and money were taken and packed upon the mules, the rancho was burnt, and several Mexicans made prisoners. With the booty and prisoners, Capt. B started for the Monterey road, and had proceeded about a mile and a half from the burnt rancho, when he found himself in the presence of 300 Mexicans, who were ambushed in the chaparral skirting a plain over which the road ran. Between the road and the river was another chaparral thicket extending to the river. The lancers charged before Capt. B could gain the thicket next to the river, and in this charge four of his men were killed. The thicket gains, the rangers dismounted, and protected by the bushes twice repulsed the lancers, killing fifteen, and forced them to retire beyond the reach of their rifles. Taking advantage of this, the rangers left their horses, boot and prisoners, and descending an almost perpendicular bluff, fifty feet high, they crossed the river. Marching by circuitous routes and avoiding ranchos, the party at length reached Monterey, where they were again remounted for service and arrived here this morning as I have mentioned above. The three who made their way to this place and gave the account which I sent you, were separated from the main part by the first charge, and judged that they were all killed, by the firing having ceased, and seeing the enemy in possession of their horses.

            Capt. Baylor leaves to day with the train for Camargo and on his return, if I am not misinformed, the Mexicans will hear from him again. Maj. Graham commands the escort going down with the train, and has with him upwards of one hundred dragoons and rangers. With this force he will return and go in search of the robbers who have been so bold of late.

            The following is from the Flag of the 25th ult.:

Retaken.––The report which was noticed in last Wednesday’s paper of the taking of some thirty or forty pack mules beyond Cerralvo, by a party of Mexicans, is confirmed. The attack was made between Ramos and Marine, and we regret to learn that a clerk of Mr. Taniver, of this city, by the name of Merchant, was killed. Gen. Lane, who was proceeding to headquarters, in company with the escort immediately collected ten men––his son among the number––who volunteered their services and made after the robbers. The general, being an old back woodsman, soon ascertained their “whereabouts,” and his party no sooner appeared to the Mexicans, than the latter “vamoosed,” leaving the pack mules and all the booty which they had taken, in the hands of the Americans, who delivered the property safely to Monterey. The goods belonged to Mr. Taniver.

[From the Flag of the 28th ult.]

            The attack on the mule train near Papagallas, on the 31st of July, of which mention was made in the Flag of the 11th inst., was incorrectly reported to us, as we are informed by one of the party present at the time, and we make the following correction from his statement:

            The train consisted of thirty–eight mules, and one wagon loaded with merchandise belonging to individuals; two of them were proceeding with the train. The escort consisted of only four persons, C. R. Gleason, John Brennan, Daniel Dowty and James Bartlett, the three last named late members of Capt. Gray’s disbanded company. In company at the time of the attack were Dr. Dickenson and two French gentlemen sent out by the authorities of New Orleans to take the bust of Gen. Taylor––the Frenchmen traveling in an ambulance. About 1 o’clock on the 31st ult., the day being excessively hot and the escort wearied, a halt was called at a shady spot near the road, and the party dismounted to refresh themselves. They had remained in this situation a half hour or more when they were alarmed by the Mexican bugle charge sounding from different directions. As soon as the charge was sounded Mr. Gleason ordered all to mount, and they did so, with exception of Dr. Dickenson who horse took to fright and ran off. Mr. Gleason, who is an old Texan and on of the Mier prisoners, immediately ascertained that the attacking party numbered several hundred, and remarking that the only hope was in flight, dashed off into the chaparral, followed by the remainder of the escort. The Frenchman sprang to the ambulance and the driver put his horses to their speed on the Monterey road. Mr. Dickenson was unable to follow, and before he could secrete himself in the chaparral the Mexicans were in sight. As soon as he was discovered they commenced firing and advancing upon him. Having a six–shooter, the doctor determined to sell his life as dearly as possibly. Allowing four of them to come close up, he was enabled to kill two, mortally wound a third, and after a hand–to–hand encounter with the fourth, finally effected his escape.

            A few pursued the ambulance, but the main force was drawn towards the train, and as soon as the possession of it was obtained, the bugle sounded a recall and the pursuers all returned without having overtaken the ambulance, which had not proceeded far before a train was met coming down from Monterey escorted by a detachment of dragoons.

            The two teamsters were killed, one receiving six balls in his body, and the other had his skull crushed with the butt of a musket and a saber cut across his abdomen nearly severing him in two. All the mules and packs were captured, also the baggage wagon containing much valuable clothing and about $1500 in money.

            Some ten or a dozen cases of yellow fever are reported at the Brazos, and several persons have died. The fever originated on board vessels from New Orleans, and is as yet confined to the crews of those vessels. There is no hospital on Brazos Island, and we understand objection has been made to yellow fever patients entering hospital at Point Isabel.

            Ex. President and Gen. M. B. Lamar, (now Capt. Lamar, commanding a company of Texan rangers) was in Mier a few days ago, with a detachment of his command on his way from Laredo to Gen. Taylor’s camp. Capt. Lamar, we understand, is anxious to be relieved from his post at Laredo, and will apply to Gen. Taylor for this purpose.––We are happy to hear that he is in excellent health.

            FATAL AFFRAY.––On Saturday last two Mexicans having quarreled about the paltry sum of three rials, made a “affair of honor” out of the quarrel, and betook themselves to a convenient spot near Fort Paredes to settle the difficulty. With well sharpened knives the parties commenced stabbing and cutting one another, and continued to fight until both were severely wounded. One of them received a cut in the arm, which bled so profusely as to cause him to sink exhausted on the ground and the fight ended. He was conveyed home and received surgical aid, but died on Tuesday last.

            PASSENGERS BY THE TELEGRAPH––P. Henley, lady and 2 children; Dr. Craig, U. S. A. Capt. L. H. Curtis, 3d regiment Ohio Volunteers; Mrs. M. Black; R. Schuyler, R. L. Ogden, Capt. Webster, Dr. Dickerson, Capt. C. Rains, W. G. Brown, A. Phelps, M.J. Ferris, A. Leader, Capt. Geo. W. McCerren and son, and 37 sick and discharged soldiers.
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RW47v24n72p2c5, September 14, 1847, TEXAS

[From the New Orleans Commercial Times, Sept. 4]

            By the arrival here, yesterday, of the steamship Yacht, Capt. Crane, from Galveston the 1st inst. We have received papers from that port to the date of the departure. We take the following from the Civilian of the 30th ult.:

            A Wreck.—The brig Kimbal, Capt. Burpur, from East Thomaston, which left this port six days ago for Mobile with 500 bbles of lime, experienced a heavy gale on the Gulf, and on Friday last, the captain being apprehensive of fire, or rather thinking a fire had actually broken out from the smoke of the slaking lime, attempted to put back to this port; but in the storm of that night––a violent gale blowing all night––this vessel went ashore on the beach several miles below this city. On the next day (Saturday) the vessel having been abandoned, was sold with every thing belonging to her, by the wreck master, for the benefit of the underwriters. She sold for $700. By great exertions, we learn that the purchasers had been able to secure most of her tackle yesterday. But last night, about one o’clock, the fire broke out, and, as we learn consumed the hull to the water’s edge, With the exception of the anchors, rigging, &c. the whole it a total loss.

            The following articles are from the Austin Democrat, of the 21st ultimo:

            Five companies of Col. Hays’s new regiment left San Antonio, for Mier, on Friday the 13th inst. The companies of Captain Highsmith and Gillet, we believe, are the only ones of the regiment left on our frontier. The former is stationed, for the present, at Fredericksburg, and we are informed that the latter is placed at some point on or near the Nueces, not yet designated. Lieut. Colonel Bell is now in command of the remaining frontier forces.

            Through the politeness of Capt. Highsmith, we have been favored with the perusal of a letter from San Antonio dated the 17th inst., in which it is stated that some person recently arrived in that place from Monterey, who brought the intelligence that Major Chevallie’s command had not long since been attacked by about eight hundred guerrillas and after a short skirmish, was compelled, from inferiority of numbers, to sound a retreat; though, as the writer of the letter from San Antonio says, “ not without giving a good account of themselves.” It is also stated that there is a large increase of the guerrillas between Mier and Saltillo.

            CROPS––The News of the 28th ult. Says: Our account of the Cotton crop from every part of the State continues extremely favorable. Every planter is now engaged with his whole force in picking. The weather could not be better for gathering the Cotton in the finest condition.”

            Extract of a letter dated, Marshall, Harrison county Aug. 3d, 1847: “The crops here are of luxuriant perfection, an d unprecedented abundance crowns the labors of the husbandman. Wealth and population are flowing in and the whole country bears the marks of prosperity.

            “The election for Governor is exciting some degree of interest among us. Mr. Van Zandt has the popular strength throughout this region, and his popularity is advancing with rapid strides.”

            THE INDIAN TRIBES.––Santa Anna, the principal chief of the Camanches, came into Fredericksburg on the 14th ultimo, and held a talk with Captain Grumbles, commanding the Ragern there. He stated that he had feared a hostile attack from the Americans, which induced him to move off and take the women and children of the tribe to a place of safety. He said he knew that the Americans suspected his tribe of having taken or killed the four men of Hay’s party sometime since, and though it prudent to take off the women and children, so that they would be safe in case that there should be any troubles with the whites. So soon as he had removed the women and children to a place of security, he hastened to Fredericksburg, in order to explain to Major Neighbors, if he should find him there, the cause of his sudden departure. He regretted very much that Major Neighbors had left before his arrival, and stated that he would hasten to the Trading House on the Brassos, where he was told Neighbors had gone. He informed Captain Grumbles that the four men of the surveying party were taken and subsequently killed by Wacoes and that he was present at a dance over their scalps. He intimated the great necessity of some step being taken forthwith by the Americans to put a stop to the depredations of the Wacoes; and stated his determination of causing them all to be killed by his own tribe, if the whites should fail to act in the matter immediately, inasmuch as the depredations committed by them were attributed to Camanches. He professed the sincerest friendship towards the Americans, and expressed a desire to continue friendly. He has recently been made Head Chief of all the bands of Camanches that are in the habit of hunting on our border, and says he will, as far as possible, preserve peace with our people.

            He received a pass to enable him to go to San Antonio, whence he would repair to Torry’s trading house to meet Maj. Neighbors.

            THE NEXT LEGISLATURE.––At Austin, they were making preparation for the coming session of the Legislature, New dwellings are being erected by some; others are repairing, painting and whitewashing, and some of the merchants are enlarging their store houses in order to make ample room for the extensive stocks of fall and winter goods, provisions, &c., which they have ordered. The tavern keepers are also busy in fitting up their premises and moving their houses, so as to be fully prepared to accommodate those who may favor them with their patronage during the ensuing season, with all the comforts and conveniences that are necessary to give perfect satisfaction.
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RW47v24n72p4c1, September 14, 1847, THE MEXICAN NEWS

            Our city was thrown into as much excitement on yesterday, by the arrival of the long expected news from Mexico. Of it accuracy in the main, we do not entertain a doubt. We have never had the smallest doubt that our troops would disperse those of Mexico whenever they met them in the field, nor were our impressions at all weakened by the report that they had occupied in great force the almost impregnable pass of Pinon. Col. Napior pronounces these so called impregnable passes in ranges of mountains, a humbug after all, for he says they may in front, there is always some way to turn them, and get in their rear. No general would attack them, of course, in front when he could pass around them, and thus render their strength of no avail.––This, it appears, has been the course of Gen. Scott on the present occasion. While the enemy were looking out for him in front, he was amusing them with a feint in that direction, at the same time that he was quietly gaining their rear, with the main body of his army.

            Various reasons have been assigned for general’s not having entered the city before the 21st. Apart from the wish which he might very naturally entertain to avoid wounding the feelings of a crushed enemy, any farther that he could possibly avoid, it is probable that he had deep reasons of a military nature for not taking his entrée at that time. The Spaniards in the Peninsular war, though they proved themselves to be what the French called them “lambs in the field,” were nevertheless[illegible]ions behind walls. Napoleon blamed his generals for attacking them as they did at Saragossa, thus causing an immense waste of blood, and rendering the almost entire destruction of the city so absolutely necessary before they could be driven from their strongholds. The plan had pursued at Madrid, was essentially different. Had he entered that city before it was evacuated by the forces of the enemy, it is more than probable, that when the columns of his large army had become entangled in its long and narrow streets, they would have been attacked by the Spaniards, when the scenes of Saragossa might have been anticipated by several weeks. Knowing these facts, he encamped with fifty thousand men, and two hundred pieces of cannon, in such a position that he could burn the city to the ground in a few hours, and sent them word that he gave them twenty–four hours to evacuate it. Finding that he did not intend to give them the opportunity to attack him at a disadvantage, the Spanish soldiery, mingling with the populace, gave way to all the excesses of brutal and hopeless fury, quarrelling with each other, and spending the night in mutual destruction. Napoleon himself compared the appearance of Madrid, to that huge beast caught in the toils, and venting its impotent fury in loud and terrific, but unavailing cries. However, his threat had its due effect, for on the morrow, Madrid was evacuated and the French army entered in triumph.

            Some such reasons as this, may probable have induced Gen. Scott to delay en’ering the city, hereby exposing his troops to an attack––an exposure which, we take it, would have been entirely unnecessary, since he had the game in his own hands. We have no doubt that before shi day, he has already realized the long promised feat, of reveling in the Halls of Montezumas.

            The question which every man most naturally will first ask is, are we now to have peace? We hope so with all our hearts, and we think we can see very evident signs of its near approach. It is true, we dread the return of peace on one account, and that is, the settlement of the terms––compromising, as it is but too apt to do, the surrender of territory on the part of Mexico, and the consequent introduction of the terrific sectional question with which it is so intimately connected. We say terrific, and we say so from the bottom of our hearts; for there has never been one in our time at least, nor do we believe there has never been one since the Revolution, involving consequences of such fearful, such absolutely awful moment. Still we want peace first––peace above all things––peace at the sacrifice of anything but the national honor. By a speedy peace, we hope the Executive may be induced to forego its cherished design of conquering the whole of Mexico, and destroying its national existence; a design, upon the execrable nature of which, it has been our duty more than once to express our opinion.

            The character of the Spaniard has stood out most conspicuously throughout the whole of this Mexican war.––Any one, with a change of names, might almost fancy on reading the newspapers, that he was transported back to the days of the Peninsular campaigns. The same overweening arrogance––the same pompous pronunciamentos––the same spirit of gasconade and braggadocio––distinguish each era, and both people. It may be said too, that the Mexican proclamations, like the Spanish, have always been the prelude to defeat, and that loud professions of patriotism and resolutions to die in the last ditch, have always ushered in shameful flight or still more shameful capitulation.––The Mexican seems to be the true son of the Spaniard, with every trait of descent most distinctly preserved.

            The next arrival from Vera Cruz will no doubt bring the official account of these proceedings. It is expected with intense anxiety by every body, but more especially by that very considerable class of persons who have friends and relatives in the army of Gen. Scott.
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RW47v24n72p4c3, September 14, 1847, AMERICAN ARMS AGAIN VICTORIOUS

New Orlean’s Picayune, Sept. 3rd.

The Mexicans defeated by Gen. Scott in two distinct engagements.

THE CITY OF MEXICO IS AT OUR MERCY.

The News of Gen. Scott’s Advance confirmed–––The Position of El Penon Turned–––Gen. Valencia Defeated–––Gen. Santa Anna Defeated–––A Suspension of Hostilities Solicited and granted–––Congress Summoned and Negotiations to be Resumed–––Safety of Maj. Lally’s Train–––Shooting of Lieut. Henderson and Party, &c. &c.

            The steamship Fashion, Capt. O’Brady, arrived yesterday evening from Vera Cruz, by the way of Tampico. She left Vera Cruz on the 27th of August, and Tampico on the 29th.

            The News of this arrival is the most important we have received in many months from Mexico. Our army has not only advanced to the city of Mexico, but it has had two engagements with the enemy close under the walls of the city and defeated them. The Mexicans have been brought to supplicate a suspension of arms, and General Scott has granted it. The Mexican Congress has been convoked to take into consideration Mr. Trist’s propositions.

            The news was received in Vera Cruz on the evening of the 26th ult. By an express courier from Orizaba, who brought down the following letter to Mr. Dimond, the collector at Vera Cruz, to whose courtesy we are indebted for the use of the letter, which we proceed to give:

Orizaba, August 25 th , 1847.

         My dear friend–The Mexican mail, which has at last come in, brings the following intelligence, which the copy from the Diario Official del Gobierno . Being of so great importance, I send you this express, courier, who will be with you to morrow about 12 o'clock.

         On the 20 th two brigades commanded by General Valencia and Santa Anna, went out to attack the Americans near San Angel. Valencia's division has been completely defeated, and Santa Anna after the first recontre, fell back also in disorder to the city.

         They immediately after this asked for a suppression of hostilities, and offered to hear the propositions of peace from Mr. Trist.

         The next day the minister of foreign relations invited the congress, through the newspapers to meet for that purpose.

         These are the great facts which no doubt will bring after them peace. Your, truly.

         F.M. Dimond, Eq.

         *Another letter say Los Llales de San Angel.

         Another express arrived in Vera Cruz on the 26 the with letters containing the same news in substance and the following:

[Translated from the Diario Official del Gobierno]

On the 20 th August Scott's troops, who intended marching on Penon, turned [away from] it and arrived near Tacubaya. As soon as the news was known at Mexico Valencia's division went out to attack the Americans at Los Llanos de San Angel, and was completely routed. Next came Santa Anna with another division, which shared the same fate after some fighting. The Mexicans retreated to the capital in great disorder, and such was the panic created by their defeat that the minister of foreign relations immediately convoked the congress to take into consideration Mr. Trist's proposition. A suspension of arms was demanded by the Mexicans and granted. The Americans are around Mexico, but had not entered the city on the 21st.

Such are the meager details which we have of these important events. No couriers from Gen. Scott’s army direct have been able to get through, so far as we can learn.––But from the foregoing statements it is manifest that Gen Scott holds the city of Mexico at his command. That Gen. Scott did not choose to enter the city is manifest. He was doubtless deterred from entering it by a desire to save the pride of the Mexicans when upon the even of important negotiations. It is now supposed that the extraordinary courier which left Vera Cruz for Mexico on the 12th ult, a day in advance of the regular English courier, was the bearer of instructions to the British minister to offer again his mediation; and we think we may safely say that he was instructed to do so if possible before Gen Scott entered the capital. We believe the instructions were positive, and no doubt they were obeyed. Having absolute confidence in this representation of the acts of the English Government we think it reasonable to suppose that Gen Scott was influenced by a knowledge of this mediation to trust again to the efforts of Mr Trist to negotiate a peace, and so spared the Mexicans the humiliation of the armed occupation of their capital. His characteristic humanity may also be presumed to have strongly influenced him to save Mexico from the violence of a hostile occupation. We may recur to this point and to the prospects of peace which some may now entertain.

We have given some of the rumors current in Vera Cruz as to the fall of Mexico. They are evidently founded on imperfect rumors of the real state of facts. The rumors circulated here that Santa Anna and Valencia were taken prisoners we believe are totally unfounded.

In regard to the train under Maj. Lally, the intelligence is favorable. We are informed from a very responsible source that he is known to have passed Perot and been on his way in safety to Puebla. He made some delay in Jalapa. Our readers may be interested in what is said of the movements of the train prior to its leaving Jalapa in the Sun on Anahuac.

The Boletin of Jalapa, says that the train, after having been attacked at Cerro Gordo, retired to the Plan, at the same time the guerrillas also retired. On the following day the train commenced marching for Jalapa, and on Thursday evening, had not yet entered that place. On the 19th it was reported at Jalapa that the Guerrillas would attack our troops near that place, and all the evening the road fro near a mile was covered with men, women and children, whom curiosity had attracted there. This have rise to a firing of cannon and musketry from our troops, and the citizens succeeded in reaching their home without receiving any injury.

At 11 o’clock on the 19th Major Lally inquired of the alcalde whether the citizens of Jalapa would commit hostilities against the Americans if the entered, or not. To which the alcalde answered, that the population was unarmed; but that a number of guerrillas being in the neighborhood he could not take the responsibility of their actions. On the morning of the 20th the train of wagons and the troops entered the city. The Boletin says that the wagons are filled were sick and wounded.

Yesterday [the 24th. ult.] it was rumored in Vera Cruz that Father Jarauta had attacked the train a short distance the other side of Jalapa, but that he had been driven back by our troops, with loss on both sides.

In addition to the foregoing we have been favored with the two notes following, the first of which is a translation from the Spanish:

JALAPA, August 20, 1847.

            The American army, after much suffering on the road, has been again attacked at Dos Rios by 700 guerillas, and badly enough treated. Even before the entrance into Jalapa there was some firing. Last night, at 9 o’clock, the Americans extered the city firing and retreated on minus. He was lassoed by one of the guerillas. This morning they sent a flag of truce to the Ayunta Miento (City Council) to ascertain whether they should enter as friends or foes, but without awaiting an answer they began to enter and continued up to 1, P.M., when all got in. There are 76 wagons and 895 men, among whom 317 are wounded and sick.––Major Lally is sick––the horses are worn out––for which reason it is supposed they will remain here some time.––It is said that Father Jarauta will attack them to–night but nothing positive.

            The other note is as follows:

JALAPA, August 23, 1847.

            Major Lally, with his command, is still here, and will probably remain here some time. The guerillas have all disappeared from this neighborhood, but to where they have gone I am unable to say. Aburto, the guerilla chief, died in Jalapa a few days since, some say of a wound received in one of the attacks on Major Lally’s command, and others by fever.

            We do not entertain any doubt that the train, as mentioned above, has passed Perote and gone on in safety to Puebla.

            Intelligence reached Col. Wilson on the morning of the 17th ult., that Lieut. David Henderson, of Capt. Fairchild’s company of dragoons, and his party, who were sent out by Capt. Wells, on the 15th of August, to apprise Major Lally of the approach of reinforcements, were all shot be the guerrillas. There is little or no doubt of the correctness of this sad intelligence. Lieut. Henderson was a resident of New Orleans, and but recently embarked as a volunteer in his country’s service. He was a printer by profession, a man of courage and enterprise, and his fate will be sincerely lamented by his numerous friends.

            It is now very generally believed that Capt. Besacon’s company went up with the train under Major Lally.

            The following letter gives some facts that we have not before seen, though news promptly reached here of the insurrection on in Yucatan.

––––

[Correspondence of the Picayune]

            Gentlemen––On Sunday last the city was startled with the intelligence from Yucatan that the whole Indian population of that State had risen against the whites, and in some districts massacred entirely the whole population with the exception of the women, whom they only spared for a fate still worse than death. The news was received here by the French Consul in a communication from the French Consul at Campeachy, and the massacre he says was universal, no distinction being made except between Indians and whites. In some of the districts the whites have succeeded in reaching the cities and were there waiting succor. There is good reason to hope they will be able to defend themselves until they are reinforced. At Campeachy they were in expectation of an immediate attack.

            The French brigs of war La Peyrouse and La Pilate have, it is understood, bot been ordered to Campeachy, and there is a report that Com. Perry is about ordering down one of the vessels of our squadron. There is, perhaps, some exaggeration in the accounts of the extent of the massacre, but of the main facts there is not a doubt. The Indians in Yucatan have been more oppressed than in any other part of Mexico, because the landholders are generally absentees residing in Spain, and entrust the management of their estates to stewards, who to subserve their own interest, grind the unfortunate Peon to the dust.

An express arrived here on Tuesday from Alvarado to Com. Perry, with information that the guerrillas had attacked that place the night before and killed a surgeon and two marines in that town. The steamers Petrita and Scorpion were immediately dispatched to reinforce those in possession of the place.

D.S.    

            In the Sun of Anahuac, of the 25th ult., we find the following note from Mr. Hayes:

            Mr. Editor will you do me the favor to correct an error into which you have inadvertently fallen in the account of the march of the small train under the command of Capt. Wells. In the article you give me the command of the detachment––it was under the command of Corporal Meredith. I accompanied the train on the invitation of Capt. Fairchild, and was of course, temporarily attached to his command; but am entitled to no credit, as I merely performed the usual routine of duty.

            I regret the necessity of troubling you, but my silence might be construed into a desire to take credit for acts performed by others.

Respectfully yours,
A.H. HAYES. 

            The same paper also contains the following orders, no doubt suggested by the escape of Paredes from Vera Cruz:

GENERAL ORDERS, No. 10.
U.S. Flag Ship Germantown,
Anton Lizardo, Aug. 18, 1847.

            The senior U.S. naval officer, next in rank to the commander–in–chief, who may be stationed at or near Vera Cruz, is hereby instructed to act in conjunction with the senior officer of the U.S. Quartermaster’s Department at Vera Cruz, and the collector of the port, as a commissioner to make the necessary appointment of pilots, officers connected with the duties of the port, light–house keepers, superintendent of signals, &c., to establish regulations for their government, and to have cognizance of all matters connected with the departments above mentioned, being careful not to interfere with the military authorities of the city and castle.

M.C. PERRY
Commanding Home Squadron,

To the senior U.S.N. officer stationed at Vera Cruz.

–––

GENERAL ORDERS, No. 11
U.S. Flag Ship Germantown,
Anton Lizardo, Aug. 18, 1847.

            All vessels, excepting army steamers and transports, arriving at ports in Mexico held by the United States forcers, are to be visited by a boat from the general ship of the day, or any single vessel of the squadron, that may be in port for the purpose of tendering the usual compliment of services to foreign vessels of war, and detecting any irregularities in foreign mail steamers or merchant vessels, whether foreign or American.

            It is desirable when it be practicable, that the boarding officer should be a lieutenant.

M.C.PERRY,
Commanding Home Squadron.

            The following notice from the collector or Vera Cruz is important to travelers:

            NOTICE.––Passengers arriving at this port without passports from the American Consul, resident at the port they embark from, will not be allowed to leave the vessel, and the master of any vessel permitting such passengers to land will be fined %500 for the each and every passenger landed and the vessel held responsible for the same.

F.M. DIMOND, Collector.

            Collector’s Office, Vera Cruz, Aug. 25, 1847.

            The following passengers came over the Fashion:

            Capt. Magruder, Lieut. Flagg, Dr. Potter, Purser Kenon, U.S. Navy; Santiago Luquesi, Raniauld Luquesi, John Meyer, Simon Linadon and W.W. Breedlove.

–––––

From the N.O. Delta, 3d inst.

            Extract of a letter from an officer at Vera Cruz under date of the 27th August, 1847

            “Your correspondents have doubtless informed you that Gen Scott reached the city of Mexico on the (I have not the date at hand.) Worth went around behind the city, and cut off the water. Valencia, with a larger force sallied out of the city, met Gen Scott, fought a little while, and then vamosed into the city. Santa Anna then brought out a force and fought some time, but retreated into the city in great disorder––convoked the Congress, and sent out for a cessation of hostilities, expressing himself willing to treat with Mr. Trist. Hostilities ceased––Scott surrounding the city. There is no doubt of the correctness of this information. Some think piece will soon be established, but nobody thinks so in Vera Cruz. Maj Lally was heard from beyond Perote, on his way to Puebla, not molested.”

––––

            The following from our regular Vera Cruz correspondent, was scribbled off very hastily, just at the Fashion was about to leave:

August 27, 1847:

            EDITORS DELTA––Every conceivable variety of rumor relative to the movements of the Great General and his generals, have been afloat for several days past, but none having the color of authenticity about them. I omit sending them to you. This morning, however, a rumor found its way from the interior, which leads to the belief that Scott has had two most decisive battles, in both of which the American arms were successful. The first of these was with Valencia who hid his shard of the amusement with the advance guard; and the other was between the General himself and Santa Anna. The best and most authentic information I have received is, that the armies of both Valencia and Santa Anna have been dispersed; that the city is in the state of confusion and panic, and Congress has been summoned together, to take into consideration the propositions of Mr. Trist. That these rumors are better founded than any that have been received for some time I have no doubt. But in a day or two more, when the regular news comes here from Mexico, we hall either a confirmation of it, or other wise.

            P.S.––I have just time to inform\== you that the prisoners taken from Well’s train, (Lieut Henderson an 13 men,) have been, according to a Mexican who arrived here this morning, SHOT. He says he saw them shot.

            D. Harden, of the Louisiana Battalion, died this morning, after a protracted illness. He will be buried this afternoon. Capt. White’s company is still at Tampico.

–––

Official Report of Capt. Wells

CAMP BAGARA, Aug. 19, 1847.

            Sir––I have the honor to report for the information of the Colonel Commanding, that on the morning of the 13th inst., in obedience to his orders, I proceeded, with my command, composed of Captain Haile’s company 14th Infantry, E company of the 12th Infantry, commanded by Lieut. Wyche, and Captain Fairchild’s company of Louisiana Rangers, in all seven officers and two hundred and one rank and file. The train was composed of two ambulances, each drawn by four good horses, fit for the service in which they were employed, and nice wagons drawn by half broken down but still unbroken Mexican mules, with which it would have been difficult for me to have fulfilled my orders even I there had been no enemy to contend with. The commanding officer was not mounted and was under the mortifying necessity of dismounting a dragoon and taking a horse when circumstances were such that he could not possible perform his duty on foot. Such was the command with which my orders required me to traverse a country and pass a bridge and fortification which no less than eight hundred men, supported by artillery, had heretofore attempted. I had not proceeded four miles from camp when it became necessary to throw out a part of my provisions; and it was then only with the aid of my infantry, and the extraordinary exertions of the active and efficient wagon master (Mr. Booley) who accompanied the train that the wagons could be forced up the sand hill. I reached Santa Fe and encamped for the night. The next morning I pursued the march, the enemy appearing on the flank, but evidently with no intention of attacking us. A few shots were exchanged between them and Captain Fairchild’s company, who had left the road to give chase. I arrived at Juento del Rio about nine o’clock at night and encamped. Here I judged myself to be within six miles of Major Lally’s camp. The next morning I directed Captain Fairchild to detach an officer ( Lieutenant Henderson) and thirteen men with the orders to proceed to Major Lally’s camp, and report my advance, provided he could prudently do so and the distance did not exceed six miles, but by no means to go beyond that distance, but to return and report the condition of the road to me. This command was accompanied by Dr. Cooper of the army and two of the Georgia Volunteers. I regret to inform you that I have not since heard of this detachment, and I am ignorant of its fate. I pursued the march until about ten o’clock, with difficulty getting the mules along, and at Pass La Beja, whilst the train was on the bridge, and the troops were getting water, the enemy appeared in force in front, on the hill, and commenced a fire upon us; some of the shots were also fired from the rear.––After the necessary preparations were made, I detached Capt. Haile with his company through the chaparral to gain the flank, and if possible the rear. This service was promptly and gallantly performed, whilst the command was ascending the hill. He gave them a fire which put them into immediate flight. I ordered Lieut. Morrelle, of Capt. Fairchild’s company, with twenty men mounted to hold the horses near the bridge until the train had ascended the hill. The rear, however, was not attacked at this place. We continued our march, dispersing the enemy before us, until dark; when, as the train was passing a bridge within three miles of Puento Nacional, the enemy opened his fire from the hills, within two hundred yards of the command, the balls generally ranging too high; the fire was so promptly returned that they were soon driven from their position, and, I think, with considerable loss.––Here, as I had previously intended, I ordered the troops to encamp. The wagons were placed in a safe position, the white covers taken off, the horses placed under shelter, and everything disposed for a quiet night’s rest, which my men so much required. At three o’clock next morning I had the men under arms, and detached Lieut. Wyche with a part of his company through the chaparral, to gain a position on the hill side to be ready when the enemy should advance to attack. Just at daybreak they appeared on the hill with a drum beating and firing into our camp. I did not returen the fire, but ordered Capt. Haile with his company to pass up the hill to the left of the road and again their flank. They continued their music for about twenty minutes, when Capt. Haile suddenly fired upon them and was after them with the bayonet, much to the amusement of our troops, who could see them from the opposite side of the bridge. Lieut. Wyche had gained his position and was lying in wait, but they did not approach sufficiently near. I held the hill with my infantry until the train was ready to move. I was now within about three miles of Puento Nacional. The enemy had attacked us three times in force, and was always routed, with the loss, on our part of a man. The only loss sustained was on horse wounded and three muskets rendered unserviceable by musket balls. It was so reported to me this morning by the wagon master that one of the mule teams could proceed no farther; I was compelled in consequence to destroy my tents and leave one wagon. The other mules I had no hope of getting much beyond Puento Nacional, and had determined that if I did not find Maj. Lally near there, to destroy all the wagons and property, and with four days provisions in the haversacks, and the mail and ammunition, and some light baggage in the ambulances, to join him by forced march. Every thing being in readiness I commenced the march about half–past nine in the morning. Before this time I was fully satisfied that the enemy occupied Puento Nacional in forece. The tracks of unshod horses in the road left no doubt of that. My orders were positive; no direction was allowed me, and according to my ideas of military service, I felt bound to proceed in the execution of my order, until it was probed without the possibility of a doubt that it could not be carried out. My force was too small to detach any part of it to endeavor to turn the position. I accordingly made my disposition so as to sacrifice the least possible number of my troops. With thirty picked men under the command of Lt. Cheney, 14th Infantry, extended to six paces, I descended towards the bridge. This detachement was ordered to keep at least one hundred yeards in front of the mounted men. After the mounted men with some interval, marched Lieut. Wyche’s company; next came the train followed by Capt. Haile’s company, who were ordered to close on and protect it, in case it should be charged. The rear guard, commanded by Lieut. Morrelle, of Captain Fairchild’s company, followed after Capt. Haile’s company. I halted the command on the slope of the hill, continuing to [illegible] myself, with Lieut. Cheney’s command, hoping to draw the enemy’s fire, without further ex[illegible] my troops. All was, however still––nothing could be seen. I directed the advance to move upon the bridge, ordered up the main body, and took my position in person near the bridge, where I could direct the advance, or order a retreat as one might prove practicable, or the other necessary. The rear of the command had scarcely got in motion, when the enemy opened their fire from the forts and heights with muskets, escopets, and artillery, and shoved themselves in such numbers and position, that I perceived at once that in passing the bridge, they must necessarily inflict upon me such a loss in killed and wounded, that it would be impracticable for me to advance or retire. I therefore directed the fire to be returned, and the retreat commenced; and withdrew my troops from under the fire of this strong place, with the loss of only four men killed, and one man and two horses wounded. One of the ambulances was quickly turned and gained the top of the hill––the other, in the act of turning, had one of his horses killed, and could not be brought off. The mules were of course more unmanageable than ever, and as soon as the enemy perceived that we were retiring the concentrated their whole fire upon the train. Half the mules were almost instantly shot down and the teamsters compelled to abandon their wagons. The enemy now displayed a strong force outside the fort, and was moving to gain our rear. I now moved off my command, which had been halted at the top of the hill, just beyond the effective range of the enemy’s guns, and abandoned the train, which I could not possibly have brought off, nearly all the mules having been either killed or wounded; and to have blown up the ammunitions or saved anything from the wagons would have been to sacrifice men, which it was not evident I had not to spare, and would have compelled to leave my wounded, as I had not the means of transporting them. All the property, as well the personal baggage of the officers, was lost, and some despatches

Which I ordered Capt Haile to keep in his trunk as the safest place, were also lost. The mail intended for the army was, however, saved, and the only wounded man brought from the field.

            The enemy’s force occupying the forts I could not estimate with any degree of accuracy; it was certainly several times my own, and there was also a considerable force outside. Nothing was left now for me to do but force my way through the enemy in the rear and return by rapid marches to this place. The enemy appeared on every side during the day, and I was compelled to proceed with the greatest caution, always holding one hill until my infantry gained possession of the next in front, by a fatiguing march through the chaparral. This laborious duty fell principally upon Capt. Haile. I continued my march at night, but after dark I met with no further opposition from the enemy, and arrived the next morning at Santa Fe.

            The next day I arrived and encamped at this place. In conclusion, I must be permitted speak of the officers who so ably sustained me on this trying march; Capt Haile, of the 14th Infantry, I had frequently to detach on laborious and dangerous service, and it was universally performed in a manner that called forth my warmest admiration. Lieutenant Wyche, 12th Infantry, though sick, was with his company, and rendered important service. Lt. Cheney, 14th Infantry, who commanded the advance on the 16th, I was compelled to glance in a most dangerous position at the bridge, and his coolness and bravery were conspicuous. To Lieut Morrelle of Capt Fairchild’s company, and the twenty brave volunteers who composed his command, my thanks are also particularly due. I had assigned him the duty of holding heights and protecting the rear. He selected his positions with judgment, and I frequently saw from the front his men charging and firing upon the guerrillas who were annoying the rear. Mr Hayes, of N. Orleans, accompanied the command as an amateur, and was always a volunteer whenever dangerous or difficult service was to be performed.

I am, sir, very respectfully,
Your obedient servant,
J.M. Wells,
Capt. 12th Infantry, Com’dg Detachment.

LIEUT. ARTHUR,
A.A. Adjutant General, Vera Cruz
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RW47v24n72p4c5, September 14, 1847, GEN. PAREDES

            We have a letter from Vera Cruz, dated the 19th of August, which mentions a rumor current there that General Paredes had reached Orizaba, and was at the head of three hundred men. No other particulars are mentioned. From the tone in which our correspondent speaks of the rumor, we infer that he attaches no consequence to it. We observe in the Vera Cruz papers speculation upon the probable designs of Paredes and his chances of success. They are not of a character so plausible that we deem it necessary to reproduce them. But a few days will elapse before we may expect to receive authentic accounts of his movements. New Orleans Picayune, 3rd inst.
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RW47v24n73p1c1, September 17, 1847, THE GREAT BATTLE

            We have at length authentic and highly interesting intelligence from Gen. Scott’s camp––intelligence of a brilliant but bloody victory, after perhaps the most severely contested battle fought since the commencement of the war. The letter of Mr. Kendall, of the Picayune, gives a more connected and satisfactory account of the events of the 19th and 20th of August, than any other narrative we have seen, though it is not so full as that of the Delta’s correspondent in its history of the skillfully planned and courageously executed affair of the morning of the 29th, in which Gen. Persifer F. Smith so signally distinguished himself. We subjoin that portion of the Delta’s narrative:

            “At 3 o’clock on the morning of the 20th, the movement commenced, which was so slow that daybreak appeared before the head of Caldwalder’s brigade commenced ascending the ravine at the village. As soon as Col. Riley ascended the hill and came in full view of the enemy, they opened a severe fire on Riley’s forces.

            “Our correspondent then continues–– “Col Riley threw out his two advance divisions as skirmishes, and said–‘ Now boys give them hell; close in with them, and let the bayonet do its work,’ and his command rushed down the slope with a yell and enthusiasm enough to strike terror to the heart of the boldest, while the rear of his command moved steadily forward as if they were all made of one piece. The Sappers and Miners and Rifle Regiment, which had been thrown across a ravine intervening between the one they passed up, and under the brow of the slope Col. Riley came down, from that position poured in a fire which swept in front of Col. Riley’s column, then inclining towards their left, joined in the attack of the troops outside of the left flank of the fort. Gen Cadwalader followed the route taken by Col. Riley and soon as his troops were formed, moved on to his support. The first brigade, which was bringing up the rear, had been ordered to follow the same route––while it was on its march by the right flank of the ravine, and nearly opposite the fort, Gen Smith ordered the brigade to face to the left and advance in line to attack the enemy’s force in flank––this movement was executed in less time than it takes me to write it––they met the enemy outside of the fort just as Col. Riley’s brigade rushed into it––the enemy was completely routed, and commenced a precipitate retreat––their cavalry and infantry had been formed to receive the charge, but were compelled to give way to the bayonet––the route was most complete and the vitctory most decided––but while Riley’s brigade took possession of the work, and planted their colors upon it, the other force continued the pursuit down the road. The retreating force had to pass near where Gen. Shields’s brigade was placed to intercept them. They, however, were not aware of it until they received the well directed fire of the S.C. regiment, which mowed them down like grass before the scythe.

            “The route and the dispersion were now complete. In the fort, were captured 22 pieces of artillery, an immense amount of munitions of war, and upwards of 1500 prisoners, among whom were several officers of high ranks. The enemy left dead upon the field, upwards of 700, which we buried; but his loss, says our correspondent, was much larger, as the Mexicans were still burying the dead two days after the battle. The troops in the fort were commanded by Valencia––those outside by Santa Anna. The two 6 pounders of Washington’s batter, taken on the field of Buena Vista by the Mexicans, were re–taken.

            The Delta’s correspondent goes on to say:

            “The enemy was pursued to San Angel, he endeavored to make a stand at every point––they were finally compelled to take refuge in Chumbasco. At San Angel Gen Pillow assumed the command, and when the troops arrived at Culican, shortly after, Gen. Scott assumed the command of the whole. The position now occupied by the enemy (Chumbasco) was a very strong one, and it being the last stand the enemy could make in defence of the capital, he fought with desperation for more than two hours, before the works were carried. Our loss at this point was over 1000 men. Seven pieces of artillery and two stand of colors were captured; Gen Rincon, with 104 officers, and upwards of 1100 non–commissioned officers and privates, surrendered as prisoners of war. The Mexican loss in this engagement is said to be 5000 in killed and wounded and out of a force of 30,000 men there was but 5000 men left, the balance being killed, wounded, prisoners or totally dispersed.”

            There seems to be some doubt whether the proposition for the armistice which followed this splendid and decisive victory was made by Gen. Scott or by Gen. Santa Anna. We infer from the language of the caption to the terms agreed upon, that it was proposed by the former––as it is said to have been entered into “for the purpose of giving the Mexican government an opportunity of receiving propositions for peace from the Commissioner appointed by the President of the U. States” it is originated, however, with Gen. Scott, it may safely be assumed that it was dictated by sound policy, and with reference to the issue of the negotiation for peace which succeeded. But be this as it may, it is to be hoped that negotiations commenced under such circumstances may result in a termination of this sanguinary war, in which so many gallant spirits have been sacrificed, though it is not easy to conjecture, even now, what the result may be, ignorant as we are of the terms which our Commissioner has been instructed to propose, and of the ability of the Mexicans, since their last disaster, to resume with efficiency active operations should those terms be rejected. We hope that the ultimatum which Mr. Trist has been instructed to propose the Mexican authorities may not have been too harsh in its exactions or too humiliating in its character. We hope so, because, our national honor not being at all involved in the issue, we regard the blessings of peace as far more desirable, and if, instead of being for the most part worthless, and, (worthless as it is,) owned and possessed by individuals, California and New Mexico and such other portions of the territory of that Republic as we may desire to annex to the Union were the most attractive and valuable region on the surface of the globe, and if, like our own public domain, it would constitute a perennial source of revenue to the federal treasury––the only possible mode, but the way, in which its acquisition can be regarded as “indemnity” for Mexican spoliations or for the expenses of the war––even if such were the case, as it is not, a treaty of peace, embodying provisions offensive to the judgment or humiliating to the pride of Mexico, and extorted from her government at the point of the bayonet, would be unquestionably repudiated and disregarded by the people of that country, and would only be regarded while our army and navy were in a condition to overawe the enemy.––What would a treat be worth, which could be enforced only by the sword, and which would require the presence of an overpowering military armament to ensure submission to its requirements? We might be at peace with the government, but we should be still engaged at war with the people of Mexico––reversing the position which we held in the beginning of the contest, when we professed to be at war with the former, while our relations with the latter were so fallaciously assumed to be those of friendship and amity. It is unquestionably desirable, as a means of ensuring a real and permanent peace, rather than a hollow truce, that such conditions only shall be exacted of the prostrate enemy as will secure for the action of the Mexican government the acquiescence and obedience of the Mexican people. Otherwise, the war will still exist in fact, although the treaty of peace may be duly signed, sealed and ratified by the public authorities of each country.

            But all suggestions on the subject are now useless, as we shall very soon learn the result of the negotiation, and the causes of its failure if it fail, or the probability of the restoration of pacific feelings as well as pacific relations if it shall succeed.
[BRM]


RW47v24n73p1c2, September 17, 1847, THE SLAIN

            The reader will find, in our columns to–day, a list of the officers killed and wounded in the late sanguinary conflict near the city of Mexico. Among them he will recognize the names of several Virginians,––Thorton, Easley and Johnson among the dead, and Graham among the wounded.

            But all of the incidents which go to illustrate the horrors of war, we have seen none which presents them to the mind in a more striking and powerful manner than the present condition of the South Carolina regiment of volunteers. They left their homes six months ago, about 800 strong. Of this number, 140 died at Vera Cruz or on the march to Puebla; 360 were left sick in the various hospitals. About 272 were in a condition to fight at the late battle, and of that number 137, including their gallant Colonel, Pierce M. Butler, were killed––leaving a meager remnant of 135––a moiety of whom may yet perhaps fall in battle or perish by disease before the war shall terminate! What a contrast will the return home of this shattered corps present to the “pride, pomp, and circumstance” which attended their enlistment and departure for the seat of war!
[BRM]


RW47v24n73p1c3, September 17, 1847, FURTHER ACCOUNTS

            The Washington Union of Tuesday night publishes several letters from officers of the army to the Departments in Washington. The following is the only one, however which adds any thing to our previous information:

VERA CRUZ, August 31, 1847.

            “SIR: I have the honor and satisfaction to inform you that our army has again been crowned with victory; 31,000 Mexicans engaged, with Gen. Santa Anna at their head, our little army, who, with the bayonet, drove them, in two hours, to the gates of the city.

            Commissioners were immediately appointed, and negotiations are going on. The protocol appears on the face of it to be dictated by our commissioners. I had an English copy of it to send to you, but Colonel Wilson, for some cause best known to himself, begged it to send to the President.

            “I send despatches which I received from Mr. Trist, to the hon. James Buchana. I cannot conclude without congratulating you, sir, on the mighty conquest, for I feel assured it will result in peace. Paredes will, in my opinion, hurry the conclusion of it. He ought never to have got out, after he got into the city; nevertheless, I firmly believe it will hasten a peace. Valencia made his escape with only two companions to Toluca, where he pronounced against Santa Anna and peace.

            “I enclose a copy of a letter which I have received (from a very distinguished officer of the army.)

“With great respect, your obedient servant.
Hon. WILLIAM L. MARCY,
Secretary of War, Washington City.

            “I am pleased to add, that the following named persons are the commissioners on the part of Mexico; and more so, because they are considered most friendly disposed for peace, viz;

General Herrera,
Sor. Couto, Lawyer.
General Mora y Villamil,
Sor. Atristain, Lawyer,
Sor. Arroya, Secretary (formerly secretary of legation the United States.

            “I have just seen a letter from one of the most respectable English houses to their house here; they say that the Mexicans are so out generalled and so cornered, that they must make peace; but that Gen. Scott says if they do not at once, he will occupy the city with a territorial government––place 5000 troops to open the roads, &c. They speak of the Americans with admiration.

            “The country people were already commencing to supply the army with every thing.”

            Mr. Trist writes to the Secretary of State that the American and Mexican commissioners had had two meetings, and were to have a third and probably last interview on the 30th of August. The Union, however, although it says Scott’s victory places the Mexican capital at the mercy of our army, adds: “The issue of this negotiation is not to be counted on with confidence;” as the Mexicans, “after the panic of the moment is passed, may again manifest their insane obstinacy in prolonging the war.”
[BRM]


RW47v24n73p1c4, September 17, 1847, BRILLIANT VICTORIES

From the New Orleans Picayune, Sept. 5.

Important from Gen. Scott’s Army

BATTLES OF CONTRERAS AND CHURUBUSCO.

Total Defeat of the Mexicans–––General Scott encamped within two and a half miles of the City of Mexico–––Armistice between the two Armies–––Negotiations with Mr. Trist for a Peace commenced.

         The U. States steamship Mary Kingland , Capt. John Davis, arrived at an early hour this morning.–By her we have received our letters from Mr. Kendall from the 22nd to the 28 th of August, all dated from Tacubaua. A courier dispatched by him on the 29th with the first account of the battle fought on that day, was cut off.

         From a map and plan of the battle fields before us, we note that they are called the battles of Contreras and Churubusco–so called from field works of the enemy of those names. The victories were decisive, but as far as we can judge from a hasty perusal of a portion of our letters, the proposition for an armistice was made by Gen. Scott–probably at the suggestion of the British Embassy. The report we have hitherto given that the city of Mexico was at our mercy, appears to have been unfounded.

         Should peace not follow form the negotiations now pending, another battle must ensue, the enemy having a force of from fifteen to twenty thousand men yet left. But the road appears to be completely open to us, and the city is only two and a miles form our encampment.

Our victories have been purchased at a vast loss of valuable life, as will be seen by the following list. We see names of men at the loss of whom we weep; but all have their friends, and we make no distinctions.

            OFFICERS KILLED–––Regulars–––Maj. Mills, 15th Infantry, Capt. Hanson, 7th Infantry, Capt. Thorton, 2d Dragoons, Capt. Burke, 1st Artillery, Capt. Capron, 1st Artillery, Capt Quaries, 15th Infantry, Capt. Anderson, 2nd Infantry; Lieuts. Irons, 1st Artillery, but attached to Gen. Calwalader’s staff, Preston Johnson, 1st Artillery, but attached to Magruder’s battery, Easly, 2d Infantry, Goodman, 15th Infantry, Hoffman, 1st Artillery.

            Volunteers.–––Lieut. Chandler, New York Regiment, Col. P.M. Butler, and Lieuts. David Adams and W.R. Williams, of the South Carolina Regiment.

            OFFICERS WOUNDED.­­––––Regulars–––Colonel Clark; 6th Infantry, slightly, Col. Morgan, 15th Inft. severely, Maj. Wade, 3d Art. Severely, Maj. Bonneville, 6th Inft. slightly, Capts. Wessells, 2d Inft. severely, Phil. Kearney, 1st Dragoons, left arm shot off, McReynolds, 3d Dragoons, severely, Craig, 2d Inft. severely, Ross, 7th Inft. severely, J.R. Smith, 2d ifnt. Severely, Chapan, 5th Inft. slightly, Johnson, 9th Inft. slightly, Lieuts. Schuyler Hamilton, 1st Inft. But attached to Gen Scott’s staff, severely, Halloway, 8th Infantry but attached to Smith’s Light Battalion, severely, Bacon, 6th Inft. severely, Callender, of the Ordinance, but commanding howitzer batter, severely, Arnold, 2d Artillery, severely, Herman Thorn, 3d Dragoons, attached to Col. Garland’s staff, slightly, Hendrickson, 6th Inft. severely, Humber, 7th Inft. severely, Boynton, 1st Artillery, but attaced to Taylor’s battery, slightly, Lorimer Graham, acting with 1st Dragoons, severely, Van Buren, of the Rifles, slightly, Martin, 1st Artillery, right arm shot off. Goodloe, 15th Inft. Mortally, Farrelly, 5th Inft. But attached to Smith’s Light Batallion, severely. Lugenbell, adjutant 5th Inft. slightly, Bee, 3d Inft. slightly, Collings 4th Artillery, slightly, Tilden. 2d Inft. severely, Newman, 6th Inft. severely, Gardner, 2d Inft. severely, Hayden 2d Inft. slightly, Sprague, adjutant 9th inft. Slightly, Palmer, 9th Inft. severely, Buckner, 6th Inft. slightly, Cram, 9th Inft. slightly, Simpkins, 12th Inft slightly, Peternell, 15th Inft. slightly, Bennet, 15th Inft.

            VOLUNTEERS–––New York Regiment.­­–––Col. Burnet, severely, Capt. Fairchild, slightly, Capt Dyckman, severely, Lieut. Sweeny, severely, Lieut. Jennis, slightly, Lieut. Cooper, severely, Lieut. McCabe, slightly, Lieut. Potter, severely, Lieut. Griffin, slightly, Lieut. Malhowsky, slightly.

            South Carolina Regiment.–––Lt. Col. Dickenson, severely; Capt. James D. Blandig, slightly; Adj. Cantev, severely; Lt. Sumter,slightly, Capt. K.S. Moffat, slightly, Lt. K.S. Billings, severely, Lt. J.R. Clark, dangerously, Lt. J.W. Steen, slightly, Lt. J.R. Davis, slightly, Capt. W.D. DeSaussure, slightly. Lt. Jos. Abney, severely.

            Our entire loss in killed and wounded is short of eleven hundred; that of the enemy is not well known.  His loss in killed alone is believed to be fully equal to our entire loss, and it is estimated that at least 3,000 prisoners were taken.  The number of his wounded was not ascertained, but is supposed to be very large.  Gen. Scott himself received a wound n the leg below the knee, but from the manner in which Mr. Kendall speaks of it, we are led to hope  the injury a slight one.

[EDITORIAL CORRESPONDENCE OF THE PICAYUNE.

Tacubayo, (near Mexico,) August 22, 1847.

            The celebrated Archibiship’s Palace of Tacubayo is now occupied by Gen. Scott, and a portion of the army, after twice defeating the enemy in two of the hardest fought battles of the war, are quartered immediately around him. I have already sent you off a hurried sketch of the glorious events of the 20th, and even the present letter must be but a hurried synopsis of the battles, which have shed such additional glory upon the American arms.

            On the 14th inst. A reconnaissance made by Col. Duncan having proved that a road for artillery and wagons could be cut from Chaico to San Augistine, Gen. Worth’s division moved on the afternoon of the 15th in that direction. Gen. Pillow followed the next morning; at the same hour Gen. Quitman broke up his encampment at Buena Vista, a small hacienda between Vienta de Cordova and Ayotla, and immediately Gen. Twiggs was in motion from the latter place. By this move a new line of operations was taken up on the southern and northwestern side of the city of Mexico, and the strong works of the Penon and Mexicalsingo, upon which Santa Anna had bestowed such immense care and labor, were completely turned.

            On the 16th of August Gen. Worth marched as far as the hacienda of San Gregorio, beyond which it was found that the enemy had cut up and ditched the miserable trail among which the artillery and wagons were obliged to pass. He would have gone to Santa Cruz, another hacienda a league further on, had not an order came up from Gen. Scott for a halt. It seemed that Gen. Twiggs had met a large force of the enemy drawn up in front of him near Chalco, as if with the intention of disputing his advance, cutting him off from the main body of the army, and perhaps bringing on a general action. Gen. Twiggs promptly ordered some of his heavier guns to be unlimbered, and after a few discharges the enemy was dispersed, with the loss of five or six killed, but the demonstration made by the Mexicans, as I have before said, caused a halt of General Worth’s division before half a day’s march was made.

            At 6 o’clock on the morning of the 17th, Gen. Worth resumed his march, his route running through corn–fields and narrow and rocky lanes, along which carriages had never passed before. The filling up of the ditches caused some little delay, but by 8 o’clock the advacce was in sight of Santa Cruz, and the spires and domes of the noted capital of Mexico could be discerned in the distance. The obstructions in the road, of which I have spoken, were obviously of recent construction––evidence that the enemy had but just wind of our approach, and that Gen Scott had completely stolen a march upon Santa Anna.

            Other than the ditches and rocks which had been rolled down from the precipitous hill–side, no opposition was made to the advance of Gen. Worth until he had reached a point in the road not far from Santa Cruz––but now a scattering fire was opened upon the head of his column by a force stationed at advantageous positions above the road to the left. The enemy was quickly dispersed, however, by Col. C F Smith’s light battalion and 2d Artillery, under Maj. Galt. As the division neared the hacienda of La Noqui the advance was again fired upon, but again the enemy’s pickets were driven in, without loss. A turn of the road beyond La Novia brought the pleasant village of San Augustin in sight, and after two or three light skirmishes, in which the Mexicans had two or three lancers killed and wounded, our troops had quiet possession of San Augustin. Our only loss during the day was one man, a soldier of Smith’s light battalion, who was wounded from a cornfield near Xochimilco.

            AT 7 o’clock on the morning of the 18th, Gen. Scott arrived at San Augustin, and at 10 o’clock Gen. Worth was in full march for the city of Mexico by the main road.––Majors Smith and Turnbill, Capt. Masori and other engineer officers, were sent in advance, supported by Captain Blake’s squadron of dragoons, to reconnoiter, as it was known the enemy was in force at or near San Antonio.––The party, when withing a thousand yards, was fired upon from a battery, which was masked by trees, and the first ball from a 12–pounder instantly killed Capt. Thornton of the 2d Dragoons, besides severely wounding a guide, Janathan Fitzwalters. Col. Garland’s brigade was now ordered to occupy the hacienda of Carrera, within plain sight and range of the enemy’s batteries at San Antonio, while Col. Clarke’s brigade and the battery under Col. Duncan took a station in the rear close by. The engineer officers were at once sent out to reconnoiter by Gen. Worth, to ascertain the practicability of turning the strong works of the enemy, and in the mean time Gen Scott had despatched Capt Lee with a supporting party, composed Gen’l Kearney’s squadron and a body of the 11th Infantry under Col Graham, to ascertain the practicability of finding a read by which the village of San Angel could be reached, and thus turn the strong hold of San Antonio. This latter party had a sharp encounter with the advance of this enemy, the main body being found posted at a strong point not far from the factory of Coutreras. In the skirmish some six or eight Mexicans were killed, and as many more taken prisoners––on our side not a man was touched. The result of the reconnoissance proved favorable. It was ascertained that a road could be made which would enable the army to reach San Angel, and thus turn the strong batteries of San Antonio and perhaps others the enemy might have upon the road between the and the city of Mexico. The Mexicans were plainly seen in force at a commanding position near Coutreras, and it was evident that they had a number of cannon in position; but at a council held at night, it was determined upon to attack them the following day.

            In the meantime, while the reconnaissance was in progress, Gen. Worth had established his headquarters at the hacienda of Curera, while from the windows countless numbers of the enemy could be seen at work upon the batteries of San Antonio. About noon they opened upon the hacienda with both round shot and shell, nearly every one of which took, effect, but without doing other injury than to the building. Late in the evening of the batteries again opened, but with no other result than showing the position of the different guns. For a marvel the batteries were silent during the night. Had the fire been kept up, the hacienda might have been torn in places and the entire command compelled to retire. Before going farther it may be well to state that the city of Mexico lies about nine miles nearly north of San Augustin, that San Antonio is about 3 miles in the same direction, while the point occupied by Gen. Valencia, near Coutreras, for he had command at that place, is at least three miles in a straight line and in a direction nearly west. It was ten miles the way many of our troops had to march, for you cannot imagine a more rough, uneven and jagged surface.

            At 8 o’clock on the morning of the 19th the batteries again opened on Gen. Worth’s position at the hacienda near San Antonio, the balls crushing through the way and filling the rooms with fragments of plaster and broken furniture. Shells also burst in the air over the building and the pieces dropped among the men stationed in the rear.–––So hot was the fire that the troops were obliged to gain shelter behind the building, but still did not give up the position. About 9 o’clock the divisions of Gens. Pilliow and Twiggs were ordered to advance in the direction of Coutreras and by one in the afternoon were in plain sight of the enemy’s batteries, and within range of his heavier guns. The brigade of Gen. P. F. Smith was ordered to advance directly towards the enemy’s works, while that of Col. Riley moved towards a small village to the right, with orders to gain the main road and thus be enabled to cut off any reinforcements which might be sent to Valencia from the city. An incessant firing of cannon was opened upon the advance of Gen. Smith, and soon the Rifles were engaged in skirmishing with the pickets of the enemy and driving them in. The 12–pounder battery of Capt Maguder, was pressed forward with all speed, as was also the rocket and mountain howitzer battery, now commanded by Lt. Callender of the Ordinance Department. As soon as the could gain a position they opened upon the enemy, but were so much exposed to the fire from heavier guns that they were soon silenced. Lt. Johnson, of the 1st Artillery, but attached to Magruder’s battery, was mortally wounded, while Lt. Callender was severely wounded in both legs. At 3 o’clock the brigade of Gen. Cadwalader was ordered out to support Col. Riley, heavy reinforcements being soon on their way out from the city, while Gen. Pierce’s brigade was sent to sustain Gen. Smith. The firing from the batteries of the enemy continued incessant, while from a hill just outside of the range of their guns, the spectacle was most grand and imposing. At about 4 o’clock Gen Scott arrived, and seeing the immense strength of the Mexicans, at once ordered Gen. Shield’s brigade from San Augustin––a part of Gen, Quitman’s command––to the right support Riley and Cadwalader, and prevent, if possible, a juncture of the forces coming out from the city with those of Valencia. But few of the movements of our own troops could be seen from the hill where we were posted, owing to the dense chaparral, sharp rocks and ravines, but not a motion of the enemy but was plainly visible. The order of battle of Valencia was certainly most imposing––infantry were seen drawn up to support the batteries, while long lines of the enemy’s cavalry were stationed in the rear, as if awaiting the shock of battle. Two separate charges of the latter were distinctly seen repulsed by Col. Riley, who had moved his brigade at one time to a position partially in the rear of the enemy’s work. Col Harney was exceedingly anxious to march his cavalry to the sense of actions, but it was deemed utterly impracticable. The nature of the ground was such that the infantry even had great difficulty in finding the way across the pedregal, as the Mexicans term it––ground covered with sharp, jagged rocks.

            Until the night had fairly closed in the fire from the enemy’s batteries did not slacken––it had been a continuous roar for nearly six hours. Gen. Scott retired to San Augustin about 8 o’clock, an in the midst of a hard rain which had just commenced falling. Gens. Twiggs and Pillow came in about 11 o’clock, wet and completely exhausted. It was impossible to use horses on the rough and exceedingly broken ground on which they had been operating for nearly twelve hours. Not anticipating the immense strength of the works of the enemy, or the almost insurmountable difficulties of reaching them, it had been at first thought that the batteries would be taken at a dash, and that the troops would be all comfortably quartered in San Angel for the night; instead of the a large portion of them were compelled to bivouac without blankets in the midst of a pitiless rain, and on ground where they could not even stretch themselves out. Add to this, the prospects of the morrow were far from flattering––were enough to dismay any but the stoutest hearts––that the enemy would doubtless reinforce and strengthen his works during the night, having every superiority in knowledge of the ground––add again to this that the men were weakened by long exertions, want of food, and chilled by the continuous night rain, and it is not saying too much assert that the bivouac of the 19th August was gloomy in the extreme.

            Early on the morning of the 20th, Gen. Worth was ordered to move with a part of his division––Garland’s brigade––towards the scene of action at Coutreras, to aid in the attack upon Valencia, for to force this position was deemed indispensable. A few discharges of cannon were heard about 7 o’clock, and a heavy rattling of musketry, and some even said that in the distance they had seen large masses of Mexicans in full flight towards the city; yet few dreamed that the batteries at Coutreras had been stormed and carried. Yet so it was. Gen. Scott himself accompanied by Gen. Worth, started for the scene of action, when they were met by Capt. Mason, with the joyful intelligence that Valencia had been completely routed, after a short but terrible struggle. The attack upon his works was planned by Gen. Smith, and resulted in the capture of fifteen pieced of artillery, some fifteen hundred prisoners––among them, Gens. Bianco, Garcia, Mendoza, and the notorious Salas; all the ammunition and camp equipage, while the road along which those who escaped fled was strewed with muskets. No less than 700 of the enemy, among them many officers, were left dead on the field––the number of wounded was undoubtedly far greater. I have no time now to enlarge or comment upon this well planned and brilliant achievement, but reserving a more full description for some other time, must pass on to other exciting events. The works at Coutreras completely in the power of the American army, Gen Scott at once ordered Gen. Worth to fall back upon San Antonio, to turn and capture that work and then to push on towards the capital by the main road, while the main body of the army under Gens. Twiggs, Pillow, Smith, Pierce and Cadwalader, moved on towards San Angel and Cohoyean.––Scarcely had the advance of Gen. Twiggs got half a mile beyond the latter village, before a rattling fire of musketry announced that it was actively engaged with the outposts of the enemy, and the heavy booming of cannon now gave token that noted 2d division had fallen upon another strong work. But a few minutes more and tremendous firing from the right, and immediately in the main road from San Augustine to the capital, made it evident that General Worth’s division was actively engaged. He had completely turned the strong works of San Antonio, but while doing so the enemy had abandoned the place with the loss of their heavy guns, and had fallen back upon his second and stronger line of works. It was now at the commencement of the battle, about 1 o’clock in the afternoon, and sure such a rattling of firearms has seldom or never been heard on the continent of America, accompanied with such booming of artillery; and this was continued over two hourse and until the enemy was fully routed from every point, and until those who were not killed or taken prisoners were in full flight for the city. Let me endeavor in words to give the reader an idea of the position and works of the enemy. As you come along the road leading from San Augustin to the capital, and immediately this side the Puento del Roseana, the Mexicans had thrown up a strong and exceedingly well–built battery, commanding the road completely. On the right as you faced the city, stretching for a long distance was a continuous ditch, behind the bank of which an immense number of Mexican infantry were posted. On the left of the tete de pont, or work at the bridge, and about three hundred yards distant, was the church of Churubusco, or San Pablo, strongly fortified with works for infantry, and also having a well constructed battery containing a number of guns of heavy caliber. This work was a little advanced from the tete de pont, and nearly in a line between it and the village of Cohoycan–––Further on, on the other side of the work at the bridge, and about three hundred yards from the road, was a large building, well adapted for the protection of infantry, an in which the enemy had also posted an immense body.––The ground in the vicinity of all these points was completely covered with corn, and other fields, cut up in every direction by wide and deep ditches, presented obstacles innumerable to the advance of our troops. No reconnaissance of the position of the enemy had been made, and consequently its strength could only be ascertained by hard blows and knocks.

            The divisions of Gens. Twiggs and Worth were at once engaged, the former with the church and strong–hold of Churubusco, and the latter with the batteries at the bridge; and in the meantime Gen. Shield’s brigades––the New York and South Carolina volunteers––together with the 9th, 19th, and 15th regiments of Infantry under General Pierce, were hurrying onward from Cohoycon to attack the hacienda. Soon they were engaged, and the battle now became general. The enemy had over twenty pieces of cannon, all in admirable position, and served with more than ordinary skill, while but few of our guns could be brought to hear. The battery of Capt. Frank Taylor, it is true, opened a well directed fire upon Churubusco, but so exposed was its situation that it suffered most terribly, both in officers and men.

            To describe the fierce conflict, even now that two days have elapsed, or to give an account of the part taken by the different regiments, were impossible. From the opening of the strife up to the time the Mexicans were entirely routed and in full flight for the city, was one continous roar of cannon and musketry, accompanied by the loud shouts of the Victoria as some new vantage ground was gained; and high above the din rose a dense column of smoke, at time completely shrouding the combatants.––The strength of the enemy at this battle is known to have been 15,000 at least, many say 20,000, all fresh troops in a position of uncommon strength. Opposed to them were about 6000 Americans, jaded and broken down by marches and countermarches, and by incessant toil before the stronghold of Coutreras and San Antonio. At Churubusco, the Mexicans themselves say, Santa Anna commanded in person, but that he left early. The noted battalions of Hidalgo and Victoria, and of Independicia––the Polkas, or young men of the capital, from whom so much was expected––nearly all fled without firing a gun.

            In the different works (but mostly in the church) taken by Gen. Twiggs, near 2000 troops were captured. Among them were Gen. Rincon, who commanded in person, Gen. Anaya, lately President Substitute, and Gen. Arevallon, as also Col. Goretega, formerly Minister at Washington.––Gen. Garay was captured near San Antonio by General Worth, and several influential officers, among them Col. Miramon, by Gen. Shields at the hacienda; but the most important capture of all was the entire Foreign Battalion, mostly made up of deserters from our own army, with their commander, notorious Riley himself. They are all now under close guard, and I trust will be strictly dealt with.

            The loss on our side has fallen most heavily upon the South Carolina and New York volunteers, the 6th Infantry and Smith’s light battalion, attached to Worth’s division, and the batteries of Capts. Magruder and Taylor. The S. Carolina regiment was nearly cut to pieces losing 137 out of 272 men, with which it went into action. The 1st Artillery has suffered severely in officers.

            The Mexican accounts acknowledge the loss, in killed, wounded and prisoners, or no less than thirteen Generals, (among them three Ex. Presidents,) and forty–five pieces of cannon. One of our officers says that we have captured more ammunition than Gen. Scott has used since he has been in the country.   Yours, &c. G. W. K.

–––––

The Armistice.

         The undersigned appointed respectively–the three first by Maj. General Winfield Scott, commander–in–chief of the armies of the United States; and the two last by his excellency D. Antonio Lopez de Santa Anna, president of the Mexican republic and commander–in–chief of its armies, met with full powers, which were duly verified in the village of Tacubaya, on the 22nd day of August, 1847, to enter into an armistice, for the purpose of giving the Mexican government an opportunity to receiving propositions for peace from the commissioners appointed by the president of the United States, and now with the American army; when the following articles were agreed upon:

ART. 1. Hostilities shall instantly and absolutely cease between the armies of the United States of America and the United Mexican States, within 30 leagues of the capital of the latter states, to allow time to the commissioners appointed by the Mexican republic, to negotiate.

2. This armistice shall continue as long as the commissioners of the two governments may be engaged on negotiations, or until the commander of either of the said armies shall give formal notice to the other of the cessation of the armistice, and for 48 hours after such notice.

3.  In the mean time, neither army shall, within thirty leagues of the city of Mexico, commence any new fortification, or military work of offence or defence, or do anything to enlarge or strengthen any existing work or fortification of that character, within the said limits.

4.  Neither army shall be reinforced within the same.  Any reinforcements in troops or munitions of war, other than subsistence now approaching either army, shall be stopped at the distance of twenty–eight leagues from the city of Mexico.

5.  Neither army, nor any detachment from it, shall advance beyond the line it at present occupies.

6.  Neither army, nor any detachment or individual of either, shall pass the neutral limits established by the last article, except under flags of truce bearing the correspondence between the two armies, or on the business authorized by the next article; and individuals of either army who may chance to straggle within the neutral limits, shall by the opposite party be kindly warned off or sent back to their own armies under flags of truce.

7.  The American army shall not by violence obstruct the passage form the open country into the city of Mexico, of the ordinary supplies of food necessary to the consumption of its inhabitants, or the Mexican army within the city; nor shall the Mexican authorities, civil or military, do any act to obstruct the passage of supplies from the city, or the country needed by the American army.

8.  All American prisoners of war remaining in the hands of the Mexican army, and not to heretofore exchanged, shall immediately, or as soon as practicable, be restored to the American army against a like number, having regard to rank, of Mexican prisoners captured by the American army.

9.  All American citizens who were established in the city of Mexico prior to the existing war, and who have since been expelled from that city, shall be allowed to return to their respective business or families therein, without delay or molestation.

10. The better to enable the belligerent armies to execute these articles, and to favor the great object of peace, it is further agreed between the parties that any courier with dispatches that either army shall desire to send along the line from the city of Mexico or its vicinity, to and from Vera Cruz, shall receive a safe conduct from the commander of the opposing army.

11. The administration of justice between Mexicans, according to the general and state constitutions and laws, by the local authorities of the towns and places occupied by the American forces, shall not be obstructed in any manner.

12.  Persons and property shall be respected in the towns and places occupied by the American forces. No person shall be molested in the exercise of his profession; nor the services of any one be required without his consent.  In all cases where services are voluntarily rendered, a just price shall be paid, and trade remain unmolested.

13. Those wounded prisoners who may desire to remove to some more convenient  place for the purpose of being cured of their wounds shall be allowed to do so without molestation, they still remaining prisoners.

14. Those Mexican medical officers who may wish to attend the wounded shall have the privilege of doing so, if their services be required.

15. For the more perfect execution of this agreement two commissioners shall be appointed, one by each party; who in case of disagreement shall appoint a third.

16. This is convention shall have no force or effect unless approved by their excellencies the commanders respectively of the two armies within 24 hours, reckoning from the sixth hour of the 23rd day of August, 1847.

A. Quitman,
Major Gen. U.S.A.

Persifer E. Smith,
Bvt. Brig. Gen. U.S.A.

Franklin Pearce,
Brigadier Gen. U.S.A.

IGNACIO DE MORA Y VILLAMIL,

BENITO QUIJANO

A true copy of the original.
G.W. Lay, U.S.A.
Mil. Sec. to the General in chief
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RW47v24n73p2c1, September 17, 1847, THE ARMISTICE

            It will be seen by the annexed correspondence that the armistice entered into between Gen. Scott and Santa Anna was proposed by the former, as we had inferred from, the phraseology of the introductory paragraph of the articles agreed upon. It is yet matter of conjecture whether, in making this proposition, Gen. Scott acted in co–operation with Mr. Trist, under instruction from Washington, or on his own responsibility. It will be seen, by the extracts from Mr. Kendall’s interesting letter, in another column, that, with whomsoever it originated, the act has given no little dissatisfaction to his officers. It is however, unquestionably highly unjust to condemn the measure without a full knowledge of all the circumstances, which, in the opinion of Commanding General, (if he acted without instructions,) rendered it judicious, particularly in reference to its probable influence upon the termination of hostilities between the two Republics, upon terms acceptable to his Government. If it had been simply the purpose of Gen. Scott in the lofty language of the Washington Union, to “tread the streets of the imperial city of the Aztecs,” or to “revel in the halls of the Montezumas,” it is not at all to be doubted that he could more certainly and more speedly have achieved that exploit by promptly pushing forward his victorious columns––or, that, if he wished to destroy the city, he might sooner accomplished that object by pouring into it, as at Vera Cruz, a tempest of bombs and shells. But the great end contemplated by the Administration, in the invasion of Mexico, or as we have been repeatedly assured, is not the wanton and unnecessary destruction of life and property, but to “conquest a peace.” And if Gen. Scott believed, as he might very naturally have done, that this result would be more likely to ensue from the tender of an armistice, remaining meanwhile without its walls, while his victorious army commanded all the entrances to the city, and thereby saving it from the horrors of a bombardment or an assault, he was unquestionably warranted by sound policy, as well as by considerations of humanity, scarcely less obligatory in their nature, in adopting the course he has pursued. At least he is entitled to be heard before he is condemned. It will be remembered that when General Taylor entered into an armistice with Ampudia, after the capitulation of Monterey, there were not wanting critics to condemn the act in the harshest terms––the Washington Union even lending its columns to one of these heroes of the quill, who, with equal ignorance and arrogance, pronounced it “the great blunder of the campaign.” But its wisdom has since been triumphantly attested, by his highest officers, whose emphatic vindication of General Taylor’s course on that occasion has as completely silenced the carpet–knights by whom it had been so unceremoniously condemned as the General’s guns had before silenced his enemies in the field. We have too much confidence in Gen. Scott’s sagacity, for which he is not less remarkable than for his courage and skill, to suppose, for an instant, that he could have been induced to propose the temporary cessation of hostilities, with the city of Mexico completely, as it appears to have been, in his power, had he not been possessed of facts justifying the conviction that by that proposition, made under circumstances that left no doubt of the magnanimity and generosity from which it sprung, the prostrate and humbled enemy might be the more readily induced to turn a favorable ear to the often before rejected advances, made by our Government, for the renewal of negotiations. We shall, therefore, until the contrary shall be indubitably shown––as we are confident it never will be––by something more conclusive than surmises and inferences, take it for granted that the proposal for an armistice was dictated by the highest considerations of espediency as well as by the noblest impulse of humanity.

            The following is the letter addressed by Gen. Scott to Gen. Santa Anna:

HEADQUARTERS OF THE ARMY U.S. AMERICA.
Coyoacan, August 21, 1847.

To his Excellency the President and General in Chief of the Republic of Mexico.

Sir––Too much blood has already been shed in this unnatural war between the two great Republics of this continent. It is time that the differences between them should be amicably and honorably settled, and it is known to your Excellency that a commissioner of the part of the U. States, clothed with full powers to that end, is with this army.––To enable the two Republics to enter on negotiations, I am willing to sign, on any reasonable terms, a short armistice.

            I shall wait with impatience until to–morrow morning for a direct answer to this communication; but shall in the meantime seize and occupy such positions outside of the capital as I may deem necessary to shelter and comfort this army.

            I have the honor to remain, with high consideration and respect, your Excellency’s most obedient servant.

WINFIELD SCOTT.

            To this letter a reply was returned by the Mexican Secretary of War, of which the following is a hasty version:

Ministry of War and Marine,

Mexico, August 21, 1847.

To His Excellency Gen. Winfield Scott, Commander in Chief of the Army of the U.S. America.

            Sir––The undersigned, Minister of War and marine of the Government of the United States of Mexico, is instructed by his Excellency the President, commander–in–chief, to reply to your communication in which you propose to enter into an armistice, with a view to avoid the further shedding of blood between the two great Republics of this continent, for the purpose of hearing the propositions which may be made for this purpose by the commissioner of his Excellency the President of the United States of America, who is at the headquarters of the American army.

            It is certainly lamentable, that in consequence of the disregard of the rights of the Mexican Republic, the shedding of blood has become inevitable between the first republics of the American continent; your Excellency with great propriety qualifies this war as unnatural, as well on account of its origin as the antecedents of two people identified by their relations and their interests. The proposition of an armistice to terminate this scandal has been received with pleasure by his Excellency the President, commander–in–chief, as it will enable the propositions to be entertained which that commissioner of the President of the United States may make for the honorable termination of the war.

            Accordingly, the President, commander–in–chief, directs me to say to your Excellency that he accepts the proposition to enter into an armistice, and for this object he has appointed the brigadier generals D. Ignacio Mora y Villamil and D. Benito Quijano; who will be present at the time and place which may be designated.

            His Excellency also instructs me to communicate his satisfaction that the army of the United States should occupy convenient and fitting quarters, trusting and hoping that they will be our of reach of the fire of the Mexican fortifications.

            I have the honor to be with high consideration and respect, your Excellency’s most obedient servant,

ALCORTA.

            The same day Senor Pacheco, the Secretary of State, issued the following summon for the assembling of Congress:

MINISTRY OF INTERNAL AND FOREIGN RELATIONS,

Mexico, August 21, 1847.

            Most Excellent Sir––All Mexicans, but especially the inhabitants of this capital, have been witnesses to the extraordinary exertions which have been made by his Excellency the Provisional President to collect an army capable of meeting that of the United States, and restoring the luster of the arms of the Republic. They are witnesses also that he has fought with intrepidity, exposing his own life, until the moment which the victory was lost and the enemy was at the gates of the capital.

            In these circumstances, and when the numerous inhabitants of Mexico have made ever kind of sacrifice to carry on the war, it is one of the most imperious duties of the First Magistrate to prevent the calamities inseparable from an assault, and to avoid all consequences of a violent occupation of the city. To this end, and in the exercise of his constitutional powers, and in conformity with the wishes of Congress communicated to him on the 16th July last, he has determined to hear the propositions which Mr. Nicholas Trist has to make on the part of the United States, and to consent that in the meantime there shall be a suspension of hostilities.

            At this question is of the utmost interest to the Republic, his Excellency desires that the national Congress should take their appropriate part, and accordingly directs me to notify your Excellency that you may take measures diligently to summon the Deputies to assemble at 12 o’clock to–day.

            I reiterate the assurance of my distinguished consideration. God and Liberty.

JOSE RAMON PACHECO.
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RW47v24n73p2c2, September 17, 1847, From Vera Cruz

            We learn from the New Orleans Picayune of the 9th inst. That the Spanish Ambassador to the Republic of Mexico arrived at Vera Cruz, on the 31st utl. On his return home, having been recalled, it is understood, in consequence of his intrigues to establish a Monarchy in Mexico, with the Duke de Montpensier [on of Louis Phillipe’s sons] throne. It is said that the Governments both of France and England disavow having ever entertained this scheme; but the Picayune thinks they would not have been so ready to disclaim it, had it been successful. At incident which occurred on the Ambassador’s journey to Vera Cruz, and which must have disturbed his equanimity, is thus stated in the Picayune:

            “A squad of Capt. Fairchild’s company of rangers happening to be in a scout, espied a body of Mexican lancers in a valley, advancing along a road from the city of Mexico. –The men had not forgotten the fate of some of their companions who accompanied Captain Wells to the Natural Bridge.  Thirsting for vengeance, they were soon charging down the hill with sabres drawn.  As they approached the Mexicans, a gentleman was to spring from a litter borne by a pair of mules endeavoring by gesticulations and speech to keep the squad off.  Some few of the boys who understood Spanish, learned that the gentlemen who was making such a liberal use of arms and tongue, was no less a personage than the Spanish minister, and that the lancers were sent with him from the city of Mexico.  The squad mistrusted there might be some trickery in the matter, and escorted the party to the gate of the city, where his Excellency, followed by numerous trains of mules, entered; and the lancers wheeled about and made their way back.”

            Letters from Mexicans at Jalapa, received at Vera Cruz, state that Capt. Walker, wit a detachment of about 300 men from Perote, arrived there on the 25th or 26th ult. And took several of the inhabitants prisoners, but released some of them when they proved to his satisfaction that there were not concerned in the murder of several Americans and caused two or three to be shot who were pointed out to him as murderers. Capt. W. then went to Caotepec, frightening the guerillas, who, with the Mexican Governor of the Department of Vera Cruz, fled, leaving every thing behind them. It is also stated that there was some trouble between Major Lally and Capt. Walker, the latter acting independently of the former, and doing some things that did not exactly meet with the Major’s approbation. The Major consequently ordered the Captain’s arrest, who cavalierly disregarded the order, and moved off to Caotepec! The Captain is said to be the terror of the country.

            Nothing authentic has been heard of Lieut. Henderson and the 14 men who it is supposed were taken by the Mexicans recently near Puente Nacional. A Mexican in Vera Cruz, however, states that he was present when the detachment was taken into the chapparal after surrendering to twenty times their number, and shot. It is to be hoped this statement untrue.

            Paredes, it is stated, halted before he reached the city of Mexico, at a place called Callenta, and communicated with Santa Anna; but Santa Anna would have nothing to do with him, and ordered him to leave the country on penalty of death. Paredes refused to obey, and was attempting to raise a party to put down Santa Anna.

            It was rumored, but not credited, that Jarauta, the guerrilla chief, emboldened by his recent partial successes, mediated a descent upon Vera Cruz.
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RW47v24n72p2c2, September 17, 1847, FURTHER PARTICULARS

            We are again so crowded with advertisements that we are compelled to defer many articles, as well as to abridge the highly interesting particulars from the seat of the war, farnished by the correspondence of Mr. Kendall of the New Orleans Picayune. We have, however, omitted no important portion of his letters.

            The Picayune of the 9th inst. Also contains a letter from an English commercial house in the city of Mexico, dated on the 29th of August, which says there were about 15 or 20,000 Mexican troops in the city, and adds would be another brush unless an honorable peace should result from the pending negotiations. The writer’s opinion, however, is, that a treaty would be made, and such he says is the opinion of the better classes of Mexicans, as well as of the English residents.
[BRM]


RRW47v24n72p2c3, September 17, 1847, LETTER FROM THE ARMY

            We have been favored with the following extract of a letter from an officer attached to Gen. Scott’s staff:

TACUBAYA, Aug. 25, 1847.

            We have had another brilliant but bloody battle, which brought us triumphantly up to the very gates of the city. We should now be in the capital but for an armistice which was agreed upon to enable MR. Trist to treat. As it was supposed the prospects of peace would be greatly lessened if we occupied the capital, the army has made this sacrifice upon the altar of patriotism. It seems to be a bitter one, but excellent hopes are entertained of its resulting well.

            Our loss has been severe, but that of the enemy utterly ruinous, so as not to leave him any power of resistance.––Gen. Scott has outdone, by far, all his former achievements; and the army has done, with the bayonet alone, probably as much as was ever accomplished by any troops without artillery. You are aware that we have had no opportunity of sending letters for months past; I am not even sure that I shall be able to slip this in with the despatches. From where I write I overlook the city (but two miles distant) and the whole valley of Mexico––a view scarcely less charming from association than itself. So many officers have been killed and wounded, that I fear there will be great distress and anxiety on account of many who are safe. No one from Richmond was hurt; my friend, Capt. Craig, who is known there, received a smart flesh wound, but not at all serious* * * *Our loss is about 1000 killed and wounded. The Mexican loss about 5000 killed and wounded––and about 10,000 more prisoners and dispersed––15,000 in all. We had about 9000 to 30 odd thousand.
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RW47v24n72p2c4, September 17, 1847: LETTERS FROM THE ARMY OF GENERAL SCOTT

            [Editorial Correspondence of the New Orleans Picayune]

TACUBAYA, Aug. 24, 1847.

            I have spent not a little time in endeavoring to collect a list of the killed and wounded officers in the great battles of the 20th, not a difficult matter, inasmuch as the different divisions are quartered in villages several miles apart. The entire loss in the division of Gen. Twiggs was 266, in that of Gen. Worth 339, in that of Gen. Quitman (Shield’s brigade), 240, in that of Gen. Pillow 212.

            The New York Volunteers suffered severely, but not in proportion to the regiment from South Carolina. Col. Butler, who commanded the latter, behaved in the most gallant manner. In advancing upon the hacienda attacked by Gen. Shields, at the head of his regiment, his horse was shot dead. He then advanced on foot until he received a severe wound in the leg, which caused him to fall.––In a fainting condition he was carried to the rear, but soon rallying he again advanced to the head of his regiment, when a musket ball struck him in the head and he died almost instantly. South Carolina lost on of her bravest and most generous spirits when Col. Butler fell.

            I have not had time to obtain a full list of all the killed and wounded in the different divisions of the army, but shall endeavor to do it at the earliest opportunity. A great proportion of our loss––perhaps ninetenths––was in the attack upon the strong works at Churubusco––Santa Anna’s second line as he called it. As I have previously stated, no reconnaissance whatever of this strong position had been made. The brilliant success of the morning had inspired both officers and men with the highest enthusiasm, and they rushed pell mell into the position the post exposed, and where they were mowed down by hundreds.

            It will be seen that our own loss falls short of eleven hundred––about 6,000 men were actively engaged.––When the works of the enemy are examined, one naturally wonders that Gen. Scott’s entire force was not swept away. Put his army in the same position and since the days of the viceroys there have not been Mexicans enough to born to drive them out.

            White flags are now constantly passing and repassing between the Palace here and the Palace in Mexico. At this game the Mexicans can beat us. Yours, &c.

G.W.K.

––

TACUBAYA, August 25, 1847.

            The armistice has finally been settled and signed, and I do not tell half the story when I say that it had produced universal dissatisfaction in the army––in the entire army. In the first place let me give you, from recollection, its main provisions, and then I will give you an idea as to the mode by which it was brought about.

            The articles of the armistice first go on to say, that hostilities between the two armies are at once to cease., in order that the peace propositions of the United States may be listened to, and that they, the hostilities, are not to be renewed until either commander shall give the other forty eight hours’ notice; that in the meantime all work or fortifications on both sides shall cease, and that no further reinforcements or either party shall be allowed to approach nearer than twenty–eight leagues of the capital; that no persons other than citizens shall be allowed to either the city, and they only with passports from the Mexican authorities; that certain persons of the American army shall be allowed to either the city to borrow money and purchase supplies, but no officers are allowed to pass in except upon special business and under a flag. Such are about the amount of the different articles of the armistice, signed on our part by Gens. Quitman, Smith and Pierce, and on the part of the Mexicans by Gens Mors and Gujano.

            Let me now give my speculations as to the mode by which this armistice was brought about. On the night of the 10th inst. After the great Mexican army was thoroughly beaten, broken to pieces and routed, Mr Thornton, or the English legation, accompanied by the British Consul, Mr Mackintosh––a man who regards Santa Anna, hates the Yankees and never moves unless his own ends are to be gained––came out to the city post haste on a visit to Gen. Scott. The next morning Gen Mors, accompanied by Mr Arrangoiz, who was formerly Mexican consul in New Orleans, came out, also on a visit to Gen Scott, and on the same day the latter wrote a letter to the Mexican authorities, hinting an armistice between the two armies with a view of opening negotiations for a peace. This proposition was eagerly jumped at by the Mexican Minister of War, at the instigation of Santa Anna of course, and the result has been a treaty of armistice in which, according to rumor nearly every thing the Mexicans asked for was conceded. I know nothing of the proceedings of this commission except from hearsay. There are many who believe that Gen. Scott has been compelled to adopt this policy, at the threshold of the Mexican capital by Mr Trist and his instructions, but there are a few, and I must acknowledge myself among the number, who think that a peace honorable and satisfactory to the U.S. is to grow out of this matter. The whole affair, on the face of it, looks like on of Santa Anna’s old tricks to gain time to plan some new scheme of trickery and dissimulation, and as he has British influence to back him he will be likely to carry out what he undertakes. I have always said and always believed that Santa Anna was favorable to peace––to peace from policy only––and still believe he may endeavor to bring it about; but great as is his power, like a sail vessel he can only go with the wind and current, and has too many and too powerful enemies to carry out his present schemes, at least without strong assistance from the United States.

            Santa Anna accuses Valencia of having lost the capital by not obeying his orders to abandon Coutreras on the 19th, and has ordered him to be shot wherever found; on the other hand, Valencia accuses Santa Anna of having lest every thing by not coming to his assistance, and it is now sad that he has pronounced against him and peace with the Yankees at Toluca. Thus matters stand between these great Mexican leaders. Again, it is reported that Paredes is advancing from Oriziba, which place he successfully reached from Vera Cruz, breathing nothing but death and utter annihilation to the infamous North Americans, while it is further stated that Bustamente is at or near the capital with 6000 men, breathing the same amiable sentiments––The papers of the capital are almost silent about every thing––they do not even give an account of their terrible defeat.

            The number of deserters and other foreigners found fighting against us the other day, and who are now prisoners, is 72. A court martial, with Col. Garland as president, is now in session here, for the trial of a portion of this precious set of scoundrels, and it is to be hoped they may have full justice done them. Riley, the Irishman who commanded the battalion of San Patricio, as it is called, openly makes his brags of what he has done, and says he expects no mercy.

            Gen. Scott was himself wounded on the 20th inst. By a grape shot. It struck him on the outside of the leg below the knee, and gave so little a pain at the time that he said nothing about it, but it has since caused him more uneasiness.

            Our own loss, in killed, wounded and missing, is put down in the numbers at 1000––it may possibly range a little under. The Mexican loss in killed alone amounted to nearly that number, their prisoners to about 3000, while their wounded we have no means of computing. Among the officers taken prisoners were three member of Congress, and I believe they are to be liberated to take part in the proceedings of that body in relation to peace.

Yours, &c.
G.W.K.

––

TACUBAYA, August 26, 1847.

            We now have certain intelligence that Valencia arrived at Toluca with only two men, his aid–de–camps, and they were thankful for their good horses, or else they could not have kept up. It is asserted positively that he was drunk on the night of the 19th inst and promoted all his officers for their extraordinary gallantry in standing firmly to their guns during the afternoon when no one was returning their fire. The account that he has pronounce against Santa Anna has denounced him in a public decree, and accuses him of all blame in bringing about the recent disasters to the country. He must accuse somebody, and Valencia, by his disobedience of a cowardly order, has made himself amenable––offers a target for his master’s wrath.

            The policy of Gen Scott or of Mr. Trist––I do not know which is responsible for the measure––in effecting an armistice and consequently an opportunity to negotiate––this policy, I say, although not very flattering to the pride of those who fought the sanguinary battles of Coutreras and Churubusco, may still have a tendency to soften that of the Mexicans, and lead to some kind of a peace. So perfect was the panic among the sons of Iturbide on the 20th that one of our weaker regiments could have entered the Grand Plaza with but little opposition––in fact, could have driven every soldier either out of the city or to some hiding place within its walls. Santa Anna and the miserable semblance of a Government would also have fled, and there would have been no power with which to open negotiations, with which to treat. Perhaps it is better, then, that the army did not at once enter and occupy the capital, a least in view of a peace––this is the question yet to be solved, I must acknowledge, however, even as matters now look, that I am one of a large majority who feel anything but rejoiced that the army did not enter the city at first, and that peace negotiations are to be entertained at the National Palace.

Yours, &c. &c.
G.W.K.

            P.S.––Since the above was written, we have received a thousand and one rumors from the city. The report that Bustamente is approaching with some 6000 troops is renewed, as well as the account of the advance of Paredes upon the capital. All the shops in the city are closed, and consternation reigns. Many will have it the evidence being their own proper eyes, that the Mexican are throwing up breast works and constructing batteries at different points, and they say too, that Santa Anna either is desirous of gaining time, or else to make one of the main conditions of peace that he is to be supported by American Arms against any faction that may rise against him. In this they are probably more than half right. A train of wagons, which was going in this morning headed by Capt. Wayne and an escort of dragoons, were turned back by Mexicans on the pretence that there were regular soldiers with the envoy. I don’t know how the matter will be settled, but Santa Anna will probably have his own way. Our own officers are many of them outrageous at the occurrence.

––

TACUBAYA, August 27, 1847.

            The official report of Gen. Salas, who was second in command at Coutreras, and who is now a prisoner, has been published in Mexico. He admits that his defeat was total, but as usual lays the blame on some of his brother officers. He says that on the afternoon of the 19th––(this was while no one was returning their fire)––The Mexicans fought with uncommon valor and enthusias, but that early on the morning of the 20th August they were suddenly surrounded and at once thrown into confusion, and in the end utterly routed. Salas says that at the outset of the disorder he shouted “Victory for Mexico,” ordered the trumpets to sound, and directed Gen. Torrejon to charge with his lancers; but according to the same account that officer fled in the most cowardly manner, the infantry got mixed up with the cavalry and also fled, and the rout of all was complete and most disastrous. Salas says that Gen. Valencia ran off at the commencement of the fight, that he does not know what has become of him, and for this reason has felt himself called upon to make the report. Sch is the account given by his Excellency Gen. R. Don. I. Mariano de Salas, of the defeat at Coutreras––one of the most brilliant victories achieved by our arms since the commencement of the war––brilliant and most important for the great results produced with so little loss on our side, and for which Gen. Smith, as well as Col. Riley and the other officers engaged in it, are receiving the unqualified approbation of the entire army.

            Gen. Salas himself acknowledges that in this battle Gen.Fronters was killed, that besides himself Gens. Mendoza, Bianco and Garcia were wounded and taken prisoners, in addition to a list of over 100 others––Colonels, Captains, &c. who were either killed, wounded or are now in our hands. And here let me mention one fact in relation to the after battle of Churubusco, which will show how near Gen. Scott was to capturing the entire Mexican army. At the time Gen. Worth was pressing upon the tete de pont, Gen. Twiggs upon the church, and Gen. Shields and Pierce upon the hacienda farther on, the commander–in–chief ordered Major Sumner to take command of the Rifles, and by circuitous march to reach the road between the enemy and the city. Nothing but the daring impetuosity of our own men in front prevented this plan from succeeding––had the Mexican held out or our own soldiers held off ten minutes longer, the enemy would have been in a bag as it were, and killed or captured to a man. Santa Anna might perhaps escaped, as he has a peculiar way of his own; but he would not have taken even the remnant of an army with him.

The trial of the deserters––the celebrated battalion of St. Patrick––is still going on, but how the affair will terminate, no one but those on the court martial can say. A strong influence is at work in favor of the prisoners. In the first place, all the Mexican ladies in this town, La Senora Cayetano Rubio among the number, have signed a warm petition in their favor, which has been sent to Gen. Scott. The lady whose name I have given, is the wife of the rich Rubio, who has a country house here in Tacubaya. The English, and perhaps some of the other foreign ministers, have also interested themselves in behalf of the scoundrels. I might here state that the celebrated flag of the foreign battalion was captured by the 14th Infantry, attached to Gen. Pillow’s division.

Two o’clock, afternoon.­­–––New has just come in from the capital which has caused great excitement. At an ealry hour a train of wagons, under charge of Captain Wayne, dressed in citizens’ cloths, started for the city. Scarcely had they reached the Plaza before the wagons were surrounded by an immense concourse of leperos, who at first commenced cursing at jeering the wagon–masters and wagoners. Soon, however, they began to pelt the poor fellows with stones and other missiles, and notwithstanding the pretended exertions of a squad of Mexican soldiers, who acted a guard, the entire train was driven out of the city. Several of the wagoners received bruises and contusions from the showers of stones thrown at them, and foremost in the mob were said to be the women of the town. One Mexican was shot by the wagon masters, and another by a Mexican officer, but not until they had half killed an American. In the crowd of loafers or leperos were soon [illegible] apparently of the better class from their dress, who excited the mob to acts of violence, while in the balconies were ladies looking on and evidently enjoying the sport. Even the Mexican cavalry guard, or many of them, sat upon their horses––not indifferent spectators, for they fairly laughed to see the unfortunate and unarmed teamsters beset in a manner so cowardly. I suppose that Santa Anna will apologize for the outrage, and that thus the matter will be settled; but this done not prevent many from thinking that the tyrant instigated the whole affair. He is up to all sorts of trickery. There are others who think, and probably with good show of reason, that the mob was set on by the enemies of Santa Anna and peace, with the intention of involving the whole party and breaking off all negotiations. Be this as it may, the Mexicans have won a great battle in driving our wagons from the city, and will not fail to exult over it. I know not what measures Gen. Scott will no resort to in order to obtain his money and supplies from the city.

Yours, &c.
G.W.K.

––

TACUBAYA, August 28, 1847.

            The accounts this morning from the city would go to show that Mexicans are chuckling over the defeat of the wagon train yesterday, and its expulsion without the walls––they absolutely term it a victory! The authorities pretend they did everything in their power to suppress the row, but no one who understands the Mexican character believes them. If anything in this world can be driven easier than Mexicans with arms in their hands, (vide Churabusco and Coutreras,) it is Meixcans without arms. A Mexican mod can be likened to nothing save a flock of sheep––as easily routed and dispersed ­­and now the authorities pretend that they did everything in their power to suppress the one which was raised yesterday. A single squadron of our dragoons could have ridden over the rioters as easily as they could over a lawn. I suppose now that the wagons will not be allowed to enter the city––another point gained by the enemy. They certainly have not been in to–day.

            The Diaro del Gobierno of yesterday is almost entirely filled with documents and letters, all undertaking to prove that Valencia was the sole cause of the defeat of the Mexican army. Santa Anna’s friends are at the bottom of all this of course. Several of Valencia’s letters are lugged into the document, in one of which, dated at 8 o’clock on the evening of the 19th, at Coutreras, he speaks of having routed the entire American army at all points, and that the liberty and honor of his country had been saved by the glorious victory. He further discloses the fact that General Frontera was killed while leading on a charge of cavalry, and that Gen. Farrodi was wounded. This is news; we shall get all the truth out of them after a while. The last we hear of Valencia he was at Toluca, whither he had gone, according to his own published statement, to collect forces to vindicate the honor of his county.

            The same number of the Diario contains an account of the attack upon the wagon train. It makes light of the whole affair, says that a few persons were slightly injured, that Gena. Tornel, Herrar and Quijano soom dispersed the rioters, and that the fact of the wagons going as far as the Plaza Principal was an error or overnight. Among these who received a shower of stones on the occasion was Mr. Harous, the gentleman, who has mainly fed and cloted the army since it marched from Jalapa. He was in the city after supplies at the time.

            I believe that up to this time I have neglected to mention that Major Gaines, who recently escaped from Mexico, was on the staff of Gen. Scott during the recent battles, and that Midshipman Rogers was on that of Gen. Pillow. After the route at Coutreras, and while our troops were on the way to Churubusco, a house where Capt. Danley and Major Borland were secreted was passed. The former was quite unwell at the time, but the latter came out, shouldered a musket, and was in the defeat of Churubusco. I hear that Clay and all the other prisoners will now soon be released.

Yours, &c.
G.W.K.

–––

TACUBAYA, Aug. 29, 1847.

            The peace commissioners met again yesterday, and at a point near this place. Nothing positive in relation to the proceedings of this second meeting has transpired––some say that everything went on smoothly, others say not, which is tolerably strong proof that but little is known one way or the other in relation to the deliberations. The new commissioner, Barnardo Couto, was present, as was also Atristain. The latter is represented as a tool of Mackintosh’s; but if he can do anything towards bringing about a peace this makes no difference. They say that in the city they indulge the hope that the commissioners will agree upon the Neuces as a boundary. This is carrying the stakes and stones a little too far. “Give them an inch and the’ll take and ell” is applied to many people in the world––give a Mexican and inch and he’ll take at lease seven miles and a half.

            I must close this letter haste, as a messenger has just come in to say that the express man is about to start. You shall be kept informed of everything.

Yours, &c.
G.W.K.

[BRM]


RW47v24n72p2c5, September 17, 1847, SANTA ANNA’S MANIFESTO

His Explanation of his Recent Reverses.

         At some inconvenience to ourselves we lay before our readers a translation of Santa Anna’s Manifesto to the nation, giving his version of the causes of his recent defeat, which he does not affect to deny and scarcely extenuates. It is an interesting document and will amply reward perusal.

Manifesto of the president ad interim of the republic, and general in chief of its army, to the nations:

         In moments so critical and solemn, it is a duty, on the part of him who presides over the republic, to give publicity to events; and I discharge this duty with pleasure, because frankness has at all times been the characteristic of my administration. The occurrences of the 19th and 20th are too well known, for they were unfortunate; but it is proper for me to review them, in order that they may not be misrepresented, as well from a spirit of detraction and malevolence, as from errors resulting from a want of analysis in subjects of grave and transcendent importance.

         The nation has witnessed the great–the extraordinary efforts with which, during the space of three months, I have labored for the defence of the capital, which was about to be surrendered defenceless to the enemy. I have organized, armed, and equipped an army of more than 20,000 men; I have collected an immense material for this army; I have fortified various lines in order to keep at distance from Mexico t he ravages of war; I have created resources in the midst of the state of abandonment in which the government was left; and no fatigue, no labor, have I omitted, in order that my country might present herself with dignity and firmness in the struggle to which she has been so unjustly provoked.

         In war, an accident–a circumstance apparently the most insignificant–may frustrate the most skillfully devised combinations.  A glance at the defences which I caused to be constructed around the city is sufficient to discover the plan which I had proposed to myself.

         The troops which I had advanced, by one of the flanks, supported by others posted en echellon at convenient distances, were to have made a concerted retrograde movement, which I commanded at the proper moment. A general who commanded a strong division of 5,000 men and 24 pieces of artillery, whose headquarters were at the town of San Angel, was ordered by me on the 18th, and 11 o’clock in the morning, to fall back on the village of Coyoacan, in order to effect the concentration of forces, in consequence of demonstration already made by the enemy, and for the purpose of exactly carrying out my plan of operations.  But this general, forgetting that there cannot be two commanders on the field of battle, and that the execution of a plan will not admit of comments which annul or retard it, suffered himself to himself to object to the orders which he had received; and obedience and discipline, so indispensable in military movements, having been banished from among us, thus rendering it necessary, in order to avoid greater and imminent evils, to tolerate what it would be absurd to approve of, I suffered him, in spite of myself, to persevere in his purpose, and charge himself with the whole responsibility of the consequences. They were not less disastrous than they had been obvious.  He advanced, motu proprio , [of his own accord,] more than a league to choose a position from which to meet the enemy, without acquainting me either with his movement or his intentions.  His refusal to obey the order sent him was the first notice which I had of this temerity; and soon afterwards the report of cannon enabled me to ascertain the position he had taken, and apprized me that an action had commenced. 

Although weighed down with the presentiment of what was to follow, I instantly placed myself at the head of a splendid brigade of four thousand men and five pieces of artillery.  I arrived at the mome nt when the enemy had cut off the rear of the position of the ill–fated general by a considerable force, whose operations I was then hardly able to check, for it was now nearly night.

         But I observed, with the greatest grief, that the position in question was isolated–that a large ravine interevened, and a neighboring wood was occupied by the enemy; the troops under my immediate command could not advance by the only road which existed, without being exposed to the same fate as the others; and a single battery, which arrived late, was my only means of attack. The firing having ceased, our brigade took up their quarters in the town of San Angel; for the rain fell in torrents, and to keep the troops in the field would have been equivalent to their being routed.

         Previous to this, I ordered that my aid–de camp, Col. Ramiro, should, taking as a guide the deputy, Don Jose Maria del Rio, who was acquainted with the ground, proceed to the head of the terrible ravine in front of us, and along the skirt of a distant hill, and, making all haste to the camp of the general referred to, order him to retire that night, without fail, with his infantry and cavalry, to San Angel, by the only road which was left him, firing spiking his cannon, if it already impossible to save them.  This my aid accomplished, and communicated my order between 10 and 11 at night; but instead of punctually obeying the order, the general hardly suffered my aid to speak, interrupting him by saying that what he wanted was 6,000 men and munitions, and sent him off, after giving him two official letters, which he had signed and sealed, one of them containing a report of the action of the evening, in which he stated that he had beaten the enemy, and put him to shameful flight, and that he had, in consequence, granted promotions of the generals, field officers, and others.

         The following day, at dawn, I repaired again to the same field, reinforced by the brigade which I had ordered to be brought from the capital, and determined to effect the enemy made his attack, which lasted about ten minutes, and I witnessed, in the midst of despair, the rout of those troops, worthy of a better fate, and unfortunately commanded by a general who was himself the cause of their being cut off.

         The consequences of this affair were, in my view, terrible.  The enemy could, by a rapid movement, reach the capital before it would be possible for me to succor it; he could, by a flank movement, cut off my detached forces; he could, by a flank movement, cut off my despatched forces; he had obtained, as the result of his victory, the power of falling with the main body of his troops upon a part of mine; the enemy, in fine, through the unskilfulness and insubordination of a general, converted to his own benefit all the advantages of my situation.

         The advanced fort of San Antonio could not sustain itself; for our time had been intersected, and I ordered its garrison to retire, while I covered the fort and tete de port of Chururbusco. The enemy advanced, cutting off a portion of the troops as they were retiring, and presented himself in front of our nearest defences.I there placed myself again in front of our soldiers, and my efforts cost the enemy not a little bloodshed.  The losses ensued, although lamentable, were the natural result of the retreat, which was sudden, unexpected; and embarrassed by the trains, marching along a narrow causeway flanked throughout its whole extent. The defence was from line to line, until the third was reached, where I personally opposed the enemy, and a saved the capital, which was suddenly placed in danger.  While I was engaged, on the 22 d, in reorganizing the forces and covering the batteries, and again in person at the head of a column, which would have continued the defence to the last extremity, I received a communication from the enemy’s general–in–chief, proposing to me to conclude an armistice, which would afford time to consider the propositions which may be made by the commissioners of the United States, for ending the struggle between the two nations.  I consented to the armistice; and, after consulting the ministers in cabinet, I determined that the propositions referred to shall be taken into consideration.

         The suspension of hostilities is always a good thing, because war is always an evil; and much more so, after great combinations have been frustrated.  To save the capital from the horrors of war, or at least defer them, was a consideration which I could not overlook, more particularly when viewed as a means of arriving at an honorable peace.

         When two nations find themselves in a state of war, they have the reciprocal right to make propositions.  A perpetual war is an absurdity, because it is a calamity; and the instinct of self–preservation, which is even stronger and more powerful in nations than in individuals, counsels that no means shall be disregarded which may lead to an advantageous adjustment.  The constitution gives me full authority to adopt this course.

         Devoted to interests so great and of such pre–eminent importance, I must maintain at all risks the respect and consideration due to the supreme authority which I exercise–now especially, when, if factions beset and harass the government, they will deprive it of the power of deliberating, and it will become contemptible in the presence of the enemies of the nation, I will be still more explicit–commotion and sedition shall be exemplarity punished.

I have preserved a considerable body of troops, and the nation will support me in maintaining its honor and vindicating its reputation.  I consider myself as free as if I had just obtained a signal victory, and there is no fear that I shall be imposed on by the enemy’s negotiators, when his troops and a cannon have failed to alarm me. We shall adjust our differences, provided honor, above all, is saved; and we shall renew the combat, if the sword is thrust between our justice and acknowledgment of the rights of the nation.

ANTONIO LOPEZ DE SANTA ANNA
Mexico, August 23, 1847.

[BRM]


RW47v24n72p5c2, September 17, 1847, GENERAL TAYLOR AND THE NATIVES

            The following is General Taylor’s letter to the Natives, to which we referred yesterday. Notwithstanding the General declines to express his “frank opinion” touching the One Idea of that very insignificant faction, its Convention gave him a quasi nomination––in other words, it recommends him as a candidate for the Presidency! Its members were easily satisfied:

HEAD QUARTERS, ARMY OF OCCUPATION,
Camp near Monterey, July 13, 1847.

            Sir: I have had the honor to receive your letter submitting, on the part of the Nominating Committee of the N. A. Convention, the request to be informed of my views relating to several points of national policy entertained by the body of Native Americans in our country.

            Limited leisure from my public duties constrains me to reply in very general and brief terms, that to the points citied in your letter I do not feel myself at liberty to express my frank opinion. My willingness to yield to the wishes of the people at large, and to serve them in the office of the chief magistracy, should they fully and unanimously place its weighty responsibilities upon me, has been more than once expressed; but I am not willing to be the candidate of any political party, or to pledge myself to any political creed save that which proceeds directly from the constitution, and the best and paramount interests of the county, and which they solemnly demand. If elected to the Presidential office, it must be without any agency of my own, (it certainly will be at variance with my most cherished aspirations,) and to these duties I must go untrammeled by party pledges of every character.

            Should the people nominate and elect, (and there is ample space for this, previous to the time of election) some one of the gifted statesmen of the country to represent its highest interests, I should hail the measure with joy.

            With sentiments of high respect, I have the honor to subscribe myself.

Your most obedient servant,
Z. TAYLOR,
Major General U.S. Army.

Wm J.A. Birkey, Esq.
President N.A. Convention, Pittsburgh, Pa.

            We subjoin also Mr. Clay’s letter in reply to the Natives:

ASHLAND, 2d April, 1847.

            Dear Sir––Your favor of the 19th ultimo, transmitting the proceedings of “The American Ratification Meeting,’ reached here a few days prior to my return from New Orleans. Owing to my absence, and to a great domestic affliction, which has befallen me in the death of a beloved son, who fell in the battle of Buena Vista, of which intelligence arrived here a few days ago, a delay has arisen in my return of an answer to your letter, which I hope you will have the goodness to excuse.

            You require of me, ‘at the instance of the Native American Committee of the State of Pennsylvania,’ of which are the Chairman, whether, if it be tendered to me––and that unanimously––I would be disposed to accept the nomination of President of the United States from the National Native American Convention to assemble at Pittsburgh in May next, for the purpose of nominating candidates for President and Vice President of the U. States.

            Waiving all inquiries into, and the expression of any opinion on the principles and objects of your Association, as being unnecessary from the conclusion to which I have come, I can perceive no public good likely to result from my acceptance of the propose nomination; and that, if tendered to me, I should be constrained to decline accepting it.

            I request you, nevertheless, and the other member of the Executive Committee to be assured that I justly appreciate the compliment intended me, and to accept my cordial thanks for the personal confidence and kindness which prompted their attention to be directed to me.

            I am, with respect, your friend and obedient servant.

H. CLAY.

Gen. Peter S. Smith
[BRM]


RW47v24n72p5c2, September 17, 1847, FROM THE SOUTH

            The New Orleans Picayune, of the 7th inst. Announces the arrival of the Stanton from Tampico, having sailed thence on the 7th inst., three days later than the Fashion. The intelligence brought by her is thus summed up:

            “It is said than an express arrived at Tampico on Monday, the 3oth of August, with the intelligence from capital confirming the news we have already given General Scott’s operation, and adding that he had actually entered the city. Another version has it that “Scott has taken the city.” The day when the courier left Mexico we have no learned. We received no letters or papers by this arrival, and give the above entirely upon verbal report. We hope another day will not go over without authentic accounts from the city of Mexico.”

            The Picayune publishes a number of letters from its correspondent in Gen. Taylor’s camp––some of them written under the belief, which by a General Order of the 9th of July we perceive Gen. Taylor himself entertained, that the army would make a forward movement, and which have now, since it is certain that he is not to do so, lost their interest.

            Writing from the Camp at Buena Vista on the 13th of August, the Picayune’s correspondent gives us the following information:

            “A report similar to that which was brought in some days since reached us last night, that a force of about 1000 strong (cavalry) where marching from Durango, but whether towards Mazapil or Zacatecas was not known. Information has also been received that there is a party of guerrilla robbers, composed partly of Americans, in the neighborhood of Salado, who plunder every Mexican they come across, and would our people, as a matter of course, if they came in their way. In order to ascertain the truth of these reports, and also the condition of the country, Gen Wool despatched Major Chevallie with two companies of Texan Rangers in the direction of El Encarnacion, to make reconnaissance in that quarter. Lieut Benham, of the topographical corps, accompanies the expedition, and also Kendall’s old friend of Santa Fe memory, Major Howard.

            “Night before last corporal and nine men belonging to Capt. Dess’s battery of horse artillery, which had been paid off in the morning, deserted from camp. Among them were some very bad fellows. Their desertion was discovered at reveille yesterday morning, and measures were immediately taken to capture the scoundrels. A reward of $300 has been offered by Gen. Wool for their apprenhension. It is supposed that they made their way towards Monclova, to go to the States, as it is not supposed they would go over to the Mexicans at the present crisis.”

            On the 16th of August, he writes as follows:

            “I mentioned in my letter of the 19th inst. That Capt. Carleton, with a company of dragoons, left that morning for Parras. Gen. Wool received a letter this morning from the captain, dated “Parras, August 13th,” which contains some interesting intelligence. It was currently reported that place that a force consisting of 400 cavalry and 600 infantry, with four pieces of artillery, under the command of Gen. Vincentia Filosola, had moved from Durango––sine accounts said to Masapil, others to join Gen. Reyes at or near Zacatecas. A spy was sent out by Capt. C., to endeavor to ascertain if there was any truth in these reports. It was also reported at Parras that a force had moved towards Cuencame, probably to advance upon the former place. A small party arrived on the 12th from Chihuahua, among whom was an intelligent American, from whom Capt. C. gleaned the following information: That Gen. Trias had passed up from the south with ten pieces of artillery, 2000 stand of small arms and 1000 horses, under the protection of a small escort, en route for Chihuahua. He has received the appointment of Governor and commander General of all the forces to be raised there. That most valiant and worthy dignitary, Gen. Armijo, has also gone to New Mexico, and is now at El Paso del Norte.––Gen. Trias passed Los Gallos on the 3d or 4th inst., which place is on the Chihuahua read, between Cerro Gordo and Cuencame. He was to have had his guns repaired at Fresnello, eight leagues from Zacatecas, in the direction of Durango.

            “Mr. James Awl, the partner of Mar. Samuel Owens, who was killed at Sacramento, has been assassinated in Chihuahua. He was a wealthy trader from Lexington, Missouri, and much respected. All his goods have been seized and confiscated by the Mexican authorities. The inhabitants in that region are said to be growing more hostile to the Americans each succeeding day. They had received no news from New Mexico at Chihuahua later than the 9th of June.

            “Such information contained in the letter of Capt. C., and if any member of the Peace Society can make out anything that gives the slightest indication of peace from all this, they can do more than I can.

            “In camp here matters go on much the same as usual and the health of the troops continues about the same. It gives me pain to announce that the Virginia regiment has lost one of its most accomplished captains, Virginia one of her most worthy and respected sons, in the person of Capt. Henry Fairfax, of Fairfax county, Virginia, who died in Saltillo evening before last, of fever, at the age of forty–three years. He commanded the 13th company, and came out after the regiment had been some time in the country. He had received a military education at West Point, but did not remain in the army after he graduated. A brave, chivalrous spirit, and an ardent desire to give his country the benefit of his services in the field, induced him to sever the ties that bound him to the domestic hearth, around which gathered an affectionate wife and smiling children, and lead on his neighbors to a distant country; and now in the prime of life, with the prospect so gratifying to a soldier, of marching on to meet the enemy and wielding the good right arm for victory, he has met the enemy against whom none can combat––Death! Who has taken him prisoner and borne him to the grave, where legions have been borne before.––Although it has been denied him to die upon the field of battle, his death is not the less glorious that it has a peaceful one. Friends watched over his sick bed, cared for his wants and wept over his demise. His remains will be conveyed to the States to–day by two of his late companions in arms, Lieuts. Fry and Donnan, who had resigned their commissions and were about returning home. Two of the Virginia companies stationed in town, and the staff camp, will escort the remains to the edge of the town. Gen. Wool has also signified his intention of being present with his staff upon the occasion, as a toke of respect for deceased.”

            In a later letter the Picayune’s corresponded relates the following singular occurrence:

            “An occurrence took place last evening which I had no purposed relating, fearing that something more distressing might grow out of it, but as everything seems quiet now, I will briefly relate the circumstance. Col. Paine, of the North Carolina regiment, form the rigid system of discipline which he has pursued, has become very unpopular in his own regiment and in the Mississippi and Virginia regiments, with which he has been thrown in connection as officer of the day. Many Insults have been offered him by members of the two letter, and this feeling has gradually been ripening till it came to the head last night. A crowd assembled about different tents of about thirty men, some his own and some privates of the Virginia regiment; and subsequently stones were thrown at his tent. A number of men also assembled in front of his lieutenant colonel’s tent, who was sick and vomiting, and indulged in brutal laughter at his illness. These crowds were dispersed and two men ordered to be taken to the provost guard. The men of one company ordered to perform the duty refused, but were compelled to obedience by the colonel. One of them, however, refused to take his arms until the colonel held his sword over him and threatened to cut him down if he refused. That company having evinced a determination not to obey, were ordered to the rear of the colonel’s tent, and obeyed, contrary to his expectations, and were dismissed after answering to their names. Subsequently, quite late in the evening, another posse assembled in front of the colonel’s tent, but as he came in sight they began to disperse in different direction. He ordered them to halt, but they refused. The colonel then cried out that he would fire if they did not halt, and ordered them again, and upon their refusing, discharged his pistol into the crowd, bringing down two men, wounding one of them mortally. This prompt and decisive step quelled the mutiny, and the colonel reported to Gen. Cushing and Gen. Wool, who approved of his conduct. They both repaired to the camp, but everything was quiet. I regret to say that the colonel did not receive any very unanimous support from his officers on the occasion. The man who was so badly shot died last night. I have no time to write more, for the mail is on the point of closing.”
[BRM]


RW47v24n73p1c3, September 21, 1847, WAS THE WAR NECESSARY?

            The quotations we have heretofore made from Mr. Brownson’s able article on the Mexican War, show that a portion of the Locofoco party believes that it was not. The leading Locofoco paper in Indiana––the Indianapolis Sentinel, edited by the celebrated Chapman—concurs in this opinion. It says:

            “We always believed, and still believe, that Texas could have been annexed not only without war, but even by consent of Mexico. The whole question, however, was PROSTITUED TO THE VILE PUPOSE OF POLITICAL MANAGERS, with particular reference to our Presidential candidate, and to further the ulterior interest of Slavocracy; and the course of events are just whatever rational man might have anticipated. The ultimate consequence no man, however wise, can foresee or foretell.”
[BRM]


RW47v24n73p2c4, September 21, 1847, FROM THE ARMY OF GENERAL TAYLOR

            The steamer E.A. Ogden, Capt. Bowman, arrived yesterday morning from Brazos Santiago, whence she sailed on the 7th inst. Making a very fine run. Her news is not without interest.

            We learn with great regret that Brigadier General Hoping died at Mier on the 1st inst. The general was appointed from the western part of the State of New York, and was a gentlemen of ability well known in the politics of the State. The brigade under his command at Mier has been broken up, the 10th Infantry garrisoning Matamoros and Camargo, and the 19th Infantry Cerralvo and Monterey.

            Gen Lane’s brigade was at the mouth of the river, expecting to embark about the 8th inst. The first transport which reached there would proceed to take the troops on board.

            Gen. Cushing arrived at Matamoros on the 3d. inst. Accompanied by Lieut. Col. Abbott. Gen. C. is concentrating his brigade, as the several detachments come down at El Savinito, near Palo Alto. Dess’s battery, which was to have accompanied Gen. Cushing, has been ordered to remain with Gen. Wool, at the express request of the latter. Our correspondent alludes to the matter in a letter below. Capt. Shover passed down the river with Gen. Cushing, on his way to Washington. The Flag says he hopes to bring out a battery and join Gen. C.’s brigade in place of Capt. Dess.

            Capt. Clinch was at the month of the river on the 6th inst., with a detachment of recruits for the 13th Infantry, and would leave the next day for Gen. Cushing’s camp at the El Sabinito.

            Despatches have passed through Matamoros for General Marshall, at Monterey, to proceed to Vera Cruz without delay. The despatches were forwarded by Lieutenant A. M. Henry as far as the mouth of the Rio Grande, where he was taken ill and transferred them. He subsequently proceeded to Matamoros, where he was doing well at last accounts.

            Col. R. E. Temple arrived at Matamoros on the 1st inst, with four companies of his regiment, the 10th Infantry.

            The Flag says that Col. Tibbatts, who was proceeding from Mier to Monterey with six companies of the 16th Infantry, escorting a train, was attacked by a large party of Mexicans near Ramos, and succeeded in driving them off, with a loss of two wounded. We have the best reason for believing that the whole object of the Mexicans in this attack was plunder. Only the day before Lieut. Givens passed up from Cerralvo to Monterey with only twenty dragoons, and Gen Cushing, (who met Col Tibbatts at Ramos) passed down the day after with a guard of only 25 mounted men, and neither of them saw any thing of the guerilleros. Col. Tibbatts and his men were under fire for some time, and conducted themselves with great intrepidity.

            Intelligence was received at Buena Vista on the 20th of August, in a letter from San Luis Potosi, by the way of Parras, that Gen. Scott’s column had marched from Puebla, and two days afterwards a rumor reached there of the capitulation of the city of Mexico. This illustrates the rapidity with which intelligence travels in Mexico by verbal report.

            The Flag says that Mr. E B Lundy and Mons. Montilly, who were tken prisoners some four weeks cine Carvajal, have been set at liberty, and arrived at Matamoros on the 3d inst. They state that they were liberated by representing that they were not Americans. They were taken as far as Tula. Mr. L. says that Gen. Urrea left that place a few days since with 1200 men, for the purpose of taking trains or good between Camargo and Monterey. They represent that Col. Carvajal––[the Flag and other papers always give this name Carrabajal. He writes it Carvajal]––was in the vicinity of Soto la Marina with a small force.

            The Flag publishes the following letter from Urrea, designed to encourage desertion among our troops:

Gen. Joseph Urrea, of the Mexican Army, Commandant General, Inspector of the Interior Easter States, and in chief of the Division of Observation, to the American Invaders:

            Soldiers and Volunteers of the American Army! The war that you carry on against Mexico is the most unjust and barbarous that can conceived. Civilized nations detest it––they do not see in you the defenders of the rights of an injured country, but merely the tools of a man without foresight, without calculation, who, to obtain an unfortunate celebrity, has not feared seriously to compromise a great people. Do not doubt it. Every sensible American will consider this war on of the most atrocious nature––sent by Polk to Mexico, and essentially iniquitous, because it is vandalic, and by lies the severe republican principles that you all profess, because it serves to convert the children of Washington and Franklin into robbers and assassins.

            Sons of America! Let the world see you in a better than in the miserable and odious character you now represent. Do no serce any longer the caprice of a man destitute of virtue of good feeling. Abandon his lines, because they are not those of honorable men––throw yourselves into the arms of the Mexican nation, who magnanimous and forgiving, will forget the injuries you have committed. Here you will find ground to cultivate, and honest occupation whereby to gain the necessaries of life without great fatigue. You will find the sympathies of a generous people, and the tranquility of conscience otherwise not to be obtained; because the man who attacks and destroys the principle of Universal Moral, which brings together nations as it does individuals, cannot obtain it.

            Soldiers and Volunteers! Come to us, and abandon the cause of crime––I was your appearance, and will receive you as brothers.

JOSEPH URREA
Tula de Tamaulipas, Aug. 12, 1847.

–––

[Special correspondence of the Picayune]

CAMP BUENA VISTA, August 19, 1847.

            “There’s many a slip twixt the cup and the lip,” as I have seen in my short experience. All our fond anticipations of an immediate advance have been “dished and diddled quite.” The flaw when the War Office has gone forth and no advance can be made from this line. The unwelcome intelligence was received yesterday in an order from headquarters directing Gen. Cushing to take command of the Massachusetts Regiment and 13th Infantry as his brigade and proceed with the least possible delay to the Brazos, there to embark for Vera Cruz. Brig Gen. Lane, who is below, has been assigned the Ohio and Indiana volunteers, two regiments and also ordered to Vera Cruz. An order also came from Gen. Taylor directing Capt Dens to proceed to Vera Cruz via Brazos with his battery (late Washington’s battery.) Gen. Cushing will probably leave wit Capt. D’s battery to–day or to morrow. You should have heard the “curses not loud but deep” at this news, which very naturally creates the greatest dissatisfaction.––Many officers of the volunteer regiments declare their intention of resigning, and the only thing that will tend to keep them together is the bare, faint prospect that we shall be again attacked in the front with a large force. General Taylor, I understood, has been ordered to maintain this line either as far as this post or Monterey, leaving it discretionary with him. This point is all–important. Col. Hay’s regiment of Rangers has also been ordered to Vera Cruz.

            Since my last, Major Chevallie and his command have returned from their reconnaissance. They went to La Punta and struck across to La Encarnation. At the latter place they heard the same reports of troops in front, and also that there was a force at the Salado. A report has also been received here that Urrea was at Potosi, not San Luis––but the hacienda of the name––with a considerable force. Rumor would gift him the power of ubiquity, Capt. Carleton has not yet returned from his expedition, but is expected in to day.

            The mutiny in the North Carolina regiment has been effectually quelled. On the morning after it broke out a number of the officers of the regiment signed a petition to the colonel to resign, which he very properly refused to listen to, but laid it before Gens. Cushing and Wool. It was considered by the commanding general that there was a participation in the mutiny and two of the signera were dishonorably discharged from the service. As soon as this was known seventeen officers, I think, tendered their resignation, but after twenty–four hours had elapsed they thought better of it and begged leave to withdraw, expressing all due contrition, and leave was granted. Thus quiet and subordination has been restored. The three regiments have all been separated; the North Carolina ordered to the rear, and the Virginians to the front. The soldier who was wounded by Col. Paine at the time he shot the mutineers was a Virginian and has been dishonorable discharged from the service

Yours, in haste,
J. E. D.

­­–––

CAMP BUENA VISTA, August 23, 1847.

Yesterday morning two horsemen came galloping across the plain in front of headquarters, and the tout ensemble of one soon made it evident that he was no less celebrated a person than the eccentric Capt. Tobin of your city. With the captain was a Mexican in a very brown leather breeches who forth with presented himself to Gen. Wool. He had just arrived with a small stock of cigars from San Luis Potosi, which place he left on the morning of the 14th inst., having made the trip in eight days.

            This man reports that there were but about 1500 troops at San Luis and that he saw none on the route except at Matehuaia, where there were about 1500 also. He knew that troops had been raised at Durango and Zacatecas, but was not aware of their destination. He did no come by the way of Zacatecas and Mazabil and heard of no troops being at the latter place. There were several guerrilla parties on the road between San Luis and this place who had robbed a number of Mexicans, but he did not, luckily for him, fall in with them, or they might have puffed his cigars more than was agreeable to a modest, unpretending dealer in the article.

–––

BUENA VISTA, AUGUST 21, 1847.

            Last evening was received a mail from the States with dates as late as the 31st ult from New Orleans, and about 5 o’clock the express which was sent down to Gen. Taylor on the evening of the 18th returned, bringing an order from Gen. T. countermanding the order fro Dess’s battery to go below at the solicitation of Gen. Wool. Capt. D. had completed all his arrangements in order to start this morning, and had brought his battery out in front of Gen Cushing’s quarters, everything in splendid order. His chagrin at having his marching orders countermanded may be easily conceived. The express to which I have alluded brought a number of letters received at Monterey by express, containing copies of the Pic. Of August 7, with the highly exciting news from Gen. Scott as late a the 20th ult, by which we learn the gratifying intelligence that Gen. S. would move in a few days.

            Since my last, two companies of the North Carolina regiment have been ordered to the support of Capt. Prentiss’s battery on the hill above Saltillo. One of these companies, commanded by Capt. Henry, is the crack corps of the regiment and has been stationed in town ever since their arrival. It had no participation whatever in the late mutinous outbreak. Mr Buck, formerly adjutant of the regiment, but recently appointed aid–de–camp to Gen Cushing, has been elected captain in the regiment to fill a vacancy and will not go to Vera Cruz. The express sent to Gen Taylor on the morning of the 19th, relative to the reported advances upon this quarter has not yet returned.

Yours, &c.
J. E. D.

[BRM]


RW47v24n73p4c4, September 21, 1847, THE BATTLE

            We lay before our readers some further details of one of the proudest events of the present day. In addition to the letter of Mr. Kendall of the Picayune, embracing many of the incidents of the several engagements, and the list of the honored dead, and of those who have been wounded and shed their precious blood in the cause of their country, we publish a letter from a highly gifted officer of the army, which presents the most graphic and correct details which we have yet seen. It is a letter never intended for the public eye; but it bespeaks a taste and talent which would do honor to any writer. The details are, of course, correct; because they come from an eye–witness and an actor in the stirring scenes, who has the judgement to seize the most important event, and the power to describe them. We add to his description the Mexican account of the same events, as they are presented by two Mexicans, who write without reserve to their intimate friends at Tampico.

Extract of a very interesting letter received in Washington:

TACUBAYA, (in full view of the city of Mexico,)

August 24, 1847

            “The army left Puebla on the 8th of this month, and after a few day’s march, reached Ayotla, immediately on the margin of the valley of Mexico. Between this place and the city, about four miles distant, we knew there was a strongly fortified position, called St. Pinon; it is a small isolated mountain, surrounded by water, on one side of one of the principal causeways leading to the city. After spending a day or two in reconnoitering this place, and which it would have caused a great loss of life to have taken, it was ascertained that there was a practicable road south of Lake Chaleo.. The General determined to take this route, and put the army in motion, leaving our division to watch the enemy in our rear. The march was a dreadful one, being the rainy season. The road was in amny places, where it passes at the foot of the mountains, and on the margin of the lake or narrow causeway, nearly covered with water, and excessively muddy; at others it was over rocky spaces of the mountains, and in places entirely obstructed by huge rocks rolled down by the enemy; but nothing seemed to damp the ardor of the army––all obstacles vanished before them. In two or three days, when the whole army was in motion, they could be seen from the front stretched out over a distance of seven or eight miles. On the 18th, the General reached a small town called San Augustin, about twelve miles south of the city, the leading divisions having arrived there the day before, Gen. Worth had placed his pickets in advance for the arrival of the General; he ordered the whole division to advance and take possession of a hacienda within striking distance of a strongly fortified place called San Antonio, and also that reconnoitering parties should be pressed forward still in advance; the party was supported by a squadron of cavalry and a battalion of infantry. In passing to the front, I found that a troop which had been place as a picket had gone forward; and as I came up with it, it made a turn in the road which brought it in full view of the enemy’s battery, which opened upon them. The first fire killed Capt. Thornton, mangling his body in the most horrid manner. The ball, a 16–pounder, afterwards struck the road, and literally covered me with mud and fragments of stone, one of which made a slight bruise on my right thigh. A guide was knocked from his horse within five feet of me, with a shocking wound in the head by a piece of stone.––It is thought he will recover, but with the loss of an eye. The reconnaissance was continued right and left with some hopes of storming the battery that afternoon; but night and the rain came on, and it was given up. Very early the next morning, I discovered from the top of the house in which we were quartered in San Augustin, a large body of the enemy, some 12,000 or 15,000 on our left, about three miles distant, The general had ordered reconnaissance in that direction towards San Angel, where I reported to him. He immediately ordered two divisions forward under Pillow and Twiggs, and followed soon after himself. The enemy were found in an entrenched camp, at a place called Contreras, with twenty pieces of artillery, some of them very heavy siege pieces. The attack commenced at noon, and the firing continued incessantly until dark, when it ceased on both sides, our troops maintaining their ground and occupying a village near by. During the afternoon we watched the different movements of our troops with the most fearful anxiety, and could plainly see one of our columns resist a charge of a large body of cavalry, and the enemy falling from their saddles and taking to their heels, or rather to their horses’ heels. During the whole of the fight, we could see on the right a body of at least ten thousand infantry, and cavalry in reserve, towards the city; but they had not the courage to advance, although Santa Anna himself was said to be there. The attack was ordered to be renewed at 3 0’clock next morning, and the general returned to San Augustin. He left at an early hour, taking with him General Worth’s and one–half of his division as a reinforcement; but en route he was met by an officer, who reported that the batteries had been carried by our troops in a most gallant style, Colonel Riley leading the assault. As he approached the scene of action, it seemed most incredible how our men got over the ground to the attack. It was over immense masses of lava thrown up in the roughest, sharpest possible shapes, and covered with dense brushwood. Streams had to be crossed and deep ravines; and most of them having passed the night in a pelting rain without shelter, it appears almost incredible that they should be able to drive double their numbers from a battery of 23 heavy guns. The scene of the arrival of the General was most exciting. The cheering of the troops left to protect the property taken, and their delight on seeing him, was very gratifying. Many of the guns taken have been added to our siege train. The amount of ammunition taken, exceeded by three times the whole which we brought from Vera Cruz, so that we are well provided. But the greatest cause of exultation was the recapture of two of our own guns, brought from Buena Vista, the last battle of General Taylor. When I saw the U.S. on them, I felt like dismounting and embracing them. What is remarkable about their recapture, it was made by the 4th artillery, to which the regiment they formerly belonged. They, with other small captured pieces, were immediately fitted up as a light battery, and the Captain (Dunn) who took them in command of it. The General when he received the intelligence of this victory, sent Gen. Worth back to make a demonstration on San Antonio, whilst he, with the portion of the army which was pressing the enemy, should get in it rear. I will not stop to describe the scene on the field of battle. On leaving it, the road was literally strewed with dead Mexicans, arms, broken carriages, &c. In passing a bridge, I looked over, and saw the bodies of at least twenty, piled on the other, and the bank of the stream was strewed with them, and it was some distance before we got out of sight. Going on we came to a church, in which were confined 700 prisoners. The General halted a few minutes, and addressed the officers very kindly. Amongst them were four generals. He then hurried out to join pursuing army. We came up with them at San Angel, where they had halted. As the General passed along the line, it was on continued shout. After a few minutes we passed on to a village called Coyoacan, where we heard firing on our right, about two miles off, in the direction of San Antonio. The General immediately sent me, with Captain Kearney’s troop, to ascertain the state of affairs. We galloped on; and on approaching the place, I found that Worth had turned the place by both planks, and driven the enemy from it, and was in hot pursuit of them. I returned to the General as quickly as I had gone, and as I galloped along I heard a brisk firing in front. When I reached him I found that he was fiercely engaged with the enemy at another strongly entrenched position––San Pablo. This action lasted more than two hours, and the firing was more general and more continuous that any I had heard yet.––The enemy’s grape and canister flew like hail, and the fire of our infantry was one continued volley. Capt. Taylor’s batter was obliged to retire, being most sadly crippled––lost two officers, a great many men, and left the field with only two horses to a gun; but the enemy although behind entrenchments, with heavy guns, could not withstand the impetuosity and valor of our troops. The place was carried by assault, and the whole armament and a great number of prisoners were taken. In the meantime, Worth having hotly pursued the enemy, come up with him at another fortified place in advance of San Pablo, called Churubusco, and after an obstinate resistance, carried it, made many prisoners, and drove the enemy before him. The dragoons pursued and followed him to the very gates of the city. Two officers are said to have been killed inside the entrenchments of the gateway. Thus ended the day; and I think you will agree with me that it was a TOLERABLY active one––four distinct battles having been fought and won, and the enemy out numbering us in each at least three to four times. They acknowledge to have had thirty thousand men in the field on that day; and yet we drove them one very occasion, and, in the end, made more than twenty–three hundred prisoners, among them seven of their principal generals, and about forty pieces of cannon. Our loss, I am sorry to say, as may be expected, has been very great. It may possibly reach one thousand killed and wounded; but the returns are not yet in; but enough is known to satisfy us that we have lost many valuable officers. Among the prisoners taken, I was mortified to see between 50 to 70 deserters from our army, with the Mexican uniform on. A court is in session to try them; and I trust that many of them will be punished. It is pretty well known from their position in the battle at San Pablo, that a volley from them killed and wounded sixteen out of seventeen of the second infantry, including an officer, and leaving one officer (the adjutant of the regiment) standing.

            “There are many of our friends, I am sorry to say, among the killed and wounded; but I can hardly enumerate them now. Young Captain Hanson, of Washington, was killed. Colonel Butler, of the South Carolina regiment, was killed; Smith, badly wounded in the arm and thigh; hopes are entertained that his army may be saved. Lieut. Irons shot through the wind–pipe, slight hopes of his recovery. Captain Phil. Kearney lost his arm in the charge towards the gate of the city; he is doing well. There are other, no doubt, which I cannot recollect at this moment; but many that we are equally interested in are safe. Hagner and Galt are both safe.

            “The next morning, the General, leaving a hospital and a garrison in San Augustin, set off with a determination of reaching this place before night. Halting at Coyoacan a short tie, to allow time for his various orders for the movement of the troops to be executed, he was met by a flag from the city, asking terms. After making his reply, the bearer of the flag, a general of engineers, very civilly proposed to the General, knowing his intention of coming here, that if he would halt a few hours longer he would request his government to send word to the castle of Chapultepec not to fire on us as we approached. But the General replied that it was his intention to come here, and he would take the risk, on he went. On approaching the town, the General sent me forward with an order to Col Harney, of the dragoons, to take possession of it, and make the necessary disposition of pickets,&c., and wait the arrival of Gen Worth before unsaddling his horses. We rode into town without molestation; but a troop, which had accompanied Captain Lee, in advance, had preceded us. It was lucky for us that Chapultepec did not fire upon us; for the tow is in perfect range of its guns, and might have knocked us into a cocked hat. Worth’s division did not arrive until near dark, and we had none but dragoons with us. The same evening another flag was received from the city. I will not pretend to give the objects. Several have been interchanged since; and I am happy to say, that an armistice was this day agreed upon, with the object of negotiation for peace. The terms were dictated by the General, very magnanimously, and very discreetly, no doubt, too, did not ask a surrender of the city, as it is virtually under his control; and to have taken the army into it, would have been productive of some trouble, as it would be next to impossible to control the troops. We are occupying the Bishop’s Palace, a huge pile of buildings with magnificent gardens attached, but as uncomfortable as can be, there being no furniture. The view from here, though, is beyond description. Chapultepec, a little on the left, looks frowning down upon s with is heavy guns, and the city, with it innumerable spires, nearly surrounded by water, is directly in front. But I have not space for further description.

–––

The Mexican Rout,––Account by the Mexicans themselves.

            It is amusing to see the accounts which are given by the Mexicans themselves of the great battle which was fought near the walls of Mexico. We are indebted for the two following letters to a gentleman of this city. They were forwarded by an officer of distinction at Tampico. Who obtained the Spanish copies at that place. They were addressed to Mexicans at Tampico­­the one written from the capital itself on the 21st, August, and the other at Huijatla, between Mexico and Tampico, written on the 26th. They are sufficiently piquent, and very interesting in the views which they present of the progress and result of the battle of Churusbusco.

CITY OF MEXICO, August 21.

            MY DEAR FRIEND: I am in the blackest of humors; I am overpowered by the most profound melancholy; the whole has gone to the devil. The Yankees––the hateful Yankees––have triumphed, because our inefficient generals cannot even command four soldiers. Generals Valencia and Santa Anna have been routed successively at the stone quarry of San Angel, and at Churubusco bridge; and Scott with his army occupies the hacienda of Portales, distant five miles from here.

            That gang of miscreants would have occupied the capital to–day, but General Santa Anna, in order, is reported, to prevent such ignominy to the nation as to have the hateful flag of the stars waving over the palace of the Montezumas, has decided on hearing the proposals for peace from the United States commissioner; and, as a preliminary, tomorrow they will discuss the terms of an armistice. The Generals Mora, Villamil, and Quijano.

            Malediction and eternal hatred to the perversed who have usurped the title of leaders of the nation only to head revolutions they promoted for their own aggrandizement, and to demoralize all classes of society. A treat of peace appears to me inevitable, under the most shameful conditions to us; for, without an army or public spirit, which has been deadened by civil dissensions, and in the face of the treasonable selfishness shown by the authorities of some of the States, what advantages is possible to obtain from a proud enemy who is conscious of its power.

            I will not continue discussing this point, because I feel my soul is burning with despair. Poor country! She has been buried in the mire by those of her sons that she most distinguished.

HUIJALTLA, August 26, 1847.

            MY ESTEEMED FRIEND: I have learned the following from letters to the 21st, received from Mexico:

            At dawn on the 19th, the enemy made false attacks on the farm of San Antonio and on Churubusco, which is supposed they did so as to execute their real maneuver, which, as was afterwards seen, was to advance on Tacubaya––This was done by sending their troops along the thickets and ravines between Tialpam and that town. Valencia was not taken unawares, who, you will recollect, was in charge of that post, and was timely advised by his explorers of the advance of the enemy, and therefore received them with a terrible fire of artillery and musketry. When the enemy found they were discovered, theyt ook the direction of the heights where our batteries were placed, sustaining an active fire from their infantry, aided by some artillery shots, with the object of succeeding in getting up; but everytime they attempted it, they were checked and disordered by our troops, and immediately threatened to charge with bayonet, which was never done. They were therefore retreated four times to the ravine, where they kept their reserve, and whence they returned organized and reinforced. The day was spent in this manner. It is calculated the enemy lost in their attempts more than one thousand men. Valencia repeatedly asked for assistance, or to call the attention of the enemy that he might flank them, but he was always answered in the negative. Not withstanding, at 3, p.m., one of our divisions was seen flanking the enemy with 5,00 infantry, 2,000 cavalry, and 6 field pieces, commanded by Gen. Santa Anna.

            This so intimidated Scott that he showed by his maneuvers a disposition to retreat; but when he saw that the said division had remained as simple spectators, he returned to the charge until the close of the day.

            In the early part of the night, Gen. Santa Anna marched to Churubusco, and the enemy, who knew this movement, sent the greater part of their force to the rear of Valencia’s and as this general had no information of the withdrawal of Gen. Santa Anna, slackened his vigilance in that quarter. And at dawn the 20th he found himself hemmed in by the enemy, who, reinforced with 2000men, charged along the ravine with such fury that they were not intimidated at our soldiers charging them with the bayonet; on the contrary, when our troops advanced, their fell upon the artillery, of which they possessed themselves, only with the ammunition, trains, &c.––dispersing 5000 who remained.

            It appears our loss in this action amounted to 400 killed, and more than 1000 prisoners.

            On the afternoon of the 10th, Gen. Rangel left Mexico with a brigade of 3,000 men, and orders to reinforce Valencia, or attack the enemy in the direction the former might think proper; but on the road he received instructions from Gen. Santa Anna to remain in San Angel until further orders. As Valencia was posted on the hills and farm of Contreros, he knew nothing of this force. The remnants of this general’s forces pursued by the enemy, joined Rangel’s, who, as soon as he knew of the defeat, countermarched to the citadel. In this affair we lost 20 pieces, most of them of heavy caliber, all the train, ammunition, &c. that came from San Luis, and above all, the name of military men, which, until now, we had well or badly borne. Gen. Scott immediately fell on San Antonio, and before mid–day, he was molesting our troops with the artillery he took at Contreros, which, united with his own, and with the whole main body of his army––emboldened by a triumph which, in my opinion, they had not even dreamed off––routed ours in a moment, but so shamefully, that at the first fire they took the farm with all the ammunition and park of artillery, which, it is said, they spiked; and from that v ery place they went to attack Churubusco. Here the attack was very brisk on both sides, both parties losing many men. On our part, we have lost battalions Independence and Bravo, of the National Gueard. Scarcely 400 have been rallied of 1,300 forming No. 11. The 4th light infantry was destroyed, and nearly the whole of the company or legion of St. Patrick; the few that remained were the Polks––i.e. the Victoria battalion––who were the last to retreat. The enemy, therefore, took possession of the post at 5 p.m., after having obtained four victories. These they have, in spite of the unskilfulnes of our general, purchased at a very high price, because, it is said, their dead amount to more than 3,000. Notwithstanding this they advanced as far as the farm of Portales, distant one and a half leagues, when they fortified themselves, believing they would be attacked on the 2st. This was not the case; because that day was employed in going in and out of the gates, and in talking a great deal. On the afternoon of the 21st there were quartered at the Palace the battalion Sur Morelis, the remnants of the 4th light infantry Victoria, and the Grenadiers of the Supreme Powers, and many ammunition wagons, and some artillery, of which we had too much left in the direction of Chapultepec. It is said a charge on the enemy was expected this night. However this is, Gen. Santa Anna moved for an armistice, the terms of which will be discussed on the 22d. As a preliminary to this, Gen. Santa Anna offered to listen to the proposals of peace from the United States commissioner. In order to arrange the armistice, Generals Mora, Villamil, and Quijano were appointed. So far, we know among the killed are Generals Torjon, Frotera, and Mexis, and Col Perdijon; and among the prisoners, Bravo, Gorestego, Rincon, Gezoman, and Parrodi, and Capts Tabera, and Choss, and Major Cera; but there is no doubt there are a great many of both. The capital was in the greatest consternation.

            By the next post I will tell you whatever else may occur. Fare you well. From your affection friend, &c.
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RW47v24n74p1c3, September 24, 1847, INTERESTING CORRESPONDENCE

            We are permitted to lay before our readers the following interesting correspondence. Its perusal cannot fail to heighten our admiration of the character, and endear more strongly the memory, of that gallant spirit whose heroic aspirations are now quenched in the grave. Though doomed himself, with his brave command, as was supposed, to inglorious inaction, and gloomy and chafed from the disappointment, Col. BUTLER could appreciate the yearnings of brother soldier for a closer participation in the coming fray––– “to be nearer the flashing of the guns”––and lend his friendly aid to secure their gratification. The letter fo Gen. WORTH is as honorable to himself as to the memory of the gallant BUTLER. Kindred spirits! They could appreciate each other; and gracefully has the survivor wreathed the laurel and cypress over the grave of his firend. A soldier needs no nobler eulogist.

–––

Letter from Maj. Gen. Worth to Hon. A. P. Butler.

TACUBAYA, MEXICO, Aug. 26, 1847.

SIR: I trust a cordial intimacy and friendship of twenty–five years with your late Brother, the gallant Col. Butler will excuse the trespass of a stranger. Your Brother fell most gloriously in the great battle of the 2oth, before the gates of Mexico. In that bloody conflict, no man gave higher evidence of valor and patriotism, or exhibited a brighter example. He fell when it was God’s will, precisely as he would have desired to die. His body rests here; his memory in the hearts of his countrymen; his spirit, bright and pure as his blade, with his God.

            The enclosed letter, written the day before the battle, I did not r eceive until the day after, through the hands of Dickinson; and it is not because of the kind things said by a friend’s partiality, but because it is probably the last letter he penned, that I send it to you; begging that some future day it may be returned to me, to be preserved and cherished.

            The gallant Palmettos, who showed themselves worthy of their State and Country, lost nearly one–half. This victory will carry joy and sorrow into half the families in South Carolina. Col Dickinson is getting on well, and will, it is hoped, save his leg. An Armistice is concluded, and Commissioners meet to–morrow to treat of Peace. God speed them.

Very truly, your obedient servant,
W. J. WORTH

Hon. A. PICKENS BUTLER.

–––

Letter from Col. Butler to Gen. Worth.

SAN AUGUSTIN, August 19, 1847.

            Dear General; We are here in tribulation. I can but hope, however, it is but temporary. It is ordered that this division remain as protection to the train. There is gloom on us all: while I am one who believes there will be fighting enough for all. The moral effect is withering. The regiment, though weak in numbers, is up to the fall point, and I trust South Carolina may have a place in the picture. We have been watching you and your division for the last two days with fraternal affection; but the entire voice of the army, where I have been, or heard, is unbounded confidence in “Worth” “So mote it bed.” But I have strayed from the principal point or purpose of my note, which is to say, our friend, Col Dickinson, more impatient, and not so long a soldier as myself, desires a place nearer the flashing of the guns; and with good taste, wishes to get near you. If you can make him useful, he will feel much gratified. I am aware you are surrounded by a talented staff, but a littler more of a good thing will render it not the less complete or effectual.

I am, my dear General, yours sincerely,

P. M. BUTLER, S. C. V.

General W. J. WORTH, Comd’g, &c.
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RW47v24n74p1c4, September 24, 1847, FROM THE ARMY

Very interesting letter from a distinguished officer to his correspondent in Washington.

TACUBAYA, August 22, 1847.

            We are now located in one wing of the Archbishop’s palace, Chapultepec, with its significant grove, is before us, and we overlook the great city, surrounded by its [illegible] and embosomed in its mountains. I never recalled the beauty of the valley of Mexico until I reached this spot. To see it now, lighted by the soft, bright moon with every village, spire, hut, and mountain reflected in its silver lakes, you would think it even surpasses the descriptions we read of it. There are also some stupendous works of art around us. I can tell you nothing, for I have not been in the city, of something more interesting, I shall have to tell you of the operations of the army.

            On the 7th inst. Gen Twigg’s division left Puebla.––It was followed on the 8th by Gen. Quitman’s on the 9th by Gen. Worth’s, and overtook Gen. Twiggs that night at San Martin. Our march over the mountains was undisturbed, except by rumors of guerrillas and resistance. Both disappeared as we approached, and we left their abandoned works as we found them. On the 11th Gen. Twiggs encamped at Ayotla, 15 miles from Mexico, 15 miles from Mexico, on the direct road. The other divisions, on each succeeding day, came up in order, and took positions in the rear––Gen. Worth occupying Chalco. The reconnaissance of the 12th and 13th satisfied us of the strength of the enemy’s defences n our front. Their principal defence was at El Penon, commanding the causeway between the lakes of Tezecaco and Chalco. The hill of El Penon is about 300 feet high, having three plateaus of different elevations. It stands in the waters of Lake Tazeuco. It haze is surrounded by a dry trench, and its sides arranged with breast works from its base to its crest. It was armed with thirty pieces of cannon, and defended by 7,0000 men, under Santa Anna in person. The causeway passed directly by its base––the waters of the lake washing each side of the causeway for two miles in front, and the whole distance seven miles to the cty. There was a battery on the causeway about four hundred yards in advance of the Penon, another by its side, a third about a mile in front of the entrance to the city, and a fourth at the entrance. About two miles in front of the Penon a road branched off to the left, and crossed the outlet of Lake Hochimilico, a the village of Mexicalcingo, six miles from the main road. This village surrounded by a marsh, was enveloped in batteries, and only approached over a paced causeway a mile in length. Beyond, the causeway continued through the marsh for two miles farther, and opened upon terra firma at the village of Churubusco, which was also fortified, and which we shall see more presently. The reconnaissance of the 14th satisfied us that the route south of Lake Chalco was practicable for our wagons, or could be made so. That day Gen. Pillow’s division closed upon the village of Chalco, and the next morning (15th) gen. Worth led off south of the lake. The divisions took up the line of march in succession, Gen. Twiggs bringing up the rear, and we turned our backs upon the fortifications of the Penon and Mexicalcingo. General Valencia, with 6000 men, made an attempt to annoy our rear as it turned Lake Chalco; but General Twiggs having his train in front, and his division well in hand, wheeled into line to the left, and, with one discharge of Taylor’s battery, tumbled over some men and horses, and sent the rest flying over the hills like the wild ducks from the lakes. He then broke again into column, and resumed his march. The racheros and guerilleros hovering about our front gave us little trouble, and the working parties filled up the trenches, and rolled away the rocks that had been placed there to retard us, without stopping our march.

            On the 17th Gen. Worth encamped at San Augustin, on the Acapulco road, and moved down on the 18th two and a half miles, in front of San Antonio, or make room for the other division to close upon him. The 18th was devoted to reconnoissances. San Antonio was situated similarly to Mexicalcingo. Battereis commanded the causeway in front, and swept over the marches to the left as far as the lake. The pedregal, or volcanic rocks, rendered the right impassable for everything but infantry, and difficult for them.. one and a half mile in the rear were situatede the defences of Churubusco, commanding the approach over the pedregal, and by the way of Mexicalcingo, A route was discovered west from San Augustin over the spurs of the mountain, to the San Angel road, by which these positions could be turned. Gen. Twigg’s division coming up the morning of the 19th, was thrown forward on this route, to cover the working parties formed from Pillow’s division. By 1, p.m., we had surmounted the hills and approached the two divisions of the army, with their field batteries, &.c., within cannon range of Valencia’s entrenchments, situated on the San Angel road, and commanding the only approach through the pedregal, or volcanic rocks. The working parties were returned to their regiments, the tools repacked, and preparations made to dislodge the enemy, before continuing the road further. On approaching his front within canister range, and driving in his advanced parties, posted behind breastworks across the road, with Magruder’s and the howitzer batteries, it was found that the ground on his left offered the greatest advantages for the attack. He lay entrenched on rising ground, behind a deep ravine about midway between us, to which the ground gently descended from both directions. His front was defended by four 8–inch howitzers, and three long 16–pounders, one 18–pounder, and some smaller caliber, His right was almost equally strong; and, after crossing the ravine, approached over smooth ground in form of a natural glacis, and taken in reverse by a body of rancheros and lancers. The heads of the different divisions were accordingly changed to the right; and, each leaving their horses and batteries behing, slowly weeded their way, among the volcanic rocks, to the ravine, which they passed in front of the small village of San Raymond, out of gunshot of Valencia’s batteries. They were now on the firm San Angel road, between Valencia and relief; but Santa Anna coming out to his support with seven thousand infantry and cavalry, drew up in battle array on the hill of Contreros, to our right. Col. Riley’s brigade, that had been moved to the right earlier in the day, to co–operate with a front attack, and had passed beyond the San Angel Road, now falling back upon the village which we had take possession of, General Smith at once determined to drive away the force threatening our right. By the time his dispositions were made, the sun had set; and night drawing on, it was feared we should not have light enough for our work. The attack was therefore suspended till morning. The troops bivouacked around the village, without food, without shelter, and without fire. It was afterwards determined to return the original intention of assaulting Valencia’s entrenchments, as the dispersion of Santa Anna’s force affected but little our principal object.

            At 3 a.m., Col. Riley’s brigade was pt in motion, followed by Gen. Smith’s and Gen. Cadwallader’s; Gen Shields holding the village. During the night, the 9th and 12th regiments, with a company of rifled and some detachments that had been thrown out the previous day, were moved to the ravine in front of the enemy’s position, and, after driving in their picquets in the gray of the morning, filed off to the right, an took sheltered position on their left, ready to co–operate with the attacking force in rear. This force moving around the base of the hill on which the battery was placed, covered from their view and fire, began about sunrise to show themselves over its crest. Col. Riley’s brigade, sweeping around their rear and right, moved down with great impetuosity, while Gen Smith attacked their left from the rear. In the meantime Col Ransom, pushing across the ravine the force in front, opened his fire upon their front and left. The enemy fiding himself thus attacked, and apprehending the main attack from the direction in which we approached the previous day, opened his heavy battery on his front. But Riley’s brigade carring everything before them, on that of Shields. They broke at all points, abandoning artillery, pack train, ammunition, &c. We took 800 prisoners––4 generals: Salas, Mendoza, Blanco, and Garcia; 4 colonels; 2 commanders of brigades and squadrons, and other officers in proportion. Among the twenty–two pieces of artillery taken, were the two belonging to Washington’s battery, taken at Buena Vista. They were retaken by the 4th artillery, the regiment to which they originally belonged. We buried 600 of their dead found on the field. Our loss did not exceed 60. After allowing the troops a little time for refreshment, they were put in march down the San Angel road, to take in reverse the positions of San Antonio and Churubusco. The enemy, finding himself turned, immediately commenced to evacuate his lines at San Antonio; but we moved upon him so rapidly that he had to abandon his guns. Gen Worth’s division, that had masked him in front, followed so close upon his heels as to drive his rear into the defences of Churubusco. In the meantime Gen. Twiigs had taken his position in the front on the battery surrounding the convent, while Gen. Worth seized upon that defending the bridge, and blocking the main road to Mexico. The battle opened fiercely on that side. Generals Shields and Pierce’s brigades were sent to attack in rear. Advancing towards the city of Mexico until they had passed the stream in rear of Churubusco, they crossed a cornfield on their right, and made for the causeway leading from Churubusco to the capital. This causeway was defended by a large body of infantry and cavalry, the latter extending apparently to the gates of Mexico. The number of infantry was said to be 5000, and of cavalry 4000. Gen Shields forming his line obliquely to that of the enemy, resting either flank upon some buildings on his right and left, and gaining as much to their right flank as possible, brought his men promptly into action. General Pierce, following quickly up, took position to his left, and the howitzer battery opened on his right. The Mexicans made a stout resistance, and the reverse under Major Sumner, composed of the rifle regiment and a squadron of dragoons, was brought to their support. By the time they broke into the cornfield, the enemy began to give war. Worth and Twiggs had forced their front, and they were being driven upon the capital. As soon as the way was clear for the dragoons, they swept over the causeway, charging up to the very gates. Many a fine saddle was emptied by the discharge from their last battery. Capt Kearney, whose troop was leading, lost his left arm, and the rest of his officers were wounded. Our men had done their work well faithfully. Their exhaustion required rest. The recall was sounded and we returned to the care of the killed and wounded. Of these we have a goodly number. I fear they will reach nearly 1000. Many gallant officers are at rest. Col. Butler, of the South Carolina regiment, bringing his regiment into action, had his horse shot under him; continuing the charge on foot, he was wounded in the leg, and finally shot through the head. Of the regulars, Capt. Thornton, of the dragoons, Capt. Burke, 1st artillery, Hanson, Lieut. Irons, Easly, Hoffman, and Johnston. About 40 are wounded more or less severely. All the engineers are safe. We cannot be sufficiently thankful, nor repay the interest or prayers of our friends in our behalf. The greeting of General Scott, by the troops after the action, on seeing the success of all his plane, was loud and vociferous. It must have shaken the “Halls of the Motezumas.” Their enthusiasm seemed to cheer the Mexican officers in their captivity. The army has implicit confidence in him, and apprehend nothing where he commands. He sees everything, and calculates the cots of every measure; and they know and feel that their lives and labor will not be uselessly commanded. During the day, we too 9,700 prisoners, 6 generals, 37 pieces of artillery, and ammunition enough for a whole campaign., their defences were completely turned and their plans upset. We could have entered Mexico that evening, or the next morning, at our pleasure, so complete was the disorganization of their army of 38,0000 men. We learn that 27,000 men were opposed to us at all points on the 29th, and they acknowledge is killed and wounded 5000 men. On the 21st, as the army met by a proposition for a cessation of hostilities, for the purpose of taking case of the killed and wounded. This he refused, but in the evening agreed to an armistice, or enable commissioners to meet Mr. Trist, and to treat for peace.––The armistice has been officially ratified. It is difficult to foresee the result; though I can very well see that it is for Santa Anna’s advantage to make peace. So far I can trust him.

            The Lieutenant Johnson killed, was the nephew of Lt. Col. Johnson, of the voltigeurs. I was standing by him when his leg was carried off above the knee by a cannon ball. He was gallant little fellow, and an merry over his work all the morning as a boy at play. He fell by the side of the gun he had been effectively serving, and died that night, 19th instant. The Colonel did not hear of his death until next morning. He was standing in Valencia’s captured entrenchments, flushed with the recent victory; his frame shrunk and shivered with agony, and I wept to witness his grief. It is the living for whom we should mourn, and not the dead. The engineers did good service on both days,; nor was the engineer company behind in any under taking.
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RW47v24n74p1c5, September 24, 1847, FROM TEXAS

            The steamship, Yacht, Capt. Crane, arrived yesterday from Galveston, bringing us to the close of the past week.

            Until we saw the Galveston News [illegible] not aware of the death of J.M. Dallam, Esq. Editor of the Colorado Herald, although he died in this city on the 20th alt,. He was here upon business and was carried off by yellow fever.

            The News says that the house of Wm. Hendley & Co., Galveston, have now under contract five large packet ships to constitute a regular line between that city and New York. They are in the progress of construction in Portland, Me. The first will be launched and towed to New York, about the 20th inst., the second in April next, and two more during the next summer, so that by next fall there will be four of them completed and in the trade.––Their capacity will be about 1000 bales of cotton each.

            The Galveston papers mention the death of Dr. Thos. P. Anderson of that city, and make the most honorable mention of the deceased. Three or four of the earliest inhabitants of Galveston have recently been “called home.”

            The canvass for Governor of the State is carried on with considerable spirit. Gen. Wood, who distinguished himself at Monterey, is a candidate; so is Mr. Van Zandt, whose name is inseparably connected with the negotiations for the annexations of Texas. There are other candidates in the field.

            The Texas editors are daily expecting to hear of Col Hays’ regiment at Mier. He left San Antonio de Bexar on the 13th ult.

            The Houston Star of the 7th inst has the following paragraph about the crops of Texas:

            “DROUGHT AND THE CROPS.––We were not apprised until within a few days that the drought that has prevailed in the undulating region had been so extensive and disastrous. We have been informed that it has seriously injured the upland cotton through the whole tier of counties from San Antonio to the Trinity. On the San Antonio, many of the settlers have been compelled to cut up their corn as it was withering in the fields. The settlers near Bexar have raised so little corn that the crop is insufficient for the consumption of the citizens, and large quantities have been transported from Guadaloupe to that town. It is selling at Bexar for a dollar a bushel. We are informed that the cotton has suffered more upon the uplands than the corn. In many places but little or half a crop will be made. In the bottom lands, however, the crop is immense; some of the planters are already complaining that they cannot procure hands to pick it out as fast as it matures.”

            From the Telegraph of the 6th inst, we take the following:

            “BEXAR.––Several Mexican traders have lately visited Bexar and purchased a large quantities of goods. Some of them brought a quantity of silver in bars. This silver is remarkably pure. We learn that there are several silver mines in the vicinity of Santa Rosa, and Monclova, which are quite productive, and as the Government can no longer monopolize the profits, the people in that section will probably work them to a greater extent than they have been worked in any previous year. The trade of Bexar would doubtless be increased to a very great extent, if a company of rangers were stationed near the Nueces or the route to the Presidio. The Lipans and Camanches are almost constantly watching on that route to intercept the Mexican tradres and it is believed that several renegade Mexicans are also connected with these marauders. It has been reported in Bexar, that the guerrillas have appeared in considerable force between Saltillo on the road to Mier. A large party of guerrillas lately appeared in the vicinity of Parras, and their [illegible] cause they had befriended the Mexicans; but he retired without fulfilling his threat. A large number of Shawnee and Delaware Indians have recently encamped near Bexar. They are engaged in hunting and are remarkably friendly.”

            The Houston Star says a large number of Mexican families have removed from the Rio Grande to that town, and other are expected to follow them this season. These families, however, possess little property, and appear to have removed from Mexico to avoid the oppressive exactions of the numerous guerrilla parties that now infest all the eastern States of Mexico. According to their representations the people in the valley of the Rio Grande are in a deplorable condition. Unprotected in any manner by their own Government, almost without laws or officers who are empowered to restrain marauding bands of their own countrymen, or to check the incursions of the savages, they are unable to enjoy the least security of person or property.

            The Star learns that Bexar is not the only town that has been benefited by the emigration from Mexico. Laredo, which has enjoyed comparative security since the ranging company of Gen. Lamar has been stationed there, seems to be slowly recovering its former prosperity. We have been informed that its population is now even greater than that of Bexar, and it is estimated that not less than five thousand souls are now residing in the town and the neighboring settlements. The number of Mexican votes that will be polled in Western Texas, at the election in November next, is estimated at about three thousand.