The Mexican-American War and the Media, 1845-1848

London Times | Martinsburg Gazette | Niles' Register | Richmond Enquirer | Richmond Whig | Related Links
VT Image Montage | VT Digital Archives | Carl Nebel prints | Sam Chamberlain water colors | Maps | The Aztec Club of 1847
Descendants of Mexican War Veterans | U.S. Army Chronology | PBS Timeline | U.S. Army History
Chronological | Memoirs | U.S. Army Center | The Naval War | Intelligence Activities
Lt. Emory's Journal | Foreign Policy | Presidential speeches | Congressional Debates | DMWV Documents | Historical Text Archive
Transcription Teams | Project Specialists
Site Map

Richmond Whig and Advertiser
Vol. 22, January-June 1846
Missing: March and April,

January-June 1845 July-December 1845 January-June 1846 July-December 1846
January-June 1847 July-December 1847 January-June 1848 July-December 1848

Index Volume/issue/page/column/date

January 1846

RW46v23n1p1, 2 January 1846 Who would suffer most in the event of War?

RW46v23n1p1, 2 January 1846 Oregon

RW46v23n1p1, 2 January 1846 THE PROSPECT OF WAR

RW46v23n1p1, 2 January 1846 Oregon question

RW46v23n1p2, 2 January 1846 Better Prospects for Peace

RW46v23n1p2, 2 January 1846 CONGRESS

RW46v23n2p1, 6 January 1846 REMARKS OF MR. ADAMS

RW46v23n2p1, 6 January 1846 PEACE FEELING IN THE SENATE


RW46v23n2p1, 6 January 1846 OREGON

RW46v23n3p1, 9 January 1846 OREGN DEBATE IN THE HOUSE

RW46v23n3p1, 9 January 1846 MR. ADAMS POSITION

RW46v23n3p1, 9 January 1846 State of parties

RW46v23n3p1, 9 January 1846 Response to Adams speech

RW46v23n3p1, 9 January 1846 Proceedings of Congress

RW46v23n3p1, 9 January 1846 England and the United States

RW46v23n3p2, 9 January 1846 CONGRESS, Senate

RW46v23n3p2, 9 January 1846 OREGON QUESITON

RW46v23n3p3, 9 January 1846 Letter to the Editors on Oregon

RW46v23n7p1, 23 January 1846 ORGEON QUESTION

RW46v23n7p1, 23 January 1846 War for Oregon

RW46v23n7p1, 23 January 1846 Expense of War

RW46, 23 January 1846 Crittenden Resolution on Oregon

RW46v23n7p2, 23 January 1846 Senator Allen and contingent war declaration

RW46v23n7p4, 23 January 1846 Senator Allen and Mexico

RW46v23n8p1, 27 January 1846 From Mexico

RW46v23n8p1, 27 January 1846 Peace Party

RW46v23n8p1, 27 January 1846 Oregon and Mr. Winthrop

RW46v23n8p1, 27 January 1846 Oregon and British Claims


RW46v23n9p1, 30 January 1846 LATEST FROM MEXICO

RW46v23n9p2, 30 January 1846 FOREIGN NEWS

RW46v23n9p2, 30 January 1846 REVOLUTION IN MEXICO

RW46v23n9p3, 30 January 1846 Foreign News continued

RW46v23n10p1c2, February 3, 1846: IMPORTANT NEWS FROM MEXICO
Various information from Mexico.

RW46v23n10p1c3, February 3, 1846: TEXAS
Information about the Texas constitution.

RW46v23n10p1c4, February 3, 1846: TEXAS
More random information from Texas.

RW46v23n10p2c2, February 3, 1846: THE LATE NEWS FROM MEXICO

RW46v23n10p2c4, February 3, 1846: LATER FROM TEXAS

RW46v23n10p4c1, February 3, 1846: A BETTER SPIRIT
Discussion of the Oregon question.

RW46v23n10p4c4, February 3, 1846: LATER FROM MEXICO

RW46v23n11p1c2, February 6, 1846: OREGON­THE VOICE OF VIRGINIA
Discussion of the Oregon question in the Virginia Legislature.

Discussion of the Oregon question in the House of Representatives.

RW46v2311p2c1, February 6, 1846: WAR AND ITS GLORIES

RW46v2311p2c2, February 6, 1846: CALIFORNIA
Talk of the Mormons in California.

Insider news about Oregon.

RW46v2311p4c3, February 6, 1846: MEXICO
Talk about annexation

RW46v2312p1c2, February 10, 1846: MEXICO
Yucatan declares its independence

RW46v2312p2c2, February 10, 1846: LATE FROM TEXAS
Talk of trade in Texas.

RW46v2312p2c4, February 10, 1846: LATER FROM MEXICO

RW46v2313p2c3, February 13, 1846: THE LATE MEXICAN NEWS

RW46v2313p4p3, February 13, 1846: MEXICAN AFFAIRS
A series of reports from Vera Cruz.

RW46v2314p3c2, February 17, 1846: TEXAS MIGRATION
Advertisement to settle in Texas.

RW46v2315p2c1, February 20, 1846:
Rumors of Mexican states declaring independence.

RW46v2315p4c4, February 20, 1846: THE TEXAS MAILS
Info that future letters should not be sent to Corpus Christi because the army has moved

RW46v2317p2c2, February 27, 1846: LATER FROM TEXAS AND MEXICO
Possibility the army has gone from Corpus Christi toward the Rio Grande.

RW46v2317p4c2, February 27, 1846: MEXICO
News that an internal revolution in Mexico has been put down.


RW46n23n18 Mar 3, 1846: Later From Mexico.
Information from Mexico.

RW46v46nn18 Mar 3, 1846: Something Curious.
Rumors from Corpus Christi.

RW46v46nn18 Mar 3, 1846: Oregon Correspondence.
Letter concerning Oregon.

RW46v46nn18 Mar 3, 1846: Oregon Debate
Debates over the Oregon issue.

RW46v46nn18 Mar 3, 1846: Mexico.
Mexico in the way of expansion.

RW46v46nn19 Mar 6, 1846: The British and American Tariffs.
Building tensions between Britain and the U.S..

RW46v46nn19 Mar 6, 1846: From Texas.
News about the Army in Texas.

RW46v46nn19 Mar 6, 1846: Views on Oregon.
Points of view on the Oregon issue and the conflicts it is causing with Britain.

RW46v46nn19 Mar 6, 1846: The Axe Again At Work
The negative action of the government.

RW46v46nn19 Mar 6, 1846: Oregon Debate
More arguments about the Oregon issue.

RW46v46nn21 Mar 13, 1846: The Oregon Debate
Mr. Benton's speech about the Oregon issue.

RW46v46nn21 Mar 13, 1846: Later From Mexico
News from Mexico.

RW46v46nn22 Mar 17, 1846: A Monarchy in Mexico
The Mexican government.

RW46v46nn22 Mar 17, 1846: Mr. Webster On Oregon
A call for compromise.

RW46v46nn22 Mar 17, 1846: Later From Mexico
News from Vera Cruz.

RW46v46nn22 Mar 17, 1846: The Oregon Question, Mr. Webster's Remarks
Another Perspective on the Oregon issue.

RW46v46nn23 Mar 20, 1846 p1c1: Mr. Calhoun's Speech
The Oregon question.

RW46v46nn23 Mar 20, 1846 Later: From Mexico
More arrivals of ships and information on Mr. Slidell.

RW46v46nn23 Mar 20, 1846 p4c3: More of Calhoun's Speech
Continued opinion on the Oregon question.

RW46v23n24 Mar 24, 1846 p1c2: The Army of Texas
The idea of aggression is out.

RW46v23n24 Mar 24, 1846 p1c3: Collection of military reports
Many different reports.

RW46v23n24 Mar 24, 1846 p2c1: The Message
Probability of war, the President warns.

RW46v23n24 Mar 24, 1846 p2c7: Important Message From the President
Calls for an increase in the Navy and the Army.

RW46v23n24 Mar 24, 1846p3c1: The Army and the Navy
A collection of opinions.

RW46v23n24 Mar 24, 1846 p3c1: House of Representatives Military Bill
Military issues in general.

RW46v23n24 Mar 24, 1846 p4c1: The Administration in its Conduct of Foreign Affairs
Questions the way the U.S. is handling Britain with the Oregon issue.

RW46v23n26 Mar 31, 1846 p1c2: Mexico
Contradiction in accounts.

RW46v23n26 Mar 31, 1846 p1c4: Despatches From Mr. McLane
Concerning the Oregon issue.

RW46v23n26 Mar 31, 1846 p1c4: Correspondence of the American
The projected naval up builds.

RW46v23n26 Mar 31, 1846: The Secret Articles
Proposed forty to fifty million dollars for ship building.

RW46v23n26 Mar 31, 1846 p2c1: Signs of War
Tensions between Britain and the U.S..

RW46v23n26 March 31, 1846 p4c1: Gen. Santa Ana
A small Article concerning Santa Ana.

RW46v23n25 March 27, 1846 P1c3: Important Report
The position of the troops in Texas.

RW46v23n25 March 27, 1846 p1c3: Late From Texas
Troops moving south.


RW46v23n27p1c2 Friday April 3, 1846: More Annexation

RW46v23n27p1c3­5 Friday April 3, 1846: Congress. Senate, March 30, Speech of Mr. Webster on the Oregon Question

RW46v23n27p1c5 Friday April 3, 1846: From Yucatan
From the New Orleans Picayune

RW46v23n27p1c2 Friday April 3, 1846: Later From Texas
From the New Orleans Picayune

RW46v23n27p3c1 Friday April 3, 1846: Highly Important
From the National Intelligencer, Oregon Question

RW46v23n27p3c1 Friday April 3, 1846: Benton's reply to Cass
Correspondence of the Baltimore American, Washington, April 1, Oregon Question

RW46v23n27p3c1 Friday April 3, 1846: Pregon Question
Correspondence of the Baltimore Patriot, Washington, March 31.

RW46v23n27p3c1 Friday April 3, 1846: Congress. Senate
Correspondence of the Baltimore American, Washington, April 1

RW46v23n27p3c2 Friday April 3, 1846: Later From England
From the Baltimore American, Oregon question

RW46v23n27p3c2 Friday April 3, 1846: U. States and England ­ Effect of the Refusal to Arbitrate
From the London Times, March 4

RW46v23n27p4c1 Friday April 3, 1846: Affairs in Mexico ­ Republic of Hayti

RW46v23n27p4c2 Friday April 3, 1846: The Naval Estimate

RW46v23n27p4c4 Friday April 3, 1846: Congress. Monday March 30, Senate; House of Representatives

RW46v24n28p1c4 Tuesday, April 7, 1846: The Notice
From the National Intelligencer, on the Oregon boundary issue

RW46v24n28p2c2 Tuesday, April 7, 1846: Mr. McDuffle's Speech
Oregon question, comment and extended extract

RW46v24n28p2c4 Tuesday, April 7, 1846: Late From Mexico
From the New Orleans Picayune, March 26

RW46v24n28p2c4 Tuesday, April 7, 1846: Later From Galveston
From the New Orleans Picayune, March 27

RW46v24n28p2c6 Tuesday, April 7, 1846: Santa Anna
Correspondence of the New Orleans Picayune, dateline: Havana, February 20, 1846

RW46v24n28p3c1 Tuesday, April 7, 1846: Two Day Later From Europe
Items on the Oregon issue

RW46v24n28p4c1 Tuesday, April 7, 1846: Debate in the Senate, Oregon question

RW46v24n28p4c1­1 Tuesday, April 7, 1846: The Union

RW46v24n28p4c3­6 Tuesday, April 7, 1846: Congress. Wednesday, April 1, Senate. The Oregon Question

RW46v24n28p4c6 Tuesday, April 7, 1846: Congress. Thursday, April 2, Senate. The Oregon Question; Friday, April 3, Senate

RW46v24n28p4c6­7 Tuesday, April 7, 1846: Congress. Senate. The Ashburn Treaty

RW46v25n29p1c1­2 Friday, April 10, 1846: Senator Webster. Editorial

RW46v25n29p1c2 Friday, April 10, 1846: The News From Mexico

RW46v25n29p1c4 Friday, April 10, 1846: Congress. April 6, Senate
Correspondence of the Baltimore American, Oregon debate

RW46v25n29p1c4­6 Friday, April 10, 1846: Congress. Tuesday, April 6, Senate; House of Representatives
Correspondence of the Baltimore American, Oregon issue

RW46v25n29p1c7 Friday, April 10, 1846: Mexico. Highly Important
From the New Orleans Picayune, April 1

RW46v25n29p1c7 Friday, April 10, 1846: From Another Correspondent
Fro the New Orleans Picayune, dateline: Vera Cruz, Thursday 11 o'clock, March 19.

RW46v25n29p2c2 Friday, April 10, 1846: Value of Oregon

RW46v25n29p3c1 Friday, April 10, 1846: Last Evening's Mail. Congress. Wednesday, April 8, U.S. Senate; House of Representatives
Oregon issue

RW46v25n29p4c1 Friday, April 10, 1846: From Santa Fe

RW46v25n29p4c2 Friday, April 10, 1846: Mexico ­ Gen. Santa Anna

RW46v25n29p4c3 Friday, April 10, 1846: Proposed Steam Armada for the Gulf of Mexico

RW46v25n30p1c1 Tuesday, April 14, 1846: Messrs. Webster and Ingersol. Editorial

RW46v25n30p1c1­2 Tuesday, April 14, 1846: Opinion in England
Comment and extract from London Times, March 5, 1846, Oregon issue

RW46v25n30p1c2 Tuesday, April 14, 1846: A Curious Revelation
Senator Benton and Oregon

RW46v25n30p1c4­5 Tuesday, April 14, 1846: Mr. Webster's Speech. Second Day.
Correspondence of the U.S. Gazette, Washington, April 7

RW46v25n30p1c6 Tuesday, April 14, 1846: Congress. April 10, Senate
Correspondence of the Baltimore American, Washington

RW46v25n30p2c1 Tuesday, April 14, 1846: A Conspiracy Charged
House of Representatives, Oregon boundary

RW46v25n30p2c1 Tuesday, April 14, 1846: The Foreign News
Oregon in England

RW46v25n30p2c1 Tuesday, April 14, 1846: Value of Oregon

RW46v25n30p2c2 Tuesday, April 14, 1846: Mexico ­ Santa Anna

RW46v25n30p2c4 Tuesday, April 14, 1846: Foreign News
From the Balitmore Sun, Extra, April 11, from the Liverpool Chronicle, March 4, Oregon question

RW46v25n30p2c4­5 Tuesday, April 14, 1846: The Oregon Question in England ­ Semi­Official View of the British Government ­ Opinions for the English Press
From the New York Herald, April 11, extract from London Times, March 9

RW46v25n30p2c7 Tuesday, April 14, 1846: Congress, Saturday, April 11, House of Representatives
Ingersoll's accusation against Daniel Webster

RW46v25n30p4c1 Tuesday, April 14, 1846: Mr. Webster's Speech. Editorial

RW46v25n30p4c3 Tuesday, April 14, 1846: Later from Europe
From the New York Gazette, April 9, items from the London Morning Chronicle and the United Service Journal on Oregon issue

RW46v25n30p4c3 Tuesday, April 14, 1846: No title
Kendall on excursion to Texas and prairie

RW46v25n30p4c4 Tuesday, April 14, 1846: Mr. Webster's Speech, editorial
Correspondence of the United States Gazette, Washington, April 6

RW46v25n30p4c7 Tuesday, April 14, 1846: Congress. April 9, Senate; House of Representatives
Correspondence of the Baltimore American, April 9, Oregon issue

RW46v25n31 Friday, April 17, 1846: Issue missing from microfilm

RW46v25n32p1c1 Tuesday, April 21, 1846: The Closing Scene
Oregon debate, from the National Intellignecer, April 20

RW46v25n32p1c2 Tuesday, April 21, 1846: News from Mexico
From New Orleans Tropic, Extra, April 11, dateline Havana, on Slidell, Santa Anna, and Almonte

RW46v25n32p1c2 Tuesday, April 21, 1846: No title
General Gaines on the defense of New Orleans

RW46v25n32p1c2 Tuesday, April 21, 1846: No title
Comment on Oregon

RW46v25n32p1c3­5 Tuesday, April 21, 1846: Interesting Piquant
Debate in Senate on Oregon

RW46v25n32p1c6 Tuesday, April 21, 1846: Letter to Editors, signed SEMPRONIOUS

RW46v25n32p1c7 Tuesday, April 21, 1846: Congress, House of Representatives
Correspondence of the Baltimore American, Oregon Resolution

RW46v25n32p2c1 Tuesday, April 21, 1846: The Notice
Congressional resolution to give England notice on the Oregon boundary issue

RW46v25n32p2c2 Tuesday, April 21, 1846: Foreign News
Items on the Oregon issue

RW46v25n32p2c2 Tuesday, April 21, 1846: Mexican News

RW46v25n32p2c2 Tuesday, April 21, 1846: No title
House bill would extend jurisdiction of Supreme Court and laws of Iowa west of Rocky Mountains

RW46v25n32p2c3 Tuesday, April 21, 1846: Captain Fremont

RW46v25n32p2c4­6 Tuesday, April 21, 1846: Eight Days Later from Europe
From the New York Tribune, Extra April 18, items, from Wilmer and Smith's European Times on the Oregon question; and from the London Times, March 17

RW46v25n32p2c7 Tuesday, April 21, 1846: The United Staes and Mexico
Mexico's response to Slidell's correspondence

RW46v25n32p4c1 Tuesday, April 21, 1846: Letter of John M. Botts, Esq. ­ On the Probability of War
Editorial comment and the Botts letter

RW46v25n32p4c3 Tuesday, April 21, 1846: Gen. Houston's Speech

RW46v25n32p4c3 Tuesday, April 21, 1846: Mr. Buchanan's Ultimatum

RW46v25n32p4c4 Tuesday, April 21, 1846: Passage of Mr. Crittenden's Resolution ­ Danger of War with England

RW46v25n32p4c4 Tuesday, April 21, 1846: No title
Webster and the contigent fund

RW46v25n32p4c4 Tuesday, April 21, 1846: No title
Letter from Matamoras, from the New Orleans Bulletin

RW46v25n32p4c4 Tuesday, April 21, 1846: California

RW46v25n32p4c4 Tuesday, April 21, 1846: No title
Captain James Smoot to command U.S. frigate United States

RW46v25n33 Friday, April 24, 1846: Issue missing from microfilm

RW46v25n34p1c2 Tuesday, April 28, 1846: The Notice

RW46v25n34p1c4 Tuesday, April 28, 1846: Triumph of the Peace Party. Congress, April 23, Senate; April 24, House of Representatives, item on the Joint Resolution on Oregon

RW46v25n34p1c5 Tuesday, April 28, 1846: No title
Civilian company going to California

RW46v25n34p2c1 Tuesday, April 28, 1846: Dilemma of the Official Journal. Editorial

RW46v25n34p2c2 Tuesday, April 28, 1846: No title
London paper mistakenly stated Polk had been taken prisoner by British in last war

RW46v25n34p2c5 Tuesday, April 28, 1846: Affairs in Texas
Correspondence of the Journal of Commerce, dateline Austin, Travis Co. (Texas), April 3

RW46v25n34p4c1 Tuesday, April 28, 1846: The Policy of the Administration. Editorial

RW46v25n34p4c2 Tuesday, April 28, 1846: No title
Humor, Parkenham and a New York drunk


RW46v23i35p1c1, May 1, 1846: Ingersoll and Webster

RW46v23i35p1c1, May 1, 1846: News From Capt. Freemont

RW46v23i35p1c1, May 1, 1846: Latest from the Army

RW46v23i35p2c1, May 1, 1846: title cut off

RW46v23i35p2c1, May 1, 1846: Debt of Texas

RW46v23i35p2c4, May 1, 1846: Additional Foreign News

RW46v23i35p4c4, May 1, 1846: From the N.O. Picayune April 21, Later From Brazos Santiago

RW46v23i35p4c4, May 1, 1846: From the N.O. Picayune, Later From Mexico

RW46v23i35p4c5, May 1, 1846: From the N.O. Picayune April 21, Later From Texas

RW46v23i36p1c1, May 5, 1846: The Model Republic

RW46v23i36p1c2, May 5, 1846: News Expected

RW46v23i36p1c2, May 5, 1846: Forthcoming work on Mexico

RW46v23i36p2c1, May 5, 1846: "Democratic" Principals

RW46v23i36p2c2, May 5, 1846: Our Army on the Rio Grande

RW46v23i36p2c5, May 5, 1846: Later From Mexico
From the N. O. Picayune 

RW46v23i36p4c1, May 5, 1846: Saturday Morning May 2, 1846, “Oregon Controversy Settled”

RW46v23i36p4c1, May 5, 1846: Gen. James Hamilton

RW46v23i36p4c3, May 5, 1846: Texas not a Paradise
From the Charleston Evening News. Corpus Christi, (Texas) Jan. 25

RW46v23i36p4c6, May 5, 1846: The Army

RW46v23i37p1c2, May 8, 1846: Benton and Polk

RW46v23i37p1c3, May 8, 1846: From the New Orleans Tropic , Extra, April 29. Late from Texas

RW46v23i37p1c3, May 8, 1846: Later from the Army of Occupation

RW46v23i37p1c3, May 8, 1846: Still Later. From the Galveston News, Extra

RW46v23i37p1c3, May 8, 1846: Thirteen days later from Mexico
From the N.O. Picayune, (Extra,) April 29. 

RW46v23i37p2c1, May 8, 1846: The Foreign Intelligence

RW46v23i37p2c2, May 8, 1846: Congressional Independence

RW46v23i37p2c2, May 8, 1846: No title

RW46v23i37p2c4, May 8, 1846: From the Rio Grande
Correspondence of the N. O. Picayune

RW46v23i37p3c1, May 8, 1846: Last Evening's Mail. The Oregon Question
Correspondence of the Alexandria Gazette.

RW46v23i37p3c1, May 8, 1846: Congress
Correspondence of the Baltimore American

RW46v23i37p4c2, May 8, 1846: From Vera Cruz

RW46v23i38p1c1, May 12, 1846: The Question Not Settled

RW46v23i38p1c2, May 12, 1846: Stirring News from the Army

RW46v23i38p1c3, May 12, 1846: Important from Texas and the Army

RW46v23i38p1c3, May 12, 1846: To Arms! Texans to Arms!

RW46v23i38p1c3, May 12, 1846: Correspondence of the N.O. Tropic 

RW46v23i38p1c3, May 12, 1846: To the Editors of the Tropic

RW46v23i38p2c1, May 12, 1846: The News!

RW46v23i38p2c4, May 12, 1846: The Surprise and Defeat of Capt. Thornton
From the New Orleans Picayune, May 3.

RW46v23i38p2c4, May 12, 1846: Camp Opposite Matamoras, April 26,1846

RW46v23i38p2c4, May 12, 1846: From the New Orleans Tropic, May 4

RW46v23i38p2c4, May 12, 1846: Latest from the Army

RW46v23i38p2c5, May 12, 1846: Congress. Washington, May 9, 1846. Senate

RW46v23i38p3c2, May 12, 1846: Last Evening’s Mail. From Washington

RW46v23i38p3c2, May 12, 1846: Camp before Matamoras, April 27, 1846

RW46v23i38p3c2, May 12, 1846: Important From Washington. By the Electo­Magnetic Telegraph

RW46v23i38p3c2, May 12, 1846: Correspondence of the Baltimore American

RW46v23i38p4c2, May 12, 1846: News From the Frontier

RW46v23i38p4c3, May 12, 1846: Later From the Army. Col. Cross Murdered!­His body Found!
From the New Orleans Picayune, May 1. 

RW46v23i38p4c3, May 12, 1846: The Blockade of the Rio Grande

RW46v23i38p4c3, May 12, 1846: From the New Orleans Picayune

RW46v23i38p4c2, May 12, 1846: More on the Oregon Question

RW46v23i38p4c2, May 12, 1846: The Army.­Misapprehension Corrected.­Gen. Worth

RW46v23i38p4c4, May 12, 1846: The Sandwich Islands­Oregon and California

RW46v23i38p4c4, May 12, 1846: From the Honolulu Friend, Feb. 11. Oregon

RW46v23i38p4c5, May 12, 1846: Letter From Washington
Correspondence of the Alexandria Gazette

RW46v23i39p1c1, May 15, 1846: The Debate

RW46v23i39p1c2, May 15, 1846: General Scott

RW46v23i39p1c2, May 15, 1846: No title

RW46v23i39p1c2, May 15, 1846: England and Mexico

RW46v23i39p1c2, May 15, 1846: From Pensacola, No title

RW46v23i39p1c3, May 15, 1846: Debate on the War Message

RW46v23i39p1c4, May 15, 1846: Monday May 11, 1846. In Senate

RW46v23i39p1c6, May 15, 1846: The War Bill Passed

RW46v23i39p1c7, May 15, 1846: Additional.­By the Magnetic Telegraph

RW46v23i39p1c7, May 15, 1846: By the Magnetic Telegraph

RW46v23i39p2c1, May 15, 1846: The Debate. The Country and the Administration

RW46v23i39p2c2, May 15, 1846: Mr. Benton’s Position

RW46v23i39p2c3, May 15, 1846: Excess of Patriotism

RW46v23i39p2c4, May 15, 1846: Late from Texas
From the New Orleans Tropic, May 7

RW46v23i39p2c4, May 15, 1846:  Military News

RW46v23i39p2c4, May 15, 1846: From the National Intelligencer, May 13

RW46v23i39p2c4, May 15, 1846: The War Spirit
From the Mobile Advertiser, May 8

RW46v23i39p2c4, May 15, 1846: To Arms! To Arms!! To Arms!!! To the Gallant Young Men of Alabama

RW46v23i39p2c4, May 15, 1846: Military

RW46v23i39p3c1, May 15, 1846: Executive Declaration of War

RW46v23i39p3c1, May 15, 1846: Congress

RW46v23i39p4c1, May 15, 1846: Boundary of Texas

RW46v23i39p4c2, May 15, 1846: Foreign Interference

RW46v23i39p4c2, May 15, 1846: A Mexican Proclamation

RW46v23i39p4c2, May 15, 1846: No title
Mexican secrecy

RW46v23i39p4c1, May 15, 1846: Tyler’s Guns

RW46v23i39p4c1, May 15, 1846: Volunteers
New Orleans, May 5. 

RW46v23i39p4c4, May 15, 1846: President’s Message­­­War Measures by Congress

RW46v23i39p4c3, May 15, 1846: The Volunteers­“The cry is still they come”

RW46v23i39p4c3, May 15, 1846: Meeting at the Commercial Exchange

RW46v23i39p4c3, May 15, 1846: No title

RW46v23i39p4c3, May 15, 1846: The True Spirit

RW46v23i39p4c3, May 15, 1846: No title

RW46v23i39p4c3, May 15, 1846: Military Movements

RW46v23i39p4c3, May 15, 1846: U.S. Troops From Fort Pike

RW46v23i39p4c3, May 15, 1846: Recruits From Texas

RW46v23i39p4c5, May 15, 1846: No title
From the Washington Union

RW46v23i39p4c5, May 15, 1846: No title
From the Baltimore American

RW46v23i39p4c5, May 15, 1846: No title
From the Senate

RW46v23i40p1c1, May 19, 1846: Melancholy Tidings

RW46v23i40p1c2, May 19, 1846: Warlike Demonstrations

RW46v23i40p1c1, May 19, 1846: The Right Spirit

RW46v23i40p1c4, May 19, 1846: What Does it Mean?

RW46v23i40p1c4, May 19, 1846: Later From the Army

RW46v23i40p1c3, May 19, 1846: No title
From the New Orleans Tropic

RW46v23i40p1c3, May 19, 1846:  No title
From the New Orleans Picayune

RW46v23i40p1c3, May 19, 1846: Volunteers
From the Mobile Advertiser, May 9

RW46v23i40p1c4, May 19, 1846: Two Days Later From Mexico

RW46v23i40p1c5, May 19, 1846: No title
No important news

RW46v23i40p1c5, May 19, 1846: Latest News

RW46v23i40p1c6, May 19, 1846: Castle of San Juan de Ulua

RW46v23i40p1c6, May 19, 1846: General Taylor in His Tent

RW46v23i40p1c5, May 19, 1846: No title
From Yucatan

RW46v23i40p1c5, May 19, 1846: Mexican Privateers Against the United States

RW46v23i40p1c5, May 19, 1846: Santa Anna

RW46v23i40p1c7, May 19, 1846: The War Movements

RW46v23i40p1c7, May 19, 1846: Congress
From the Baltimore American

RW46v23i40p2c1, May 19, 1846: Triumph. A Glimpse at the Future

RW46v23i40p2c2, May 19, 1846: The Texan Boundary

RW46v23i40p2c2, May 19, 1846: Reducing the Tariff

RW46v23i40p2c1, May 19, 1846: The True Meaning of the Term 'Army of Occupation'
From the New York Mirror 

RW46v23i40p2c2, May 19, 1846: No title

RW46v23i40p2c2, May 19, 1846: No title

RW46v23i40p2c2, May 19, 1846: Warlike Movements

RW46v23i40p2c4, May 19, 1846: How Presents Crowd Upon Us

RW46v23i40p2c5, May 19, 1846: Later From the Army
Daily Advertiser­Extra, Mobile, Tuesday May 12

RW46v23i40p2c4, May 19, 1846: Congress

RW46v23i40p2c5, May 19, 1846: Later From the Army of Occupation
From the N.O. Tropic, May 11

RW46v23i40p2c5, May 19, 1846: Extracts

RW46v23i40p2c7, May 19, 1846: Volunteer Meeting

RW46v23i40p3c1, May 19, 1846: Last Evening’s Mail
Correspondence of the Baltimore American. Washington, May 17, 5 ½ P.M.

RW46v23i40p4c1, May 19, 1846: The War Proclamation

RW46v23i40p4c1, May 19, 1846: Volunteers from Richmond

RW46v23i40p4c2, May 19, 1846: No title
War horse and plate to Capt. Forno in New Orleans

RW46v23i40p4c2, May 19, 1846: No title
Charleston Mercury responding to Washington Union attack

RW46v23i40p4c1, May 19, 1846: No title
Rumor, cabinet members to resign, from the New York Globe

RW46v23i40p4c1, May 19, 1846: Destiny of Mexico

RW46v23i40p4c1, May 19, 1846: Shadows of Coming Events!

RW46v23i40p4c1, May 19, 1846: Trouble Ahead for Mexico

RW46v23i40p4c1, May 19, 1846: No title
Companies on the move, from the Norfolk Herald

RW46v23i40p4c2, May 19, 1846: New Orleans, May 8. From Galveston

RW46v23i40p4c3, May 19, 1846: Debate in the Senate

RW46v23i40p4c6, May 19, 1846: Congress

RW46v23i40p4c6, May 19, 1846: No title
White lady visits Comanche

RW46v23i41p1c1, May 22, 1846: A “Democratic” Tariff

RW46v23i41p1c2, May 22, 1846: The Past and the Present

RW46v23i41p1c2, May 22, 1846: Difficulties of a Mexican Campaign

RW46v23i41p1c4, May 22, 1846: No title
From the New York Herald

RW46v23i41p1c4, May 22, 1846: A Vindication of Texas

RW46v23i41p1c4, May 22, 1846: New Orleans, May 12, 1846. To the Editors of The Picayune

RW46v23i41p1c3, May 22, 1846: Warlike Preparations

RW46v23i41p1c4, May 22, 1846: Further Details From the Army
From the New Orleans Picayune, May 13

RW46v23i41p1c3, May 22, 1846: No title
Richmong Fayette Artillery

RW46v23i41p1c4, May 22, 1846: Here We Go

RW46v23i41p1c6, May 22, 1846: No title
From the Philadelphia American

RW46v23i41p1c7, May 22, 1846: Congress

RW46v23i41p2c3, May 22, 1846: Gen’l Scott

RW46v23i41p2c3, May 22, 1846: The Mexican War­Suspected Interference of European Powers

RW46v23i41p2c4, May 22, 1846: A Week later From Mexico. Gen. Paredes­His Proclamation

RW46v23i41p2c3, May 22, 1846: The Mexican Version

RW46v23i41p2c3, May 22, 1846: No War News­A state of suspense­Volunteers still pouring into New Orleans

RW46v23i41p2c4, May 22, 1846: Regular Force in Texas

RW46v23i41p3c1, May 22, 1846: Last Evening’s Mail
Correspondence of the Baltimore American. Washington, May 20, 5 ½ P.M.

RW46v23i41p3c1, May 22, 1846: Congress

RW46v23i41p3c5, May 22, 1846: Dragoons, Attention

RW46v23i41p4c1, May 22, 1846: The True Boundary Line

RW46v23i41p4c2, May 22, 1846: General Taylor

RW46v23i41p4c2, May 22, 1846: No title
Ridiculous rumor, Mexicans steamers to blockade New York harbor

RW46v23i41p4c2, May 22, 1846: No title
Deas swam river to meet his Mexican beauty

RW46v23i41p4c2, May 22, 1846: No title
Col. Cross's widow died

RW46v23i41p4c2, May 22, 1846: No title
Douglass criticizing John Q. Adams

RW46v23i41p4c2, May 22, 1846: No title
General Wool to Washington

RW46v23i41p4c2, May 22, 1846: No title
New York war meeting

RW46v23i41p4c2, May 22, 1846: No title
Pensacola rumors from the New Orleans Tropic

RW46v23i41p4c3, May 22, 1846: Later Advices

RW46v23i41p4c4, May 22, 1846: Further From the Army!
From the New Orleans Picayune, May 12. 

RW46v23i41p4c4, May 22, 1846: Attack Upon Gen. Taylor’s Camp

RW46v23i41p4c4, May 22, 1846: Surprise and Surrender of Capt. Thornton’s Command

RW46v23i41p4c3, May 22, 1846: The Richmond Volunteers, Upwards of One Hundred Strong­Their Exercises at the Armory

RW46v23i41p4c3, May 22, 1846: No title
From the Washington Union

RW46v23i41p4c3, May 22, 1846: Correspondence of the Baltimore American. Washington, May 18, 5 ½ P.M.

RW46v23i41p4c4, May 22, 1846: Correspondence of The Picayune, Point Isabel, May 5, 1846

RW46v23i41p4c5, May 22, 1846: The Administration and the Country

RW46v23i41p4c7, May 22, 1846: Congress

RW46v23i42p1c1, May 26, 1846: Thrilling News

RW46v23i42p1c2, May 26, 1846: Volunteers

RW46v23i42p1c1, May 26, 1846: A Wise and Prudent Decision

RW46v23i42p1c1, May 26, 1846: The Right Spirit abroad in the Land

RW46v23i42p1c5, May 26, 1846: England’s Warlike Preparations for America

RW46v23i42p1c5, May 26, 1846: Congress

RW46v23i42p2c1, May 26, 1846: From the Army

RW46v23i42p2c2, May 26, 1846: Virginia Volunteers

RW46v23i42p2c3, May 26, 1846: Call upon Virginia!

RW46v23i42p2c3, May 26, 1846: No title
Correspondence to Editors of St. Louis Republican

RW46v23i42p2c3, May 26, 1846: No title

RW46v23i42p2c3, May 26, 1846: No title

RW46v23i42p2c4, May 26, 1846: Official Dispatch to Gen. Gaines
From the N.O. Bee, May 18. 

RW46v23i42p2c4, May 26, 1846: Affairs on the Frontier

RW46v23i42p2c4, May 26, 1846: General Vega

RW46v23i42p1c4, May 26, 1846: Three Days Later From Mexico
From the New Orleans Tropic , May 10.

RW46v23i42p2c5, May 26, 1846: Organization of Volunteer Corps for the United States Service

RW46v23i42p2c6, May 26, 1846: A Proclamation, Governor of Virginia

RW46v23i42p2c5, May 26, 1846: Military Arrangements
From the Washington Union 

RW46v23i42p2c6, May 26, 1846: General Orders

RW46v23i42p2c5, May 26, 1846: Captain Walker

RW46v23i42p3c1, May 26, 1846: Last Evening’s Mail. Gen. Scott

RW46v23i42p3c5, May 26, 1846: Dragoons, Attention

RW46v23i42p4c4, May 26, 1846: Latest From the Army
Montgomery Journal Extra, Tuesday Morning, May 19, 1846 [by Express from Mobile] 

RW46v23i42p4c4, May 26, 1846: Late Intelligence from the Seat of War
From the New Orleans Reformer

RW46v23i42p4c4, May 26, 1846: The News Confirmed

RW46v23i42p4c4, May 26, 1846: Correspondence of the Tropic

RW46v23i42p4c5, May 26, 1846: No title
Ship arrivals

RW46v23i42p4c5, May 26, 1846: Still Later From the Army
From the New Orleans Tropic ­Third Edition, 1 P.M. 

RW46v23i42p4c5, May 26, 1846: The Fort [Brown]

RW46v23i43p1c1, May 29, 1846: Course of the Whigs

RW46v23i43p1c2, May 29, 1846: Mr. Benton

RW46v23i43p1c2, May 29, 1846: The Interior of Mexico

RW46v23i43p1c2, May 29, 1846: General Taylor

RW46v23i43p1c2, May 29, 1846: No title
Captain Walker

RW46v23i43p1c2, May 29, 1846: Distressing Intelligence

RW46v23i43p1c2, May 29, 1846: A Good Suggestion

RW46v23i43p1c3, May 29, 1846: What the Calhoun Men Say!

RW46v23i43p1c3, May 29, 1846: No title
Georgetown College clergy offer services as chaplains

RW46v23i43p1c3, May 29, 1846: Lieut. Deas

RW46v23i43p1c3, May 29, 1846: No title
From Vicksburg

RW46v23i43p1c3, May 29, 1846: From Washington
Correspondence of the Baltimore American, May 26

RW46v23i43p1c5, May 29, 1846: Official

RW46v23i43p1c7, May 29, 1846: From the Baltimore American. Congress

RW46v23i43p2c1, May 29, 1846: Mr. Benton’s Great Speech

RW46v23i43p2c2, May 29, 1846: The Sinews of War

RW46v23i43p2c2, May 29, 1846: The Richmond Troop

RW46v23i43p2c2, May 29, 1846: No title
54­40 papers "dumb as oysters"

RW46v23i43p2c3, May 29, 1846: Gen. Winfield Scott

RW46v23i43p2c3, May 29, 1846: No title
Sword for Captain May

RW46v23i43p2c3, May 29, 1846: No title
Captain Fulton

RW46v23i43p2c3, May 29, 1846: No title
Captain Walker

RW46v23i43p2c3, May 29, 1846: No title
From the New York Express, two Mexican steamers purchased by U.S. Navy

RW46v23i43p2c4, May 29, 1846: Castle of San Juan De Ulloa

RW46v23i43p2c5, May 29, 1846: No title
From Point Isabel

RW46v23i43p3c1, May 29, 1846: Correspondence of the Alexandria Gazette. Washington, May 27

RW46v23i43p3c1, May 29, 1846: From the Baltimore American.  Congress

RW46v23i43p4c1, May 29, 1846: The U. States and Mexico

RW46v23i43p4c2, May 29, 1846: New Engine of War

RW46v23i43p4c2, May 29, 1846: No title
Mexican churches

RW46v23i43p4c2, May 29, 1846: Warlike Preparations

RW46v23i43p4c2, May 29, 1846: From the New York Herald. No title

RW46v23i43p4c5, May 29, 1846: From the Seat of War
From the N.O. Daily Delta

RW46v23i43p4c6, May 29, 1846: Congress.


RW4545v22i44p1c6 June 3, 1845 From Texas
­News from Texas

RW4545v22i44p1c6 June 3, 1845 From Mexico
­News from Mexico

RW4545v22i44p2c3 June 3, 1845 Texas will accept
­Bid to the union

RW4545v22i44p2c3 June 3, 1845 A proclamation

RW4545v22i44p2c4 June 3, 1845 The Texans
­Texan behavior

RW4545v22i44p2c5 June 3, 1845 Later From Texas
­News from Texas

RW4545v22i47p1c1 June 13, 1845 Violence of the Texas Presses

RW4545v22i47p1c1 June 13, 1845 Mexico and Texas

RW4545v22i48p1c2 June 17, 1845 Texas and the Treaty

RW4545v22i48p1c2 June 17, 1845 Peace or War

RW4545v22i48p3c3 June 17, 1845 From Texas

June 20, 1845:

RW4545v22i49p1c2 June 20, 1845 Late From Mexico
­News from a Mexican Steamer/p>

RW4545v22i51p1c3 June 27, 1845 Banishment of Santa Anna

RW4545v22i51p1c3 June 27, 1845 Important from Texas

RW4545v22i51p2c1 June 27, 1845 The annexation of Texas

RW4545v22i51p4c2 June 27, 1845 Very late from Mexico


RW46, January 2, 1846 v23n1p1 Who would suffer most in the event of War?  

Who would suffer most in the event of War?

The New York Express of Saturday Says:

“The “ALBANY ARGUS” labors to prove that Great Britain will suffer sadly by a war with the United States as indicated by the fall of consuls in London, &c. &c.

There is no doubt that England would be a great sufferer, more so from a war with us than any other nation in the world, because our cruisers would do so much damage to her commerce,—but we would never strike her at home or she would strike us. We would never plant our feet on the soil of Britain. We would never shell into London, or bombard Liverpool or Bristol, or Edinburgh,—while New York, Charleston, Norfolk, Mobile, Buffalo, Detroit, Cleveland and Chicago might suffer terribly from British guns.

But because England will these suffer, the Albany Argus reasons, England cannot be kicked into a war with the United States! Either ignorance of British character, or stupidity dictates such a conclusion as that. When was England ever known to hold back in a fight? When did England ever shrink from war, because of its consequences to property?—The People who plunged into a war with the French Empire, when not half as strong as they are now, count but little on consequences, where pride, passion and honor are concerned. England is the same stuff we are, always ready for a fight to redress a wrong, or to vindicate a right.

Again, it is argued England will not dodge war with the United States, because of the unpacified state of Ireland, because the potato crop has the rot there, and Mr. O’Conner threatens rebellion! The rot in the potato crop only makes it easier to enlist men of the best physique in Ireland for the British army. Ireland has been twice on the borders of a rebellion, when England was in a war with France, but she was kept under and kept in awe, as she is now. Since the days of Cromwell, there has been nothing that threatened to be a successful rebellion in Ireland. The leaders of the opposition in Ireland are spouters, the people have no arms. It is folly too to calculate on the sympathies of the Irish soldiers in the British army. The Irish soldier is only a machine. The admirable drill of the British officers convert them into so many six feet, or five feet men machines. They obey orders. Thinking is out of their line of duty.

The Argus with its usual profligacy attempts to turn a party point on this Oregon question: It strives to convert the Whigs into the enemies of their country, and the friends of England! We verily believe the politicians of the Albany Argus would sell their souls to the devil, as Tom Walker did, to keep in with the party in power. Spoils is all it breathes of, dreams of, feeds on, or thinks of.”


If the event of a war with England was to be determined by the relative extent of the suffering mutually inflicted, we should soon have to come to an ignominious peace.

Where can we strike England? Obviously, but in two places—in Canada and on the Ocean! We could and would overrun and conquer the two Canadas, possibly all of British North American possessions. Should we cripple England or impair her power by the conquest? Not at all. We should relieve her of what now hangs as a dead weight upon her, her North American Colonies. So far from paying any revenue into the British Exchequer, the Colonial Governments draw money from the Exchequer for their support.

There is, we believe, little doubt felt by England herself, that her North American Colonies are rather a burthen than a benefit, and it is known that a strong party in Great Britain would tomorrow be willing to compliment the Canadas. New Brunswick, &c. with independence—a boon which those Provinces are too wise to accept. Pride alone restrains England from taking the step. We should cut off her commerce with the St. Lawrence, and that would be the extent of the injury we could inflict in that quarter. The loss would be temporary and scarcely felt in England. England gained in the end commercially, by American independence, for she enjoyed the same advantages of trade without being encumbered with colonial expense and responsibility—and she would gain by cutting loose from the Canadas. She would retain the commerce, and rid herself of the expense of her military and civil establishments in those countries.

Again, we could strike at England on the Ocean—as in the war of 1812, capture a frigate in single combat, and by Privateers, cut up her commerce in every sea. But this game she would play too, and to the full as successfully as we. Her fleets would ride triumphant and irresistible in every sea. Her commerce is better protected than ours, by a superior navy, which is a match for all the naval forces in the world united. She has more men, ships and ports, and even at Privateering could overmatch us. We can indeed strike England on the Ocean, but not without having the blow fearfully repaid, and our Commerce destroyed. Like Van Tromp, her ships would sail with a broom at the mast­head, in token of having swept our trade from every sea!

Let us briefly glance at the other side of the picture. Where could England strike us? Or, rather, where could she not strike us? Our seaports and great cities are defenceless: She could and would bombard them, and exact millions to save them from destruction. The products of our looms and forges would remain in the warehouses, and England would resume the monopoly of supplying the countries where we have slowly rivalled or driven her from the field of competition. Our cotton, wheat, tobacco, rice, would rot in the barns, or be stowed away for an indefinite period. Oregon, the cause of war, would fall into her hands without the firing of a gun, for we have no force there, nor are capable of sending one. If wise, and not swayed too much by her pride, England would withdraw her forces and military stores from Canada, and abandon that Province, a relief for her, and which would prove, if conquered, a curse and firebrand to us. This step taken, we could literally strike her nowhere, except by Privateering.

They are greatly deceived, in our opinion, who think England in a bad position to enter a war with us: On the contrary, she is in a most advantageous position. Her armies and navies could be recruited at libitum from a pauper population, eager to procure a subsistence which they cannot find at home. The supplanting of the Americans from all corners of the world, would impart a stimulus in trade and manufactures: Nor is there solidity in the idea, that we could starve England by withholding our cotton. She would not be more anxious to buy, than we to sell; and she would soon procure from neutral ports, the Cotton we now send to Liverpool: while we should be but too happy thus circuitously to dispose of that Staple.

In short, we have all to lose and nothing to gain by War.  

RW46, January 2, 1846 v23n1p1 Oregon

Oregon—E. Jay Morris, Esq., of Pennsylvania—The Native American Party.

When Mr. Webster, some weeks since, in his speech at [Fanebil] Hall, alluded to the difficulty to extending the laws of the Union over this territory, and expressed the opinion that it would be far better to leave the settlers to their own course, believing that an independent nation would soon spring up on the shores of the Pacific; we signified our hearty concurrence, calling, at the same time, attention to the fact, that we had advanced the very same views a week before, and that we had, at the time, believed them original with us. A friend assures us that neither we nor Mr. Webster are entitled to priority in this discovery. In the House of Representatives, during the last session, a debate having sprung up incidentally upon this question, Mr. E. Joy Morris, of Pennsylvania, a gentleman of a high order of intellect, enlarged and rendered liberal by assiduous cultivation, suggested that under any circumstances coming within the scope of his imagination, he thought the best disposition that could possibly be made of the territory, after it has been proven unquestionably ours, was to make a present of it to the actual settlers. These sentiments, according so exactly with all that the Whig Party has ever contended for, are justified by the actual relative condition of the two countries, Oregon and the United States, separated by two thousand miles of howling wilderness, or unexplored prairie—by the Spirit of the age, avers to all measures which may lead blindfolded to bloodshed—by justice and common sense. It is remarkable that a view, so striking, should not have attracted more attention at the time than it did; and we can only account for it by supposing that it was buried in the agitation consequent upon the Texas debate.

Mr. Morris is no longer a Member of Congress, having been defeated by the Native American candidate, Mr. Levin. It is singular, that John P. Kennedy, of Baltimore, and E. Joy Morris, of Philadelphia, both of them warm friends of the only measure embraced in the creed of Native Americanism, the latter having actually offered a resolution upon the subject of altering the Naturalization laws, should have been both defeated by the Native American Party! These facts should make the body of that party reflect seriously before they act again. That they are honest, we have no doubt; that their object is such as should be granted, we have just as little. But when we see them deliberately throwing overboard the very pilots who have stood by them in the midst of thestorms, we cannot help suspecting that they have become the prey of the Demagogues in some shape or another. What do they want? A change in the Naturalization laws. What else? Nothing they say. Here are two men who represent them now, exactly of their way of thinking—men of talents both—men of energy and decision—ready to go the entire length of their creed—Why reject them? The conclusion is irresistibly forced upon the mind, that the party is held together, under false pretenses, by designing men for their own purposes. We call upon all Whigs who have allied themselves to it, for the sake of the name, to reflect upon these things; and further upon the undoubted fact, that while their organization renders, invariably, service to Locofocism, it never fails to advance the only party really opposed to any change in the Naturalization laws.

RW January 2, 1846 v23n1p1 THE PROSPECT OF WAR


The Baltimore Patriot strongly inclines to the opinion that there will be no war, and that the controversy will be ultimately adjusted on the parallel of 49 degrees. This settlement it thinks, and we have no question correctly, would prove satisfactory generally. We have no doubt it would be so to the Atlantic States and to men of moderation every where.

The Patriot says:

“THE OREGON QUESTION.—The papers to the East of us have had, for several days, reports that the negotiation about Oregon had been resumed, and some letter writers went so far as to say that the question had been settled—the line of the 49th parallel having been fixed as the boundary, and some mutual equivalent and concessions having been made. We have reason to believe that these reports were premature, if they were not altogether unfounded, and that it is only since the arrival of Mr. Calhoun in Washington, that an adjustment of the question has seemed probable.

Our correspondent, in his letter published today, alludes to the fact that Mr. Calhoun has had a long interview with Mr. Packenham; and we learn from other sources that the result of the interview is a conviction, in which Mr. Polk shares, that there is no reason to apprehend that a war will grow out of the Oregon question—but that it will be settled amicably, and with proper regard to the rights, whatever they may be, of both nations.

We may say also, that public opinion here, and we believe every where, is decidedly in favor of the course pursued by the American negotiators in the matter, and that if the offer made by Mr. Polk, for the settlement on the basis of making the 49th parallel the boundary, be renewed or accepted by him, there will be no complaint, and no cause for it.

The aspect of things in Washington is, in every view, pacific; and, though we never shared in the apprehension that war was likely to come, we believe that it is now much more unlikely to ensue than two weeks ago.

But whilst we do not believe we are to have a war, we hold it not less the duty of the General Government to prepare for it, let it come when it may. The recent excitement has had this good effect, if no other in directing the attention of Congress to the exposed situation of the seaboard of the whole country, and especially to the defenceless position of all the considerable cities on the Atlantic. If war were now waged, there is nothing to prevent the occupation by the enemy of all our cities, or to ward off the destruction which a bombardment would bring upon them.

The wise admonition—in peace prepare for war—through so often repeated as to become trite, and never [gain said] though it be so old—has been lost upon the General Government, which,—though repeatedly involved in disputes with foreign powers, which threatened to disturb the peace between them,—has been content to leave these disputes settled without a rupture, leaving the country as the dispute found it, destitute on any adequate means to encounter the hostilities that were threatened, or it may come upon it hereafter;—and which experience teaches are often prevented by the very means taken to meet them.

The escape from a war now—if happily we shall entirely escape—we trust will cause Congress to have the whole country put in a situation to be successfully defended.—That speaking of our own city—which is the case of all the Atlantic cities,—the lives and property of our citizens will not be left, as they are now, open to any Naval force that may be brought against them, but that, be the erection of proper forts, and defences, we may be at least able to keep off or hold at bay, whatever enemy may be sent, hereafter, “to wake the city.”

We are gratified to know that the nearly defenseless situation of Baltimore has attracted the attention of the proper Committee of Congress, and our citizens will be glad to learn, that the visit made to this city on Saturday last the Military Committee of the House of Representatives, and the excursion to Soller’s Point, to which we alluded on Saturday, will result in an earnest recommendation from that Committee in favor of the erection of proper forts. Of the success of the recommendation we will not permit ourselves to doubt, as such a doubt would be to question the disposition of the members of the Senate and House, to defend the city in case war should ever come.

In regard to the excursion to “Soller’s Point,” we may say this much, that apart from the personal knowledge it gave to those whose official position required of them to thus seek information, the excursion was most a delightful one to all who took part in it, and from the good things said, to say nothing of the good things which were on the table, was time well spent and wisely enjoyed.”

We should be glad that our friends of the Patriot would afford some small hint where the money is to come to fortify the whole country! Does it think the amount of the British National Debt would accomplish it?

RW46, January 2, 1846 v23n1p1 Oregon question

Correspondence of the Baltimore Patriot.

WASHINGTON, Dec. 29, 1845.

I know not precisely upon what authority, but nevertheless the opinion is gaining ground rapidly, that the Administration will, after all, consent to settle the Oregon question with England upon the basis of the 49th parallel; with some little hackling, by way of throwing dust in the people’s eyes, about Vancouver’s Island.

With this impression, it is stated that Hannegan’s resolutions were introduced in the Senate today, declaring that any surrender South of the parallel of 54° 40 would be an abandonment of the rights and honor of the United States. These resolutions are to be the test question, as I am informed upon sensible Locofocco authority, and if they are voted down or laid on the table or in any other way receive the go by, then a new party starts for the Presidency with the Governor Lewis Cass for its candidate, and Mr. Polk goes to the wall! Hannegan, as you know, is a friend of Mr. Cass!

Mr. Polk today sent into the Senate a large batch of appointments, which it required some thirty minutes to be read through, I learn that Marcus Morton, Collector of Boston, the Locofocco Abolitionist was among them. Unquestionably he will be rejected, if all of half of what his Locofocco brethren say of him to be true.

I am informed that at last it has been decided that Mr. Hagner, the Third Auditor, Mr. Pleasanton, the Fifth, and Mr. Edwards, Commissioner of Pensions, must walk the plank. It is confidently predicated that a grand display of dismissals is soon to take place!

RW46, January 2, 1846 v23n1p2 Better Prospects for Peace

Better Prospects for Peace!

We congratulate the country on the improved prospect for the preservation of peace. It seems to be acknowledged generally, that the ground taken by Mr. Calhoun Tuesday, is decisive, and that Messers. McDuffie, Haywood, Lewis, and probably others acting with him, the claim to all Oregon will not be insisted upon, the absurdity set up by Mr. Hennegan, that no foot of vacant territory can be alienated even for the adjustment of boundaries, scouted s it deserves to be, and the foundations laid for an honorable compromise on the 49th parallel of latitude, which in reality gives us nearly all the country worth having.

Mr. Calhoun’s resolutions, which we heartily approve, and a succinct but satisfactory sketch of the debate may be seen in another column. He very adroitly represents Hannegan’s movement as an attack on the Administration, but the latter retaliated severely in his reference to the “hot haste” of the “peculiar” friends of Texas!

RW46, January 2, 1846 v23n1p2 CONGRESS

Tuesday Dec. 30, 1845.
In Senate

In the Senate at an early hour, the resolutions of Mr. Hannegan, declaring that a surrender of any portion of Oregon would be an abandonment of the honor and best interests of the United States, were taken up for consideration.

Mr. HANNEGAN moved that they be printed, and made the special order of the day for some day next week, but, at Mr. Archer’s suggestion, changed his motion so as to have made the order of the day for the third Monday in January.

Mr. CALHOUN rose to offer an amendment in the shape of a series of counter resolutions—declaring the power to make treaties to be voted in the President with the approbation of two thirds of the Senate—that the Administration did right in offering to settle the Oregon Question with England upon the basis of the 49th parallel—and that it would be no abandonment of the honor and best interest of the nation to settle that question upon that line of parallel. He supported his amendment, and stood by the course of the President on this subject vigorously. To pass the resolutions offered by the gentleman from Indiana, he said, would be to declare that the Oregon Question could not be settled by negotiation, to bring on war, and settle the question at the cannon’s mouth—to lose us, for the present, at least, the whole of Oregon—and to pronounce an implied censure for having offered the 49th parallel to Great Britain. Although he could not support the resolutions, but must oppose them, yet he was glad they were offered. They were direct, manly, and met the point boldly.

He pictured the horrors of war which might ensue from a false step in this delicate business, and said that, if war should come in this matter, he would stand by his country as firmly as any man, while he would hold those responsible for its devastating consequences, who, by rashness or imprudence, should bring it upon us.

The following was submitted by Mr. Calhoun.

Resolved, That the President of the United States has the power, by and with the advice and consent of the Senate, to make treaties, provided two­thirds of the Senate concur.

Resolved, That the power of making treaties embraces that of fixed and settled boundaries between the territories and possessions of the United States and those of other powers, in case of conflicting claims between them in reference to the same.

Resolved, That however clear their claims, in their opinion, to the country included between the parallels of 40 deg. and 54 deg. 40 min. North latitude, and extending from the Rocky Mountains to the Pacific Ocean, known as the territory of Oregon, there now exist, and have always existed, conflicting claims to the possession of the same between us and Great Britain—the adjustment of which has been the subject of negotiation between the respective Governments.

Resolved, That the President of the U.S. has rightfully the power under the Constitution, by and with the advice and consent of the Senate, provided two­thirds of the same concur, to adjust by treaty the claims of the two Governments to the said territory, by fixing a boundary for their present possessions.

Resolved, That the President of the U.S., in renewing the offer in the spirit of peace and compromise to establish the 49th degree of North latitude as a line between the two countries to the said territory, did not abandon the honor, character, or the best interests of the American people, or exceed the powers vested in him by the Constitution to make treaties.

Mr. HANNEGAN followed. He did not intend any censure upon the administration for having offered the 49th parallel. The contemptuous rejection of that offer had changed the whole aspect of the case, and it would now be an abandonment of our honor and best interests to settle the question upon that basis, and thus surrender a large portion of soil clearly ours. While we would not censure the President, he was not so bound down to power, but that he could stand up and oppose any measure of the President which he felt was not right. He claimed to be an independent man, as well as the President, and had as good a right to express his sentiments as the President had to communicate his. If war were to come—and he hoped it would not, if it could be avoided with honor—he desired that it might never be settled except at the cannon’s mouth, and upon our own terms. He could not help referring to the different treatment meted to this of Oregon and that of Texas by the peculiar friends of the latter. Both questions were born and cradled in the Baltimore Convention, and the democracy of the whole country solemnly agreed to stand by both alike. But the friends of Texas were in hot haste to get that question settled and into the Union, while they were strangling Oregon in the cradle! There were conflicting claims on the subject of the western boundary of Texas, as much so as in regard to the northern boundary of our part of Oregon.

But when those who presumed to know something about the history of the country (Col. Benton was probable to allude to) told the Senate that we ought to stop on the banks of the Nueces and ascertain whether we were right before we should go further, their counsels were unheeded, and there was no pacifying gentlemen until the war horse of the United States was prancing on the banks of the Rio del Norte. Nothing would do short of an armed occupation of the country between these two rivers. In that matter we had only weak Mexico to offend; but now that we have England for an opponent, gentlemen are anxious to prevent hostilities.

Mr. CALHOUN rejoined and explained his course both on the Texas and the Oregon question. He reiterated the sentiments that he had before advanced.

M. HAYWOOD rose as a pacificator—thought the discussion was premature, and rather out of place—and moved to lay the whole subject on the table.

Mr. J.M. CLAYTON followed in support of the motion. He thought the Senate ought not to commit itself in advance of the subject.

Mr. ARCHER supported the motion—thanked Mr. Calhoun for the high and honorable position he had assumed—and congratulated the country that new glad tidings would be wafted on the wings of peace to the four quarters of the globe.

Mr. ALLEN spoke on the subject, in his usual style—He supported Mr. Hannegan’s resolutions, and deprecated war­panics, got up to frighten the feeble­minded persons from maintaining the just rights of the nation! The commercial interest were ready to parade the cost of war in grim array before the people, when a question like this came up—as if dollars and cents were to be weighed against the honor of the country.

Mr. CALHOUN, again addressed the Senate, in justification of the course he had marked out for himself on the question. He was followed by

Mr. HAYWOOD, who advocated the medium ground, first reviewing and opposing the position of the Senator from Indiana, and then reviewing and not agreeing with the position of the Senator from South Carolina. They were both wrong, and it would be wrong for the Senate to adopt the resolutions of either, until the jurisdiction of the Oregon question should pass into its hands from those of the Executive. He thought after all, there would be lees to fear from war with Great Britain than from a war of politicians on that floor! He begged Senators to give the Administration two moons for a fair trial, and not attempt in a single month after the assembling of Congress, to break it down by getting up an octagon party in that Chamber. After he had concluded—

MR HANNEGAN once more took the floor in support of the position he has assumed, and in reply to the gentleman from N. Carolina. He maintained that the PReident had yielded up the jurisdiction question, and announced in his message, to the whole world, that the negotiation had terminated, and was at an end. He asked the gentleman from N. Carolina how, if the negotiation had not terminated, he would defend the President saying it had, in his message? He concluded by declaring himself against any unjust, dishonest and cowardly surrender of our territory, by a settlement of the question upon the 49th parallel.

He then modified his motion, so as to have both sets of resolutions laid on the table, with the understanding that they be taken up with the report of the Committee on Foreign Relations, on the same subject, when the latter shall be presented to the Senate for its adoption.

Mr. BENTON said emphatically the he would vote for the motion without the qualification.—So the whole subject was laid on the table, and soon after the Senate adjourned.

RW46, January 6, 1846 v23n2p1 REMARKS OF MR. ADAMS


Mr. J.Q. ADAMS rose to address the House. He said that he ought perhaps to commence with an apology to the House for addressing it at all on this question. The state of his health was such to render it impossible for him to appear at all on the many important questions [ . . . ] with this subject, and whatever observations he might fell it his duty to make upon it, must necessarily be brief. His physical power would not enable him to go at any length into the question.

The question now immediately before the House he understood to be, whether the bill making provision for raising two regiments of riflemen should be made a special order for the first Tuesday in January.

The SPEAKER said that this constituted one part of the question, but was not debatable. The other part of the question was on referring this bill to a Committee of the Whole on the state of the Union, and that question was open to debate.

Mr. ADAMS said that he asked, then, that the question might be divided, and might first be put on the reference, because he presumed the there was no diversity of opinion on that point; if there was, it would change the whole state of the debate.

Mr. HOUSTON, of Alabama, said, in explanation, that it was not the reference of the bill he said he had objected to, but its being made a special order.

The SPEAKER further declared that the first branch of the question, viz. the reference of the bill could be decided by a majority, but that to make it a special order would require a vote of two thirds.

Mr. ADAMS said that, if the House should refuse the references he should have nothing further to say.

The SPEAKER said that the first question would be on the reference of the bill, and that question was debatable.

Mr. ADAMS then asked if he was at liberty to debate the question whether this bill should be made the special order Tuesday next.

The SPEAKER replied that he could not, but that the question of reference might be debated.

Well then, (said Mr. ADAMS,) I will, at risk of being arrested for irrelevancy, (which seems of late a favorite mode of preventing discussion,) speak in reality and in substance to the question of making the bill a special order—while in form, my remarks will be on the question of reference.

This measure now proposed to be referred is one, which, for a variety of reasons, is as important as any question which has hitherto come, or will hereafter come, before this House for discussion. It is difficult to speak on one of the bills relating to this subject without a reference to all others. For example: this is a bill to raise two regiments of riflemen. Now, I find there has been reported in another part of this building a bill providing for one regiment of mounted riflemen. The question then presents itself to me—how are these two bills to go together? If but one regiment only of mounted riflemen is necessary to be maintained, then it does not follow that two regiments of unmounted riflemen are needed: the bill depends in a measure upon the other. I refer to this merely as an illustration [the rest of the paragraph is illegible].

I do not see any testimonials of the probability of a war at this time; but, if any danger is apprehended by any gentlemen here, it appears to me that the very first measures to be taken—that should precede all military measures of any kind—is to give notice to Great Britain that we mean to terminate the existing treaty of joint occupancy of Oregon. That is the first measure to be taken. How can gentlemen apprehend war otherwise? Does Great Britain tell us that she shall take offence at the continuance of the treaty of Joint Occupancy? She does not, though I have heard of some question being made in England, whether they shall not give us notice of the termination of the treaty of joint occupancy. Yet it is not a joint occupation, and I have been surprised at the language held by some gentlemen on the subject. The treaty acknowledges no occupation of the territory by either party; it is a commercial convention for free navigation, but does not admit by either party the occupation of one inch of territory by the other. It is no occupation. But, whatever it is, neither party can permanently occupy the country without notice to the other to terminate the convention of commerce and trade, which would not be permitted without such convention. It is not a treaty of joint occupation; it is a treaty for the exercise of navigation rights, commercial rights, and trading rights with the Indians. It precludes the occupation of the country by either party. Exclusive occupation cannot be assumed by either party without notice. Of all these measures for occupancy and for assuming jurisdiction over citizens to of the U. S., who may have gone to Oregon, and there in actual possession, notice id the first thing. Twelve months after that noticeshall have been given, the right will accrue to the U. States to occupy any part of the territory they may think proper.

In a bill which passed at the last session I myself moved, as a first section to the bill, that such notice should be given. The House did not think proper to agree to it. And passed the bill without any notice.

Mr. C.J. INGERSOLL. No; It was put into the bill at the last moment.

Mr. ADAMS. But the bill did not pass the Senate, and so the insertion was immaterial. But it is a material fact to me, because I proposed it as constituting the first section of the bill. I declared myself ready then; and I am ready now, to give such notice. {Great sensation.} I hope it will be given, and that we shall do it as the first measure to be taken—to be followed afterwards by a real occupation of the whole territory. {Great sensation in the House and an incipient clap, which however, was promptly arrested by the Speaker, who called loudly to order.} But it is indispensable that we shall give notice.

The gentleman from Illinois (Mr. Douglas) says that it appears to him there is a game playing here—a remark which is quite incomprehensible to me. I shall not inquire to what the gentleman alluded. But I confess I was very much surprised to hear that the Committee on Foreign Affairs will not report to the House such notice.

Mr. C. J. INGERSOLL. I know of no member of that committee who has said so.

Mr. ADAMS resumed. I have heard it from various quarters; and if the report is delayed much linger I shall believe it. {A laugh.} If it is so, I shall deplore it; I shall deeply regret if a majority of that committee shall not be ready to give notice. All the other measures must depend on that. While we are talking about regiments of riflemen and regiments of infantry, and stockade forts and sappers miners, and pontoniers, Great Britain is assembling steam vessels, equipping her frigates and line­of­battle ships, and sending troops over here to be ready. I would press a resolution giving notice this day if I hoped that a majority of the House could be obtained to effect the measure.

Mr. WENTWORTH here moved that the rules be suspended to afford the opportunity for such a motion; but the motion was pronounced out of order.

Mr. ADAMS resumed. I fell myself scarcely authorized to hope that I should be successful should I make the motion. But for this I would have moved it on the first day of the session. Because I have so profound a sense of duty of adhering to treaties, I feel debarred from the least act of hostility, or even from meeting hostility manifested elsewhere, till notice shall have been given. While our convention remains, I will vote no increase of the army or navy, no fort or stockade, no riflemen, no infantry, no sappers, no miners. All must depend on that. If this bill shall be made the special order for Tuesday, I hope it will be arranged by the gentlemen who manage the business of this House, that the question of giving notice shall come up on the same day, and shall be taken up before anything else. It is mere wasting of time, and whistling in the wind, to talk about raising a military force until our conscience is clear from the obligation of the convention.

And it does not follow that if we give notice, there must of necessity be war; nor does it even follow the we shall then take possession. It will only be saying to Great Britain: After negotiating twenty years about this matter we do not chose to negotiate any longer; we shall take possession of what is our own; and then, if to settle the question what is our own, you wish to negotiate , we will negotiate as long as you please. We may negotiate after we take possession. (Much laughter.) That is the military way of doing business. (Increased merriment.) When the great Frederick came to the throne of Prussia, his father had prepared and equipped for him and army of an hundred thousand men. Meeting, shortly after, the Austrian Minister, the latter said to him: “Your father has given you a great army; but our troops have seen the woolf: yours have not,” “Well, well,” said Frederick. “I will give them an opportunity to see the woolf.” Frederick then added in his memoir: “I had some excellent old pretensions to an Austrian province which some of my ancestors had owned one or two hundred years before, and I sent an ambassador to the Court if Vienna stating my claim, and presenting a full exposition of my right to the province. The same day my ambassador was received in Vienna I entered Silesia with my army.” (A laugh.) So you see that, on the very day his army entered Silesia, he gave notice to the Court of Vienna that the convention of joint occupation of Silesia was ended. (Loud and prolonged laughter.)

I say, therefore, that I hope the first measure adopted by Congress will be to give the most solemn manner, the notice to Britain that the treaty requires; then the coast will be clear for us to do as we please. It does not, I repeat, does not follow as a necessary consequence that, because we gave this notice, we must take possession, though it is my hope that we shall. It is not necessarily draw after it a war; and if Great Britain chooses to take such notice as an act of hostility on our part, and forthwith commence hostilities on hers, we have told been told that we may all be of one party, and God Almighty grant that we may be so! If it shall be so, the war will have less of those extraordinary terrors which my friend fro South Carolina (Mr. Holmes) has now discovered, notwithstanding the extreme military propensities which manifested on this floor last year.

The gentleman was a most valiant man when Texas was in question. But I shall draw no comparisons as to what we witnessed then and what we see now; but this I will say, that I hope, if war shall come—which [ . . . ] forbid, and of which I [entertain] no fears at all—the whole country will have [ . . . ] one heart, and one united hand. And of this I am very sure, that in that case Great Britain will no longer occupy Oregon, or any thing [ . . . ] north of the Canada line. (Great sensation, and incipient indications of applause.) But if you will serve to give notice, strong as is my horror of war, and of all military establishments, if there should then be the breath of life in me, I hope I [rest of sentence is illegible]. But, till notice is given, I am not prepared to vote any preliminary measures of a military kind. I suppose, however, that we may, without giving notice, extend our laws and our protection to our brethren who have settled at least in that part of Oregon which is not claimed by Great Britain; but there can be no need of increasing our army and our navy in order to do that. I hope that such an act will not be effective to Great Britain, and that she will not think of going to war about it.

But if we are going to take actual occupation of the country, then some additional force will be needed to our army, and in that case, however, unwilling I have ever been to increase our military establishment, I think I should get over my difficulties, especially if a disposition should be manifested by Great Britain to take offence at the measure I have just mentioned. All our military preparation must depend on notice to Great Britain; we must not have our hands and feet bound; the obligations of joint occupancy must be dissolved, and we left free to her according as the interests of our country require.

I believe it will not be necessary for me to refer to any other part of this subject. There have been, as I understand, two applications made to the House by fellow citizens of ours settled beyond the Rocky Mountains, for the protection of the Government. The Chairman of the Committee on Foreign Affairs (Mr. C.J. Ingersoll) presented, as I think, one memorial, while another from a different, [sic] quarter is also before the Territorial Committee—possibly it is a copy of the same.

Mr. C. J. INGERSOLL. No; they are different memorials, from different persons.

Mr. ADAMS. I think it is time this House should consider what are our duties to our countrymen there. I confess that I know them very imperfectly. I have of course seen the reports of Lieutenants Wilkes and Fremont; they contain valuable information; but that sort of information which we now want it was not the object of those expeditions to obtain. I am in favor of protecting these persons as far as we can.

I believe I have said all that is at present necessary. I have said perhaps more than I should, and certainly more than I intended; I am not able to go further. The most important point I wished to state is, that to give notice should be our first measure. Then let us protect our emigrating citizens, and our own frontier, by stockade forts and such an increase of our military establishment as may be necessary; but I am against all other measures unless that is done first.

Mr. FARAN of Ohio, moved to suspend the rules for the purpose of offering a resolution which he held in his hand, but the House, without hearing it read, immediately adjourned.  

RW46, January 6, 1846 v23n2p1 PEACE FEELING IN THE SENATE


The correspondent of the Courier & Enquirer expresses the opinion the “the Benton and Wright Senators” will cooperate in resisting all violent and aggressive measures respecting Oregon—that the year’s notice will not be given, unless provoked by England—and in short that Polk, his Organ, and the Illinois Democracy will be baffled in their bellicose purpose.  



The correspondent of the National Intelligencer, is clearly right to the opinion that the immense defense preparations of England, are not made from any apprehensions of an American war, since an invasion form this country would be as little feared by her as dreamt by us. They have reference of course to a possible rupture with France, at the death of Louis Phillippe, and the facility with which the Island may be invaded from the introduction of steam. Had it been discovered and in use at the time as now, neither Hoche in 1798 would have baffled in landing in Ireland, nor Bonaparte in England in 1804. they had but to have waited for a storm to blow the British fleet off the coast, to put to sea in steamers and land before the fleet could have re­assembled. It is no longer possible by sail vessel to hinder French invasion, and hence these gigantic preparations for coast defense.

The correspondent of the National Intelligencer says:
“New York, December 25, 1845.

The immense preparations that are making in England, both for attack and defence, on land and water, have attracted the attention of the civilized world, but especially France and the United States. That these active movements and warlike arrangements on the part of Great Britain were not produced by the position of the public affairs of that country and this, must be evident to the most superficial observer. She had no cause to apprehend an invasion by the Americans, and consequently, there was no necessity to guard against such an event. Her coast, denfences, therefore, must be intended to meet contingencies that may or may not hereafter arise.

But when we review the vast steam navy that she has created and is creating—the expensive arrangements that she has entered into for the transportation of her mails, by steamers built purposely to be converted, if necessary, into vessels of war, and then take into consideration the large deposites of coal which she has caused to be made on our coasts and in our vicinity, it is impossible to resist the impression that these movements have a beating upon the unfriendly position which the two Governments occupy in relation to each other. True, these movements on the part of Great Britain are only precautionary, and of themselves are no cause of national offence. But it will be perceived that it places her in a position, in case if war, to strike a blow most disastrous to our commerce, and for a period destructive to our revenue rising from imposts and tonnage.”  

RW46, January 6, 1846 v23n2p1 OREGON


We propose to devote a few moments this morning to another consideration of the vexed question, pregnant with the fate of empires. We would fain hope, that the lust of dominion has not so warped the judgment of our people, that they will turn a deaf ear to the voice of calmness and reason, which admonishes us that war is the greatest calamity which can befall our land, and that Peace alone can fulfill the bright destiny assigned us. We will not emulate the sickening patriotism so forward to sound the charge, but so backward in the hour of battle—nor those political incendiaries, who, like Danton and Robespierre, rouse the worst passions of the breast that they may rise upon the ruin of all that is great and virtuous. We dare to say that our country is in a false position on the Oregon question. And that the interests of our great republic should not be sacrificed to the dictates of a rump convention and the political schemes of a heartless faction. There are occasions enough, Heaven knows, when war is unavoidable. Such were our wars with England. There was Independence to gain and honor to preserve. But let us assure those timid Statesmen, who are too sensitive as to their course in the last contest wit Great Britain, that this is a far different issue. If calamity befalls us now, it will spring from an unholy lust for Dominion—if war come, it will be at our own beckoning, and the distress and devastation of our country will be the proofs of our own folly and madness.

How stands the case! We find ourselves on the brink of a disastrous war, to be commenced in folly, and whose end no tongue can tell. With a country the most fertile under the sun, teeming with everything nature can give, or art invent, with hundreds of millions of unoccupied territory, we are to join in deadly conflict for the doubtful sovereignty of a hundred and eighty miles of inhospitable sea coast. For this, our towns must be burnt, our commerce swept from the ocean, our Union endangered, and our country thrown back fifty years in the great march of civilization and improvement. All this must be done at the bidding, and to satisfy the behests of our party. Which under the suspicious guise of Democracy, would soon reduce us to that wild and reckless mob, which acknowledges only the argument of the cannon, and the logic of the sword. Are we so drunk with prosperity, that in the humor of the Donnybrook Fair, we must [ . . . ] trail our coast upon the ground, and solicit a fight? Are we so lacking in manly independence, that we must stand by the vaporings of a President so newly in his seat, that he [ . . . ] not yet assumed the dignity appertaining to his office? Are we so regardless of those who preceded, and those who are to come after us, as by us unnecessary and unrighteous war, to cripple the energies, and to paralyze the resources of a country which, but for ourselves, would be the brightest portion of the earth? With what spirit can we go into battle when the fearful conviction presses itself upon us, that we ourselves have closed the door of hope, and extinguished the last chance of reconciliation? And what is the state of our defences? Was there ever such excess of folly as to invite war when the whole of our seaboard lies unprotected, and our small navy is scattered in every ocean? Is this culpable negligence, or are we to hope the “Polk” now building will be as great in war, as its namesake in speech, and settle and establish our “clear and unquestionable right” with a few swivels? Or are we to hope, that General Cass. With his homilies on the Right of Search, will scatter our enemies as by the Riot Act? Or shall we trust to the potent arm of the “Union,” (that of Washington,) and as John Randolph said, “enter the war against ships of the line; with a sixpenny pamphlet.?”

But for the magnitude of interests involved, we might laugh at the bungling diplomacy of an administration which supports its side by hostile and antagonistic claims—which seeks to establish our right to Oregon by discovery, and the next breath gives all the credit thereof to another country, and shows its desire for a compromise and peace, and its deference to predecessors by offering worse terms than had been refused. How fit a conclusion to all this folly is the folly is the withdrawal of the proposition and the assertion of a claim to the whole territory in dispute. But we turn from this Bobadil with disgust. We appeal to the people themselves and their representatives in Congress assembled. We ask the latter to pause before they carry out the measures which must inevitably bring woe to their country. Let them not suffer themselves to the hurried away by a mock enthusiasm, or a dread of the people. We can tell them that the nation does not wish war, nor will it fail in time to inflict the heaviest vengeance upon the heads of its authors. Let them forget themselves and look singly to the welfare of their country. Let them speak in a voice not to be misunderstood, and all may yet be well. There is no need to close the negociation. Examine the earlier parts of the correspondence, and it will be seen that but for the unhappy intervention of Mr. Polk and his Secretary of State, there was every prospect of an amicable adjustment. Mr. Calhoun, in his principal letter, the most masterly production of his mind, proves our best right to the region drained by the Columbia, postpones to a subsequent period the assertion of our right to the country north of the 49th parallel. To this claim of the valley of the Columbia, the British minister returns but a feeble reply, and confines his principal argument to the subject of Great Britain’s claim to Vancouver Island. Had negotiation been conducted in the spirit in which it was commenced, we have no doubt that a compromise could thus have been effected, viz: that the United States should extend their line to the 49th degree of north latitude , and then taking the middle channel of the straits of Fuca, leave Vancouver’s Island as and equivalent for the territory surrendered by England above the mouth of the Columbia river.

This would give t each all that it desired, good harbors and naval stations. England has never cared for Oregon except for the Fur Trade, and, as the animals which yield the fur gradually disappear before the increasing population, she will value her possessions there less and less. If this proposition be not acceptable let our Representative urge the arbitration of this question. Let us not lose the consolation that we have used every honourable means to avert the calamity of war. It has been urged that we should not have justice form any monarch of Europe in case of arbitration. But are monarchs the only umpires? Are Wisdom and Justice only to be found beneath a crown? Have not the two countries sufficient confidence in the integrity of their own citizens to entrust it to a commission appointed equally by such government? Or if this be objected to, let it be referred to some crowned head, with the distinct understanding that any departure from the forty­ninth degree by the umpire shall be surrendered by the party receiving the award, and thus generously terminate a dispute, which should never for a moment have disturbed the friendly relations of two great nations.

Above all, let us have calmness and moderation. With these, we may have peace and Oregon. Without them we shall have war, disaster and defeat. Blessed will be his position who aids the peaceful conclusion of this subject—whilst upon him, through whose agency a different result is effected, will fall deservedly, the curses of a blighted country.

RW46, January 9, 1846 v23n3p1 OREGON DEBATE IN THE HOUSE


Saturday, the Debate commenced Friday upon the proposition of the Military Committee through Mr. Haralson, to raise two Regiments of Riflemen, was continued by Messers. C.J. Ingersoll, Haralson, Darragh, King of N. York, Winthrop of Mass., Owen of Indiana, and Barker of Illinois—Mr. Cabell, of Florida, got the floor Monday.

There was little in this debate but what we uniformly find in all American Debates, much clamorous profession and loud vaunting—much Demagogism, much pretended courage, and much real fear of the People.  

RW46, January 9, 1846 v23n3p1 MR. ADAMS POSITION


The position assumed by this venerable and most eminent, most conscientious and illustrious citizen, to whom is familiar the learning of the ancient and modern world, of all mankind indeed, of all ages, countries and races, is a most melancholy commentary upon human nature, its certain decay under the load of years, (notwithstanding the strictest temperance, and daily ablutions in the Potomac!) its weakness and imperfections. We individually, grieve to see this man, who is worthy in knowledge to have been called by Solomon into consultation, and to have given him sage advice, subject himself to the suspicion of friends, and to the more significant condemnation of Loco Foco plaudits! There must be a screw loose somewhere, or, fast and attached friends could not be universally amazed and disgusted, and the most implacable enemies, rejoiced and delighted! We remember the fate of Gil Blas with the Archbishop, and shall say nothing upon a subject of extremest delicacy at all time and with all men; yet we should be glad if great men would be great here too, as well as in other matters.

Than Mr. Adams’ approbation of the war measures of the Executive, nothing is felt by the general community, to be more unworthy of his grey hairs, and christian professions; than his course of argument in support of that view, nothing is regarded as more contradictory, sophistical and weak!

His cardinal policy is to give the year’s notice to England! Why! Aye WHY! What public necessity demands, or what good is to come from it? He says to preserve (an admirable object) the faith of treaties! But does the treaty of 1818 or 1827, require us to give the notice now? When we are resolved to take all Oregon, the notice may be right: But is the nation so resolved? Are the American People prepared to say that all Oregon belongs of right to us? In no other conceivable state of things can the notice be expedient or necessary.

Mr. Adams claims all Oregon, and looks to war as the consequence of the claim. He knows that England will never relinquish her rights, whether they be real or pretended, and that war must infallibly ensue from our giving her notice, and at its expiration, proceeding to take possession: What does he propose to do, while the year’s notice is running? To prepare for war? To equip soldiers, build navies, and construct fortifications? No! We must do none of these things! He quotes with approbation, the conduct of the great Frederick, in taking possession of Silesia under exactly different councils from those he recommends—but he will have us, in respect of treaties, not build a ship, or arm a man, until the 365 days have elapsed, when undoubtedly a war, British war, the most formidable war in the world, will be poured upon us, on Atlantic and Gulf, Lakes and Pacific! He would throw away the whole year of notice—the only time for preparation we have—and let England, in ultrumque paptus, catch us then, as we should now, completely defeceless and unprepared!

For ourselves, we cannot understand this sort of logic, national faith, or common sense. The notice, if it effects any thing, will bring war, and the it has to run, is the only time left us for PREPARATION.  

RW46, January 9, 1846 v23n3p1 State of parties

State of parties in the Senate

Upon the state of [ . . . ] in the Senate, everything depends –whether a wanton and ruinous war shall be waged—to the entire prostration of the Southern and planting states—to the disgrace of Christendom, and the outrage of humanity—or whether Peace shall be preserved and continued. Mr. Calhoun has deserved nobly of his country, and has acquired golden opinions: We wish him “God Speed” in efforts which we did not expect from him—efforts which in their philanthropic tendency ought to make those who profess so much christian spirit, blush for the homicide spirit which actuates them with one foot in the grace.

We hope and believe that Mr. Calhoun will be sustained by all the Atlantic States: As for war we fear it as little as another: But war for so slight and absurd a cause! War with ENGLAND, the head of civilization, of christianity and Protestantism! Bone of our bone and flesh of our flesh! The devastation of countries, the expenditure of unknown millions, the slaughter of tens of thousands, the destruction of prosperity­­­and for what? Let the people ask for themselves FOR WHAT? Why not make a President, or to facilitate the plunder of the Treasury! As for Oregon, we must infallibly obtain it by Peace, and as infallibly lose it by War!     

RW46, January 9, 1846 v23n3p1 Response to Adam's speech

A letter in the Courier and Enquirer says:

“Washington, 2d Jan. 1846.

DEAR SIR:—Mr. Adam’s speech today will no doubt produce much speculation and alarm, but I have what I deem good reason to believe that Southern Senators are unanimous for and adjustment of the Oregon question by the 49th degree, if a treaty be made, and that Mr. Calhoun will be sustained in resisting the notice so you may be confidant that we are to have no war.

We have a rumor that Col. Benton, who has heretofore refused to indicate his course, has declared in favor of the notice and for the “whole of Oregon,” and some suppose that he will take the Senators from Arkansas, Missouri, Indiana, Illinois, Ohio and Maine as well as Michigan; but without knowing what the other Senators will do, I have the best reason to feel assured that Mr. Cameron of Pennsylvania and Mr. Turney of Tennessee will go with Mr. Calhoun.

It is proper, however, that the press should speak out and sustain those who are for peace.”

RW46, January 9, 1846 v23n3p1 Proceedings of Congress

Proceedings of Congress on Tuesday.

The Oregon debate in the House of Representatives, more that any other and all other questions combined, attracts the public attention, and we thereforemake an effort to present the proceedings of Tuesday, including the resolutions of Mr. McConnell of Alabama.

These resolutions are we presume, a burlesque upon the arrogance of American pretensions: But, we are free to confess that we think them rather serious joking! Inflated by prosperity—puffed up by vain glory—we believe that with the immense body of the ignorant who all have votes, and who pretty much rule the roast—such ideas exist in reality, as Mr. McConnell has advanced possibly in jest.  

RW46, January 9, 1846 v23n3p1 England and the United States

England and the United States!

These two countries, it is well said by the North American, are almost the only homes of the PROTESTANT RELIGION! The Religion has indeed a foothold upon the continent of Europe, but uncertain and subsidiary: In the event of a crusade against Protestantism, England and the United States are the only countries which can be relied upon the unfurl the banner of Protestantism and to repel the shackles of Popery and Superstition!

Here then, in the strongest and noblest motive for perpetuating the bonds of brotherhood between the two nations, in addition to the thousand considerations of kindred, similarity of Institutions, and ties of interest and humanity, all pleading eloquently for Peace.

RW46, January 9, 1846 v23n3p2 CONGRESS, Senate

Correspondence of the Balt. American.
WASHINGTON Jan’y. 6, 1846


Mr. ALLEN, form the Committee on Foreign Affairs, reported a Resolution directing the Secretary of the Senate to cause to be prepared for the use of the Senate 10,000 copies of the map of Oregon, compiled by the officers of the Exploring Expedition, provided the cost of the same does not exceed $10 per hundred. Laid over.

Mr. CAMERON, from the Committee on Public Buildings, reported a joint resolution to authorize the Washington Monument Committee to erect a statue to Washington on any part of the public ground not otherwise occupied that may be designated by the President of the United States. Laid over.

Mr. BREESE offered a resolution calling upon the Secretary of War for information relative to the land mines on the public lands in the State of Illinois. Adpopted.

Mr. SEVIER, from the Committee of Foreign Affairs, reported a bill authorizing the Secretary of the Treasury to pay the States of Texas the amount ascertained to be due her by the United States, arising out of the disarming of her troops while she was an independent state by the troops of the United States under the command of Major Shively. Laid over.

Mr. SPEIGHT offered a resolution instructing the Committee on Commerce to inquire into the expediency of making an appropriation for the erection of light houses on St. Joseph’s Island and other points on the Mississippi. Adopted.

The Senate proceeded to the consideration of the joint resolution offered yesterday by Mr. Niles, regulating and reducing the price of public printing.

Mr. J. M. CLAYTON moved to recommit the resolution to the Committee on Printing, with a view to amend it so as to provide the compensation allowed by it shall apply to the printing [ . . . ] [ . . . ] [ . . . ] [ . . . ] as well as that which may be executed hereafter. The motion prevailed.

A Message was received from the President of the United States transmitting copies of Correspondence between the Attorney General and the leagal authoriyies of Florida, relative to the power and duties of the Territorial Judges under the act of admitting said State into the Union.

The Senate then went into executive session.

RW46, January 9, 1846 v23n3p2 OREGON QUESTION


Mr. YANCEY of Ala. moved that the House resolve itself into Committee of the Whole. The motion prevailed, and the debate was resumed upon the question of the notice and the whole Oregon question was debated upon its merits.

MR. YANCEY expressed himself in opposition to war at this time, and therefore in opposition to giving the notice at this time, because he regarded it as a war measure.—He advocated the American claim to the whole territory, and believed that it was secured to us by the delay.

Mr. CALEB B. SMITH of In. made a very able and eloquent speech against giving notice at this time, and in favor of committing the power of the President to give the notice. The responsibility belonged to him, and he would not take it form him. The country, however, ought to be defended at once, and placed in a condition to meet any emergency that might happen, but we were now in no condition for war.

Mr. Smith’s speech commanded great attention form the fact that he was a Western man and one of the Committee on Foreign Relations. It was patriotic, statesmanlike, and inits views such as will commend it to the common sense of the nation.

Mr. COBB next obtained the floor, and on his motion the Committee rose and the House adjourned.

RW46, January 9, 1846 v23n3p3 Letter to the Editors on Oregon

To the Editors of the Whig:

Gentlemen:—Deprecating, as I do, a war between the United States and Great Britain as the most direful calamity that could befal these two great, and most powerful nations on the globe, even if sufficient cause existed, but which is ten times more horrible when it shall result form mere wantonness or madness of political tradesman, my heart beat with unbounded pleasure on taking up, for the first time, last night, your paper of the 2nd inst., and my eye rested on a brief editorial beginning as follows:

“Better prospects of Peace.”

“We congratulate the country on the improved prospect for the preservation of peace. It seems to be acknowledged generally that the ground taken by Mr. Calhoun on Tuesday is decisive,” and so forth.

Well, I naturally hurried over the paper, in search of the column referred to in the after part, to ascertain what was the ground taken Mr. Calhoun, that was to settle this much vexed Oregon question, and give harmony to the civilized world; and presently I found it, but before looking to the resolutions he had offered, I ran my eye over the debate they had occasioned; first, because of my impatience to form a just estimate of the importance that had been attached by the Senate to the proposition he might have submitted, and secondly, because I could not well understand how a mere proposition form Mr. Calhoun, who certainly heads no very considerable or formidable party in the country, and who I believe is held responsible for no set of opinions or principles he may advance beyond the duration of a single moon, was to work out so desirable, but at the same time, so extraordinary an effect.

But I could not find any one member of that body, save Mr. Archer, had put such a construction on their import as your remarks had led me to anticipate. Yet when I read his views as reported in the proceedings of the Senate. I could not help ejaculating, “Now, indeed, a great man has arisen in Israel; and whatever may be his former errors, and however ignis fatuus like, his previous career, I for one will hereafter hail him as a Patriot,” and a deliverer of his country: Mr. Calhoun has thrown off at last all party shackles, has risen superior to the consideration of whether it will “[ . . . ]enure to his own benefit,” and struck for his own country. Content with plundering Mexico, he will not attempt to rob Great Britain: content with seizing that, which fell an easy prey, he will no venture to involve the world in arms, to secure a barren, worthless and inhospitable tract of country that must prove disastrous to our institutions, “if we obtain it and settle.”

How could I sat less, Messers. Editors, on reading your remarks as quoted above, and the following from Mr. Archer?

“Mr. Archer supported the motion—thanked Mr. Calhoun for the high and honorable position he had assumed, and congratulated the country that new glad tidings would be wafted on the wings of peace to the four quarters of the globe.”

But judge, Mr. Pleasants, of my mortification and disappointment, when on turning to the Resolutions themselves, I found the first four to consist mainly of a few common place undisputed truisms, as to the functions and extent of the powers of the Executive and Senate in forming treaties, and the last to bolster up his own “consistency” whilst acting in the character of negotiator. They ran thus:

1st. Resolved, That the President of the United States has the power, by and with the advice and consent of the Senate, to make treaties, provided two thirds of the Senate concur.

Well think I, that don’t settle any boundary question, secure peace, or improve “the prospects of peace.” I read again—

2d. Resolved, That the power of making treaties embraces that of fixing and settling boundaries between the territories and possessions of the United States, and those of other powers, in cases of conflicting claims between them in reference to the same.

Well think I, that don’t settle any boundary question, secure peace, or improve “the prospects of peace.” I read on—

3d. Resolved, That however clear their claims, in their opinion, to the country included between the parallels of 40 degrees and 54 degrees 40m, North latitude, and extending from the Rocky Mountains to the pacific Ocean, known as the territory of Oregon, there now exist, and have always existed, conflicting claims to the possession of the same between us and Great Britain—the adjustment of which has been the subject of negotiations between the respective governments.

Well think I, that don’t settle any boundary question, secure peace, or improve “the prospects of peace.” It needed no ghost to tell us that, for every school boy knows it. But nothing daunted, I read on—

4th. Resolved, That the President if the United States has rightfully the power, under the Constitution, by and with the advice and consent of the Senate, provided two­thirds of the same concur, to adjust by treaty he claims of the two governments to the said territory, by fixing a boundary to their present possessions.

Well think I, that don’t settle any boundary question, secure peace, or improve “the prospects of peace.” But now for the last, though not the last; for like all lovers of good wine, he has saved the best bottle to wind up with: So on I went , full of hope and confidence, to the 5th and last resolution, which by a dash of goose quill, was to settle all difficulties, and give ease to the aching minds of patriots, and peace to the agitated bosoms of millions—and here I could not pause for a moment, and reflect on those beautiful and impressive words of Richelieu, when speaking of his pen—

“Behold the arch enchanter’s wand; itself a nothing,
“But taking sorcery from the master hand—to paralyze the Cezars,
“And strike the loud earth breathless.”

And so it was to be, with the magic pen of the mighty peacemaker: and on I went to the

5th. Resolved, That the President of the U.S. in renewing the offer in the spirit of peace and compromise to establish the 49th deg. of North latitude, as a line between the two countries to the said territory, did not abandon the honor, character, or best interests of the American people, or exceed the powers vested in him by the Constitution to make treaties.”

Well, thinks I, is that all? How does it settle any boundary question, secure peace, or improve “the prospects of peace.”

I laid the paper down, lit my pipe, and went to thinking, and wondered how my friends Archer and Pleasants should have fallen into so egregious an error, as to construe these resolutions into a settlement of peace maker, unless it was one of the Stockton sort, dispensing mischief, confusion, and destruction to all that followed in its wake.

I at length laid down my pipe, took a long breath, and in spite of my self, said What! John Cataline Calhoun (as the Globe and Enquirer called him) the great disturber of the public peace, whose mischief making propensities have brought this government to the verge of dissolution, kept our own family in continual agitation, discord and turmoil for fifteen years, become a settler of difficulties? Whew!

Now I may be mistaken, and it may be, that if all this does not satisfy Great Britain, she is rather too hard to please, to justify any further effort on our part.

To be told by Mr. Calhoun, that Mr. Polk, did not exceeded his powers, and did not abandon the integrity of his country, by submitting at one time, a proposition to divide the territory by the 49th deg., may appear plain enough to some, as carrying with it sufficient atonement to appease to aroused anger and indignation of the British government, occasioned by the impudent and bullying tone of our Executive and his mouthpiece, who being suddenly, unexpectedly, and undeservedly transferred to positions that nature did not design them to occupy, have seemed to know nothing of the dignity, courtesy, and decency, that should regulate intercourse between nations; but as a plain and simple minded man, I must confess, that I do not see how the matter is mended in the slightest degree.

Mr. Calhoun does not propose to abandon the preposterous claim now set up by Mr. Polk to the whole of Oregon or none; he does not even advise that the offer of the 49th degree should be renewed; but contents himself with declaring the Mr. Polk, in renewing the proposition which he (Mr. Calhoun) himself had made in the early part of the negotiation, and which had been rejected, had not exceeded his powers, nor abandoned the dignity, character, and bests interests of the American people; for if he had, then so had Mr. Calhoun, and if Mr. Polk had been justified in making this offer, then so had he; so that while he strikes one blow for Mr. Polk, he strikes two for himself but not one for his country; and in this like the rest of the Presidential aspirants in Congress, (of which there are not perhaps less than 200, large and small) he proposes to convert the whole country into one great political chessboard, and make that move which he thinks most likely to win the game that will “ensure to his own benefit.”

I say he does not propose to renew the proposition to settle the boundary by the 49th degree, and even if he did, how would that secure peace, or improve the prospects of peace? When has Great Britain agreed to accept such a line of division? Have we not over and again offered it? and has she not rejected it? And why is it to be supposed, that she would be more disposed to accept it now under the bravado and threats of our hectoring and warlike Hickory Sapling (which is a more appropriate title for him than “Young hickory”) than before, when she could have gotten it without hard words, and contemptuous treatment.

But if the proposition could now be renewed, so far from its being accepted, I question if a greater indignity could be offered to that people—No! The acceptance of [her] proposition for honourable arbitration, is the only alternative left us, for a peaceable adjustment; and it ought never to have been subjected, unless there was a better prospect of settling it by negotiation, than there appears to have been at the time.

But imagine the proposition to be renewed to divide by the 49th degree, and it would approximate a domestic scene, that we who have spoiled children, are all familiar with.

We attempt to divide an apple between two urchins, John and Jack; John’s half is a little the larger, and Jack pouts and says: I won’t have that. Why? Because it ain’t as big as John’s. You had better take this, for if you don’t you shan’t have any. Well, I won’t have any then. He begins to cry, and makes a devil of a racket, which becoming insufferable, he is told—come now, be a good boy, wipe your eyes, and kiss father, and you shall have the piece of apple. Jack wipes his eyes, kisses Pa, takes the apple and chuckles over his good fortune, wisely thinking that half a loaf is better than no bread.

But whether the British nation, and her Statesmen Sir Robert Peel and the Duke of Wellington, are such babies as to thus easily appeased by taking what they had before refused, because you have threatened to withhold all, is a question that remains to be settled.

As that instrument which strikes every note in the [ . . . ] though he never plays but two tunes, to wit: the “President’s March” and the ‘loaves and fishes,’ sometimes says, “Nous Verrons.”

No, no, Mr. Whig! Let us look this question sternly in the face: let us not deceive ourselves or the people; let us not lull them into a fatal fancied security; you may rely upon it our young sapling has involved us in difficulties not easily to be overreached and not very likely to be counteracted.

Let us act as becomes men; let us hope for the best, but prepare for the worst.

Henrico, January 4th, 1846.

RW46, January 23, 1846 v23n7p1 ORGEON QUESTION


To the Editors of the Whig:

I believe it is now a well established maxim, that man has no interest in man, and that all the laws and constitutions of man’s invention cannot convert a human being into property. The days of vassalage are or ought to be over. Wild lands belong to the settlers, and not to the different Governments under which these settlers once lived. To throw off allegiance by expatriation, is also a well established maxim. The people, then, of Oregon belong to themselves, and if numerically weak are just as independent as if numerically strong. They, then, should be consulted as to whether they will set up for themselves, be annexed to the U.S. Government, or prefer allegiance to the British Crown. How absurd, then, for the U. States and Great Britain to be negotiating for the free men, pioneers of a wild country, appropriated by original settlement to themselves!

Suppose the U.S. and Great Britain should determine upon parallel of latitude as a geographical line of division – Can they by this species of legislation control the free will of the citizens of Oregon? The idea is preposterous t o my mind. No matter how civilized or enlightened man may be, he will act upon the principle that might gives right. Submit then, the controversy to the people of Oregon, and let them decide as to the course most advantageous for them to pursue, regardless of the wishes or pretensions of other nations, who have no legitimate authority either to divide their territory, or coerce them into an obedience of Government and Laws not of their own making, and probably very uncongenial to their wishes. Upon what principle of common sense is it to be inferred that persons residing North of a certain degree of latitude are friendly to British Laws, and those South of it to Republican institutions? Legislations with power to coerce may partially control the actions of men, but cannot subvert the will, or change the operations of the mind.



RW46, January 23, 1846 v23n7p1 War for Oregon


It as been suggested in distinguished quarters that the Territory of Oregon is worthless. It has also been said on both sides of the Atlantic that the territory cannot long be governed either by Westminster or Washington; but that it will require a separate government of its own. If either of these assertions be true, a war, in this age of civilization, to determine the title of Oregon, will be “monstrous” and “impious” beyond any wager of battle in history. The following verses from an ancient newspaper will fitly illustrate the folly of both nations that engage in it. – Boston Daily Adv.

CLUMPY and CLOD, two surly clowns,
As reeling home one night
From alehouse, where their sappy crown
They’d soak’d in sad’ning plight,
While all the azure tinted sky
Spread out its clear expanse.
And all the glittering train on high
Seem’d o’er their heads to dance –
Quoth Clump to Clod. “I tell thee what!
“I only wish that I
“As much good pasture land had got
“As I can see blue sky.”
“And I,” quoth Clod to Clump, “should like
“Thy wish to beat by far,
“And have, to prove a wealthier tyke,
“An ox for every star.”
“Ah but,” says Clump, “to veed them all
“What pasture could be vound?”
“Enough,” says Clod, “vor great and small:
“I’d veed them on thy ground.”
“What! And without my leave?” says Clump.
“Ay, that I would,” says Cloddy.
Quoth Clump, “then thee my hide shall thump,
“Or I will bump thy body.”
So to’t they went, both Clump and Clod,
As ast as fist could tag,
Till both lay sprawling on the sod,
And scarce a fist could wag.
“Now, where’s your oxen, Clod,” says Clump?
“And where,” says Clod, “your ground?”
Both sigh’d, and, carcase raised on rump,
In vain for both look’d round:
Then, shaking hands, they cursed all jars,
And all deceiving eyes,
That looked for oxen in the stars,
And pasture from the skies.


RW46, January 23, 1846 v23n7p1 Expense of War


The occurrence of war will so nearly annihilate the revenue from customs, that it will be a large allowance to admit that even the odd money (four and a half millions) of the present revenue from that source will be annually available to the Treasury from customs after war begins. The amount was more than what was collected in the second year of the War of 1812; before war steamers were even thought of, and almost before steam navigation of any sort was successfully practiced.

War will therefore produce a deficiency of twenty millions of dollars in the revenue required to defray the ordinary expenses of the Government: and, after the first year of war, five millions of dollars will be required (an amount which will increase with each year) in addition, making an annual amount of twenty millions of dollars, which must be raised, at the very beginning of the war, by DIRECT AND INTERNAL TAXATION. We do not press this consideration as any argument against a necessary war; but we do put it to our readers whether they are willing to pay to U. States’ excisemen, taxes upon all that they eat, or drink, or wear, upon the houses that they live in, and the shops they work in; and upon every little thing almost in God’s Creation, for the gratification of those honest gentlemen, in Congress or out of it, who are of opinion that it is our duty TO SEEK A WAR! – Nat. Int.

RW46, January 23, 1846 v23n7p2 Crittenden Resolution on Oregon

A resolution concerning the Oregon Territory

Whereas, by the convention concluded on the 20th day of October, 1818, between the United States of America and the King of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland, for the period of ten years, and afterwards indefinitely extended and continued in force by another convention of the same parties, concluded the 6th day of August, 1827, it was agreed that any country that may be claimed by either party on the northwest coast of America, westward of the Stony or Rocky Mountains, now commonly called the Oregon Territory, should together with its harbors, bays and creeks, and the navigation of all rivers within the same, be ‘free open’ to the vessels, citizens and subjects of the two powers, but without prejudice to any claim which either party might abrogate and annual said convention, on giving due notice of twelve months to the other contracting party:

And whereas it has become desirable that the respective claims of the United States and Great Britain should be definitely settled, and that said territory may, no longer than need be, remain subject to the evil consequences of the parties might have to any part of said country; and with this further provision in the 2c article of the said convention of the 6th august, 1827, hat either divided allegiance of its American and British population, and of the confusion and conflict of national jurisdictions, dangerous to the cherished peace and good understanding of the two countries:

With a view, therefore, that steps be taken for the [ab]abrogation of said convention of the 6th August, 1827, in one mode described in its second article, and that the attention of the Governments of both countries may be the more earnestly and immediately directed to renewed efforts for he settlement of all their differences and dispute in respect to said territory:
Be it Resolved, by the Senate and the House of Representatives of the United States of America, in Congress assembled, That the President of the United States be, and he is hereby authorized, at his discretion, to give to the British Government the notice required by its 2d article for the abrogation of said convention of the 6th of August, 1827. Provided, however, That in order to afford ample time and opportunity for the amicable settlement and adjustment o[f] all their differences and disputes in respect to said territo[f]ry, said notice ought not to be given till after the close o[f] the present session of Congress.

This was made the order of the day for the 10th of February, the day appointed for the consideration of the resolution proposing to give immediate notice to Great Britain.

RW46, January 23, 1846 v23n7p2 Senator Allen and contingent war declaration

Mr. Allen’s Contingent War Delcaration.

Speaking of Mr. Allen’s notice of an intention to force up his Resolution of warning to the Powers of Europe, the National Intelligencer says: We can think of nothing more unpropitious to the peace of the country at the present moment than the entertaining and discussing of such propositions, and we are quite sure that considerate men every where have felt grateful to the Senate for putting the subject, as it seemed, to rest.

With these views in regard to the extreme and mischievous proposition, it is with great regret that we have learnt the Mr. Allen gave notice yesterday, of his intention to move the Senate on Friday next, to take up his motion for leave to introduce the resolutions. We are sure that the whole country would be startled at any successful attempt to engage the Senate in public debate of such a measure. The mere disturbing of it is much to be deprecated – especially at this juncture, teeming with agitating and momentous events; and much more would any thing like a grave discussion of it to be deplored.

RW46, January 23, 1846 v23n7p4 Senator Allen and Mexico

Correspondence of the Baltimore Patriot.
Washington, Jan’y 20, 1846.

You see by Mr. Allen’s notice in the Senate to day that he intends to run another tilt at the interference of European with American powers, next Friday. The eagle eyes of John C. Calhoun, you may depend, are upon him! – The country is believed to be safe, as it regards that matter!

It is understood that despatches have gone off requiring the Home Squadron to repair forthwith to the vicinity of Vera Cruz and the Army in Texas, and to be there, to proceed to the most available point near the bank of the Rio del Norte to meet the Meixcan forces, should they be sent into Texas.

It is further stated, that the President and the Secretary of War refuse to put the army in Texas under the control and direction of Major General Scott! It must be recollected that the Secretary of war fought some himself during the last war – and that if the President did not volunteer and was not drafted to go to the defence of New Orleans, like many of his comrades, it was no fault of his, because he left his residence in Columbia and went away to Murfreesborough to complete his studies!

But what course will the President now recommend Congress to take on the subject of our affairs with Mexico? – Remember that in his Message, at the opening of the session, after announcing the appointment of Mr. Slidell as Minister, he uses the following significant language:

“The minister appointed has set out on his mission, and is probably by this time near the Mexican capital. He has been instructed to being the negotiation with which he is charged to a conclusion at the earliest practical period; which , it is expected, will be in time to enable me to communicate the result to Congress during the present session. Until the result is known, I forbear to recommend to Congress such ulterior measures of redress for the wrongs and injuries we have long borne, as it would have been proper to make had no such negotiation been instituted.”

And now that it is understood his instituted negotiation has been rejected with insult, it mremains to be seen what “ulterior measures of redress” the President will recommend to Congress! Nous Verrons.



RW46, January 27, 1846 v23n8p1 From Mexico


An arrival at New Orleans from Tampico, brings news to the 5th January.

There seems to be no doubt of the success of Paredes in his revolt. The call of Herrera, upon the “Defenders of the Country,” had met no response, and it was believed that the reins of power had fallen from his hands. Paredes was expected to enter the City of Mexico on the 29th December.

Vera Cruz and Jalapa have pronounced. Gen. Almonte is said to be under arrest. It is said; there are 2,000 troops in the garrison at Tampico, ready for action against the Government.[TCS]

RW46v23n8p1, January 27, 1846, Peace Party


Some of the Administration presses, a short time since the rampant for the “whole of Oregon or [n]one,” have of late considerably modified their tone, and one of them in an article of some length undertakes to prove that the Democracy are essentially the “party of peace.” If this be so, then has the blustering in Congress been to little purpose. It only proves the truth of the oft­repeated remark, that those who make the most noise are always the least inclined to blows.

The windy speeches have reminded us of scenes of every­day life – something that may have often been noticed in an assemblage of pot. valiant heroes in a bar­room. A man of wrath is seen boiling over with super­abundant caloric, “pitching and snorting” for an adversary, and swearing he can “lick all creation.” In this alarming state of affairs, he calls out for an opponent ­ some two or three good­natured and peaceful friends, averse to blood and thunder, undertake to hold him – and four other men of peace take hold of his adversary – and then, good lack, how the froth flies!

“Each hero burns to conquer or to die,
What mighty hearts in little bosoms lie!”

But the moment the by­standers cry “hands off!” the gallant champion, who threw down the gauntlet, becomes as “cool as a cucumber,” and declares, “’pon honor,” he has not the least bad feeling towards any living mortal.
And this is the drama being enacted on the great national theatre at Washington.

RW46, January 27, 1846 v23n8 p1 Oregon and Mr. Winthrop


We had hoped, ere this, to have been able to present our readers the truly able and statesmanlike speech of Mr. Winthrop of Massachusetts, on the Oregon Question, as well as that of Mr. Hunter of Virginia, the latter taking what may be considered the Calhoun view of the question. But other matters have intervened, to delay our purpose. We find, however, an extract at hand, appropriately and happily introduced by our friend of the Lexington Gazette, to which we call the attention of the reader. We insert this more cheerfully, because it has been intimated to us that on some former occasion, an article appeared in our columns, doing injustice to Mr. Winthrop.

From the Lexington Gazette.

Many of the speeches delivered in the lower House can only make their hearers blush for their country. The vaporing, the hectoring, the rabid abuse of England, the excessive glorification of every thing American, the furious appeals to the passion of the populace! How unlike the calm repose of a mind conscious of right, which aims only at what is just, and seeks just ends by just means. How like the bully endeavoring to intimidate his adversary by menaces, yet trembling in his inmost soul lest his opponent should answer his words with blows. If speeches of this description represent the spirit of this nation [as they do not] we ought to change our national emblem at once, and instead of the Eagle hovering over our ensigns, and fanning with its hue pinions the fires of battle, choose a turkey cock, spreading and spluttering at the sight of a red rag, but running as fast as legs and wings will carry him, at the first rigorous rush of a resolute enemy.

No. This is not the character of the American people. There are statesmen and others, (we regret they are so few) whose arguments and eloquence are worthy the great subject they discuss, and the great nation has called them to its councils. Prominent among these, in the House of Representatives, is Mr. Winthrop of Massachusetts, a man who has reflected new [luster] upon his own honorable name as well as upon the legislators of his country. While we do not doubt for a moment the American title to Oregon, we believe the following extracts from Mr. Winthrop’s speech will commend themselves to every true patriot for the enlightened amor patris which they evince – to every friend of humanity for the pacific spirit which they breathe – and to every lover of genuine eloquence for the chaste and impressive language in which such noble sentiments are arrayed.

“I am perfectly aware, Mr. Speaker, that I express the views which I entertain when I say, I shall not escape reproach and imputation from some quarters of the house. I know that there are those by whom the slightest syllable of dissent from the extreme views which the administration would seem recently to have adopted, will be eagerly seized upon as evidence of a want of what they call patriotism and American spirit. I spur all such imputations in advance. I spur the notion that patriotism can only be manifested by plunging the nation into war, or that the love of one’s country can only be measured by one’s hatred of another country. Sir, the American spirit that is wanted at the present moment, wanted for our highest honor, ­ wanted for our dearest interests, ­ that which dares to confront the mad impulses of a superficial popular sentiment, and appeal to the sober second thoughts of moral and intelligent men. Every schoolboy can declaim about honor and war, the British lion and the American eagle, and it is a vice of our nature that the calmest of us have heartstrings which may vibrate for a moment even to such vulgar touches. But (thanks to the institutions of education and religion that our fathers founded) the great mass of the American people have also an intelligence and a moral sense which will sooner or later respond to appeals of a higher and nobler sort, if we will only have the firmness to make them. It was a remark of an old English courtier, a century and a half ago to one who threatened to take the sense of the people on some important question, that he would take the nonsense of the people and beat him twenty to one. And it might have been something better than a good joke in relation to the people of England at the time it was uttered. But I am not ready to regard it as applicable to our own intelligent and educated American people at the present day. An appeal to the nonsense of the American people may succeed for an hour; but the stern sense of the country will soon reassert itself, and will carry the day in the end.

“I honor the Administration, Mr. Speaker, for whatever spirit of conciliation, compromise, and peace it has hitherto manifested on this subject, and have no hesitation in saying so. If I have anything to reproach them with, or taunt them for, it is for what appears to me as an unreasonable and precipitate abandonment of that spirit. And if any body desires on this account, to any other account, to brand me as a member of the peace party, I bare my bosom, I hold up both my hands to receive that brand. I am willing to take its first and deepest impression, while the iron is sharpest and hottest; if there be any thing of shame in such a brand, I certainly glory in my shame. As Cicero said, in contemplation of any [axiom] which might attach to him for dealing in too severe [for] summary a manner with Cataline, “ Eo animo semper fui, ut invidiam virtute partam, gloriam, non invidiam, patuarem!”

RW46, January 27, 1846 v23n8 p 1 Oregon and British Claims

Its Limits – And the Respec’ive Claims set up to
It by the contestants

We have been heretofore prevented, by a pressure of other matter, from spreading before our readers the Correspondence between the British Minister and out own Secretaries of State, on their respective claims to the disputed portion of Oregon. To remedy this omission, and to supply the reader whose time is limited with an abstract of the whole subject, we avail ourselves of the following excellent article, from the New York Mirror:


The Oregon question is so completely the paramount object of attention, and peace or war are so immediately dependent upon its settlement, that we have thought it would not be unadvisable to place before our readers the prominent facts upon which the claim of either nation is based. These facts may all be found in the diplomatic correspondence of the two nations, or in the historical voyages now published; but, few men have the time, or care to spend it in searching for them, and of those few but a small number so examine as to form or retain clear notions as to the dates and circumstances attending the several explorations. In any event, this kind of article will be useful in those after dinner and bar room political discussions, which we are brought to what Mr. Puff calls “a dead lock,” by assertion on one side, and flat denial on the other.

The Oregon or disputed territory, comprises that portion of the North­west coast of America between the 42d and 54 50 parallels of latitude. North of it lie the Russian and south the Mexican possessions.

In 1543 the Spaniards visited the Northwest coast, certainly as high as the 40th, and possibly as high as the 43rd latitude.
In 1579 Sir Francis Drake was, without doubt, on the coast as high as the 42d parallel, and it is claimed by the historian of his voyage that his progress extended as far north as the 48th. From the narrative itself, however, it seems clear that the precise degree was not known, and that the one named was merely a conjecture. Drake, with the consent and by request of his inhabitants, however, took formal possession in the name of his sovereign, of that portion of the country on or near the 38th degree.

In 1592 Jean de Fucs, a navigator in the service of Spain, sailed as high as the 48th or 49th parallel, and discovered the straight which now bears his name. This discovery was considered apocryphal for nearly two centuries.
In 1602 a Spanish expedition, consisting of several vessels, was fitted out at Acapulco for the purpose of surveying the Northwest coast. Of this expedition, the most adventurous, or most storm­driven, a vessel reached the 43rd parallel.
In 1763, Spain, by the treaties it made at the then peace recovered from France New Orleans, and Louisiana west of the Mississippi; the remainder of Louisiana, Florida and Canada, and all other French possession on the North American continent became the property of Great Britain.

Between 1774 and 1779, three exploring expeditions, sent Spain, ascended to the 64th parallel.

On the 15th August 1777, Heceta, the captain of one of the vessels of the above expedition, discovered the mouth of the Columbia, and gave it the name of San Roque; he did not, however, enter it.

In 1776, Cook sailed from England on a voyage of exploration, the peculiar limits of which, so far as the northwest coast was concerned, were to extend from the 45th parallel, northerly.

In April, 1778, he anchored in Nootka Sound.

In 1787, Berkley, an Englishman, sailing under Austrian colors, re discovered the southern entrance of the Strait of Fuca.

In 1788, Meares, an Englishman, settled some men on Vancouver’s Island, by permission of the chief, and erected a fortification. He also entered the bay at the mouth of the Columbia, in search of the river San Roque, but left with the conviction that no such river existed.

In 1790, Spain destroyed the settlement of Meares on Vancouver Island. The difficulties between Spain and England on this subject were settled by the Nootka Sound Convention, which determined no title whatever, but admitted the right of both nations to trade and settle.

In 1792, Kendrick, and American, the first white man since Fuca, sailed through the Strait of Fuca.

In April, 1795, Vancouver, commander of an English expedition, visited the coast between the 40th and 48th degrees, and records his conviction that between those parallels no navigable stream existed large enough to float his vessel. He persisted in this opinion after being informed by Gray, an American sea captain, of his suspicion of the existence of a large river between the 46th and 47th parallels.

On the 11th of May, 1792, Gray sailed 10 miles up the Columbia.

Gray communicated his discoveries to Vancouver, who sent Lt. Broughton in the Chatham to explore it. Broughton ascended it 80 miles in his cutter, the navigation being too intricate to take up his ship.

In 1792, Mackenzie, an Englishman, floated 250 miles on the Frazer river, which empties into the Strait of Fuca.

In 1803 the U.S. purchased Louisiana.

In 1805 and ‘6, Lewis and Clarke crossed the Rocky Mountains, explored the whole country drained by the Columbia, and followed that stream to its mouth.

In 1806 the English made settlements west of the Rocky Mountains, but the Columbia river never proved to have been seen by them until 1811.

Before 1810, the (American) Missouri Company made a settlement on Lewis river, the Southern branch of the Columbia, which was shortly abandoned.

In March, 1811, the Pacific Fur Company of New York sent the Tonquin with their agents to the Columbia. They landed and formed a settlement at Astoria, ten miles from the mouth of the river.

On the 18th October, 1813, three of the partners of the Pacific Fur Company sold the establishment, furs and stock in hand to the Northwest Fur Company. While the transfer of property was going on, an English vessel of war, sent to destroy the American settlement, arrived; but as the property was then British, departed, after substituting the British for the American flag, and naming the place Fort George.

In 1818, Astoria was restored under the 1st Article of the Treaty of Ghent – the United States leaving the question of title open, by express understanding.

The whole territory in dispute is yet open to joint occupation, by virtue of various conventions.

In a subsequent article we shall examine the title conferred on each nation by the various acts above enumerated, and shall endeavor to give somewhat in detail; the substance of all the treaties that bear upon the subject. N.Y. Mirror.

RW46, January 27, 1846 v23n8 LATE AND IMPORTANT FROM MEXICO

TUESDAY, Jan. 13th, 1 P.M.


The Mexican schooner Julia, Zalduondo master, arrived here this morning from Vera Cruz, which place she left on the 30th ult., bringing us papers from that place to the 29th inst., and from the city of Mexico to the 23d ult. The Julia also brought J. Tilghman Hoffman Esq, bearer of Despatches to our Government, from whom we learn that Paredes was certainly on his march to the city of Mexico, and that our Minister, Mr. Slidell was still there. From the Vera Cruz and Mexico papers, we have hurriedly gleaned the following news:

The Moniteur, of the 21st ult., says that the Supreme Government has appointed Gen. Bustamente Commander in Chief, and Gen. Obregon his second in command, of the Army to oppose Gen. Paredes. That paper says the Government is indefatigably working to quell the revolt and that it has already taken the necessary measures to put he capital in a state of defence, and given out 3000 guns to be distributed among the citizens. On the 21 ult., the Senate concurred with the Government in giving Dictatorial powers to President Herrera. El Siglo says that Paredes had seized upon the Public Treasury of the Fair at St Juan, which had been committed to his charge. El Veracruzano of the 24th, says that on the 23d, a salute from the Castle of san Juan de Ulloa, under the command of Cassanova, announced the first movement of the Army and Navy, in favor of the Proclamation of San Louis Potosi by Gen. Paredes, and that it was immediately seconded by the garrison of the place, at whose head is the brave Landero, with the exception of a part of the battalion Sigero, numbering about 100 men; who left their barracks with their officers, refusing to join their companions. This body, as they were marching out, fired a volley on those who remainder, killing a captain and ten veterans, and wounding three others.

It then marched to the Government palace, and was ordered to quarter in the Convent of San Francisco, where they remained at the latest dates. The same paper says that at a late hour is learned that the city and garrison of Jalapa had pronounced in favor of Paredes, and that it was momentarily waiting for a similar movement in Orisaba and the fortress of Perote.

On the 23d, the forces of Paredes were said to be only three das march from the city of Mexico.

On the 24th, the troops at Puebla under Gen. Inclan, who had received orders to march to the Capitol, refused to depart, and it was certain that, notwithstanding the efforts of the General to the contrary, they would soon declare in favor of Paredes.

Mexico, it was said, would in a few days open its gates to Paredes.

The Vera Cruzano of the 29th, says that it learns by letters, of responsible persons, from mexico, that the imbecile and short­sighted Cabinet had mortgaged to England the department of Yucatan, on condition that she would pay its immense debt. There, says that paper, are facts that will soon be divulged.

A Circular of the 24th, transmitted by President Herrera to the Governors of the different Departments, delegates to said Governors the tremendous extraordinary powers with which Congress had invested him, and already had the capital of the Republic began to feel the weight of such despotism, as imprisonments, irrespective of person or characters, had become common, and even the Arch Bishop, Granduno, had obliged to fly from the persecutions that awaited him. Gen. Ampudia had gone over to the revolutionists, and the government troops had publicly expo[u]sed their cause.
Gen. Almonte was concealed, earing persections.

The latest intelligence is to the effect that Perote had had declared it self for Paredes, and that the numerous cavalry of that General were in the near vicinity of the Capitol. His artillery and infantry were between the city and Arroya Sarco. The cities of Orizava and Guanajuato, had also declared for Paredes at the approach of his forces.

Gen. Urrea, says El Siglo of the 19th, has been defeated by the forces of Generals Campuzana and Cuesta, each party having lost about 60 persons.

The same paper says, that the Government Council, after long deliberation, had determined not to receive Mr. Slidell in his ordinary official capacity, notwithstanding its previous engagement to receive a Plenipotentiary from the United States with special powers to treat on the subject of Texas. This conclusion of the Government took place after Mr. Parrott had reached Mexico on his return from the United States.

In the Monitor of the 23d, is published Herrera’s proclamation calling upon his compatriots to rally in defence of the laws. It is a long document, and concludes as follows: “It is my duty to defend our liberties, and yours to sustain me.”

RW46, January 30, 1846 v23n9p1 LATEST FROM MEXICO


By the arrival, on the 14th instant, of the United States brig Porpoise, at Pensacola, (twelve days from Vera Cruz,) the intelligence of a revolution in Mexico has been confirmed.

It appears that on the morning of the 30th, the troops relied upon by the goernment to defend it against Paredes pronounced in his favor; and the government entered into terms of capitulation with the General Paredes. He entered and took possession of the city on that day without opposition.

The rumor was, that General Paredes manifested less opposition to the reception of Mr. Slidell than the late President, Herrera.

RW46, January 30, 1846 v23n9p2 FOREIGN NEWS


Every body seemed to have been somewhat disappointed in the tone of the English papers, in reference to the President’s Message. Many of the good people of England are probably too much engrossed with home affairs to care a great deal about Oregon – but whatever be the cause, the President’s Message fell upon dull ears and very languid sensibilities.

The London Times, which is generally regarded as indicating the feelings and sentiments of the British Ministry, talks quite coolly, and we must say, very rationally, upon the Oregon question. – It seems decidedly to “prefer a settlement to a litigation – a compromise to a contest – peace to a war.” It thinks, then, that “every purpose, both of honor and interest, would be answered, if the British Minister, on whom now devolves the duty of making fresh proposals to the government of the United States, were to renew on his part the offer made to England by Mr. Gallatin, in the Presidency under the direction of Mr. Adams. That proposal was to take the 49th degree of N. Latitude,” &e. “This would concede all that the most successful war would acquire – a sovereign, but barren dominion – but it would secure all the commercial bearings of an honorable compromise and a rational peace.”

Such sentiments must meet a cordial response from the sensible and reflecting people of both countries – and it will be a criminal disregard of the dictates of humanity, if, from false pride or sublimated notions of honor, the peace of the two countries would be [jeoparded].

The National Intelligencer is inclined to regard with satisfaction, as far as our relations with England are concerned, the return of Sir Robert Peel to power. So, indeed, are most of the papers that have had time to comment on the news.

RW46, January 30, 1846 v23n9p2 REVOLUTION IN MEXICO


News has reached the city by way of Pensacola that the Revolution in the Government of Mexico is complete, Gen. Paredes having entered the city of Mexico, and possessed himself of the reins of government, without serious opposition. – Nat. Int.

RW46, January 30, 1846 v23n9p3 Foreign News continued


The British Ministry – The following is an official list of the re­administration:

First Lord of the Treasury, Sir Robert Peel.
Secretary of the House Department, Sir J.R.G. Graham.
Lord Chancellor, Lord Lyndhurst.
Lord President of the Council, Duke of Buccleugh.
Commander in Chief, Duke of Wellington.
Secretary for Foreign Affairs, Earl of Aberdeen.
Lord Privy Seal, Earl of Haddington.
President of the Board of Control, Earl of Ripon.
Chancellor of the Exche[q]uer, Right Hon. H. Goulburn.
Chancellor of the Duchy Lancaster, Lord G. Somerset.
Commissioner of Land Revenues, Earl Lincoln.
Secretary at War, Right Hon. S. Herbert.

The following are the new members of the Cabinet:

President of the Board of Trade, Earl Dalhouse.
First Lord of the Admiralty, Earl of Ellenborough.
Postmaster General, Earl of St. Germains.
Secretary of the Colonies, Hon. W. Gladstone.
From the London Times of December 24.

A President’s Message is seldom so much a new fact as a more authoritative confirmation of what the world has known long before. In England a good deal may be guessed from the general leaning of the Minister, and a convenient usage allows the heads of a Royal speech to transpire just the evening before. In the United States the council at which the President has determined on his announcements is one in which millions are privileged to advise, and the whole world is admitted to hear. For several years every citizen is allowed, or rather compelled, to offer the candidate the benefit of his experience, and to demand in return specific pledge on almost every possible point of disagreement. The candidate strikes a compact with every State, every city, every separate supporter in the Union. – Thence he derives his commission, which is only his own because he has received it, and has perchance been able to suggest some little of it during his previous political life. – But, once elected, there he is the incarnation of creed long since determined and promulgated. As a popular man, as a partisan, as a speculative politician, he may have entered into that creed with disinterested and passionate ardor. On the day of his election, however, he awakes to a new existence. He is the Sovereign, charged with the most awful endless responsibilities, the living source [weat or wo], the arbiter of peace or war, with the eyes of all the world upon his actions, be they good or be they evil, and with posterity, as it were, to enter and pass its calm, irreversible judgment on his name. It is no wonder that the busy candidate for a people’s suffrages should pause when he has ascended to this height, and begin to perceive the paternal instincts and conscience of power. Even with a second term of sovereignty still to be solicited, he is compelled, in spite of himself, to be considerate, just, and humane.

In this, the first legitimate act of his Presidency, Mr. Polk does nothing more than impersonate the Democracy which bore him into power. The style of his address is all that can really be called his own, and that is unusually readable, simple, and clear. On such minor topics as are not to us matters of practical discussion, or are not even of a sort to call for commendation; the Message will be read with interest, and sometimes with pleasure.

The annexation of Texas is treated as a matter of history, and at the same time with the brevity of recollection in which the short­lived dictations of the Union are so tempted to indulge. Texas, no matter how, was independent; the States of Europe acknowledged it; Mexico herself at least acknowledged it, though with an offensive or impertinent condition, and too late to answer her purpose. The citizens, whoever, whatever, or whencever, they might be, desired annexation, and on the great principle of self­government, had a right to be governed as they liked. With the same sweet oblivion of Texan antiquities, the inference of Great Britain and France is treated as simply an attempt to maintain a balance of bower against the encroachments of the Union. It is asserted to be the indefensible right and duty of the Americans not only to resist European interference, but to be utterly deaf to the suggestions of European discretion and humanity.

With a rather unreasonable avidity of self gratulation, the President claims the contradictory honors of peace and war in the Texas triumph. “The accession to our territory,” he says, “has been a bloodless achievement. No arm of force has been raised to produce the result. The sword has had no part in the victory.” He cannot, however, forego the pleasure of relating, a few sentences after, what efficient military preparations he had made, and how thoroughly Mexico had been hemmed in on all sides, both by land and by sea, before it could have time to defend the disputed territory.
On one point the message exhibits sympathy with our own Ministerial intentions as marvellous as it is auspicious of international amity. The principle protective duties as opposed to those for revenue, is clearly defined and strongly condemned; and the Legislature is recommended to put an end to oppressive inequalities of what is called the general adoption of ad valorem duties. The President lays down the important maxim that taxation ought to fall as lightly as possible on the materials of profitable employment and the necessaries of life.

Oregon is the subject which the almost fanatical interest with which it has been agitated by the States, and its consequent bearings on the peace of the world, renders the most prominent in the address. The long and animated comments of the American press show how little disposed the citizens have hitherto been “to let off” the President and this painful and delicate subject. What is actually said is neither more nor less than what a million voices have dictated and we have long known. It need not augment the terrors of the European alarmists, and it certainly will not change the resolves or add to the preparations of the British Cabinet. It is already resolved and prepared.

Mr. Polk, after adverting to the negotiations, and attempts at compromise before he came into office, informs us of what he has done towards the conclusion of this unfortunate dispute. In reading his simple narrative, it becomes necessary to remember that an American exists in a sphere of his own, and can hardly be judged by European ideas of moderation, decency, and honor. The President makes great credit to himself for having made and offer which he acknowledges to be less than what the British Government has repeatedly declined.

“In consideration, too, that under the conventions of 1818 and 1927, the citizens and subjects of the two Powers held a joint occupancy of the country, I was induced to make another effort to settle this long pending controversy in the spirit of moderation which had given birth to the renewed discussion. A proposition was accordingly made, which was rejected by the British Plenipotentiary, who, without submitting any other proposition, suffered the negotiation on his part to drop, expressing his trust that the United States would offer what he saw fit to call ‘some further proposal for the settlement of the Oregon question more consistent with fairness and equity, and with the reasonable expectations of the British Government.’ The proposition thus offered and rejected repeated the offer of the parallel of 49 degrees of north latitude, which had been made by the preceding two Administrations, but without proposing to surrender to Great Britain, as they had done, the free navigation of the Columbia river. The right of our rivers, through the heart of our country, was one which I was unwilling to concede.”

In making this proposal, already twice refused, the President thinks it necessary to apologise to his Democratic supporters. He pleads, with all the humiliation of one bound by prescriptive compliances, that he had been obliged to proceed on the basis of compromise, and asks the public condolence for that, under this bondage, he has offered what was known by repeated trials, would not be accepted. To make amends for this self­imposed indignity, he declares that the day of compromise is now over.

“Had this been a new question, coming under discussion for the first time, the proposition would no have been [refused].


RW46v23n10p1c2, February 3, 1846: IMPORTANT NEWS FROM MEXICO

By the barque Peno, just arrived from Vera Cruz, we learn that a bearer of dispatches from Mr. Slidell to our Government is on board. We have not received any letters by her, but learn verbally from the Captain that Mr. Slidell had been ordered to leave Mexico, and that no escort had been allowed him to Vera Cruz.

We learn, also, that on the reception of the news of the dismissal of Mr. Slidell, the commander of the U.S. brig Somers, at anchor at Vera Cruz, started immediately for the city of Mexico, with a detachment of Marines, in order to escort our Ambassador to that port for embarkation, and protect his person. –N.O. Courier, Jan. 23.

The accounts in other papers state that Paredes was acting President, and Gen. Almonte, (former minister to the U. States,) acting Secretary of War.

A letter from Vera Cruz, January 8th, says: “The new Government has adopted a very harsh tone towards of Mr. Slidell, the United States Minister, and appear determined to carry on the war against Texas. Business, of course, under the above circumstances, has almost been put a stop to; but we now look forward to an improvement.

Trade is exceedingly dull here but we expect an improvement after first of next month, when the new Tariff will come into operation.

RW46v23n10p1c3, February 3, 1846: TEXAS

TEXAS­The Washington Union says that an express from the Government of the U. States, bearing with him to Texas the acceptance of her Constitution by Congress, arrived at Galveston on the 12th instant, and left immediately for Houston. There he was met by President Jobes, who had left Austin to meet the dispatches, and who, immediately on receiving them, issued a proclaimation calling on the Legislature to convene at Austin on the 16th of February to organize a State government and adopt such other measures as they may deem necessary for the general welfare. –Balt. Amer.

RW46v23n10p1c4, February 3, 1846: TEXAS

FROM TEXAS­By the arrival, since our last, of the steam ship McKim, Capt. Lewis, we have Galveston dates up to the 15th inst.

President Jones has issued a proclamation convening the Legislature of the State of Texas at Austin, on the 16th February next, for the purpose of organizing a State Government, and “other measures for the general welfare.”

Capt. Elliot, the original “man with the white hat,” was in Galveston on the 12th. We presume he is on his way to Austin to attend the funeral of all British hopes of making any thing out of the new State.

The health of the army at Corpus Christi was improving. The “Army Theatre” opened on the night of the 8th inst. With Sheridan Knowles’ play of “The Wife”­Julien St. Pierre, Mr. Edwards; Marianna, Mrs. Hart. The orchestra numbered no less than twenty five musicians.

All was quiet on the frontiers. – N.O. Pic., Jan 20

RW46v23n10p2c2, February 3, 1846: THE LATE NEWS FROM MEXICO

The New Orleans Tropic of the 26th ult., is of opinion, from valuable sources of information within its reach, that although our Minister at Mexico had demanded his passports, yet that the report that he had been grossly insulted, by the refusal of an escort to ensure his safety out of the country, was a mere rumor. We observe that the warhawks, however, are stirring their wings, and preparing to fan up the sparks of war into a comfortable flare. It would seem a pity, indeed, if we can’t get a set to with England, that so much pugnacious patriotism as has been recently exhibited should be altogether wasted; and just in the nick of time, Mexico, and her usual blundering awkwardness, steps in presents a fair target for our concentrated wrath. Whether it is altogether just and polite, considering the disordered and distracted condition of that Republic, to avenge the refusal of her Government to receive Mr. Slidell, is somewhat doubtful. But then it might be advisable and expedient, as an outlet for the surplus steam which has so long been generating in American bosoms, to mandate our little neighbor with the boiling flood of our courage and indignation. As we can’t fight England, without being almost demolished ourselves, we may as well turn upon Mexico: like a testy and chivalrous gentleman, of whom we have heard, who, whenever he had a controversy with a stout neighbor, who it was not quite prudent to be said with any thing harder than his words, usually retired to his domicile, and eased himself of his disagreeable feelings by whipping his wife.


The New Orleans Picayune, referring to projects said to be on foot by foreign powers, for settling the affairs of Mexico and Central America, says:

“In this connection the following paragraph, which first made its appearance in El Imparcial, a periodical of the Isle of Carmen of the 14th Dec’r., may shed some light. We find the article re­produced in the Memorial Historico, of the 4th inst. The latter journal is the Siglo revived and is published in Mexico under the eyes of the new authorities. We quote as follows:

“By way of Havana, it is known that Spain, France and England have entered into an alliance to place in Mexico and Guatamala a stable and liberal Government, for which purpose each power will furnish a quota of men; at the same time it is assured that England has already at sea thiry ships of the line which are on their way to the Gulf of Mexico.”

“The Yucatan editor states that a knowledge of what has before transpired renders this intelligence worthy of credence. The Imparcial deplores the condition of the Spanish Republics, but without acknowledging outright the crisis to be so humiliating as to render the intervention necessary. It thinks the three powers possess means to give effect to the projected movement. It indulges foreboding of ulterior purposes on the part of the intervenors, and winds up with a flourish of patriotism and valor.”


It is stated that Texas is divided into 35 counties. Galveston is the largest city, and Houston the next. Austin, the seat of government, has a population of 1500, and Washington about the same number. Saint Antonia is the oldest town in the State, with a population of 1500

RW46v23n10p2c4, February 3, 1846: LATER FROM TEXAS

By the arrival yesterday of the steamship Galveston, Capt. Wright, we have Galveston dates up to the 21st instant.

The Civilian of the 21st instant has the following, which may be of interest to our commercial readers:

“The Government of Texas has remitted the extra five percent duty, hitherto levied on merchandise imported in U.S. vessels, as that government is no longer regarded as being upon the footing of ‘nations not in treaty with Texas.’”

A mail rider was recently shot at by Indians near Austin, but fortunately was missed and escaped unhurt. It was thought they were Wacoes. The Register intimates that many hostile Indians are prowling about in the neighborhood of Austin, and although there is a company of U.S. Dragoons and a company of Rangers at that town, the editor goes on to say that “stationary troops are about as efficient on an Indian frontier as a stationary locomotive on a railroad.” There is much truth in this.

The Hon. Anson Jones was at Galveston at last accounts. The papers also chronicle the arrival of Capt. Todd, bearer of dispatches from Washington.

A party of Mexican traders was lately robbed a short distance from San Antonio, on their return to the Rio Grande. It is supposed that the robbers were a few renegade Americans who have been prowling about San Antonio for several months.

The latest accounts from Corpus Christi represent that the health of the U.S. troops had materially improved.

The unusually inclement winter has caused great suffering among the Cammanche and other prairie Indians. Many of them had been in at Torrey’s Trading House, and were delighted to procure the blankets sent them for their use.

According to the Houston Telegraph, counterfeit ten dollar notes on the Bank of Louisiana are in circulation in Texas.

Since the above was written, we have received Galveston dates one day later, brought by the steamship Alabama, Capt. Windle.

Young Audubon, the naturalist, had arrived at San Antonio, and had been well received.

The editor of the Galveston News, who has just returned from Western Texas, has published many interesting letters describing his wanderings. He describes the country as in every way prosperous. – N.O. Picayune, January 25.

RW462310p4c4, February 3, 1846: LATER FROM MEXICO

            The Revolution Consummated­Paredes In Power

The U.S. brig of war Porpoise, Lietenant Comm’g Hunt, arrived at Pensacola on the 14th instant, from Vera Cruz. The N.O. Picayune, says: From the papers before us we cannot discover what day the Porpoise sailed, but from the tenor of a private letter we presume that it was either on the evening of the 1st instant, or morning of the 2nd.

According to the letters before us, General Paredes appeared with his army before the city of Mexico on the afternoon of the 30th ult. The gates were immediately thrown open to him, and he took possession of the town without firing a gun. The accounts allege that he was immediately proclaimed President of Mexico, and that expresses were at once started off from the capital to the different points of the Republic to proclaim that the revolution was complete. One of these expresses reached Vera Cruz just before the Porpoise sailed.

If then our intelligence is to be fully relied upon, as we presume it may be, although we have so few details, Gen. Paredes has attained to the height of power in Mexico­a hazardous elevation, whence he is liable to be hurled at any moment, unless he shall exhibit great firmness of purpose and energy of will, mingled with sincere devotion to his country’s best interests. Gen. Paredes is universally acknowledged as a brave man, carrying his valor to the point of reckless daring. He is resolute and determined, not fearful of assuming the gravest responsibilities, as he has shown in several revolutions which have been carried through by his influence and under his immediate lead. He bears the name of being a disinterested man, and in proof of this it is urged that with so many opportunities of gratifying merely mercenary purposes, or obtaining personal advantages, he is at this day a poor man, and owes his influence purely to the weight of his personal character. His address to the nation upon setting forth from San Luis Potosi, breathes the sentiments of a patriot and resolute reformer. It is a clear expose of the difficulties into which the Republic is now plunged, and of the causes of the debasement. It indicates a resolute purpose of putting a term to the influence of these causes. In his estimation, there have been revolutions enough in Mexico. He is determined that that now achieved by himself shall work a radical reformation of the causes of discontent. Being popular with the army and the clergy, and having secured public confidence in his disinterested and patriotism he has certainly the most favorable opportunity for the execution of his designs. It may fairly be questioned if he possesses the capacity requisite for the emergency, which is certainly one fo extreme difficulty, overwhelmed as Mexico is with bankruptcy, civil dissensions and grave misunderstandings with foreign powers. It is, we believe, notorious, that Gen. Paredes is a man given to habits of dissipation. It is a nice question whether he will throw off their control with his access to power, or give them freer dominion over him. Yet upon this may measurably depend the stability of his rule. It would be rash in us to speculate upon the probably course of events, but it will be sincerely gratifying to see Paredes coping successfully with the immense difficulties of his position.

In regard to the ultimate policy which Paredes will putsue towards the United States, we are not to suppose that it is the be rabidly hostile, as the tenor of the popular cry upon which he has gone into power would indicate. Paredes, we believe, has lived in the United States, and fully appreciates the power of the country, and cannot but feel the hopelessness of a controversy with us. Even in his manifesto to the nation, he makes no professions of hostility to the United States, although he laments that Texas has been turn from the Republic, and illustrates the fatal results of their internal dissensions by reveling the boasts of “our neighbors,” as he terms us, “that the stars of the North American Union shall soon shine upon the towers of Mexico and as far as the Isthmus of Panama.” To show the spirit with which he will enter into the exercise of his power, it may interest the reader to peruse the concluding portion of his address to the Mexican nation:

“The army has risen to save the country and put an end to the precarious and dangerous position in which we have for a long time been plunged. I, who have the honor of fighting for the independence of my country­I, who glory in having been the first to raise at Jalisco the banner of insurrection against a disturbed power­I have bound myself to make good the consequences of this national insurrection. Mexico has not broken the yoke of a soldier to be delivered over without defense to the tyranny of demagogues. If such had not already been my settled conviction, it would have been infused into me by the excitements which have been presented to me, by the appeals which have been addressed to me, by the spontaneous election of the army, and by the misfortunes and fears of the country.

At the moment of marching upon the capital to accomplish the glorious enterprise which has been entrusted to me, I declare in the most solemn manner that we are not about to accomplish a revolution of persons merely; that we aspire to something more grand, more fruitful, more complete. It is not to usurp the Presidency; it is not to install another Congress in the place of the present, that we move. We would make an appeal to the nation, to the end that, without fear of turbulent minorities, it may form a constitution agreeably to its own wishes, and oppose a barrier to the dissolution which threatens it on all sides.­It must avoid falling into the power of professed revolutionists, and refrain from the renewal of the excesses which at a former epoch, of lamentable memory, scandalized the Republic. It is necessary to restore to the producing classes their lost influence, and to give to wealth, to industry, and to labor the share which belongs to them in the government of society. The nation, weary of incessant vicissitudes and of sterile convulsions, without attaining the desired repose, ardently longs for guarantees of orders and stability. These considerations have determined me and determined the army to undertake a revolution which shall be final, so that we may commence, under the shade of peace of internal tranquility, the sure development of the elements of our wealth.”

RW46v23n11p2c2, February 6, 1846: CALIFORNIA

It is said that the Mormons intend to make this the Canaan of their future abode, after their exodus from their Egypt in Illinois. If such be the case, and they emigrate in very large numbers, it is more than probable they will erect an empire in California, which Mexico will find impossible to subjugate, and the United States troublesome to annex.

As to any little question of property involved in the acquisition of California by the Mormons, we presume they would regard that matter as a mere “abstraction,” totally unworthy the consideration of saintly minds. They have shown in the code of morals by which their social and domestic intercourse is regulated, that long possession is not even prima facie evidence of right, and that the desire of the mind for an object is sufficient authority for the hands to seize it, if they can. They have also before them the high and honorable example of the United States, which has annexed Texas, is annexing Oregon­and will annex California, unless the Mormons are beforehand with them and all this for the simple reason that the United States wants them, and therefore must have them.

If such is to be the rule of the future policy of our country, we are free to confess that California ought to be annexed at once, it being a far richer and more desirable region, in every way, than either Texas or Oregon, or both combined. The character of the population also, is such as ought not to be tolerated in the neighborhood of a free and enlightened Republic! They are generally the degenerate descendants of Spaniards and Indians, of an indolent and puxillanimous nature. The country, however, is capacious, rich, and inviting. It has a sea coast upon the Pacific of 1420 miles. It has some of the finest harbors in the world. It has large rivers, and extensive salt lakes. Its climate is one of the most delightful and salubrious under the Sun. The qualities of its soil are eminently adapted to the purposes of Agriculture. Wheat of excellent quality, Indian Corn, Potatoes, Pear, Beans, &c., are said to be produced abundantly. Grapes also flourish luxuriantly, and a large quantity of wine, some 3 or 4000 gallons, is made, as well as a like quantity of brandy, altho’ this, it is said, is not enough for the consumption of the present inhabitants, who, from their habits, it would appear, have never heard of Father Matthew. The country is also well adapted to the raising of cattle. Hides and tallow are stated to be its chief articles of export. A considerable quantity of beaver, elk, and deer, and sea otter skins, are also exported.

We would call the attention of our Government to this fine country. Do we not want it? And, if so, must we not have it? There is also another reason, the force of which will be at once recognized by our rulers. If we do not steal it, the Mormons will. Can we hesitate longer?



WASHINGTON, Feb. 4, 1846.

I understand that a communication will be transmitted by the President to both Houses, tomorrow, in reply to the resolutions of Mr. Webster and Mr. Gollamer, calling upon him for the correspondence on the Oregon question, subsequent to the date of his message; and that it will announce the fact that negotiation has not been resumed, no communication on the subject having been received from the British Government since Mr. Buchanan’s last letter; and, in view of the extensive warlike preparations making by England, will recommend the immediate adoption of measures for defense. –FAIRFAX.


The Washington Correspondent of the Baltimore Patriot writes as follows concerning the opinion of the British Admiral Seymour concerning war with England:­

“One of the evidences that England is not going to war with us about Oregon is to be found in the fact that none of her Naval officers believe it. Our late Charge des Affaires to Lima had a friendly conversation in that city a few months ago, he informs me, with Sir George Seymour, the Commander of the British Fleet in the Pacific Ocean. In that conversation Sir George who is a brave, clear­headed man, that has seen much service and had half of his face shot away in battle, informed Judge Bryan, that England would not and could not go to war with the United States about Oregon, and that the British Admiralty had not a thought of it.”

RW46v23n11p4c3, February 6, 1846: MEXICO

The oath administered the new President of Mexico Paredes, was as follows:

“You swear to God to sustain the independence and integrity of the national territory against any foreign aggression whatever; and the republican, popular, representative system; and the plan of administration of the Republic, agreed to by the Act of the Army on the 2d of January.”

A Committee of three drew up the oath, one of whom was in favor of adding a clause compelling the President to swear “to repel the invasion of the United States.” The Assembly, however, says the National Intelligencer, after a long discussion, refused to adopt the clause, on the ground that it would be tantamount to a declaration of war, and that it was beyond the competency of the Assembly to declare war.



A recent letter from Yucatan received at New Orleans by way of Mexico says­

The people of Yucatan are in daily expectation of declaring the independence of that province. Offences on the part of the Mexican Congress towards Yucatan have dictated the step. Two assemblies comprised of the most distinguished personages have already met to discuss the measure of separation, and much is said of seeking assistance, should it be necessary. From the cabinet at Washington.

RW46v23n12p1c2, February 10, 1846: MEXICO

The New York Herald contains a letter from Merida, dated Jan. 1, 1846, from which we take the following paragraphs:

Yucatan is no longer a part of the Mexican federation. Yesterday the “Assembly Departments!” pronounced against their existing form of government, and have recalled the deputies in the Mexican Congress.

The Mexican eagle has been torn from their banner, and replaced by the stars of 1843. They have gone back to the old state of things, as they existed before the treaty with Mexico. The cause of the rupture is this same treaty; a resolution having been introduced and carried, in the Mexican chambers for a revision of said established treaty.

Incident upon this has been the resignation of the Governor of the department, Don Tiburcio Lopez; and his place is filled by Don Miguel Barbachiona, formerly holding the same office.

The Herald says:

“This freshly revolted province is one of the best int eh whole Republic of Mexico. Its inhabitants are energetic and enterprising, and if they are determined to be independent, the rest of Mexico cannot re­take them.”

RW46v23n12p2c2, February 10, 1846: LATE FROM TEXAS

By the arrival of the steamship New York, Capt. Phillips, late last evening, in 36 hours from Galveston, we have dates from Galveston to the 28th, and from Corpus Christi to the 22d. We give all the news we have room for below:

The Corpus Christi Gazette of the 22d ult. says:­

“We are happy to say to their absent friends, that the general health of the camp is very good. We have seen all the great encampments in Europe for several years past; and its beauty of situation, excellence of arrangement, cleanliness and good order, it will bear a favorable comparison with that of any other nation. It confers great credit not only upon its commander, and officers generally, but upon the country whose cause they have come here to sustain.”

“A train of thirty wagons left here on the 18th inst. Laden with military stores for the detachments of U.S. troops at San Antonio. Our last advices left the troops in good health.

The Gazette also states: “We have just been facored with the perusal of a letter from our much esteemed Consul at Matamoras, J.P. Scatrell, Esq., to a gentleman of this place, in which he says, that Tampico is the only place we have heard of that has pronounced in favor of Paredes. Our place, Matamoras, is strongly in favor of supporting the government. They wish for peace, and hope the result will be of short duration.’ Upon this information every reliance may be place.”

“The Mexican trade continues lively, as there are daily arrivals. Parties of traders from all the settlements for three hundred miles on the Rio Grande, and as far inland as Monterey, have visited this place during the past week. They have little news­a report had reached Arista at Monterey, that Mejia, at Matamoras, had declared war against the Government, in favor of Paredes­a force of 2000 was ordered by the former to march on Matamoras for the purpose of quelling the revolt. By an arrival this morning from Mef., we learn that Gen. Arista with his whole force was still at Monterey, and also that the report of Jejia’s treachery was doubtful.”

The Galveston News of the 27th says:

“It is reported by the passengers arrived in the steamer Cincinatti (from Corpus Christi) that “General Taylor had expressed a determination to march immediately to the Rio Grande in case of the overthrow of Herrera.”

The Corpus Christi Gazette says:

“It is now rendered certain that Gen. J.P. Henderson is elected Governor of Texas, and but little doubt remains that Gen. N.H. Darnell is chosen Lieutenant Governor

RW46v23n12p2c4, February 10, 1846: LATER FROM MEXICO

Important Intelligence­We are indebted to our friend Middleton, of the Herald and Tribune, for the perusal of a letter from Pensacola, written on Saturday last, from which we learn that the U.S. brig Somers had just arrived at the port from Vera Cruz, bringing the important intelligence that Gen. Arista had declared against the Paredes Government and in favor of the restoration of Herrera­that throughout the country the people were organizing in opposition to the present Administration, assigning as a reason their dread of war and bloodshed, and regretting their having permitted Paredes to overthrow the Herrera Administration. Mr. Slidell was still at Jalupa, with brightening prospects.

Such is the brief and nasty account furnished by the Herald’s correspondent, who wrote just as the mail was leaving, with a promise to furnish full particulars in another letter. From the nature of the intelligence we infer that the people of Mexico are not prepared to encounter a war with the United States, and that the ill­fated country is on the eve of another revolution – Mobile Adv.

RW46v23n13p2c3, February 13, 1846: THE LATE MEXICAN NEWS

We yesterday received two letters from Pensacola, from our attentive correspondence at that place, dated on the 1st inst., which would go to confirm the reported revolution by Arista. One of the letters has it that Arista has a regular force of 4000 men at his command, which would probably be increased by volunteers if he had any chance of success.

The U.S. brig Porpoise sailed from Pensavola for Vera Cruz on the morning of the 1st inst., with dispatches for Mr. Slidell. All accounts would have it that that gentleman was quietly waiting, at Jalapa, the result of the different movements in Mexico. Our correspondent “Marinua” says:

“No mention is made of his having demanded his passports, or otherwise deported himself so as to compromise the suviter in vodo, for which he is celebrated, with the fortierin re which can at any time be resorted to when everything else has failed.”

All the vessels of war at Pensacola are said to be preparing and will soon be off to sea.

One of our letters says that Arista is represented to be more hostile than any Mexican officers against the United States, and that he is determined to attemptthe re­subjugation of Texas. Arista knows too much for this. He may make a noise about it, and pretext to have some such object to view, but he is not so Quixote as to put his foot this side the Rio Grande.

From our regular files of papers, it would seem that it was known in the city of Mexico, as early as the 8th of January, that General Arista had declared against Paredes. He was in consequence removed from the command of the army of the North, and ordered to devolve it upon Gen. D. Romano Diaz de la Vega, until the arrival of a successor. The papers speak as if Gen. Ampudia were likely to be his successor­the inhuman wretch who maltreated the remdios of Gen. Sentnanat, and whose broken faith to the unfortunate Meier prisoners is on record.

The Texas Bible Society will hold its eight annual anniversary in the city of Austin, on the 22d of February. >N.O. Picayune.

RW46v23n13p4p3, February 13, 1846: MEXICAN AFFAIRS

We take from the New Orleans Picayune, some extracts of a letter from Pensacola dated Jan. 31, giving items of Mexican news received by the Somers, from Vera Cruz.

“The dilatoriness of the Mexican Government in furnishing our Minister with an escort, which was demanded at least a fortnight before it was finally granted, and the lame pretences under which it was delayed, or refused from time to time, have been thought to indicate a disposition to defain our Minster in the country to the last possible moment, in hopes that the sentiment fo the people might finally take a turn favorable to negotiation.

It is certainly very singular that a military Government, with a force in the capital succicient to oversee all the neighboring Departments, should plead inability to supply an escort of eight men to expedite the departure of a foreign minister, the question of whose reception had been the cause of the revolution, and thus delay in the capital a functionary “whose very presence,” one of the principal agents in the revolution had a few days before declared, “To be an insult to a free and brave people.” It has been suggested that the Government were waiting for President Polk’s Message before they allowed the Minister to leave.

The Message was conveyed to Mexico by Mr. White about the 12th of January, and was immediately translated into the principal journals without comment of any king. The Message appears to have given great satisfaction to all the American residents.

The Santa Anna party is growing stronger every day in Vera Cruz. It is confidently asserted that if he were to make his appearance at any time, he would be supported by an immediate proununciamento. It is thought that the revolutionary Government will not, therefore, venture to weaken their force on the seaboard by sending any military forceor naval detachments against the rebellious Yucatanos.

With Arista on the North and Yucatan on the South in armed opposition­with California disaffected and Vera Cruz unstable in its adherence to the plan of San Luis Potosi­it does not seem possible that the revolutionary power should be remanent. I have heard an opinion thrown out that Paredes would remain in power about four months. I know not why this express term should be set, unless it be the shortest time in which the Mexicans can accomplish anything. Four months ago, Hererra was elected by 110 to 130 votes; he was barely installed before a revolution was predicted; it has been at length accomplished, and the military dictator who has come into power by acclaimation will probably last no longer than his predecessor.

The N.O. Commercial Times contains the following correspondence, deemed of interest.

“VERA CRUZ, Jan. 16, 1846.

“After consummating the last revolution, Gen. Paredes, although he most solemnly protested that he did not aspire to the executive seat, was, as it might well be expected, named President ad interim, giving the Department of Finances to his former accuracy, Luis Parres, a well intentioned man, but lacking the financial talents called by by the more and more critical circumstances of the treasury. Castillo y Lanzas, at the head of Foreign Relations, is likewise a good and honest man, and possesses a vast deal of correct information. He was Minister Pienipoten tiary at Washington a few years ago; but never had the reputation of a firm and energetic diplomatist. He, with the other meunders of the actual mninistry, are likely to follow, so far as the general policy of the country is concerned, the impulse of Gen. Almote, Secretary of War, who is looked upon as the Preunier. According to the latest news from the capital, the cabinet was giving satisfaction, but we do not venture to express the hope, that it will do the country any good.”

VERA CRUZ, Jan 21, 1846

“Our latest dates from Mexico reach to the 17th inst. It was generally thought that the affairs pending between the United States and this government, will not terminate amicably.

“It is rumored that the government have decreed., that the licences for the introduction of 60,000 quintals foreign Cotton, are to be given to any one that may apply on the payment of $10 per quintal duty.”

We understand that letters have been received from Mr. Slidell, at Mexico, under the date of the 17th ult., on which day he intended to depart for Puebla.

Speech of General Paredes upon taking the Presidential Chair.

Representatives of the Deparments:­Designated by you provisionally to control the destinies of the nation, I have just aken an oath before the Supreme Being, which proves to you that I have no wish to deceive my fellow citizens by fallacious promises­which the people receive with indifference, because they are generally without effect. What I have sworn will be true. I determined at San Luis to rescue the nation from disgrace, to raise it to the height of power and glory, which were the noble end of Hidalgo and Iturbitle. You now give me the means of accomplishing this sacred object, which I will employ for the good of our country, overwhelmed with the evils and all her hopes blated.

It is not ambition that has led me to this cahir where cares and danger abound. As I know all the difficulties of the times, my conduct is a sacrifice, and every thing ought to be sacrificed to the country that honours its children, and after exposing my life and shedding my blood in the field of battle, the loss of rest and even of reputation is nothing, when we are called upon to risk all to save al.

My glory shall be open for my country an era of happiness, and when the time shall come when she may freely dispose of her lot, I will retire to my home and give the first example of submission and respect for her august will.

Fellow citizens, receive assurances of my unbounded gratitude, many solemn declaration, that under my Provisional Government there shall be liberty but without crimes and without outrages. I have done.

RW46v23n15p2c1, February 20, 1846: Untitled

An arrival at New Orleans from Texas brings a rumor that Chihuahua and some adjoining States have declared their independence of the Mexican government, and were determined to maintain a separate confederacy

RW46v23n15p4c4, February 20, 1846: THE TEXAS MAILS

Army Letters be­From what we can learn, there is no longer any necessity for letters to the officers or soldiers stationed at Corpus Christi, or any other part of Texas, to be addressed to the care of the Quartermaster, Col. Hunt, now stationed at this place. Mr. Penn, the postmaster here, having taken the responsibility of making up mail bags regularly for Corpus Christi, which are transported hence without charge to the Post Office Department by the schooners in the Government employ. It will increase the work at our post office which has augmented heavily within the past year and without a corresponding increase in the number of clerks; yet Mr. Penn appears determined that nothing shall be left undone to insure the regular transmission of all mailable matter to Texas and elsewhere with promptness. –N.O. Picayune.

RW46v23n17p2c2, February 27, 1846: LATER FROM TEXAS AND MEXICO

By the arrival last night of the steamship Galveston, Capt. Wright, we have Galveston dates up to Monday, the 16th inst. The G. reports only 34 hours from city to city.

By an extra of the Corpus Christi Gazette, dated on the 12th inst., we learn that they have received dates at that place from the city of Mexico up to the 21st of January, three of four days later than we have received here by way of Pensacola. The dates from the Rio Grande are up to the 16th inst.

The editor of the Gazette publishes several extracts from Mexican papers, which, if any reliance can be placed in them, would go to show that Paredes is endeavoring to raise a heavy force to act against Texas. We copy one item:

On the 15th Jan. Gen. Paredes issued a circular order to all the Governors of States that within forty days from that date, they shall furnish the necessary quota of men to fill up the Army of Invasion to a war complement­60,000 men. The present army does not exceed 40,000. The troops at the capital are constantly drilled with a view to act in large bodies.

The news was brought to Corpus Christi by dispatch. The editor of the Gazette says that the bearer reports a considerable force of Commissioners or Mexican Customs Guards, near the mouth of the Grullo or San Gertrudes, within less than twenty leagues of the camp at Corpus Christi. Another party has been seen about the same distance form that place­but a considerable distance from the Gulf, in the interior­watching for return parties of Mexican traders.

The following item we take from the Gazette of the 12th inst:

A large party of traders arrived here last night, bringing in nearly 1000 mules and horses of superior quality. They saw Lieut. Hamilton, having about forty men of the 2d Dragoons and fifteen wagons on the 9th inst., and within a short distance of the rendezvous of a commission party.

The editor of the Gazette thinks there is no truth in the reports brought here by way of Pensacola of the revolt of Arista. That officer, it would seem from the reports of traders, was at his hacienda near Monterey on the 25th January, where he had retired on resigning the command of the army of the North.

The editor of the Gazette deems it unadvisable for the present force at Corpus Christi to march upon the Rio Grande, not thinking it strong enough. He is of the opinion that within twenty days the Mexicans can have 25,000 men within two days march of Point Isabel.

The Corpus Christi Gazette says:

The Hon. Mr. Slidell left the City of Mexico to return to the United States on the 17th January. The passport for which he applied was refused him by the government, but he was furnished with an escort to Vera Cruz. The passport was refused upon the ground that he was not a Special Minister of the United States for the settlement of the affairs of Texas­his appointment being that of a Minister Plenipotentiary, which was in violation of the agreement made with Herrera’s Government to receive a Special Minister for a special purpose only

RW46v23n17p4c2, February 27, 1846: MEXICO

Our correspondent at New Orleans writes us under date of the 14th instant as follows:

I am just in possession of an item of news on Mexican affairs which I believe can be relied on. The garrison at Matamoras has declared in favor of General Paredes’ government, and Arista has been suspended from the command of the Army in the North. Thus the fresh attempt at revolution in the distracted country has been defeated in the very outset. – BALT. AMER


RW46v23i18 March 3, 1846: Later From Mexico

Information from Mexico

           By the arrival of the brig Titj. Capt. Brown, Havanna, we have advices, brought by the British steamer Fevmot, from Vera Cruz to the 31st Jan, and from the city of Mexico to the 27th. These advices are several days later than we had previously received, but the intelligence has nevertheless been mostly anticipated. We find them in our Havanna exchanges-our Mexican files not coming to hand.

            From the tenor of the papers before us we infer that Gen Arista has attempted no revolution-has made no movement whatever against the Government of Gen. Paredea. The news which reached us by way of Pensacola of his movements cannot of been authentic. El Diario de Gobierno, of the 21st Jan, says that the whole country has given ** its ******** to the plan of San Louis Potosi. Nothing is said of the Yucatan, though the Havanna papers were fully aware that he had withdrawn from the Mexican confederacy.

            By this arrival no light whatever is thrown upon the actions of Mr. Slidell. It is mentioned that after repeated *********, he obtained an escort to leave Mexico. It is somewhat singular that this most important matter should be shrouded in mystery. In Gen Almonte’s letter, which we do not recollect to have seen before, in which he accepted the office of Secretary of War and Marine, there occurs a photograph in which he speaks of the embarrassments of the Government; of his desires to co-operate in the preservation of order, "promptly-re-established," and of making preparations for "the campaign of Texas." Neither in this nor to other documents do we see anything to confirm the report of raising an army of 60,000 men for the for the recovery of Texas. But measures have been taken beyond all doubt, to increase the effective military force of Mexico, and the war for Texas is the single pretext for the same.

            The Minister of the Treasury is taking energetic measures to reduce to order the affairs of his department. He has forbidden the Governors of the several Departments to contract loans, and has ordered the "centralization" of the revenues appropriated to the different departments. But these revenue measures are somewhat indistinct. Not so however, the remittance of $50,000 to the army of the north, which is announced in the memorial of the 25th.

            The importation of cotton at the port of Vera Cruz is allowed  upon the payment of $10 a bale.

            The Monitor Constitutional of the 231, says that the Baron Gros has been appointed to settle the differences between France and Mexico. (We think this appointment has before been announced.)

            The Mexican editors continue to exhibit great suspicion, and even alarm, in regard to the United States naval forces on their Pacific Coast. Our readers need not be informed as to that squadron; but the Mexicans attribute to Com. Sloat as ominous menace: That in cause Mexico should declare war against the United States, he would take possession of the Mexican armed vessels, and with them blockade the Mexican ports, leaving his own squadron free for more interesting operations upon the coast. The Mexicans grieve over this personal menace of the American Commodore, but they are not a little pleased that both France and England have strong naval force on the Pacific coast to watch "the American forces, and see that the property of their countrymen is respected."

            The "call" for the assembling of a Mexican Congress has been made. The act was celebrated as a national holiday, with every demonstration of joy. We do not find the particular day noted for the convening of this Congress and presume the Convocation to have reference to the election, rather than the meeting of this body.

            A minister from the King of Prussia has arrived at Vera Cruz.

            The Memorial Historico of the 18th January, commenced the emphcity of the habits of the Provisional President, his accessibility to all classes, and indefatigable attention to business. He has not taken up his residence in the National Palace, visiting it only at certain hours for dispatch of  s***ts.

            A committee has been appointed by him for the purpose of digesting a complete reorganization of affairs-a plan of Government and policy. Senores Gomez de la Cortica, Frencisco Faguogs, and Eduardo de Gorostiza compose this committee, the designs of which are not particularly unfolded. [PP]

RW46v23i18 March 3, 1846: Something Curious.

            The Picayune of this morning contains a letter from Corpus Christi, February 14, which says: Col. Cavallo, an agent of General Arista, here, endeavoring to persuade General Taylor not to advance upon the Rio Grande; for if he does, Arista’s party will join Paredes-but if the General remains in his current position, Arista cannot carry out the revolution he has started. Another emissary, probably of Paredes, an alcalde, tells General Taylor, that all is peace on the Rio Grande, and that the Mexicans are looking for American troops to advance for their protection. One thing is certain adds the letter, the camp is full of rumors and we shall move on the Rio Grande, but nobody knows when.- N.O. Cour., Feb 20. [PP]

RW46v23i18 March 3, 1846: Oregon Correspondence.

            Mr. J. M. Clayton offered a resolution, calling upon the President of the United States for copies of any correspondence which has taken place in the reference to the Oregon question, it is not incompatible with the public interest, since the 4th of February. Laid over under the ****. [PP]

RW46v23i18 March 3, 1846: Oregon debate.

            After some unimportant business the Senate proceeded to the special order of the day, and the Oregon debate was resumed.

            Mr. Haywood who was entitled to the floor, commenced his speech with an elaborate defence of the President’s course in ****** to the Oregon negotiation, in the course of which be denounced in no measured terms the ******* within and been displayed by some of his own party interesting in the manner they had done. The Ashburton Treaty.

            Mr. H. then presented a brief view of the state of the Oregon question; and contended that the President now stood where he stood in August last-viz: upon the line 49 deg and that no where in the message could it be shown that he stood upon the 54 deg. 40. Although he believed our title to be clear he had offered to compromised on the 49 deg. **** although he had withdrawn the offer, he still held the door open For Great Britain to enter upon that line.

            Mr. H. was in favor of this notice, as a great moral weapon to peace in the hands of the Executive. He thought the question must be settled within the year, or it could not be settled at all peaceably-and said he would stand by the President upon the line of 49 deg; and below that line substantially he would not talk about inches. The American people would never consent to yield the territory, be the consequences that may.

            Mr. Haywood had some slight alteration with Mr. Allen while commencing upon the remarks of the Senator from *** that "England dare not go to war with the United States," and before he closed his speech a motion was carried to adjourn. [PP]

RW46v23i18 March 3, 1846: Mexico.

            The last arrival from Mexico represents the new Executive as making extraordinary efforts to raise an army for the invasion of Texas. We have not much confidence in the ability of that Government to make any very grand and decisive demonstration. But it is possible that it may raise the funds and under the lead of a determined man like Paredes, make a vigorous effort to retrieve the ground it has lost. The rulers of Mexico must perceive that the difficulty in which they are at present involved in a struggle for the national existence. It is not merely the loss of Texas, but the independence and integrity of Mexico are threatened. If they submit to the recent dismemberment of their territory, one providence after another, by the same process of American emigration and armed resistance, will fall into the bands of the Anglo-Saxon race. Just as their ancestors sacrificed the unoffending Indian to their avarice and ambition, another race with all the thirst of the old Spaniard for gold and power, and ten times energy and strength, will pour down from the Northern hive in an angry food, sweeping away upon its resistless tide the last vestige of Mexican power.

            We have no idea, however, that any thing that Mexico can do will preserve her from her doom. She stands in the shadow of a colossal power. She is in the way of our manifest destiny. A worm, under a giant’s uplifted foot, would have a better chance of escape. She may make a desperate rally for life, she has the courage, doubted though it be, she has the patriotic fire, her sons will gather around their homes and altars, and die like true men. But it will be useless. Their fate is fixed. No temporary success, if such shall be gained over our small force upon the frontiers, can prevent the inevitable result. The first trumpet of defiance will sound her own funeral dirge. For every American that falls, a hundred will fill his place. The Western wilderness will become alive with moving myriads of armed men, who will not stop till they have planted the Stars and Stripes upon the Mexican capital, and reveled in wild triumph in the "halls of Montzumas."

            If Mexico was a monarchical government, we should feel less pity for her condition, though even then, we might indulge a natural sympathy for the weak in a struggle with the strong. But when we regard her as a sister Republic, imitating the model of our own Constitution, and looking up to us as an example, the claim upon our compassion is irresistible. We feel humbled at the idea, that a country, rich and powerful like our own, should covet the possessions of a poor and defenceless neighbor, long allied to us by the fraternal bonds of kindred political principals. We are reminded of the rich man, with many flocks and herds, who coveted and seized the one lamb of his poor neighbor. Let us avoid the curse which will be certain to follow similar injustice. [PP]

RW46v23i19 March 6, 1846: The British and American Tariffs.

            The following remarks were made by the Union, in publishing the news brought by the Cambria:

            "Great an substantial modifications of the English tariff system are to take place; tending, as we conceive, directly to a very considerable extension and improvement of our commercial relations with the British empire. Indian corn and buck wheat are, by Sir Robert Peel’s plan, to be at once admitted to the English ports free of duty; a sliding scale of diminished duties on other grains is to be adopted, and various other provisions and natural products, grown in great abundance in the valley of the Mississppi, are to be admitted on terms far more favorable than ever before.

            No one can doubt that measures such as these are of great importance to us; and we do not hesitate to express our conviction that if legislation in this liberal spirit towards us shall be carried out in good faith, it will be met on our part by a modification of our tariff system, conceived in a spirit of corresponding liberality.

            We take occasion to say upon this point, in reference to certain rumors which have been extensively prevalent in some quarters, that we do not doubt for a moment the readiness of the great western sections of our country to rally cordially during the present session of Congress on the democratic platform, for the essential modification and improvement of the tariff of 1842. We know it has been said that between the West and South, there is diversity and even contrariety of sentiment on this subject and that the West is now inclined to recede from the democratic doctrine of a revenue tariff. We reject this opinion as altogether groundless. The West is the great farming region, and it go for a true farmer’s tariff against the tariff of 1842. We have entire confidence in the manly and straight forward policy of the West upon this subject; and we fully believe that that the votes of the present Congress will signally attest the harmony of the democratic party on this great and cardinal point in the domestic legislation of the country. England, heretofore pre eminently the country of the restrictive system, is now leading the way to the better policy of commercial freedom. It is not for us to be outdone in such a career- a career in harmony at once with our institutions, with the varied productions and the extended area of the country, with the demonstration of political science, and with the recognized, well settled, and authoritative political creed of the democratic party."

            The above article shows pretty clearly the leaning of the Administration. Every one must be struck with the marked contrast of its language and temper, to the belligerent tone of the Government organ before the arrival of the Cambria. Then, to speak with friendship of Great Britain, was a little less than high treason to Polk. The Whigs were British Whigs, aliens in heart, secret traitors, because they did not join the hue and cry against England, and advocate war to the knife for a poor, barren, wretched territory, where no American would permanently settle, if Great Britain should give us a quit-claim deed to the whole concern tomorrow, and which could never be useful except as a kind of Siberia for exiled Americans. The arrival of the Cambria, however, has lifted a thick veil, and the public are beginning to get a peep at the true position of affairs behind the curtain. It would seem, then, that all the fireworks which have been let off by the great pyrotechnist at Washington, were merely for the amusement of the people, that the thundering broadsides which have caused the ship of State to reel with their recoil, have been complementary salutes and that no harm has been intended from the first. The people have all along asked, if we are to have war, why don’t our government prepare! What is Congress about? Why does not the War Department show some signs of life? Why does Mr. Bancroft nod on his post, instead of starting his *****  off the stocks and recruiting sailors at every port? Nonsense! We were all looking the wrong direction. The Government was preparing. But not in the way we expected. It was not the War, not the Navy, but the Treasury Department, which, under a cloud of smoke from the Oregon combat, was making ready to carry us successfully through our threatening difficulties. Instead of sending a fleet to dispute the empire of the waves, we were sending a Treasury Report, while on the other side not to be out done in liberality, the British Administration met us with "Free Trade." Sir Robert Peel, and "Sir Robert Walker," embrace each other with fraternal love, while the venerable performer upon the Government organ, saying aside the armor he had just done battle upon the Philistines, exclaims, in the spirit of the minstrel monarco of Israel, "Behold, how good and pleasant it is for brethren to dwell together in unity."

            We appeal to the extract which we have made from the Union, to show that the are grounds for the belief that the Tariff is to be the offering by which peace is to be ensured between our country and Great Britain. Look at the enumeration which it makes of the advantages proposed by the plan of Sir Robert Peel, the conviction expressed that it will be met by a corresponding reduction of our own Tariff, and the bait so skillfully thrown out by this experienced angler to the West "the great farming region," to come in and assist in the overthrow of the American policy. Here we find the British Premier and the American Editor, both in pursuit of the same object, "the great farming region" of the West. There is the chief theatre of the war spirit. It is the West which is most glamorous for Oregon. But it is the west too, which will expect to be principally benefited by the British Free Trade, and Sir Robert, nothing daunted by its patriotism, makes an appeal to its pocket, as the last hope for the preservation of peace, and the promotion of British power.

            It is impossible to predict the result of this crafty scheme. It may succeed, it will succeed, unless a true love of country predominates over self interest. It will be attended, no doubt, with one great benefit, the blessing of peace. And what is more, it will make peace with England perpetual. When she has taught us to look to her for supplies of clothing and arms, when she has drained us of our money, and stolen away all "the sinews of war," it will be no longer in our power to resist her aggressivo spirit. She will sit like the old man of the sea, astride the shoulders of your young giant of the West, until he falls, strangled and breathless, beneath the odious burthen. She will accomplish by her arts, that which, in the Revolutionary and the late war, she in a vain endeavored to effect by the cannon and the sword. We fear this Trojan horse of free trade. But thank Heaven, the country is yet secure, unless a British party is to be found within the citadel, who will surrender the key of our strength to the insidious. [PP]

RW46v23i19 March 6, 1846: From Texas.

            The steamship Galveston, Capt. Wright, arrived yesterday, brining Galveston papers of the 28th, and Houston of the 25th. The News publishes the act of Congress extending the jurisdiction of our government over Texas, and also the instructions of the Secretary of the Treasury Circular from Washington, which accompanied the act of of our Congress, fixed the revenue laws should commence their operation. On the faith of the circular, says the News, a large amount of goods was shipped to Galveston under the expectation that they would be admitted free. The Texas Treasury instructions, however required the collectors to continue their functions in conformity with the laws of Texas until the 16th of February, and thereafter if a Collector, appointed by the U.S. Government, should not have then arrived. Thus were created say that paper, forty-seven days of conflicting jurisdiction, duties after the 31st December not being collectable under the United States law, but collectable under that of Texas. The News, in nearly two columns of comment upon the state of things, is severe upon the Texas authorities. The Texas legislature met at Austin on the 16th, and both Houses were duly organized. Gen. Burleson was unanimously elected President pro tem. Of the Senate, and Mr. Crump of Austin, Speaker of the House. On the 17th the votes for Governor were counted, when it appeared that Gen. Henderson had received 8910 votes, and Dr. Miller 1672. The Houston Star says.

            Gen. Darnell received a majority of 48 votes of the official returns, but no official returns were received from the counties of Bastrop, San Patricio, Jackson, Jefferson, Braesos and Lamar.  In these counties Col. Horton received a majority of about 600 votes. If the official returns of these counties had been furnished to the Secretary of State, Col. Horton would have been declared elected. Gen. Darnell was not in Austin when the votes were counted. He has been declared by the legislature to be duly elected. His friends think he will resign.

            The inauguration of Governor was to place on the 18th. The U.S. Senatorial election would probably be deferred until the 25th February, or first week in March. Gen. Rusk was a candidate. The Star thought Col. V. E. Howard would be appointed Attorney General. Judge Hemphill, Chief Justice, and Judge Lipscomb, and Judge Wheeler, or Judge Boylor, Associates. Austin was crowded with visitors.

            The steamboat "Kate Ward" ascended The Colorado a short time since as far as Bastrop; and the Captain intended to proceed up the river as far as Austin; if practicable. The people of that section are Highly elated at the prospect of rendering the Colorado navigable.

            Majors Chase and Ogden returned to the city a few days since, in the Cutter Woodbu y, from Corpus Christi. Maj. C. informs us that all the information he has acquired strengthens his opinion of the practicability, ease and importance of opening the interior navigation along the coast of Texas from the Sabine to the Rio Grande. Comparatively a very few miles of excavation will connect all the rivers and bays, having their outlet in the Gulf of Mexico, with each other along the whole extent of our southeastern boundary; and thus open internal navigation from Louisiana to Mexico, secure at all times from the dangers of ocean storms, and completely protected in case of war, from the attacks of hostile fleets in the gulf.

            In a military point of view this is a measure of vital importance to the security and interest of the whole southern country.- Civilian. [PP]

RW46v23i21 March 6, 1846: Views on Oregon

            The following letter, intended only for the eye of a friend when written, has been deemed worthy of publication on account of its calm and dispassionate views. The writer has retired from public life, after having occupied a prominent position in the State and National Councils, which afforded him the means of forming correct opinions upon topics of general interest.

            Springdale, Fredrick Co. Va, Feb. 18, ’46. My Dear Sir; I differ from you entirely in regard to the probabilities of a war with Great Britain. Leaving altogether out of the view the fact that Mr. Polk has never called a secret session, nor recommended an enlargement of the military and marine force of the country- nor an augmentation on, in any form of its pecuniary means. I do not think the history or the internal evidence afforded, by the pending negotiation, warrant any serious apprehension. If any thing could excite a fear in my mind, it would result from the shameless resolution of the Baltimore Convention, and the conduct of the boisterous Hotepurs in the Congress of the United States, committed perhaps to the mandate of that resolution. Great Britain evidently shuns a war – a majority of the people of the United States certainly do not desire one. Mere punctilios or pride may prompt individuals to declare concession, but they will hardly ever precipitate two nations into war, when the bulk of the people on both sides are amicably disposed. Mr. Polk knows too well this disposition of his constituents, and through for party purposes or ulterior personal designs, he may vaunt a high tone and assume a bold front, compromise he must, and compromise he will, ere three months pass away.

            I am too much a man o business now, to canvass, with much care the State papers or political news of the day, but a few hours of leisure at night have enabled ine to examine, with some degree of attention, the claims of the two governments to Oregon; and while I think no power on earth has such a clear and irrefragable claim to the whole or any part of Oregon, as Mr. Polk would assume, still I think the title of Great Britain to the Northern portion of that territory is the most valid, while ours to the Southern embracing the Columbia river, is the clearest. In my humble library, I found two volumes of the journal of Alexander McKensie, containing a narrative of two explorations from Hudson’s Bay to the Pacific, made in 1789 and 1793. In these volumes he refers to the English fishing and hunting establishments and settlements, at Vancouver, Pugett’s Sound, & c., extending into the interior as far as Hudson’s Bay. What is remarkable, while he designates the 49th parallel of latitude, East of the Rocky mountains, as the future division between the British possessions and the United States, on the ground that that parallel leaves to the United States the head waters of the Mississippi and the Missouri, a line which was long subsequently established by treaty, he asserts for his government a claim West of the Rocky mountains to countries down to 45 deg, and which, he adds, "may now be considered a part of the British dominions." This is the language McKensie employs in the preface to his Journal. The precise boundary of claim is asserted in the body of his work.

            Now, Sir remember this claim was asserted ten years or more, prior to Lewis & Clarke’s discoveries. This certainly shows a pretension of claim and title, which cannot be the score of discovery and settlement near the mouth of the Columbia, and thence up the Tacouche or Frazer’s river, (as it is now called I believe) her title seems to me weak, for her navigator, Cook, passed the mouth of the river, denied its existence- named one of its capes Disappointment, on account of his failure, while Astoria was settled, after the Spanish discoveries of the river, by our people and restored to us after its capture during the war. Their failure, then, either to discover or settle the Columbia, leaves no claim to the country contiguous to the Tacouche or Frazer’s river, which rises in the 54 deg 40m. N. latitude, although that river was explored by the British, it being an inferior tributary of the Columbia. But how is our title to this high degree of latitude established, even if we have a just claim to the country adjacent to the mouth of the Columbia? It is no better claim than would have been that to the country about Santa Fe, previous to the acquisition of Texas, for the reason that. In that country, were found the sources of the Arkansas and Red River. The discovery of the mouth of the river by consent, rather than the usage of nations, has given to the discoverer a right to the country upon its sources, but only when that right has never been contested.

            However, let the question of title pass: For my part, I wish the Pacific Ocean washed the base of the Rocky Mountains. That Western slope in a quarter of a century will bring this country into trouble: commercially, however, it is important and that is all that can be said for it. With 700 whale ships, and a growing East India and China commerce, we want harbors upon the Pacific. The mouth of the Columbia is a poor harbor. The whole coast of the Pacific, from Vancouver to Monterey, is iron bound, with scarcely an inlet or shelter for ships. The grand objects, with both England and our country, our harbors. Both countries assumes high pretensions, to give room to fall. England asserts a claim to the mouth of the Columbia, that she may recede and secure Vancouver and its harbors. We pretend to 54 deg. 40m. that we may obtain Vancouver and its apparent advantages. In my opinion, something like the suggested by Gallatin and rivers will ultimately be adopted. I infer this from the whole temper of the discussion on the subject- the correspondence between Ministers, and the geographical and commercial fitness and appositeness of things. I have not here, in the country, access to any good maps, but from an examination of such as I have, if they do not betray me into error, it strikes me inconveniences would result from an undeviating adherence to the 49th parallel of latitude which I have not seen adverted to. Assuming that line as the basis of a compromise, slight departures might be made from it without material detriment to either country. For example: One of the navigable waters of the Columbia is Clarke river, which rises in a degree south of its great recipient, yet in its course makes a large bend North of 49 deg., nearly reaching 50 deg.. A Conventional line should not cut this river in two. In my limited vision of the proper line, it has struck me that an extension of the 49th parallel West of the Rocky Mountains until it strikes Clarke’s river; thence with the Northern margin of that river until it flows Southward to the same latitude; thence a straight line to the highest navigable point of the Tacouche or Frazer’s River in 50 deg.; thence down its Western margin to 48 deg. 30m; thence to Pugett’s sound and Strait to the Ocean, would leave us the undisturbed possession of all the Columbia River and its chief tributaries: While England would be secured in the possession of all of Vancouver and its best,  though not all its harbors; and she would enjoy that next desideration, a compact quadrangular territory between the ocean and Frazer’s river forever connecting her with her interior Hudson’s Bay interests, by continuity of country and settlement, if not by water navigation.

            It is evident, from Pakenham’s tone, that his country doesn’t want war, and maugre the daunting bluster of Mr. Polk in his inaugural, he, as well as his "Organ" have cooled off. True Mr. Buchanon declines arbitration, but it is worth the blessing coyness of the loving maiden, who says to her lover: "Oh don’t! Pray don’t ask my mamma or papa; we can arrange this matter between ourselves. Submit your proposals in writing, or in some other form, at some other one, and as there are no two (people) on the earth more closely bound together by the ties of (love), so there are none who ought to be more able or willing to do each other justice without the interposition of third parties."

            The diplomacy of Washington differs from that of any other place on earth perhaps. Protoculs and formula of treaties are frequently dispensed with, and private interviews and understandings precede, if they do not wholly supercede, clerical formalities. The Ashburton Treaty, it is understood, was concocted at the diner table, and now we may guess the sinahude. A game is going on between Pakenham, an English gentlemen, and Buchanan, who is a good fellow, not the worse say you for being a bachelor, in which after various good natured attempts to check mate each other, they will get tired, take a glass of wine, damn the game and draw it. Washington is a city, you know of "magnificent distance." The Grand Witemagenott assembled at one end- the Exclusives and Diplomats at the other. The l atter, small in number, dispel ennui, by the diner party or evening coterie. My word for it, Pakenham and Buchanan have often stood cheek by jowl pointing upon the map, and tracing a boundary where it may be, or should be. The qualified notice, as it passed the House of Representatives, even should it pass the senate, ought not and can not give offence, as Mr. McLane has probably assured his Government in the suppressed part of the late correspondence. Lord Aberdeen, with all his frankness, could scarcely have given any other answer than he did to our Minister. That response certainly does not indicate any fixedness of purpose hostile to our country, while all the inferences, I think, should be the other way. A more direct answer would commit his Government, and offend in a quarter, where offence and a blow would come together. On the whole, I have no fear of war; and if I were a merchant about freighting a ship to China, I would not add 1 10th of 1 per cent. Insurance on account of the present attitude of the two countries.

            In connexion with this subject, however, it seems to me every reflecting patriot must deeply deplore the rage for territorial conquest or acquiddon, which characterizes the American people. Time is not given for the establishment of a national or homogenaous character. Migratory now, the wide expanse increase the roving propenisity. Household Goods are scattered. No final remembrance is left, to drop a tear upon the graves of the honored dead at the ancient homestead. Sell out – move – is the constant cry. Industrial pursuits are thus abandoned, and a high toned national morality slighted. Oregon, or half of Oregon, once acquired, North California comes next but as her Southern Boundary divides the gulf of that name, we must have all old California to secure that important estuary. Next, we will grasp at the cornucopia of all Mexico and Gustemals, to pour into our laps their golden riches.

            These are the crude speculations of a very indifferent and forever retired politiciant they have served to beguile a winter’s evening, and can scarcely be worth your attention, except when you may have nothing else to engage you.

            With love to all, including my dear bay, believe me,  Sincerely yours, R.W. Barton. [PP]

RW46v23i21 March 13, 1846: The Axe Again At Work.

            We perceive by some of the papers, that a now batch Clerks has been lately removed, entirely, we suppose, on account of a difference of political opinion with Mr. Polk and his party. In the midst of a most exciting and critical condition of public affars, the President finds time to step from the great theatre of State and wreak this vengeance upon a handful of innocent clerks. We hope that the press of Virginia will also find time, in the midst of Oregon and Texas discussions, on the record these barbarous acts, to old them up to universal shame, and to denounce and anathematize that infamous system of Proscription which finds such a favor with the General Government, but which; thank Heaven, has only showed its head in this Commonwealth, to be crushed like a vile and hitteous reptile into the earth.

            Let the people never forget the cruel and unmerciful proscription with which the present Administration commenced its "reign of terror." Bear it in mind, that its first employment, in the morning of its existence, was to while away itstime with petty cruelties, sacrificing clerks and other subordinate officers in the same heartless spirit in which a noted tyrant amused himself in boyhood with impaling flies. There have been many events to drown the recollection of those wrongs, to divert the public mind from the sad contemplation. We have had great questions of national policy, rumors of war about Texas and Oregon, while Mr. Polk himself, dropping the hangman’s cord, has arrayed himself in a soldier’s garb, and with gorgeous regimentals, nodding plume, and a flashing sword, is playing the part of a "young Napoleon." But, through it all, we recognize the familiar visage of the executioner- we remember his victims- we think of the heart broken and impoverished families who lay their ruin at his door, and in the political damnation which now hangs like a black thunder cloud over his head, we foresee the approaching retribution of that Divine Justice, which has never yet failed to avenge the wrongs of the poor, and the oppressed.

            Just think for one moment of the crime, the horrid and unparalleled enormity, which these poor Clerks have committed, and for which they and their families must be turned out of doors to beg or perish by starvation. They are excellent officers; prompt, experienced, industrious, in every respect competent. No one denies that. But they cannot control the operations of their minds, so as to think upon all points in exact accordance with Mr. Polk and his party. What monstrous, what impossible conditions, does the Administration require, if this be the only secure tenure by which its subordinates can retain their stations? Suppose the case of the Clerk, anxious to retain his situation, and with an elasticity of conscience equal to almost emergency. Which shall he go for, Oregon or Free Trade? How is he to know the mind of the Administration? The West proclaims that Oregon is first importance. The South shouts for Free Trade. Then again, he must choose between 49 and 54. Well, he reads the President’s Inaugural, and is perfectly satisfied that the U.S. have an indefeasible claim to the whole of Oregon. In short, he thinks there never was such a title except that of Adam to the Garden of Eden. Soon after, however, he discovers that Mr. Polk has made the offer of 49 to the British Government, and then it for the first time occurs to him that this is a most judicious proposition, and he cannot sufficiently honor the wise statesmanship and the conciliatory spirit which has dictated this excellent compromise. But soon the scenery is shifted again, and instead of remaining in the comparatively pleasant region of Vancouver’s Island, our Clerk finds the President, with his coat but toned up to his throat; and encased in furs, hurrying off with long strides to North Pole, and planting the American flag under the very nose of the Russian Bear. Of course, our unfortunate scrivener springs at once from his position, and warming his nose with one hand, and holding hard to the coat tail of the Executive with the other, makes tracks for the region of eternal snow. Here, perhaps, he hopes to find some repose, but no! He is condemned to a worse fate then that of the Wandering Jew. His illustrious predecessor has scarcely planted his foot upon the line of 54 40, before he wheels to the right about, and then, the cork leg "keeps going the same as before." A gentle breath of free trade, soft and spring like has come from the South, and as he inhales the odorous breeze, and turns to follow the President, one would think our knight of the pen the most delighted creature in the world. He smiles at the thought that he could ever have indulged the insane idea of living in a land of everlasting winter. He utters some touching sentiments, handsomely expressed too, upon the blessings of peace and "babbles," like a poet, about "green fields." At last they reach 49once more, but just in their path, as the President is about to repose himself upon a bank of negotiation; up starts and armed legion of Western Democrats, who, with Hannegan and Allen at their head, bid the Executive retrace his steps, or die the death. Once more they commence the unceasing round. Poor Clerk! He must think with the President. A hard condition indeed. Like the Irishman’s owl; a man must keep up a "devil of a thinking," who does not wish to be left behind by the progressive Democracy.

            There is no evil from which a lesson of good may not be learned. Let our young ******* avoid the contagion of office-seeking with which the land is cursed, and never a commit their happiness and fortune to the caprice of mortal man. Let their own strong right arm wield the hammer of the mechanic, or the farmer’s spade, but let them not "put their trust in princes." [PP]

RW46v23i21 March 13, 1846: Later From Mexico

            By the mail of yesterday we received private advices from Pensacola, announcing the arrival there, on the evening of the 1st inst., of the U.S. brig Lawrence from Vera Cruz in eleven days. Unfortunately we received no papers by this arrival, but our correspondent informs that there had been no change in affairs in Mexico. A letter from Vera Cruz dated the 18th, from a most responsible source, induces us to believe confidently, that nothing like a revolution has occurred in Mexico since the 1st of February, up to which day we have had advices by way of Havana. The Lawrence brought dispatches to the Government from our Minister, Mr. Slidell. This gentleman was still at Jalapa waiting instructions from Washington.

            The U.S. brig Somera was to sail from Pensacola on the 21st for Vera Cruz.

            From letters received in this city, other than our own, it would seem that Mr. Slidell left the city of Mexico on the 17th January, as we have previously stated. One letter states that he was at Jalapa, quietly awaiting dispatches from our Government at Washington, where he would remain until such documents were received as might determine his course. One of our Pensacola letters states that he was much disgusted with the treatment he had received at the hands of Mexican Government.

            Another letter states that there was great reason to believe that Mr. Slidell’s treatment had been such as must lead to hard blows with Mexico. The writer says that the course of the leading men of Mexico had been of a nature most outrageous in the matter of the reception of a Minister from this country, so outrageous, that no other recourse than a resort to war left us. The writer thinks that it must be declared immediately. [PP]

RW46v23i22 March 17, 1846: A Monarchy in Mexico.

            This subject, which we first took to be an idle conjecture, seems to be treated seriously by the Paris Journal des Debats and The London Times. The Journal says:

            "This return of the Spanish American Republic to monarchical ideas is a serious subject for meditation: they turn their spirits to a monarchy as their only means of safety."

            The Times says:

            "The results of Mexican independence are before the world. The people of Mexico cannot be insensible to their own ruin, however powerless they may be to avert it. Under such circumstances, what would be the effect of the reappearance on the shores of America of that flag of Spain which was originally planted there by the great discoverers and captains of former ages, and which left indestructible traces of its pristine authority in the colonial descendants of the Spanish people? It would be as easy to accomplish the conquest of Mexico at the present moment, with a handful of the troops which form the garrison of Cuba, as in the days of the aboriginal Mexican princes. Would it be impracticable to accompany such an expedition with political institutions fitted to the wants of the Mexican people, and a calculated to rescue them from the perils which threaten their national existence? When we threw out this suggestion, some months ago, we confess that it wore an air of romance, and night be received with incredulity. But the more the world has learned of the utter weakness of Mexico, and the unquestionable designs of the United States, the more urgent has the case become and the more practienble the application of the only remedy which has been thought of. As far as Spain herself is concerned, such an enterprise would not be unworthy of the man whose military success and whose resolute character have already restored so much of the luster of the Spanish monarchy." [PP]

RW46v23i22 March 17, 1846: Mr. Webster On Oregon.

            We publish the brief, but calm, well digested, and statesman like remarks of Mr. Webster upon the Oregon subject. They render the point clear beyond dispute, that there can be no pacific settlement of the Oregon question, except by compromise. England will never yield the whole of Oregon. In this opinion, indeed, Gen. Cass seems fully to concur. The question is, will the Administration negotiate, or not? It has the decision of war or peace in its own hands. [PP]

RW46v23i22 March 17, 1846: Later from Mexico.

            We have been permitted to make the following extract from a letter lately received from Vera Cruz, under date of February 18th:

            "Although the recent revolution has given much dissatistaction to a majority of the departmental governments, the country remains quiet. It does not appear that General Arista has as yet declared against the authority of Paredes, though it is highly probable he will do so."

            A rumor has reached here which appears to have some foundation, that Sonora, Sinaloa, and California have pronounced against the government.

            Mr. Slidell is still at Jalapa. Our citizens and commerce remain unmolested.

            There are at present before this place, French, English, and Spanish vessels of war. [PP]

RW46v23i22 March 17, 1846: The Oregon Question, Mr. Webster’s Remarks

            The following are resolutions proposed by Mr. Colquilt, of Georgia is the U.S. Senate.

            "Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives. That notice be given, in the terms of the treaty, forabrogating the convention made between Great Britain and the United States on the twentieth of October, eighteen hundred and twenty seven, immediately after the close of the present session of Congress, unless the President, in his discretion, shall consider it expedient to defer it to a later period."

            "Sec. 2. And be it further resolved. That it is earnestly desired that the long standing controversy, respecting limits in the Oregon territory, be speedily settled by negotiation and compromise, in order to tranquilize the pable mind, and to preserve the friendly relations of the two countries."

            In the Senate on Thursday week, the question came up for consideration and a long debate ensued. We here copy the remarks of Mr. Webster, as reported by the National Intelligencer:

            I shall vote said he, for both portions of the amendment suggested by the Senator from Georgia, (Mr. Colquilt). I am prepared to do so. At the opening of the present session the President, uncalled upon by the Senate, sent to both Houses the diplomatic correspondence which had taken place between his Secretary of State and the Representative of the British Government here, recommending at the same time the giving of notice to that Government the termination of the convention of 1818. The correspondence thus submitted has very properly been made a subject of remark in this House. I will say nothing in regard to the propriety of sending that correspondence here. I suppose such a step could hardly be justifiable, save on the ground that the negotiation was ended by the rejection of the President’s offer of the parallel of 49 as the boundary, and the immediate withdrawal of that offer; because, is the general practice of Governments, it has been found very inconvenient to publish the letters which may have passed between negotiators before the end of the negotiation has been arrived at. But as the President had sent us this correspondence, and as the Senate was called upon to act on the proposition of notice, I thought it would expedite our decision to have before us also any further correspondence,which might have taken place subsequently to that first sent. I accordingly moved the call, and in response to it, the more recent correspondence has been laid before us, from which we learn the offer by the British Envoy to submit the question to arbitration, and the rejection of that offer by the Executive.

            Now without meaning at this time to go into any sort of examination of the course of the Executive in this matter, or indulging in any remark expressive of an unfriendly feeling towards the Administration, or any disposition to embarrass the Government, for I feel nothing of the kind, and nothing is further from my intention, I must still be permitted to say that the existing posture of affairs is such as to render it quite desirable that we should know what is the option of the executive in regard to this measure a and its consequences. Nobody doubts that the two Houses of Congress have a perfect authority to terminate the Oregon convention, without offense to any body, because this is our specified right and its exercise can present no just cause of complaint in any quarter. But, though this is an undoubted position, yet it must be considered in connection with the circumstances which have been made to surround it. The resolution of notice has passed the other House of Congress with a qualification, or addition, or by whatever same it should be called, which changes in some respect from being a mere naked notice to termination. It comes with that qualification or condition for adoption here. Other propositions are offered in the Senate, and are entertained as a fit subjects of consideration.

            The Senator from Kentucky, in one part of his speech, says that he will leave the entire responsibility of this whole controversy where the Constitution has placed it, and contends that those who have the power to conduct the foreign diplomacy of the country are responsible to the country and to the world for the manner in which they shall exercise that power. This is certainly very just, but it raises a doubt whether we ought to do more than simply to give, or refuse to give, the naked notice. But some modification of the mere naked notice has been made already in the other House; and there is, as I believe, a conviction on the part of a large majority of the Senate that it should, to a certain extent, be qualified. Now, I hold that, under these circumstances, we have a right to know in what point of view the Executive himself regards this notice; what are the consequences to which, in the judgment of the Executive, the notice is to lead.

            When speaking on this subject some six week ago I said it was most obvious that the President could not expect war; because he did not act as the Chief Magistrate of such a nation must be expected to act, if, charged as he was with the defence of the country, he expected any danger of its being assaulted by the most formidable Power upon earth. I still say there is nothing in the Executive communications to show us that the President does expect a war. He must, then, expect nothing but a continuance of the prevent dispute, or a settlement of it by negotiation. But how is it to be settled? On what terms? On what basis? All that we hear is, "the whole of Oregon or none." And yet there is to be negotiation. We cannot conceal from ourselves or the world the (the next couple lines are blurred). And yet we are to negotiate! What is negotiation? Does any gentleman expect that the Administration are, by negotiation, to persuade Great Britain to surrender the whole of what she holds in Oregon? They may do this: I cannot say they will not. If that is their expectation, let them try their hand in it; I wish them success. That is, I wish that we may get "all Oregon," if we can; but let our argument be fair, and let us settle the question reasonably.

            But I do not understand the position we are placed in. The Executive seems to be for negotiation, but against taking any thing but the whole of Oregon. What is to be the ground of negotiation? What is the basis on which it is to proceed? If the Executive has made up his mind not to treat for less than the whole, he should say so, and throw himself at once on the two Houses of Congress.

            I am entitled to make this remark, because it cannot be disguised that the probable effort of this notice is viewed very differently by very intelligent gentlemen, all friends of the Administration, on this floor. The Senator from Georgia (Mr. Colquitt) regards it as a measure tending to peace; he expects, he hopes peace from it, and he thinks the expression of such opinions as he avows, will enable the Administration ration to secure the peace of the country. There are certain other gentlemen, and among them the honorable Senator from Michigan, (Mr. Cass,) who are much less ardent in their hopes of peace. That Senator’s impression has been, that, if we pass this notice, there is a possibility and prospect of war; and so, against the gentlemen’s own declarations and disavowals, his speeches generally terminate in the expression that war is inevitable.

            Mr. Cass here rose amid a general smile, and said, no, (much laughter.) no; I never used the word; and I beg leave  to contradict the statement. I have been afraid of war. Thus I allow, has been my position; and I hope I shall never be misunderstood nor misrepresented. I do not mean to say that the Senator from Massachusetts intends to misrepresent me.

            Mr. Webster. Certainly not.

            Mr. Cass. What I said was, that we were called on by the President to give this notice; that if we gave it, and there was no negotiation, and England did not recede, and we went on to carry out the other measures recommended by the President, that then war would be certain. (a laugh) I will repeat my position. I say, if we give these notice, and here shall be no negotiation; and if England adheres to her pretensions, and we go on to take possession of Oregon while she is there in possession, then there will be- gentlemen may use any term they please.

            Mr. Webster. The only contingency the Senator fear is that England will continue her claim. Now, I would ask the honorable Senator whether he expects that Englan will ever surrender all of Oregon to any Power on earth?

            Mr. Cass. I have my doubts that she will. I asked, as long ago as in October last, when she had ever relinquished any claim to territory she ever had set up.

            Mr. Webster. Exactly; and it comes to the same thing. The gentleman thinks we shall not recede, and England will not recede; and, then, what more likely to happen than war. It was the Senator’s argument, and not any particular. It was the Senator’s argument, and not any particular expression he employed, which gave me the idea that such was his impressions. I do not charge the gentleman with saying that "war was inevitable," but what he did say yet things in my years, and on every return of the like language I am reminded the sentence with which the Roman Senator ended all his speeches, "delenda est Carthago."

            I am desirous of expressing the sentiment (without wishing to embarrass the Administration; if negotiations are pending I withhold my tongue; my tongue shall be blustered before I will say any thing against our own title so long as negotiations are pending; but the President must see the embarrassment under which we stand: I am willing to aid the Administration, and will aid it to obtain all to which we are justly entitled)- that I must know something of the views, expectations, ends, and objects of the President in recommending this notice. I cannot much longer be quiet in the existing posture of affairs when no measures of defence are recommended to us, but negotiation is held out as likely to bring the question to a settlement by England giving up the whole matter in dispute. My doubt of that is as strong as that expressed by the Senator from Michigan (Mr. Cass). I say here, so far as my own knowledge goes, that it is not the judgment of this country, that it is the judgment of this Senate, that the Government of the United States shall run the hazard of a war for Oregon, by renouncing as no longer fit for consideration propositions made by ourselves to Great Britain thirty years ago, and repeated again and again before the world. I do not speak of any specific propositions, but of the general plan so justly suggested by the Senator from Missouri, (Mr. Beaton,) of separating the interest of British subjects and American citizens beyond the Rocky Mountains. I repeat the assertion that it is not the judgment of this country that we are bound to reject our own propositions, made over and over again twenty and thirty years ago. I do not believe that such is the judgment of this Senate. I have the fullest belief that the propositions proposed by the gentleman from Georgia concur with the views of a large majority of this body.

            (A voice. Yes, of two thirds)

            A gentleman near me says two thirds of it and I am willing to try that question today, this hour, this minute. I am ready now to take the question whether this difficulty shall or shall not be settled by compromise. Compromise I can understand; but negotiation, with a fixed resolution to take and not to give, with a predetermination not to take less than the whole, is what I do not and cannot understand in diplomacy. I wish we could take that question now not for the purpose of giving information in any quarter, but I wish to put an end to the prevent distressing, distracting, annoying state of things. There are many things which we should attend to, all of which are greatly and materially embarrassed by the present position of this affair. It is proposed, for example, to remodel the tariff. But with what view? If it is to augment revenue, or reduce revenue? If it is to augment revenue, then I ask, is that with a view to war? If it is to reduce revenue, then I ask, is that with a view to peace? How can we possibly know how to act, without the least knowledge whether there is a likelihood of the continuance of peace, or whether we are on the eve of an outbreaking war? The embarrassment in the private affairs of men is equally pressing. The nation possesses a great Commerce. New it is easy for a gentleman to say, "I disregard commerce on a question of the national honor." So do I when it is the question. It the honor of my country is attacked, I will say, in the language once used by a member of the other House, "Perish commerce!" But these are interests not to be trifled with. These great interest of this country, in which we are involved the daily bread of thousands and millions of men, are not to be put in jeopardy for objects not connected in reality either with the honor or the substantial interest of the country. I wish, therefore, as soon as it is practicable, to obtain and expression of the opinion of the Senate. If it shall be the opinion of this body that it is best to give the naked notice recommended in the Executive message, that will throw the responsibility upon either on the Executive to the fullest extent. I am for getting a question either on the naked notice, or on notice in some modified form, such as shall the express what I believe tho be the judgment both of the Senate and the country.

            Other Senators expressed their views on the subject, but no question was taken. Many of the friends of Mr. Colquitt’s resolution desired that a vote upon them might be taken at once, being confident of success; but a motion to adjourn, which takes precedence of all others, was made by Mr. Breese of Illinois, and was carried. [PP]

RW46v23i23 March 20, 1846: Later From Mexico.

            The French bark Anax, Capt. Pomparres, arrived here yesterday from Vera Cruz, having sailed on the 23rd two or three days latter than the U.S. brig Lawrence brought. The news is not important, if we may judge from the imperfect files which we have received. The prominent feature in the news is the open canvassing of the question of erecting a constitutional monarchy in Mexico. This is the common theme of conversation at Vera Cruz, and in a late number of the Memorial Historice- the successor of El Siglo XIX- is an earnest article written to show that monarchies are no more exempt from revolutionary disturbances than Republics. The question is illustrated from general history, and especially from that of Spain. The subject has evidently taken hold of men’s minds seriously, and the probability of a revolution founded noon the desire of obtaining a stronger and more stable Government was the town talk.

            Mr. Slidell was still at Jalapa, awaiting instructions from Washington. Upon receiving his orders, a short interval would elapse before receiving the definitive action of the Mexican Government; but we presume that the next arrival will inform us, either of Mr. Slidell’s reception, or of his return to the United States.

            An intelligent passenger by the Anax thinks there is scarcely a chance of war between the two countries: that Mexico, when it comes to the pitch, will receive our Minister with the best grace possible.

            The Falmouth, St. Mary’s and Porpoise, of the U.S. Gulf Squadron, were lying at Vera Cruz when the Anax left there on the 23rd. As we have before mentioned, the appearance of so large a force, when unexpected, alarmed the citizens of Vera Cruz not a little. When the Anax came out, she saw a vessel, supposed to be an American frigate, going into Vera Cruz. Can it have been the Raritan, which was reported as bound thither from Rio at our last account.

            The Anax, we should mention, brought $65,000 in specie, and twenty four passengers.

            The Mexican steamer Guadaloupe left Vera Cruz on to 22nd for Tampico, with 600 troops on board.

            Don Angel Trias, the Governor of the State of Chihuahua, thus, has resigned his office, after having refused adherence to the power of Paredes.

            Robberies still continue very frequent in Mexico. One occurred on the 9th, directly opposite the National Palace, three thousand dollars in specie being stolen. The streets are patrolled by the military, but there is no efficient police.

            So strained are the means of the new Government in Mexico, that the clerks of the different Departments have not touched their pay since the new order of things. The Secretary of the Treasury, having recovered from a temporary illness is urged to give his attention to this needy class, if he would prevent great distress.

            A new paper, El Boletin Militar , assures the public that Gen. D. Juan Alvarez has not disposed of any thing belonging to the expedition to the Californias, has been charged against him. Such things do happen sometimes in Mexico!

            Gen. Ampudia does not appear to have moved further than Celaya, on his march to the army of the North. Some scandalous reports had been in circulation about him, but one paper contradicts them.

            On the 6th, Gen. Paredes reviewed the troops of the capital, and there was a brilliant shame fight on the occasion. In returning to town in the evening, several accidents happened. One poor fellow was run over and trampled by the cavalry. [PP]

RW46v23i24 March 24, 1846 p1c2: The Army of Texas.

            It will be seen by the important news in another column, that the army of Texas is on the advance, and we may soon expect other tidings of stirring interest. If a strong Mexican army be really in the neighborhood of the point to which our forces are advancing, a collision is not improbable; and unless our Generals commit the error of under ratting their enemy, we may soon hear of a new triumph of American arms. But in such a cause, and with such a foe even victory loses half its charms. Hitherto our sword has never been unsheathed, save in the defence of our own territory. Now, it is to be drawn, for the first time, in a war of aggression – never, perhaps, to be returned to its scabbard until our "manifest destiny" has arrived at its complete fulfillment, in the dominion of the United States over the whole of North America. Gen. Taylor, in his proclamation, pays proper respect to the religious feelings of the people when we are about to subjugate. We have no doubt that he will execute his duty with judgment and prudence, but it must be galling to a gallant spirit to be engaged at all in such an enterprise. [PP]

RW46v23i24 March 24, 1846 p1c3: Collection of Military Reports

From the New Orleans Courier , Extra. March 14th


            Galveston, March 12, 9 o’clock, A.M.

            The Galveston has just arrived from Aransas Pass. The main body of Gen. Taylor’s Army had marched towards Brazos St. Jago and the last Regiment with Gen. T. and staff, was to leave this morning. The rumor of a large force of Mexican troops being about to oppose the concentration of Gen. Taylor’s forces had occasioned great excitement. The troops of Gen. T. are said to be in high spirits in the expectations of a conflict with the enemy. The following orders have been issued:


            Corpus Christi, March 8, 1846.

            As the Army is about marching to the frontier on a delicate service, the Commanding General wishes it distinctly understood that no person, not properly attached to it, will be permitted to accompany the troops, or establish themselves in their vicinity, either on the route or on the Rio Grande, on any pretence whatever. It may save many individuals useless expense and annoyance to be informed that rigid measures will be taken to enforce this regulation, which is deemed necessary for the intrest of the public service.

            By direction of the General.

                        W.S. Bliss, Asst. Adjt., General.

Head Quarters, Army of Occupation,
Corpus Christi, Texas, March 8, 1846.

Orders No. 30

            The army of occupation being about to take position on the left bank of the Rio Grande, under the orders of the Executive of the United States, the General commanding deems it proper to express his hope that the movement will prove beneficial to all concerned, and that nothing may be wanted on an part to insure so desirable a result, he sinetly enjoys upon his command the most scrupulous regard for the rights of all persons who may be found in the peaceable pursuit of their respective avocations, residing on both sides of the Rio Grande. No person under any pretence whatever, will interfere in any manner with the civil rights and religious privileges of the people, but will pay the utmost respect to both. Whatever may be required for the use of the army will be purchased by the proper departments of at the highest market price. The General commanding is happy to say that he has entire confidence in the patriotism and discipline of the army under his command, and feels assured that his orders, as above expressed, will be strictly observed.

Z. Taylor, Br. General,
U.S. Army Commanding.

            The 3rd Brigade commanded by Col. Whistler, composed of the 3rd Regiment of Infantry,  commanded by Lieut. Col. J. Garland; will take final leave of their old Corpus Christi encampment, on Wednesday, the 11th instant, to join the main Army.

            The squadron of transports are to leave on the 20th inst. under convoy of the cutter Woodbury, Capt Foster, and the steamer Monmouth.

            The proclamation above has been published in the Spanish language, and issued to the inhabitants of the Rio Grande.

            The First Brigade under the command of Brevet Brigadier General Win. J. Worth, composed of the Battalion of Artillery, commanded by Lieut. Col. Thomas Childs, and the eighth Regiment of Infantry commanded by Lieut. Col. W. G. Beik***, will leave the encampment on the morning of the 9th, for the same destination.

            The steamer Cincinnati, and almost every thing else is said to be charted for the use of the Army.

            The 2nd Brigade, commanded by Lieut. Col. J. S. Melatosh of the 5th Infantry  and composed of the 5th Regiment of Infantry, under Major T. Brown, will strike their tentson the morning of the 10th, and take up the line of march for the Depot.

            Gen. Mejia is said to have returned to Matamoras on the 2nd. The Mexican troops this side the Rio Grande (if any) are said to be under the command of Garcia, Canales and Severiego. It is Reported that Gen. Taylor has made a requisition for more troops- we doubt whether he has done so, or whether he will need them.

            Corpus Christi has been literally abandoned. The hangers on of the army are leaving for the East as fast as possible. The respect so strictly enjoyed for the rights of private property will meet with universal approbation. [PP]

RW46v23i24 March 24, 1846 p2c1: The Message, Probability of War.

            We publish in another column, the Message of the President, of which we yesterday gave a sketch. It is with some difficulty that any answer at all has been obtained from that high functionary, but, having at last condescended to respond to Mr. Dayton’s resolutions, he declares that an increase of the naval and military force is at this time advisable to put the country in a state of defence. It is understood that an expenditure of ten or twelve millions will be required immediately.

            Now, we are free to confess, that if war be inevitable, if there are no proper, natural, honorable means to escape from that dire calamity, we should not object to the appropriation of ten times ten millions. Of the facts, however, so far as they are stated in his Message, upon which Mr. Polk grounds the recommendation of an increase of the naval and military force, the country has been long since apprised, and is as capable of judging as himself. Is there no way, plain, easy, equitable, by which the Oregon dispute may be amicably settled? We believe there is. We have had every evidence of the disposition of England, to arrive at a peaceful result. We have had good reason, in the language of the papers which are upon this point the organs of the British Government, and in the declaration of the Premier himself in reference to Mr. Pakenham’s rejection of the proposition of 49, to believe that a pacific settlement of this controversy may be easily attained, if such be the inclination of our Government. Such a settlement, we fearlessly venture to assert, would receive the approbation of three-fourths of the American people. They are thoroughly tired, disgusted, sick at heart, of this senseless quarrel. The President cannot but know, that public sentiment, with wonderful unanimity, points him to a compromise, by which our honor may be preserved, and a war avoided. We have the authority of the Washington Correspondent of the Richmond Enquirer for saying that a very decided majority of the Senate of the United States are believed to be in favor of a reasonable adjustment of the dispute. In his letter of the 22nd instant, he says:

            "A letter, written in a jocose vein, in the New York Herald, headed "scientific classification of the Senate according to Buffon, exhibits signs of what a good number here conceived to be the real condition of parties is that body on the Oregon question, though I know it embraces takes as to the individual position assigned to many of the Senators. Few doubt that a treaty would be ratified on the basis of the 49th degree of North Latitude, which by the bye, should not yield to Great Britain the navigation of the straits of Fuea. Indeed, it is generally believed that not more than twelve Senators at most could be found to vote against it. Many members of that body who would sustain it, doubtless believe with the Executive that the title of the United States to the whole of Oregon, up to fifty-four forty, is clear and unquestionable."

            If such be the case, there can be no necessity of an enormous expenditure of money for the object specified by the President. He has it in his own power to save that expenditure, and to avert the terrible issue of a collision between two of the greatest empires of modern times.

            We do not charge upon the President that he willfully designs to involve this nation in a bloody strife,- we would impute to no man such horrible criminality: But, from first to last, from the Alpha to the Omega of this Oregon dispute, he has taught this nation a lesson which may yet need to be enforced by the scorpion lash of war, never to elevate an inferior man to a post of such transcendant importance. In his very Inaugural, he throws down the gauntlet of defiance to Great Britain upon this subject. He addresses her in the menacing tone of a high-wayman, bidding the traveler stop and deliver, rather than in the calm and dispassionate language of a practiced statesman. Confident of the goodness of his cause, and mindful of the courtesies which should prevail in the intercourse of civilized nations. We all recollect the explosion which followed in the British Parliament. Then came a lucid interval, in which our Government made the proposition of 49, and then, its pettish withdrawal of negotiation, because of the somewhat unceremonious rejection of that proposition by the British Minister. Afterwards, the Ambassador of Great Britain, representing the solicitude of his Government to avoid a war, makes the proposal of arbitration, and that, not by crowned heads, but by a commission of distinguished private citizens. This offer is at once rejected, and upon grounds calculated to arouse general indignation in the minds of the British people. Such, indeed, has been its effect. Previous arrivals from that country had indicated a pacific and friendly feeling. But, the last news shows a decided change in journals which had, before been distinguished for the moderation of their tone to our country. Distrust had pervaded commercial circles, and a general apprehension evidently prevailed, that no prudential reasons would sufficiently restrain our Government from stubborn adherence to a policy which must terminate in war. The last act in this strange drama is the Message which bids us put on our armour and prepare for battle. It seems to us, that if Mr. Polk had come into the Executive Chair, with the sole design of involving our country in hostilities with Great Britain, he could not have pursued a line of conduct better calculated than that which he has in reality adopted, to bring about a collision with Great Britain. At the same time we fully acquit him of any such intention, and acknowledge that his course may be more properly attributed to a lamentable deficiency of the wisdom, judgment and experience so necessary to the dignified and successful discharge of the duties of his responsible trust.

            The President, however, "sincerely trust," that collision between the two countries may be avoided, and declares it to be his "settled purpose" to pursue such a course of policy as may be best calculated to preserve "an honorable peace." We wish we could feel the same confidence that the Oregon controversy will be so conducted by our Government as to come to a peaceful termination. Yet Mr. Polk has but to speak the word. [PP]

RW46v23i24 March 24, 1846 p2c7: Important Message From The President

            During the session of the Senate on Tuesday, the following message from the President was received, read and ordered to be printed:

To the Senate of the United States:

            In answer to the inquiry or the Senate, contained in their resolution of the 17th, whether in any judgment, any circumstances connected with, or growing out of the foreign relations of this country, require at this time an increase of our naval or military force, and, if so what those circumstances are, I have to express the opinion, that a wise precaution demands such increase.

            In my annual message of the 2nd of December last I recommended to the favorable consideration of Congress as increase of our naval force, especially of our steam navy, and the raising of an adequate military force to guard and protect suck of our citizens as might think proper to emigrate to Oregon. Since that period, I have seen no cause to recall or modify these recommendations. On the contrary, reasons exist which, in my judgment, render it proper not only that they should be promptly carried into effect, but that additional provision should be made for the public defence.

            The consideration of such additional provision was brought before appropriate comities of the two Houses of Congress, in answer to calls made by them in reports prepared, with my sanction, by the Secretary of War and the Secretary of the Navy, on the 29th of December and the 8th of January last; a mode of communication with Congress not, unusual, and, under existing circumstances, believed to be most eligible. Subsequent events have confirmed me in the opinion that those recommendations were proper as precautionary measures.

            It was a wise maxim of the Father of his country, that "to be prepared for war, is one of the most efficient means of preserving peace;" and that, "avoiding occasions of expense by cultivating peace," we should "remember also, that timely disbursements to repel it." The general obligation to perform this duty is greatly strengthened by facts known to the whole world. A controversy respecting the Oregon territory now exist between the United States and Great Britain; and while, as far as we know, the relations of the latter with all European nations are of the most pacific character, she is making unusual and extraordinary armaments and warlike preparations, naval and military, both at home and in her North American possessions.

            It cannot be disguised, that, however sincere may be the desire of peace, in the event of a rupture these preparations the fact is undoubted that they are now proceeding, in part, at least, with a view to the contingent possibility of a war with the United States. The general policy of making additional warlike preparations was distinctly announced, in the speech from the throne, as late as January 1st, and has since been reiterated by the ministers of the crown in both houses of Parliament. Under this aspect of our relations with Great Britain, I cannot doubt the propriety of increasing our means of defence, both by land and by sea. This can give Great Britain no cause of offence, or increase the danger of rupture. If on the contrary, we should fold our arms in security and at last be suddenly involved in hostilities for the maintenance of our just rights, without any adequate preparation, our responsibility to the country would be of the gravest character. Should collision between the two countries be avoided, as I sincerely trust it may be, the additional charge upon the treasury, in making the necessary preparations, will not be lost; while in the event of such a collision they would be indispensable for the maintenance of our national rights and national honor.

            I have seen no reason to change or modify the recommendations of my annual message in regard to the Oregon question. The notice to abrog it’s the treaty of the ** of August, 1827, is authorized by the treaty itself, and cannot be regarded as a warlike measure; and I cannot withhold my conviction that it should be promptly given. The other recommendations are in conformity with the existing treaty, and would afford to American citizens in Oregon no more than the same measure of protection which has long since been extended to British subjects in that territory.

            The state of our relations with Mexico is still in an unsettled condition. Since the meeting of Congress another revolution has taken place in that country, by which the government has passed into the hands of new rulers. This event has procrastinated, and may possibly defeat, the settlement of the differences between the United States to Mexico, at the date of the last advices, had not been received by the existing authorities. Demonstrations of a character hostile to the United States continue to be made in Mexico which has rendered it proper, in my judgment, to keep nearly to thirds of our army on our southwestern frontier. In doing this, many of the regular military post have been reduced to a small force, inadequate to their defence should an emergency arise.

            In view of these "circumstances," it is my "judgment" that "an increase of our naval and military force is at this time required," to place the country in a suitable state of defence: At the same time, it is my settled purpose to pursue such a course of plicy as may be best calculated to preserve, both with Great Britain and Mexico, an honorable peace; which nothing will so effectually promote as unammity in our councils, and a firm maintenance of all our just rights.


Washington, March 24, 1846

RW46v23i24 March 24, 1846 p3c1: The Army and the Navy

            Mr. Berrien offered a resolution directing the comities on Military and Naval Affairs so lay before the Senate the communications and estimates form the War and Navy Departments, relative to the proposed increase of those branches of the public service.

            Mr. Benton said the Committee on Military Affairs, all of whom he had consulted, except one now absent, were ready to lay before the Senate the report and estimate of the Secretary of War, and saw no impropriety in their publication.

            Mr. Fairfield said that some of the papers communicated by the Secretary of the Navy, were not proper to be made public, and he hoped the resolution would not prevail.

            Mr. Berrien said he wished the Senate to be put in possession of the information, and they would afterwards decided upon the expediency of publishing or withholding it.

            Mr. Westcott hoped the resolution would pass. The information would be as safe in the possession of any and every member of the Senate as it would be in that of the Committees, or he Executive and his Secretaries- and it was proper they should have it to guide their action.

            The resolution was then passed, and the report and estimates from the Secretary of War ordered to be printed. [PP]

RW46v23i24 March 24, 1846 p3c1: House of Representatives Military Bill.

            Mr. Adams motion to reconsider the vote (closing the debate upon the Military Bill at three o’clock yesterday) waslaid upon the table.

            The House on motion of Mr. Brinkerhoff, went into the Committee of the Whole.

            A motion was made by Mr. McConnell to lay aside the Military Bill, and lost.

            The Committee then adopted an amendment that the enlistment should be for three years, unless sooner disbanded by the President and that the increase to each company of privates should not exceed eight. This amendment was adopted.

            An amendment to increase the number of troops for each company from eighty to one hundred, was also carried.

            A substitute to the whole bill was the proposed by Mr. Hungerford, of N.Y., and agreed to, authorizing the companies to be filled with six men each, and to serve for three years unless sooner disbanded by the President.

            The Bill was then reported to the House.

            Mr. Brinkerhoff moved to the previous questions which was withdrawn, and Mr. McKay addressed the House in favor of an amendment to the bill by increasing the rank and file at once to sixty men; and by giving power to the President to make each company 100 men.

            Mr. McKay renewed the motion for the Previous Question, which the House refused to second, yeas 50, nays 91.

            Mr. Boyd moved to recommit this bill. Lost 96 to 69.

            Mr. Haralson of Ga. Proceeded to defend the bill as reported from his Committee. Mr. H. said he should bring forward another bill to give the President power to raise 50,000 men, and if the emergencies of the country required it, he was ready to vote 100,000 or 1,000,000.

            Mr. Davis of KY., put some plain questions to Mr. Haralson as to the exigency which the Executive had surmised in the increase of the Army.

            Mr. Haralson answered that a communication had been received on the 31st of December, upon which was based the action of the Committee.

            Mr. Davis whished to know what were the views of the Executive about the increase.

            Mr. Burt S.C. (a member of the Military Committee) objected as the information and Mr. Haralson then said that the information could not be communicated consistently with a due regard for the public interest.

            The motion for the Previous Question was now renewed and seconded by a vote of 91 to 50.

            The amendment that Mr. McKay was rejected by a vote of 105 to 76, and the amendment of Mr. Hungerford (raising each company to 80 men, if the President thought proper to do so, and to enlist the new troops for three years) was agreed to by a vote of 112 to 79.

            A motion was now made to lay the bill upon the table, and lost a vote 149 to 32. The bill was finally passed, 169 to 15. The bill if passed, would ad 2900 men to the Army.

            The house again went into Committee of the Whole upon the bill for making appropriations for deficiencies in former bills.

            A debate upon an amendment in relation to distributing book, which was denounced by Mr. Payne, of Ala. The debate was continued by Mr. Ewing, of Pa. and Mr. Winthrop, of Mass., amidst much confusion, and the committee rose without action on the bill or amendments, When the House adjourned. [PP]

RW46v23i26 March 31, 1846 p1c2: Mexico

            The N.O. Tropic of the 20th inst, contains some news from Mexico. It is not, however, of much importance. All sorts of rumors were rife among the Mexicans in regard to advance of the American Army. One report states that the army was advancing towards Matamoros on the left bank of the Rio Bravo, but that they had been driven back by the Mexicans. This was contradicted by other accounts. There were large stories also of desertions from the American army. [PP]

RW46v23i26 March 31, 1846 p1c4: Despatches From Mr. McLane.

            Despatches from Mr. McLane- the Washington correspondent of the New York Courier, under date of Monday last, writer:

            "Despatches were received at the State Department per the Hibernia, from Mr. McLane, our Minister at London; the exact purport of which I am not informed, but unquestionably of an unfavorable character as it relates to the existing attitude of the Oregon question. Those who from their position and political relations, are accurately advised of the nature of those dispatches, and who are also advocates of peaceful and equitable adjustment of the difficulty, are evidently alarmed at the posture of affairs, and are full of apprehension that the course of our government has been such as to make it extremely improbable that the matter will be settled by negotiation."

            But the Editor of the Courier himself says in the same paper:

            "With regard to the Oregon difficulty, we have a well settled conviction, that it will be in a train of settlement shortly after the arrival of the steamer of the 4th of April. We have no doubt but Mr. McLane has been instructed to inform the British Government that if they will offer the proposition refused by Mr. Packenham, it will be accepted; and in our judgment, they will tender that proposition accompanied with a demand of free navigation forever, of the Columbia for a term of years, when by the extinction of the fur trade, it will become valueless to G. Britain. Should they do so we cannot doubt but the whole difficulty will be amicably arranged. For the offensive manner in which Mr. Buchanan refused arbitration, there can be no apology; but recent events have taken off the edge of that foolish and unjustifiable act; and the wise merchant and all who are engaged in business should feel and act as if the Oregon affair was in a train of satisfactory adjustment. Such a tall events are our opinions of the matter, and we give them what they are worth." [PP]

RW46v23i26 March 31, 1846 p1c4: Correspondence of the American.

            The secret estimates of the Naval Beareau and Secretary of the Navy were in the House this morning, and at one time upon the Speakers table. The Committee on majority took the matter into their own hands, and refused to show the reports to be read. The information, however, I can give you.

            The information, then, which the House designed to keep secret is the fact that the estimates were made by the Heads of the Naval Bureaus. Commodores Morris, Warrington, Crane and Shubrick proposed, under estimates prepared by the Secretary of the Navy, the following increase of the Navy:

            In men, thirty six thousand, eight hundred.

            Expenditure, $20,000,000

            And the increase of the vessels in commission to the following number:

Sloops of War30

            An increase of fifty-eight vessels of war in all. The Secretary of War did not go to this extreme, but proposed and increase of 50,000 to the Standing Army, the whole force to be under the control of the President of the United States. [PP]

RW46v23i26 March 31, 1846 p1c5: The Secret Articles.

            Our Washington Correspondent writes us, by telegraph, as follows- I have it from reliable authority, that the suppressed, or withdrawn, estimates of the bureau, made with the President’s sanction, proposed an expenditure of from forty to fifty millions of dollars: The Navy estimates proposed forty steamers!

            Mr. Fairfield, the Chairman of the Naval Committee in the Senate, got alarmed and cut them down to ten steamers. I will write you further in my letter tonight.- Belt Pat. of Thursday. [PP]

RW46v23i26 March 31, 1846 p4c1: General Santa Ana.

            This renowned exile, it is said, is amusing himself at present with the gentlemanly occupation of cock fighting. He has lost heavily of late at cards. He will have to return to Mexico before long, if for no other purpose than to replenish his exhausted purse. [PP]

RW46v23i25 March 27, 1846 p1c3: Important Report.

            We learn by an extract from a letter, receive by a commercial house yesterday from Galveston, and dated on the 14th inst. that the schr. Mary Shields, from Matamoros bound to New York, put into Galveston a few days since in distress. The captain reports the American Consul at Matamoros, to Gen. Taylor at Corpus Christi. In addition to this, we earn verbally that a Mexican who was the bearer of dispatches from Mr. S. at Matamoros, to Gen. Taylor at Corpus Christi, had been shot by the authorities at the former place on his return. It is also said that 8000 Mexican troops are stationed there.

            There was a rumor in town yesterday, to the effect that Mr. Slidell himself had been thrown into prison, but this undoubtedly took its rise from the above. Should it turn out that Mr. Schatzell has really been incarcerated at Matamoros, Gen. Taylor cannot reach the vicinity of that city with too great speed. We have heard of several other acts committed of late- one of which was the shooting of a young American trader named Burney, in Perote, on the principal ground that he was in Texas during her early straggle for liberty- and now it is stated that one of our Counsuls has been thrown into prison on no other plea than that he has been in correspondence with Gen. Taylor. We have said so often that our Government should come to some understanding with Mexico- should have a full and final settlement with her of all difficulties – that we have become sid of the subject. Granted that Mexico- a weak, powerless- yet no one can allow a snarling puppy to be continually snapping at his heels without kicking him out of the way at least. [PP]

RW46v23i25 March 27, 1846 p1c3: Late from Texas.

Extract of a letter from an Officer in the Army of Observation, dated. Corpus Christi March 10, 1846.

            The Dragoons and Ringgold’s Light Artillery left on the 8th for the Rio Grande; the first brigade (Worth’s) with Duncan’s battery, on the 9th; and the second brigade, this morning. The brigade, with Bragg’s battery, will march tomorrow morning and Gen. Taylor, with his staff, will follow at noon. It is said that all the corps will unite on the Sal Colorado, and moved on together towards Matamoros or point Isabel, as it may then be determined.

            No one expects a fight. My own opinion is, and has been for some time past, that the Mexican troops will retire as we made advance, and that some arrangement will be made with the Mexican Commander, by which our troops will be permitted to take position on or near the Rio Grande, and that a post will be established at Point Isabel, which will be fortified in order to insure a water communication with New Orleans and a depot for supplies.

            This is all conjecture on my part – but we shall soon see whether I am right or not. The former battalion of light artillery being broken up by the assignment of three of the batteries to the Dragoons and Brigades, is late commander, Major Erving, is ordered to remain in command here for the purpose of removing the troops, artillery and stores left, from this to St. Joseph’s, and thence to the Brazos Santiago, or Point Isabel. A battery of six 18 pounders, besides Monroe’s field battery, is to fo round by water with the troops and stores. St. Joseph’s as well as this place, will be abandoned – though a small depot for the supply of the dragoons at San Antonio and at Austin, may be continued. The army is to move slowly, and will probably be from 13 to 15 days on the march.

            I cannot yet say how long I shall remain here, or at St. Joseph’s – both which stations are under Major Erving’s command – no final instructions having yet been received – but the passage to the Brazos Santiago could be made by an ordinary steamboat in good weather, in from 12 to 14 hours.

            The troops left with me consist of Monroe’s company, Porter’s first Artillery, and somewhere about sixty or seventy supernumeraries, effective for guards, &c. Besides these are the sick and convalescent of general hospital, &c. I believe it is intended that the troops, including engineers, tools, &c, shall arrive at point Isabel about the time the troops reach it by land.

            I may be wrong in some of these points, for I cannot know with certainty what is to be done here, till the instructions I have before mentioned are received. I will write a line and tell you when to change the directions of my letters. I have written this in very great haste, to be in time for the steamer for St. Joseph’s, which leaves in a few minutes.

            Captain Frank of the schr. Equity, which has just arrived from Matamoros, which place she left on the 11th inst. reports that the American Consul Mr. Schatzeil is not imprisoned as the schr. Mary Shields reported. Letters were received by a Commercial House in this city from the Consul himself, who says the rumor is entirely unfounded. [PP]



RW46v23i35p1c1, May 1, 1846: Messrs. Ingersoll and Webster.

We deem no apology necessary for occupying much space in this morning’s paper with the [ . . . ] (though, we must add, discr**itiable) debate in the House of Representatives, on Monday last, between Mr. Charles Jarod Ingersoll and Mr. Ashmun of Massachusetts. The former gentleman, it will be perceived, has not only repeated his last series of charges against Mr. Webster, the first having been abandoned as untenable, and the accuser thereby acknowledging their fal**y,) but he has attempted to sustain them, in advance of the investigation directed to be made [ . . . ] the House. And how? Why, by reading manuscripts from the books of the State Department, to which, it seems he has been permitted to have access, and the contents of which he has not hesitated to divulge, although the President, in whose charge the fund to the disbursements of which these books refer is specially placed by law felt himself constrained by solemn considerations of public duty to withhold even from the Representatives of the People that precise information, when requested by a resolution of the House to lay it before that body! It will devolve upon Mr. Ingersoll, therefore, even if he shall be able to sustain his charges against Mr. Webster—and upon that point we are content to await the action of the Committee of Investigation, prepared to unite in his condemnation if he be guilty, though feeling nevertheless a strong hope, as well as a profound conviction that he will pass through the fiery ordeal unscathed—we say it will devolve upon Mr. Ingersoll to clear his own skirts of the serious charge of have transcended his privileges as a member of the House in examining the records referred to, and of having violated a law of the land in making portions of those records public. If Mr. Ingersoll shall be permitted, like “a mousing owl,” to pry into the secret recesses of the Executive Departments for the purpose of arming himself with weapons of assault upon the personal reputation of a gentleman who (incomplete).

RW46v23i35p1c1, May 1, 1846: News from Capt. Fremont.

The New Orleans Picayune of the 22d inst., announces the arrival in that city of an intelligent gentleman from California, via the city of Mexico, bringing intelligence that our adventurous countryman, Capt. Fremont, reached Capt. Sutter’s settlement at New Helvetia, about the 21st of February last, with a force of about 60 mounted men. He had discovered a new route or pass, perfectly practicable for wheeled vehicles, by which California can be reached by emigrants in 60 days less time than by the old route, via Oregon. Capt. Fremont left his party at Sutter’s and proceeded himself to Monterey on a visit. There is a strong tide of emigration pouring in from the U. States, including many of the disappointed emigrants to Oregon, who wander on southwardly in search of better lands and brighter skies—the El Dorado being still farther on! “Man never is, but always to be, blest.”

The Picayune is also informed that the political condition of California is very unsettled, allegiance to the Central Government of Mexico having been almost entirely thrown off, and there being very little prospect of the restoration of Mexican authority. The Californians, we presume, will have perfected their independence, and be ready for annexation, by the time we get rid of our troubles on the Texas frontier, and settle the Oregon question—when there will be another extension of the “area of freedom,” towards the “Peaceful Sea!”

RW46v23i35p1c1, May 1, 1846: Latest from the Army.

We learn from the New Orleans papers of the 22d inst., that Brig. Gen. Worth, one of the most accomplished of the Junior Generals, and who has done the State more service of late years than any other, especially in the Florida War, has thrown up his commission, left the army, and is now probably in new Orleans, having sailed from the Rio Grande for that port some days previously in the steamer Hunter. The cause of his resignation is not clearly stated; but it is intimated that it has grown out of a collision between himself and the commanding General (Taylor) with regard to rank.

Another untoward event, we are informed by The Picayune, is the capture, on the 10th inst., of Col. Cross, the acting Quarter Master General of the Army, by a party of Mexicans. The Colonel, it seems, left the American camp on horseback, unattended on business in his department; and not returning within a reasonable time, parties were sent out in search of him, but could obtain no satisfactory tidings. After the lapse of three or four days, it was ascertained that he had been taken prisoner by a party of Mexican rancheros, consisting of a captain, lieutenant and five men, and carried off. No apprehension, it seems, is now entertained for his personal safety, although it is not known in Gen. Taylor’s camp where he is—the Mexican officers affirming positively that he is not in Matamoras!

This is rather an inauspicious beginning of the Mexican campaign. We shall be gratified, however, if worse tidings do not reach us from that quarter soon; for, with every confidence in the bravery of our troops, we cannot expect them to perform impossibilities. The wisdom of sending a small force to the very borders of Mexico without a corps de reserve to fall back upon in the event of being assailed by greatly superior numbers, which it is fair to presume the Mexicans may be able to concentrate at that point, seems to us to be very questionable to say the least of it.

RW46v23i35p2c1, May 1, 1846: title cut off

[ . . . ] announced to Congress that [ . . . ] Resolution, adopted by [ . . . ] notice to Great Britain that [ . . . ] of 1827, recognizing the [ . . . ] (or non­occupation, as [ . . . ] the Oregon territory, shall [ . . . ]  of twelve months from [ . . . ] of giving the notice, contem­[ . . . ] for by thie treaty itself, is of [ . . . ] of wear, nor has it any one who [ . . . ] the subject. In or out of Congress, [ . . . ] of resorting to this measure, we [ . . . ] been questioned and denied, mainly [ . . . ] if it should be given in a discourteous [ . . . ] spirit, as there was certainly at one [ . . . ] too much reason to fear, and in regard to which we are not now entirely free from apprehension, it might close the door to friendly negotiation, and consequently result in war at the expiration of this twelve months, if not sooner. Especially, was it apprehended, would this be the case, if, as was clearly recommended in the President’s Message, measures should be adopted by Congress, simultaneously with the adoption of the notice, for the purpose of taking actual possession, at that time, of the disputed territory, and expelling from it the British occupants now holding it and exercising over it, as they have long done, all the rights of sovereignty.

But the language of the notice being unobjectionable, and unaccompanied as it has been by any measure calculated to would the pride or to affect the rights (real or imaginary) of Great Britain, these grounds of objection of course cease to apply, and the notice itself may be regarded if not as a measure of peace necessarily, certainly as furnishing no just pretext for war.

The result of the controversy now depends materially, we doubt not, upon the manner in which the President shall exercise the “discretion” with which, as well because it is legitimately and Executive function, as because of his peculiar relations to this question, he has been properly clothed. We hope for his own sake, as well as for that of the country, that neither the “pride of consistency,” by which even strong minds are often unduly influenced, nor the dread of denunciation from the ultra portion of his own party, which has so much terror for aspiring politicians, will induce him, in communicating the resolution of Congress to the British Ministry, to accompany it by an inadmissible ultimatum, or, if he shall make no new proposition himself to present it in such manner as to prevent the submission, in reply, of terms of compromise by that Government. Entertaining a less exalted opinion both of Mr. Polk’s expansiveness of mind and of his firmness, than some of his friends appear to do—regarding him rather as a partizan than as a statesman—believing him to be influenced less by his obligations to his country, and less by considerations of what its vital interests demand of him, than by his allegiance to party, and by his estimate of the effect which a particular course of policy may exert upon its fortunes—we have not been without strong apprehensions that he may so far depart from the spirit of the resolution adopted by Congress, as to neutralize the pacific temper of its joint resolution, and thereby to counteract the obvious design of that body in giving to it the “form” which it finally assumed. These apprehensions have not been diminished by the fact, that, in that form the resolution drew to its support every Whig in both branches of Congress, and every member of the Administration party exposed to the extreme position originally assumed by Mr. Polk, and zealously maintained by those supposed to be in his confidence,­­circumstance in itself well calculated to influence the action of a mere partizan. And certainly we are not authorized to draw a very favorable augury from the recent declaration of the Official Journal, [if that paper reflects the feelings, and foreshadows the purposes of the President,] to the effect that, while it rejoices that Congress has authorized the notice to be given, it strongly disapproves of the form which that notice finally assumed.

Nevertheless, we have no desire nor intention to prejudge the Executive, nor unnnecessarily to excite in the public mind fears of an inauspicious conclusion to this controversy. If, indeed, the Washington Correspondent of the New York Courier be correctly informed, Mr. Polk will adopt a course calculated to promote its pacific adjustment; notwithstanding the contrary inference is, we th9ink, legitimately deducible from the language of the Washington Union , and from the President’s own uniform language and conduct heretofore. The correspondent of the Courier thus shadows forth the probable views and purposes of the Cabinet:

“I believe that the President is still willing to adjust the matter fairly and upon the basis heretofore offered. If the same opinion is the majority of his Cabinet, the only opposing member being Mr. Buchanan; but he, from his position, is a very serious obstacle in the way of the pacific intentions of the government. His opposition, however, was upon ulterior objects the first and more immediate of which is the vacant seat on the bench of the Supreme Court of the United States, and the next and more remote is that of the succession to the Presidency. By adhering to his opposition he may compel the President to gratify the first and most reasonable of his wishes, in which, if he should be successful, the question of the succession would be merged. It is well understood that the War candidate for the Presidency, the candidate of the 54 40 men, is Gen. Cass. He commences with a small force, it is true, but they are pledged fanatica in the cause, and unless the question be settled before the canvass of 1848, will constitute a forlorn hope that will make no capitulation.

“My opinion therefore is that Buchanan will either make terms with the President by which his nomination to the vacant judgeship will be secured and his aid given to the consummation of the pacific intentions of Congress, or that by his stubborn opposition he will compel the President to give him the seat he so much covets. I have no doubt the President anxiously desires to adjust the Oregon Question on the basis heretofore offered, and I know that in this he is sustained, with the exception of Mr. Buchanan, by the united sentiments of his Cabinet; and I do not believe that he will suffer that gentleman to defeat his own convictions of dutym, as well as the expressed will of the nation.”

In regard to the mode of giving the notice, another correspondent of the same paper writes as follows:

“The “notice” will be sent to Mr. McLane, by the steamer of the 1st prox., to be presented to the Earl of A**deen, on behalf of this government. The respect due to a foreign power, and the importance of the occasion in the view of the administration, requires the observance of this form, which seems to be consistent with reason and propriety. I have it from the most reliable authority, that it will not be accompanied by a proposition; but Mr. McLane will be instructed to renew the assurance of a sincere desire to effect an amicable and immediate adjustment of the pending controversy.”

RW46v23i35p2c2, May 1, 1846: Debt of Texas.

A letter from the seat of government of Texas in the N. Y. Journal of Commerce, dated April 8, states, that the Legislative committee to which had been referred the subject of the Public Debt, has reported that it is impossible to ascertain what part of the debt should receive par, and what part less than par, and how much less. So their idea is to “lump it,” and pay, when they can, about 50 cents in the dollar. They will never find out the actual amount, we imagine—though they had it at their finger’s ends when they were pressing the annexation measure through Congress­Until Uncle Sam shall be persuaded to assume the entire debt, in exchange for the public lands of Texas. It will soon be ascertained, after that, how much is due; and it will be “a caution to Crockett” to see how rapidly the millions will multiply!

RW46v23i35p2p4, May 1, 1846: Additional Foreign News.

Now that the war in Indian is decided, the Oregon question begins to attract more attention, but the speeches of Mr. Calhoun, Mr. Haywood, and others, had convinced the British Public that our intentions were peaceable.  

RW46v23i35p4c4, May 1, 1846: From the New Orleans Picayune, April 21. LATER FROM BRAZOS SANTIAGO

The U. S. steamer Col. Harney arrived in port last evening from Brazos Santiago, whence she sailed on the 16th inst. She brings us advices from Gen. Taylor’s camp down to the 12th instant.

The accounts which have already been given of Gen. Taylor’s march to the Rio Grande and of his position opposite Matamoros are fully confirmed. The advanced guard of his forces were met some seventy miles from the Rio Grande, and warned to advance no further. Again upon the Arroyo Colorado, a written notice was received, that any further advance would be deemed an act of hostility. Still Gen. Taylor continued his march, meeting with no resistance. He himself was waited upon at Brazos Santiago, when in advance of his army, by a deputation of the civil authorities of Matamoros, and again warned to retire. We have had all these facts in substance before. In spite of all these warnings, Gen. Taylor took up his position on the 28th ult. directly opposite Matamoros, and within reach of the Mexican batteries. Utterly disregarding these, he proceeded to plant four 18 pounders, so that at any moment he could batter down the city at pleasure.

Thus affairs remained till the 11th inst., when Gen. Ampudia arrived at Matamoros. The following day General Ampudia sent a written notice to Gen. Taylor, requiring him to retire at once to the left bank of the Nueces, and insinuating to him that his persistence in maintaining his position would be deemed an overt act of hostility. To this Gen. Taylor replied substantially that he had received orders from the President of the United States to take up his position upon the Rio Grande, and to see that no encroachment was made upon our Territory; That he should obey his orders, and repel any hostile attempt to cross the river. At the same time he assured the Mexican that he had no hostile designs upon the people; that they might remain in the undisturbed enjoyment of their property and rights; and that his sole business was to resist aggression.

Gen. Taylor, however, thinking it possible that Ampudia might attempt hostilities, changed his position somewhat on the 12th inst., and thereby withdrew his army beyond the reach of the Mexican batteries, he still commanding the town with his 18 pounders and the only practicable fords. At the same time he chose to regard Ampudia’s letter as so far hostile, that he directed the commandant of the force at Brazos Santiago to act as in case of war, and he gave a verbal intimation to the same effect to the naval officer in command on that station. He particularly enjoined upon the latter to seize vessels expected in the Rio Grande with supplies for the Mexican forces at Matamoros. Both these notices would appear to be rather precautionary measures than intended to lead to aggressive acts.

Gen. Ampudia made no hostile demonstration after receiving Gen. Taylor’s letter, but, like the valiant Mejia before him, determined to forward Gen. Taylor’s letter to his Government, and await further orders.

We are assured by this arrival that Gen. Ampudia had but 2000 troops with him when he reached Matamoros. Of these, 1000 accompanied him from the city of Mexico; the rest joined him on the march. He lost about 1000 more between San Luis and Matamoros by mutiny and desertion. He found in the latter town about 3500 troops, so that the whole force there on the 12th was not far from 5500. {In another part of this paper the reader will note that upon other authority we have given the date of Ampudia’s arrival, the number of his troops, &c., somewhat differently. We place full confidence in our later advices by the Col. Harney.] The Mexicans have 18 or 20 pieces of artillery at Matamoras, which may be call serviceable. The Americans 12 field pieces, besides the four 18 pounders before mentioned.

Upon the whole, therefore, we think there can be little doubt that we shall hear of no fighting for some time to come; and yet less doubt, that when it does come to blows our army will render such an account of itself as the country anticipates, and has a right to anticipate. In the means time the troops are well supplied with fresh provisions, chiefly by the Mexicans themselves. Citizens of the country are allowed to come and go undisturbed, and to traffic at their pleasure. Partially by their fears of the Americans, but more by the threats of the Mexican officers, the inhabitants on this side the river have very generally been induced to cross over to the other side. The Mexicans have it in their power to concentrate a large number of men at Matamoros, but they ought by no means to be called soldiers. They have neither the equipments, the discipline, nor the moral force of well­organized troops.

We have reports that Gen. Taylor has put a check to desertions from his ranks by shooting ten or twelve men who were in the act of crossing the river.

It has been mentioned to us that Gen. Worth is on his way to this port in the iron steamer Hunter.

The U. S. brig Lawrence and the schooner Flirt, lying off Brazos Santiago, had been compelled to put to sea by a gale of wind, and they had not returned on the 16th inst. We think it more than probable the Lawrence proceeded to the mouth of the Rio Grande to look after those vessels laden on this port with supplies for the Mexicans. Their owners had better get insured!

At the late hour at which we write, we find we have neither time nor room for a word more!

RW46v23i35p4c4, May 1, 1846: From The Picayune. LATER FROM MEXICO

The bark Claremont, Capt. Lermond, arrived at this port yesterday from Vera Cruz, whence she sailed on the 6th inst. By her we have received our files from the city of Mexico to the 2d inst., and from vera Cruz to the 5th.

And first of all, the revolution so confidently spoken of by the master of the bark Mandarin, as to take place on 3ds inst., did not come off agreeably to announcement. The Vera Cruz papers speak very freely upon the subject. El Locomoto says that if the revolution did not take place, it was only because the leading men engaged in it differed about the measures to be taken; as to principles, they were perfectly of accord. The passage of Gen. Almonte through Vera Cruz, on his way to Havana, afforded an opportunity to communicate with Gen. Santa Ana, which was readily embraced. It goes further, and say that when once the necessary steps have been agreed upon, the revolution will not be long delayed. The same paper of the 2d inst states that in Vera Cruz the Government of Paredes has completely lost all popularity and respect, and that when a revolution was hourly expected, men of all political opinions either openly favored it or remained indifferent—none opposed it.

Private letters have been received in town from a very intelligent source in Vera Cruz, dated the 6th inst. These attribute the failure of the expected revolution to a disagreement between the Federalists and the Santa Ana party.—They represent every thing as perfectly quiet.

The frigate Potomac arrived at Vera Cruz from Norfolk on the 1st inst. the American squadron at Sacrificios on the 5th Inst. was composed of the frigates Cumberland and Potomac, and the sloops Falmouth, St. Mary’s and John Adams.

The Courrier Francais of the 1st inst. [published in the city of Mexico] announces, upon the authority of a private letter, that the port of Mazatland had been blockaded by the Americans, and that the troops which were to have sailed from San Blas for Mazatlan had been ordered to proceed by land. The Mexican papers say nothing of this, and the Courrier was evidently a good deal incredulous in regard to the matter. Although there can be no foundation for the rumor, it may be well to hear what the editor of the Courrier has to say upon the subject, upon the presumption that the blockade was declared.

“Behold, then, the war broke forth upon the point the most feeble, and yet the most interesting of the Republic! If the announcement of the blockade of Mazatlan be authentic, this first hostile demonstration on the part of the United States menaces directly the Californias, which, cut off from all succor and destitute of real force, cannot fail to succumb at the first blow. And in the midst of these momentous transactions, the soi­disant national press is aroused to preach homilies for this or that form of government, to disparage and vilify every man in power, and to suggest incendiary measures, under the guise of proclaiming the union of citizens! Great God 1 how mad is the spectacle before us!”

Senor D. Manuel E. Gorostiza has accepted the portfolio of the Treasury Department, resigned by the former incumbent in consequence of ill health. LA REFORMA asserts that Sr. Gorostiza made it a condition to his acceptance of office that the President should modify the call for the constituent Congress, and abrogate the decree in regard to the press; and that the President acceeded to this. Up to the 2d inst no denial of this had appeared in the Diario Official. El Republicano urges upon the President to retrace his steps, especially his measure towards the press; and reminds him that it is more magnanimous to acknowledge the errors already committed, and pursue a new course, than obstinately to hold our against the clearest manifestations of public opinion.

The two Mexican papers, the Reforma and the Contra­Tiempo, have been seized by the Government, and Senor Zercero, the editor of the first, and D. Luis Espino, of the second, have been put under arrest. Two military gentlemen, also, have been ordered from the capital under a species of arrest—General Alcorta to repair to Oaxaca, and Capt. Schiafino to San Juan de Ullua. The two editors were proceeded against because they openly demanded the recall of Santa Ana and his restoration to power; the other two individuals had taken a very active part in getting up a protest in favor of the republican system—a protest which was signed by a large number of officers. The republican press is full of indignant rebukes of the course of the Government in pursuing journals devoted to Santa Ana, while it take no step to check El Tiempo, which continues its warm advocacy of monarchical principles, and praises the state of Mexico under the old colonial rule.

We note that the President is gradually effecting a reorganization of the army, almost every paper containing orders for the reduction of one regiment, the creation of another and the like. This clearly evinces distrust of the army under its old officers.

We find in the Mexican papers, continual despatches from Gen. Mejia, detailing proceedings upon the Rio Grande. The examination of numerous deserters from Gen. Taylor’s troops are given to show the American designs, but our advices direct are ten days later than by Vera Cruz, and are quite as authentic as the revelations of deserters.

The primary elections were going on in some of the Departments, but excited little interest. It was even difficult to induce a majority of those possessing the franchise, to exercise it in any way.

The mission of Gen. Almonte to France, has been attributed to a variety of motives, the most plausible of which would appear to be the desire of Paredes to get rid of him; to send him into an honorable exile. The Diario Official, on the contrary, says that the President was induced to make the appointment solely in consequence of the severe illness of the present Minister to France, Senor Garro, and in consideration of the high qualifications of Gen. Almonte, and his familiarity with the controverted points with the U. States. The General had an outfit of $10,000, and an annual salary of the same allotted to him.

The death of D. Manuel Cortazar is announced. He was the treasurer or administrator of the tobacco revenue, and is spoken of as an honest public officer.

The Archbishop of Mexico was seized with apoplexy on the night of the 30th ult., and his life was at one time despaired of but he was somewhat better on the 2d inst.

The wretch Palacio, who was the principal instigator in the assassination of D. Luis Falconi and his brother­in­law, and who had been sentenced to death, made his escape from prison at Vera Cruz the morning of the 5th inst. The authorities were making diligent pursuit for him. His guilt had excited the utmost abhorence towards him.

A report from the military hospital of Vera Cruz, dated the 28th ult. states that  one death had occurred there from yellow fever since the 21st. There had been but two new cases admitted since that day, and of previous cases four had been discharged. On the 28th there were five remaining cases under treatment.

Since the 1st inst., the brigs Plymouth and Orleans, and the French bark Anex, have arrived at Vera Cruz from this port.

RW46v23i35p4c5, May 1, 1846: From the New Orleans Picayune April 21. Later from Texas.

The steamship Alabama, Capt Windle, arrived yesterday from Galveston with dates to the 18th inst.—three days later than our former advices. There had been no arrival at Galveston from the Rio Grande, and the Galveston papers are destitute of any intelligence of importance.

The Civillian and Gazette of Saturday last had received a few more reported returns of the Congressional election, and the editor was of opinion that there was scarcely a doubt of the election of Col. Williams.

From the same paper we copy the following resolution, which embodies the substance of a report made by the select committee of the House of Representatives, in the Texas Legislature, to whom was referred the subject of the subject of the public debt and public lands of Texas. This resolution had not been finally acted upon at the date of our last advices. It is the same resolution mentioned by our correspondent “Paul” in a letter of the 1st inst. from Austin, and the discussion of which he thought would lead to violent excitement:

Resolved, That our delegation in Congress be requested and authorized forthwith to open a negotiation with the Government of the United States, in such form as they may think fit, for the cession of the public lands of Texas to the United States, for an adequate consideration, to enable Texas to pay her public debt; and negotiation to be subject to the ratification of the Legislature of the State of Texas, according to the ordinary forms of legislation.

The following are the classes of debts incurred by the Republic of Texas, included in the bill to be entitled “An act to ascertain and establish the public debt, and to define how the same is to be paid.”

     1.        All bonds issued by her authority, for which she received par in gold and silver, or its equivalent, together with the interest stipulated to be paid on the face of the bonds, shall be paid at par.

     2.        All bonds issued under special contract for munitions of war, vessels of war, and naval supplies which continue in first hands, or have not been assigned at a discount, shall be paid at­­­­­­­with the interest stipulated on the face of the bonds, at whatever rate they might have been taken, provided such bonds can be traced to have originated under such special contract, and can be clearly authenticated and identified.

     3.        The bonds of the Consolidated Fund of Texas, having been funded when the Treasury notes and audited papers were at an average of less than 33 1/3 cents on the dollar, shall be paid at 33 1/3 cents on the dollar, with the interest on the same stipulated to be paid on the face of the bonds from the date of the said bonds to the day of payment.

     4.        All other certificates of stock under the seal of the Treasury, shall be paid at thrity cents on the dollar, with interest from the date of issue to the date of payment.

     5.        The average value of Treasury notes and 8 per cent. Bonds, having been from the date of their issue less than twenty­five cents on the dollar, they shall be paid at twenty­five cents on the dollar, with the interest called for on their face; and when no interest is stipulated to be paid on the premissory notes, then with five per cent interest from the 1st of Feb., 1842, to the day of payment.

     6.        All audited certificates issued by the Republic for public service or supplies at par, shall be paid at par with interest of five per cent, per annum form date; and all issued at less than par, at the rate at which they were issued with similar interest.

     7.        All debts or open accounts charged at par, for services or supplies, ascertained and declared valid by law, shall be paid at par, with an interest of five per cent; or if charged at the rates of paper currency, shall be paid at the par rates equivalent.

RW46v23i36p1c1, May 5, 1846: “The Model Republic.”

Epithets have not unfrequently been thrown out in a derisive and scornful spirit, which became “words to conjure with,” moving masses of men to action with talismanic power. Innumerable instances might be cited, in which terms originally of degradation and reproach have become the watch­word and war­cry of revolutionary hosts, and have been inscribed with pride upon their victorious banners—thus “returning to plague the inventors.” Is it not possible, at least, that the words at the head of this article, which the April number of Blackwood’s magazine sarcastically adopts as the running title of a long disquisition upon American manners, the design of which is of course to depreciate our national character and to cast odium upon our institutions, may at no distant day be adopted by the oppressed and down­trodden people, even of great Britain, as the prelude to the overthrow of her artificial and corrupt political system, and to the correction of those monstrous abuses in Church and State, which even her most partial eulogists do not hesitate to acknowledge and deplore? May it not happen, that, in despite of all the defects of our own system, either inherent or which have been engrafted upon it by a departure from the just and wise principles upon which it is founded, the toiling millions of Europe, suffering not only the deprivation of political rights, but of physical comforts to an extend undreamed of on this side of the Atlantic, while the favored few, born to a higher destiny, not only monopolize all public distinctions, but revel in luxury and splendor, unknowing or unnoticing the destitution and wretchedness which surround them on e very side—may if not indeed come to pass, that they will take up the words in earnest, which the organ of the British tories has thrown out in derision, and demand the reorganization of the British Government upon the great principles of “equal rights” which constitutes the foundation­stone of “THE MODEL REPUBLIC?” Indeed, is not a revolution now in progress in Great Britain? Now a revolution of force, we admit; but a revolution of opinion by which radical changes are in progress, and changes still more radical are ultimately to ensue, in the very constitution and frame work of her institutions, affecting ultimately her social not less powerfully than her political system? To what cause is this strong and resistless tendency of opinion to be mainly ascribed? Certainly to the light which has been thrown upon the subject of human rights, by the brilliant example of “the Model Republic”—a light, which as it shall be more widely diffused, will unveil still more extensively and clearly the monstrous abuses under which the hereditary bondsmen of Europe have so long despairingly groaned, and excite them to renewed, and in the end successful efforts, to throw off the yoke of the oppressor.

The recent debate in Congress on the existing relations between the United States and Great Britain, has furnished Blackwood with the text upon which it descants with such unction touching the defects of American institutions, and the vices of American statesmen. Some of the speeches which it cites, in corroboration of its opinions, we confess are far from being models either of sense, temper or taste. But is it fair to select the most objectionable portions of the worst speeches of the most violent men in Congress as specimens of American statesmanship? From the debates of the British Parliament examples not less coarse and vulgar might be selected, in which an American commentator might find a text not less apt for his purposes, if it were fair thus to deduce from occasional exhibitions of bad taste and temper inferences prejudicial to the character of a nation, and to the influence of its institutions in forming and modifying that character.

Blackwood’s Magazine, however, is not singular in its efforts to depreciate our institutions and to defame our reputation. The London Times, not unfrequently of late, indulges in these ribald assaults. One of its bitterest articles, in which, after characterizing the speech of Ex­President Adams as “the ravings of a moon­struck madman,” it proceeds to comment in terms of great severity upon the proceedings of our Government, which it says is “too feeble to restrain bad impulses” has drawn forth a brief and eloquent reply from an American citizen, which the Times, with unwonted candor and courtesy, publishes in its own columns. And it was chiefly for the purpose of introducing that pungent article to our readers, that we have been led into these remarks upon the vituperative and sneering disquisition of the coadjutor of the Times in the congenial work of national defamation. If the English papers will continue top open their columns to such manly vindications of the “the Model Republic” as that which we subjoin from the London Times, the period will be rapidly accelerated when it will in truth be regarded, even in England, as a model of which its framers need not be ashamed, and after which British patriots will be proud to fashion their own system.

To the Editors of the Times: Sir,­­Among other reasons for thinking our Government “too feeble to restrain bad impulses, and our population too excitable to be conscious of consequences," ” "moonstruck madman's” speech and the manner in which it was listened to in the United States House of Representatives, seem with you to rank among the foremost. Without stopping to inquire whether it is his “much learning that has made him mad,.” If Mr. Quincy Adams be really mad (for learning even if his wits be disordered, he possesses to a degree seldom equalled in Europe or America) and without uttering a suspicion, that the superstructure, reared on such a crazy foundation, may be unsound, allow me to ask in what, and on what occasion, the general government at Washington has exhibited feebleness, and wherein has our population betrayed an excitability which is regardless of consequences?

Since we came into being, which was but as yesterday in the history of nations, it can be said without a boast, that there is not a quarter of the globe that will not bear witness to the strength and energy of our Executive in its foreign relations. Were we not the first to refuse tribute to the Algerine, while Europe was laying its black mail sat his feet? Did we follow or lead in declaring and making the slave trade subject to the penalties of piracy—which was at least one step towards purgation from the black plague inherited from our ancestors? Was our claim upon the kingdom of Naples for indemnification suffered to grow weak through age? Had France any repose till the $25,000,000 were paid? And in these latter days, was not Texas annexed in spite of foreign interference?

But perhaps the feeble nature of our Government developes itself only at home. Well, then, at home.­­Did it not quell a most portentous insurrection in Pennsylvania, and that, too, while its powers were in their infancy, without sheeding a single drop of blood? Did it not, in its full strength, stifle South Carolina’s nullification scheme with a menace? Did it not easily crush a monster bank conspiracy? And finally, has it not recently, in scorn of domestic opposition, added a new territory to its own?

Should weakness in the art of defence ever be charged against it, the voices from English graves throughout the country, honored wherever found, would induce many not to gainsay the slander. And if its power of offence be doubted or forgotten, not the wide ocean alone, but your very channels, whose waves almost kiss the lintels of your doors, could, if their records were not written in water, bear witness to its reality. The smoke, too, from many a richly laden convoy, was wafted too often, with a not sweet smelling savour, to the nostrils of their armed but too distant guardians, to convict the aggressors of inoffensiveness.

As to the excitability of a population, no part of which corresponds to the English mob or the French canailla, and to none of whose members the common rudiments of education are strange, it is vain to speculate on its evil results; for intelligence goes hand in hand with it, and the cool, calculating spirit of my countrymen, is a sufficient guarantee, that it will never lead them into danger.

Tried by the Procrustean standard of Europe, I doubt not that we should often be pronounced out of measure, and that even upon the floor of Congress certain scenes might be curtailed to advantage; but that “one branch of the most important legislative assembly of the new world should listen with interest and excitement” to our “lunatic” ex­President’s most original exhibition ought no more to raise your wonder, than that the House of Commons should be amused by a ludicrous description of a noble lord’s coal­hole escapade, or that it should now and then uuproariously cheer on “Young England’s” champion, to badger a man who is to him like Jupiter to a rejected entellite.

As in common with my countrymen here, I no longer regard the Oregon question as a war question, with your permission, I will add a line or two respecting what is described by you to be “the threatning state of our relations with Mexico.” Your intelligent correspondent in that unhappy country might have told you, that as against a more powerful antagonist it is more helpless than a wailing child, whether for offence or defence, because it is like a “house divided against itself;” that it can no more prevent the flood of emigration from the States into California, and its consequences, be they what they may, than could the red man close his forests against the inundation of the whites; and that, though it may declare war till it is “hoarse with calling,” it can never make, it unless perchance, which I do not suspect, some European nations come to its aid, and then, without time even to see the forecast shadow of coming events, one universal howl of war, on both sides of the Atlantic, will for many a year be heard, smothering in its death echo the voice of peace.

Our “democratic pretences,” I sincerely believe, are entirely misunderstood in Europe, especially as they regard territory. We want none of your possessions, and Canada we should be must less thankful for than yourselves would be to get honorably rid of a colony, which is ravenous as a horseleech and ungrateful as its own soil.

No! pretences, unjust pretences, if they have an existence, time will show that they are not on our side. But in the eyes of some, because we are professed Republicans, and having power, choose to use it as to us seems best, we therefore and our claims are arrogance itself; and, because we will not that kings or nobles should have dominion over us, we are for that reason “of the earth earthly,” and on the high road to anarchy and confusion. What is most “strange and unnatural” is, that it is not those who are divinely hedged about and stand in high places, that are in general our self­deluded or malicious traducers; but mere men, unnoble and untitled men like ourselves, who, having sucked in their mother’s with milk an over weening reverence for rank, cannot bear to see others, void of sympathy for their weakness, asserting and maintaining the dignity of their common nature.

Most respectfully, your obedient servant,


RW46v23i36p1c2, May 5, 1846: News Expected.

We have received no New Orleans papers since Thursday morning last. The last Charleston Mercury, however, copies a paragraph from the new Orleans Picayune of the 24th ultimo, announcing that the Mexican schooner Ventura was in the river below, said to have on board a bearer of important dispatches. The next mail will probably bring us additional particulars.

RW46v23i36p1c2, May 5, 1846: Forthcoming work on Mexico.

The Washington correspondent of the Philadelphia North American informs us that Gen. Waddy Thompson, formerly a distinguished member of Congress from South Carolina, and late our Minister at Mexico, has now in press, to be issued with the present month, a book containing the recollections of his residence in that unhappy and interesting country. All who know Gen. Thompson will concur in the opinion, expressed by the American’s correspondent, that few public men possess in so eminent a degree the requisites for an attractive, useful and instructive work of this sort as that gentleman; and we know of no country in reference to the real character and condition of which authentic information is more desirable and necessary than that of Mexico—of which, although our nearest neighbor, there is an universal ignorance.

RW46v23i36p2c1, May 5, 1846: “Democratic” Principles.

In an elaborate address “to the people,” reviewing the events of the year that has elapsed since his removal from Richmond toi preside over the Executive Organ, the Editor of the Washington Union congratulates himself that he has labored with honesty and singleness of purpose to support “the true principles of the a ncient and well­established democratic creed.” We are not disposed to question either his zeal or his ability in the vindication of every Executive recommendation; and if that b e, as from the events of the last sixteen years we may legitimately infer, the test of modern democracy, it is impossible to doubt his fidelity to the great principle—submission to Executive dictation—which constitutes the leading feature of the creed of the party which has cunningly appropriated to itself a popular appellation, to the influence of which, in despite of the unpopularity of many of its measures, it is indebted for its repeated triumphs.

“The true principles of the ancient and well­established democratic creed!” What are they? We are aware that certain cabalistic terms are in vogue among our opponents, to which they will refer us, with a triumphant air, as an answer to this question—such as “Revenue Tariff,” “divorce of Bank and State,” “strict construction,” and the like. But whose mind is so obtuse as not to see that these phrases, though constituting the shibboleth of the party, have practically no clear and well defined signification? In reference to the Tariff, the very scheme just introduced into the House of Representatives, as an Administration measure, violates throughout the definition of a Revenue Tariff given by the Address of the Virginia Democratic Convention held in this city in 1843, and which has since been reiterated times without number by recognized leaders and organs of that party: and, even thus modified, it is admitted to be questionable whether the Administration party, overshelming as is its ascendancy in the House of Representatives, and decisive as is its amjority in the Senate, will be able to consummate the overthrow of the existing system. How happens this, if indeed a tariff discriminating alone for revenue and against protection be, as the Union asserts, one of the “true principles of the ancient and well established democratic creed?” Is it not, rather, because it is an innovation upon the uniform policy of the Government since its foundation—a policy which, looking to the development of our national wealth and power, by the protection afforded to national industry, received the sanction and approval of Washington, Adams, Jefferson, Madison and Monroe, embracing the whole line of Revolutionary Presidents, and emphatically the Fathers of the Constitution,­­to say nothing of their successors, (including Jackson and Van Buren, the apostles of modern democracy,) all of whom, without exception, unless the present Chief Magistrate constitute that exception, were avowedly, as their written opinions and votes demonstrate, in favor of a Protective Tariff? This “principle,” therefore, is neither “ancient” nor “well established.” It is, on the contrary, an attempt—we hope an abortive attempt—to subvert a policy as old as the Government itself—a policy under the benign effects of which this Republic, which but yesterday was in the swaddling­clothes of infancy, has so rapidly acquired Herculean stature and strength, and has been enabled to take its position among the leading Powers of the world,­­if not the first, soon to assume that rank unless her energies be fettered and cramped by the injudicious legislation of those who would go to Birmingham and Leeds, rather than to Lowell and Pittsburg, for ploughs to till the soil, and for garments to clothe the laborers who cultivate it.

Still less can it be even plausibly pretended that the idea of “divorcing Bank and State,” by the establishment of a Sub­Treasury, in which the surplus revenues of the Government are to be locked up, (though, by the way, under their “revenue system,” a deficiency rather than a surplus is to be apprehended,) is one of the “true principles of the ancient and well established democratic creed.” We need only refer to the files of the Richmond Enquirer, nine years ago, then conducted by the present Editor of the Union, to show, that so far from being entitled to be so regarded, it was at that time denounced by himself as a dangerous innovation upon the “ancient and well established” principles of the Republican creed. Indeed, we have some reason to doubt whether the Editor of the Union has yet become a convert to the wisdom and expediency of a system borrowed from barbarian and despotic governments—for, in the address to which we have referred, he touches it as gingerly as if he were handling hot iron. “The country,” he believes, “has resolved to adopt it.” It was promulgated as one of the important measures of the Baltimore Convention.” But he does not say that he is any more in favor now, than he was in 1837, of strengthening, by its adoption, the Executive power, already too great for a Republic, and of adding to its overgrown patronage—or that he wishes to see two currencies established, the better for the Government, and the more worthless for the people. Confessedly, then, this is neither an “ancient” nor a “well established” principle, either of the “democratic” or of any other creed—for although the Washington Globe, in 1833, pronounced this now favorite measure of the democracy a “foul federal conception,” it thereby grossly slandered a party, which, whatever may be the sins of which it was guilty, at no time entertained the design of separating the government from the people, by the introduction of a financial system which is equally at war with the spirit of the age and with the genius of free government.

“Strict construction” is, we admit, an ancient and w ell established principle of the old Republican party; but, judging the tree by its fruit, we are constrained to deny that the modern democracy, of which the Union is the metropolitan organ, has any especial and peculiar right to array itself under a banner upon which those words are inscribed. They are, indeed, sufficiently rigid in the interpretation of the Constitution when they would thwart the purposes or impugn the orthodoxy of their opponents. But when they wish to carry a measure, who has ever seen them hesitate to overleap a constitutional barrier, or deficient in the ingenuity so to torture its provisions as to sanction their designs? We need only refer to their final action upon the Texas question, to show how little they regard any impediment to the consummation of an object which they desire to accomplish. Never before, we venture to assert, were the provisions of the Constitution so violently wrested from their true intent and meaning as in the measures adopted on that occasion, (rest of article unreadable).

RW46v23i36p2c2, May 5, 1846: Our Army on the Rio Grande.

We have before alluded to the critical position of our little army on the Rio Grande, and to the danger of a hostile collision with the Mexican forces on the opposite bank. The Charleston Mercury closes an article animadverting with some severity upon the foreign policy of Mr. Polk, [whom, having aided to elect it has a right to castigate—the Chinese, we are told, some times whip their gods,] with the following remarks:

“Nor can we see the wisdom of his policy in sending the army of the United States to the Rio Grande. Did he fear that the Mexicans would invade Texas, or that we could not at any time take possession of just as much of Texas as we pleased to call by that name? The camp at Corpus Christi was far beyond any American settlements, and therefore a far more efficient point for their protection than further off. And if it was expedient, for some cause which we cannot divine, to send our army to the Rio Grande, why order them to pitch their tents directly opposite Matamoras, with their cannon pointing into the town? Is there no other position along that mighty river where our troops could be accommodated whilst our rights were maintained? This course looks very like a determination to provoke a war with Mexico. But whether this is the intention or not, most clearly this is the tendency. Every army, great or small, is always eager for war. If the American army on the Rio Grande does not get up a fight with the Mexicans, in spite of all pacific instructions, it will be little short of a miracle.”

RW46v23i36p2c5, May 5, 1846: From the N. O. Picayune LATER FROM MEXICO

The Mexican schooner Ventura, Captain Durantez, arrived at this port yesterday from Vera Cruz, having sailed thence on the 10th inst. Our files are but two days later from the capital or Vera Cruz, than we had previously received, and they contain little of interest. So far as we can learn, nothing had occurred to change the aspect of affairs in the country.

We perceive that the Government is determined to be ready to meet Santa Ana, should the ex­President determine to return, as we have not doubt he will do. It may be known that criminal proceedings were instituted against Santa Ana for his transactions just prior to the revolution which hurled him from power. The proceedings in the case have been published by order of the Supreme Court, and they make a pamphlet of 130 pages. A general circulation of these may, it is thought, have some influence on the minds of the people, and prepare them for any measure of severity which the Government may take against Santa Ana.

A new paper called El Puritano, publishes two letters from Gen. Santa Ana to Gen. Tornel, Secretary of War. The first was written from Perote, at the moment Santa Anna was about setting forth from his imprisonment to leave the country. The second is dated the 9th March last from Cerro, his retreat near Havana. It is sufficiently curious to be deserving a free translation:

“MY ESTEEMED FRIEND AND COMPANION—Your entrance into the War Department has been much applauded, and I join with the nation in congratulations upon it; especially as it will enable you to give your active services in the matter of the Texas question and the other frontier departments. WHO KNOWS BETTER THAN YOU THE INTENTIONS OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA?

“You have done well in accepting the portfolio of war, as it will enable you in a measure to reciprocate the kind offices of Senor Paredes, extended to you at the melancholy crisis of your banishment. You know well, that the noble and generous conduct of that General to yourself and other friends of mine reconciled me with him, and I have not hesitated to express as much in my correspondence with others.

“By that course of conduct he entitled himself to every consideration from me, and to a certain point repaid the solicitous kindness which he received during his severe and critical illness at Toluca. You will recollect that one of my aids­de­camp was charged with visiting and attending upon him, extending to him at the same time the pecuniary assistance called for by his situation.

“I know not for what Providence has reserved me; but whatever may be my lot, I live in the enjoyment of the sweet idea that the day will come when justice shall triumph, and when not only my innocence shall be acknowledged, but my policy vindicated, which you well know was always inspired by the purest patriotism. In nothing does my conscience upbraid me; I live in peace, notwithstanding that I eat without salt the bread of exile. I shall never solicit a return to my beloved country; and should events ever restore me to her bosom, it will be only to serve her, and to shed the little blood which is left in me ion defence of her liberties and in defeating foreign influences, direct or indirect.

“Present my profound respects to Madame, your wife, and count always upon the affection of your old friend and companion. A. L. DE SANTA ANA.”

The impertubable impudence of the above is so characteristic, that we believe the letter to be genuine; its grossness led us at first to think it a hoax. Presuming it to be genuine, we argue from it that Santa Ana will be in Mexico by the time it has been sufficiently circulated.

La Reforma of the 28th ult. says that orders have been given to the administrator of the mails from Jalappa and Vera Cruz, that any extraordinary courier from the latter port to the capital should be strictly detained at Puebla, and the drivers even are enjoined to preserve silence as to what may transpire at Vera Cruz. This may be an invention of La Reforma, but it shows what men are thinking about in the capital, and that Paredes knows well from what quarter danger threatens.

It is mentioned in the papers that the President has increased very considerably the detachment assigned to guard his residence, as if he were not without apprehension of difficulties in the city of Mexico.

The Mexican papers now deny the blockade of Mazatlan, and tell a long story to show how the rumor was started.

Mention is also made of an ineffectual attempt of the Indians in the South of Mexico, to get up an insurrection of purposes of rapine and plunder.

The press in the Department of Durango still complain of Indian outrages such as robbery and murder, and suggest that the only remedy for the evil is the re­establishment of the old presidial guards.

The papers abound with more than usual complaints of the insecurity of the public roads for travellers.

RW46v23i36p4c1, May 5, 1846: SATURDAY MORNING, MAY 2,1846, “Oregon Controversy Settled.”

Under this imposing caption we transferred to our last paper, without comment, an article from the New York Journal of Commerce, announcing, in the most positive and unqualified manner, the adjustment of the Oregon question—that is to say, that the preliminaries have been informally agreed upon, with the concurrence of both parties, and that it now only remains to embody them in a treaty, and give them the sanction of the usual official forms. This information the Journal professes to have obtained from letters received by the Great Western “from high sources,” stating that the latitude of 49 to the Straits of Fuca, and thence through said Straits to the Pacific, leaving the whole of Vancouver’s Island to Great Britain, and the navigation off the Columbia for a term of years, had been agreed upon as the basis of the treaty of pacification.

The Journal is not in the habit of heedlessly throwing out important statements of this character, from the silly ambition of anticipating its cotemporaries, or for the more reprehensible purpose of affecting the stock market, and enabling the “Bulls” to prey upon the “Bears.” At the first blush, therefore, we were indisposed to question the accuracy of its statement. But subsequent reflection induces us to apprehend that it has been itself misled, and that “its wish is father to the thought.” It may be, indeed, as the Enquirer of yesterday, commenting on the Journal’s article, remarks, that there is “some probability of the prospective realization of the settlement described;” but we cannot believe that it has yet been concurred in by the high contracting parties. It is not probable, certainly, in the first place, that, during the pendencey of the discussion on this subject, in the American Congress, and while it was yet uncertain what would be the character of its final action, the British Government would resume the negotiation, t wice before asbruptly broken off, by submitting a new proposition; and they have not had time to do so, of course, since the a doption of the joint resolution. And in the next place, the e ditorials of the Official Journal, within a few days past, urging the Senate, in a somewhat imperious tone,m promptly to follow up the notice, “by carrying out the other measures recommended by the President in relation to Oregon,” the most important of which, extending the jurisdiction of our laws over our citizens in Oregon, has already passed the House of Representatives, satisfy us that the editor of that paper could not have been in possession of this information, upon which the Journal so confiently relies, and which, if it had been well founded, we take it for granted, must have reached Washington prior to the publication of the last of them. If a treaty be formed upon the basis stated by the Journal of Commerce, the “other measures” referred to, though still to some extent necessary, must be materially modified—and the “Union,” would therefore scarcely have exhibited such feverish anxiety for the speedy action of Congress upon the bills in their present shape, had it been aware that the outlines of a treaty, rendering some of their provisions inapplicable, and precipitation in all of them both unnecessary and unwise, had been already agreed upon.

The article in the last London Quarterly Review, which seems to be regarded as semi­official in its character, indicating a considerable abatement of British pretensions and an earnest desire to adjust the controversy peaceably, in connection with other significant circumstances, leaves us but little room to doubt that both the British Government and the British people are willing to make a treaty upon the basis suggested in the article of the Journal of Commerce. Supposing that difficulty removed, there is of course no reason to apprehend a hostile issue, if our own Government is prepared to assent to terms of compromise, which, however just in themselves, fall so far short of the high ground heretofore assumed by the President and his Cabinet. We have felt serious apprehensions that here would be found the great obstacle to the pacific settlement of the controversy. These apprehensions have been to some extent relieved, we confess, by the remark, in yesterday’s Enquirer, [to which we hope we do not give more weight than it is entitled,] that “there may be some probability of the prospective realization of the settlement described” by the Journal of Commerce. While, therefore, we think the annunciation of the Journal premature, we are not without hope that it truly foreshadows coming events.

RW46v23i36p4c1, May 5, 1846: Gen. James Hamilton.

This distinguished gentleman, in a letter addressed to the President of the Senate of Texas, explanatory of his last connection with the affairs of that Republic, urges the transfer of the Public Lands to the Government of the U. States, as the means of enabling Texas to meet all her obligations, which he says she is entirely able to do by a wise management of her resources. The General declares, in the same letter, that the federal government has no right to take the Custom Houses of Texas under its control, because the revenue from this source was pledged to the creditors of the defunct Republic before the ordinances of annexation was passed! This is one of those vagaries, smelling somewhat rankly of Nullification, by which General Hamilton has before rendered his opinions more notorious than respected.

RW46v23i36p4c3, May 5, 1846: Texas not a Paradise.

Ye restless and dissatisfied; you who are disposed to abandon your pleasant and prosperous homes, in the vain hope of finding in an untried wilderness, and earthly paradise, who have heard of the flowers, but not of the thorns; who have been told of the balmy breezes, but not of the freezing siroccos of Texas, read and ponder well the sad revelations of the unadorned truth, briefly shadowed forth in the following from and intelligent and well informed source:

From the Charleston Evening News. CORPUS CHRISTI, (Texas,) Jan. 25.

The people of the United States have been, and still are, egregiously gulled by scripholders and editors respecting the character of this country. I should be amused in reading the eulogistic descriptions which are to be found in almost every newspaper respecting the climate, the productions, and the general capabilities of Texas, were it not for the indignation which I feel in reflecting on the very many worthy families that will be ruined by such barefaced misrepresentations. There is no district in all Texas, from the Sabine to the Rio Grande, with the general character of which I have not made myself pretty well acquainted. This I did by making it a business to cross­examine intelligent persons who had visited one or more of all those districts. One of the conclusions which I derive from my inquiries is, that, taking Texas in its totality, there is no region in the United States, containing the same number of square miles, that is not intrinsically much more valuable. Another is, that no district of ten miles square can be found within the widest limits of Texas which combines the advantages of good land, good water, good timber, good health, and good navigation. Nine­tenths of the whole country (at the lowest calculation) consist of prairie wastes, which, for many substantial reasons, must remain for centuries to come, if not forever and uncultivated wilderness, fit only for animals to inhabit. It is almost exclusively on the banks of a few paltry rivers, which are said to be navigable, that good timber is to be found; and even on them only narrow strips, which do not generally average over three hundred yards in breadth. The lands on the margins of those rivers are generally very rich, but almost every year they are extensively overflowed, and subsequently visited by fevers of a most deadly type. In addition to all this, the seasons in Texas are unquestionable worse than those of any country in the United States. The rainy season prevails here during the winter months, when rains are not wanted, and from April till September there pretty regularly prevails an unremitting drought. The consequence is that experienced planters do not calculate on making more than one out of three crops; and it is not always that they can make so large a proportion. I was told the following anecdote yesterday by a gentleman who attempted, during four years to sustain himself by planting on the bank of the “Gaudalupe,” near Victoria, which is one of the richest, the best located, and most lauded positions in all Texas. He told me that he planted on high ground, which was very rich, the first year; and that his crop was entirely burnt up by the drought. The second year he planted on the low river bottom lands, and succeeded in making a crop. The third and fourth years he planted in the same land, and each year his crop was totally destroyed by the floods.—He said, moreover, that the only crop which never failed was bilious fever, and that this flourished abundantly in his family every year as regularly as July came.”

The climate of Texas, like every thing else, has been greatly misrepresented. The tremendous “northers” which prevail every few days, during the winter months, and which sweep unbroken from the Rocky Mountains, over the prairie regions of this wilderness country, frequently reducing the mercury to twenty degrees, give one a strange idea of “tropical” Texas! These, together with cold pelting rains, dense fogs, relieved by a few scattering fair days, present the true bill of fair of the winter season in the most tropical portion of Texas! In summer there prevails dreadful droughts, which generally commence in April and continue unremittingly till September. These droughts are accompanied, four days out of five, with blustering, parching sirocco winds, which occasion such excessive evaporation as to destroy any species of young tree; and it is probably to this circumstance that Texas owes it prairie character. I have seen several attempts made to raise sugar cane in this part of country, but they all prove signal failures. The cane, though planted in the richest land, was so stunned by the powerful evaporating winds, as not to acquire one half the size of ordinary cane by the 28th November, when it was utterly destroyed by a frost, which reduced the mercury to 20 degrees. It is said that some good sugar crops have been made on the Brasos, and on the rifer north and east of this; but it would take ocular demonstration to convince me that a full sugar crop ever has been or ever will be made in any portion of the country between the Sabine and the Rio Grande. I need scarcely inform you that orange trees and other tropical productions will never be seen (except as curiosities) in a country whose climate is so inclement that a blackjack tree dares not show its head. But, supposing that the unavailable prairies which form nearly the whole of southern and western Texas (alias tropical “Texas”) were rich, well timbered, well watered lands, with good navigation and a seasonable climate, instead of being, as they are timberless; unwatered, land­locked deserts, subject to irregular and most inclement seasons, would it even then, I ask, be advisable for southern planters to emigrate here?—Most assuredly not, unless they wished to lose all their negroes, and then cultivate, by free labor, lands to which they would have precarious titles. The insecurity of slave property is so great in the southern and western portions of Texas, that no man in his senses would risk a large gang of negroes south of the Colorado, even did he find their labor profitable, which he most assuredly would not. It is only necessary for a negro in this region of the country to mount one of the mustangs, which are always and every where at hand, and in less than forty­eight hours he is irrecoverably lost to his owner; for he has only to cross the Rio Grande in order to be a freeman, and on a perfect equality with his adopted countrymen.

I have not space to say half that I wish to say about Texas, and must therefore conclude here for the present, and I may probably renew the subject in another communication.

RW46v23i36p4c6, May 5, 1846: THE ARMY.

Official accounts from the “Army of Occupation,” to the 15th of April, inclusive, have been received at Washington. The United States and Mexican armies were still posted on opposite sides of the Rio Grande; bur no collision had taken place, and none was seriously apprehended.

RW46v23i37p1c2, May 8, 1846: Benton and Polk.

We have heretofore informed our readers that Colonel Benton’s speech on the Oregon question, in reply to Gen. Cass, had given great dissatisfaction to the ultra Oregon papers in the West, the remarks of one of which we have already quoted. Another, [the Jacksonian, published at Rushville,] declares that, “He has passed the Rubicon; it is time that every Democratic press should speak of him as he deserves—to unmask his plans and lay bare his treachery. It were better it had been done before. He is travelling in the path of the Rivers, the Tallmadges, and others, that have heretofore SLOUGHED OFF. He will soon reach THEIR level.”

All of them, however, do not exhibit this vindictive and unforgiving temper. Some of them remember that in times past, the Missouri Senator has rendered good service to the Locofoco cause; and even if he had now grown somewhat lukewarm, or if his position were somewhat dubious, the most vindictive of his assailants might, it seems to us, find some palliation for his lack of zeal and firmness in the vaccillating policy of the President himself on the Oregon question, whose position is at least as equivocal as that of Mr. Benton. So thinks the Lafayette [Indiana] Courier, which, in a tone of amusing simplicity, remarks:

“Mr. Benton’s views on the Oregon question differ from those of Gen. Cass, perhaps of Mr. Polk; but they are views that are coincided in by thousands of Democrats all over the Union, and therefore, he forsooth, is to be accused of playing the traitor and abandoning his party.”

Perhaps of Mr. Polk!” There is a world of meaning in the phrase. It shows that even the friends of the President are at a loss to decide,­­oscillating like a pendulum as he has been between 54 40 and 49,­­where he stands upon this great question, in reference to which, although he has written much, he has s aid only enough to obscure his real designs from the most penetrating eye—if, indeed he knows his own mind two days together, which is very reasonably doubted.

RW46v23i37p1c3, May 8, 1846: From the New Orleans Tropic , Extra, April 29. LATE FROM TEXAS.

The steamship New York, Capt. Phillips, has just arrived, bringing Galveston papers of the 27th, and dates from the Army to the 22d. The following persons came passengers:

U. S. Army,­­Gen. Worth, Col. Coffin, Col. Fisher, Col. Waite, Col. Watts, Major Van Ness, Major March, Capt. Duncan, Capt. McLellard, Capt. Whitehead, and Capt. Cobuin, Lieut. Root, Dr. Robinson, Dr. Rain, and seventeen discharged U. S. soldiers.

The iron propeller Hunter, which sailed from Brasos St. Jago in company with the steamer Col. Harney for this port, arrived off Galveston Bar on the 27th, eleven days out, with loss of smoke­pipe and short of fuel. She had encountered very heavy weather, having once been within seventy miles of the Pass and obliged to put back on account of head winds.

We take the subjoined article from the Galveston News of the 24th:

RW46v23i37p1c3, May 8, 1846: Later from the Army of Occupation.

The schooner L. M. Hitchcock, Capt. Wright, arrived yesterday morning, having left Brasos St. Iago last Sunday. We are indebted for the following information to Col. March, who came on board the Hitchcock, having left the camp of Gen. Taylor on the 15th inst.

Our former intelligence by the Hitchcock, in regard to the movement of the army to a position three or four miles below Matamoras, was materially incorrect. On the morning of the 10th ult, when Gen. Taylor found himself exposed to the enemy’s fire, with his right and left unprotected in consequence of the peculiar bends of the river, he ordered one division of his army to take position in the bend above and the bend below the town, while with the main army he maintained his first position, where he still remains. Gen. T. has used all diligence to strengthen his position, by throwing up breastworks, by entrenchments, fortifications, &c., and the Mexican General Ampudia, has been equally industrious in fortifying the town defensively keeping his soldiers employed night and day. Gen. Taylor’s heavy ordinance of eighteen pounders, are said to be situated within point blank shot of Gen. Ampudia’s house in the middle of the city, at a distance of 300 yards. Thus the two armies have been situated for upwards of 2 weeks up to our present dates, neither having committed any positive act of hostility, upon the other. On the 10th inst., Col. Cross, commissary General of the army, rode out by himself about 10 o’clock in the morning, to the house of a German, about two miles from the army, where, (as was afterwards ascertained,) he was taken prisoner, by a party of Mexican Rancheros. As soon as he was missing, Gen. Taylor sent a detachment of men, who scoured the country in search of him, but to no purpose.

Two or three days after Captain May, of the 2nd Dragoons, took a runaway negro in the neighborhood of the same place where Col. Cross was captured; and from this negro the above information of the taking of Col. Cross was obtained. Immediately after Gen. Taylor sent a messenger to the Mexican General requesting information whether Colonel Cross was a prisoner with him or not. The next day Gen. Ampudia sent several officers to the American camp with the answer that they knew nothing of Colonel Cross, but they had made Lieut. Deas a prisoner. This officer, it appears, had previously crossed the river [but without orders] in search of Colonel Cross, (who was his particular friend,) and had fallen into the hands of the Mexicans. Much uncertainty and many surmises prevail in regard to the fate of Colonel Cross. But the more probable opinion appears to be that his capture was authorized by, and unknown to Ampudia; and it is to be feared that he has been murdered by the party of by whom he was taken, and his horse, money and clothing divided among them.

On the 14th, Gen. Ampudia sent a formal notice to Gen. Taylor, ordering him to leave his present position within 24 hours, and to evacuate the whole territory west of the Nueces, or that has refusal would be considered a declaration of war. Gen. T. immediately returned for answer, that his orders were to maintain his position on the east bank of the river, and that he should do so, especially as the roads were muddy, and as it was unpleasant retreating at this season. Shortly after the reception, of this answer, the Mexican army partially withdrew from the town, and a portion of the troops disappeared from the west bank of the river. Thus closes the last act of the drama as far as the enemy is quite as inexplicable to Gen. Taylor as to every body else. Colonel March informs as that a report has been put in circulation, that the threatened hostilities are only suspended till the first of June, then to be renewed, we suppose, with redoubled energy and still more slaughter.

Gen. Taylor is prosecuting the fortifications at Point Isabel, with steady perseverance.

Before he returned the above answer to Ampudia, he ordered the blockade of Matamoros, and directed the commanders of the Flirt and Lawrence to enforce it strictly, which was accordingly done. A vessel, with a cargo of flour, having been waiting some time for a fair wind to enter the port, was the first to suffer from this measure, and was compelled to leave the market, where flour is now, worth $40 per bbl.

The Texas Congressional election was yet undecided. The Houston Star thinks there is little doubt that Judge Pillbury is elected. The Galveston News thinks the chances are in favor of Col. Williams.

The Galveston News of the 24th, says—The Telegraph, Capt. Auld, arrived last night from the Brasos St. Iago, and four days later from the Army of Occupation. This steamship left Brasos St. Iago at 10 o'clock, A. M., day before yesterday, being only 28 hours out. The Captain has kindly furnished us with some memoranda, stating that on the 19th inst., Lieut. Porter of the 4th Regiment, (son of the late Commodore Porter,) being out with a fatigue party of ten men, (some of them wearing uniform,) were tired upon when within a few miles of the camp.

Lieut. Porter and three of his men were killed, in the attack, the rest of the party escaping returned to the camp next day. It is stated that the guns of the Americans were wet and would not fire. We see no explanation given why this party of soldiers should be ranging about the country with guns that would not fire.

Lieut. Van Ness informs us that nothing further had been heard of Col. Cross up to the 19th, but that the general opinion is that he is still a prisoner, though not at Matamoras.

About fifty of the American army have deserted and swam the river for the Mexican camp, but a number of them were shot as deserters while in the water. The whole number of American troops is estimated at between two and three thousand, and they are said to be in excellent discipline, and eager for an engagement with the enemy.—Ampudia’s forces are reported at between three and four thousand. It is rumored that Arista is about to supercede Ampudia in the command.

The Telegraph left at Brasos St. Iago, barque Wm. Iry, brig Apalachicola and schooners Wm. Bryan, Aurora, Arispa, Invincible, Gen. Worth and the steam schooner Augusta and several others, names unknown.

Laying outside the bar, schooner Florida and schooner Waterman, unable to get in for want of water.

RW46v23i37p1c3, May 8, 1846: Still Later. From the Galveston News, Extra.

We may here remark that it is now understood as a fact that Ampudia is already superseded by Arista, from whom we may expect the next proclamation. This General is admitted to be an officer of character, good sense and prudence, and whatever proceeds from him will be entitled to some consideration.

In our summary of news by the steamship Telegraph, we omitted to state what may be of some importance, viz: that Gen. Ampudia, in his answer to the inquiries of Gen. Taylor concerning Col. Cross, expressly disavowed any acts of hostility that might have been or might hereafter be committed by Mexicans on this side of the river, stating that all such acts were unauthorized by him or his Government.

RW46v23i37p1c3, May 8, 1846: From the N. O. Picyune, (Extra,) April 29. Thirteen days later from Mexico.

The brig Orleans, Capt. Patterson, arrived at this port this morning from Vera Cruz, having sailed thence on the 23d inst. She brings us our files of papers to the 22d from Vera Cruz, and to the 18th from the city of Mexico.

Every thing was still quiet in the Captiol and Vera Cruz, so far as any outbreak in favor of Santa Anna was concerned, but the minds of all men were ripe for a revolution. Letters had been received at Vera Cruz from the City of Mexico, stating that Gen. Alvarez had raised the standard of revolt in the Southern part of the Department of Mexico; proclaimed the Federal Constitution; and declared himself in favor of the recall of Gen. Santa Ana. No details upon this subject are given in the papers, but El Locomotor of the 22d has no doubt of the fact of a revolution having broken out as alleged.

The latest accounts received at Vera Cruz of the military operations on the Rio Grande were only to the 31st of March. Our advices are several weeks later

The Mexican Governmentis said to have sold its two war steamers, the Montezuma and Guadalupe, to Manning & McIntosh, an English house. The price is said to have been $640,000. Various speculations were indulged us to the object of this sale. The steamers were to proceed immediately to Havanna—some reports say to bring over the Spanish Prince destined to fill the throne of Mexico; others as confidently predict that Santa Ana would return in one of them—in a few weeks, too. On this subject we are left entirely to conjecture.

From various representations which have been made to us, we are convinced that the policy of the Government of Paredes is controlled entirely by the English. Americans in Vera Cruz entertain no doubt whatever that a settlement of the difficulties between Mexico and the United States would have been arranged long ago, but for the interference of the English Minister, but now they do not look for peace until there has been a trial of strength between the two countries—until, in fact, San Juan de Ulua shall be reduced.

In regard to this fortress, it is now rendered almost certain that it cannot be taken unless by every considerable squadron of vessels of the first class, of by a land attack.—It has been put in thorough repair, and is defended by guns of the largest calibre. When the French took it, twenty­four pounders were the heaviest guns mounted in it; at present guns of a much higher class are employed, and additional fortifications have been erected near the mole for heavy cannon. Gen. Bravo has been appointed to the command of Vera Cruz, and is especially charged with the defence of the fortress.

The papers of the captial announces that Gen. Bravo left there at the head of 6000 men,

With a view to protect the Department of Vera Cruz, and any other parts of the interior which may be threatened by attack by the United States forces.

El Diario del Gobierno announces that 7000 men, well organized and officered, and amply provided with munitions, money, &c., will compose the Army of the North, and that the chief command has been restored to Gen. Arista, and that Gen. Ampudia, will henceforth be only second in command. The appointment of Arista is confirmed by way of Brazos Santiago.

The business of Vera Cruz is almost annihihted by the unsettled state of the country, in regard to its internal prospects and foreign relations.

It would appear that Com. Conner has transferred his flag to the frigate Raritan, which arrived on the 18th inst. He sailed from Vera Cruz on the 23d, on a cruise off the coast, accompanied by the Cumberland, Potomac and Falmouth. The fleet had previously gone out to sea for a day or two, to give the men benefit of fresh air, &c., The sloop of war John Adams was the only vessel of war lying at Sacrificious when the Orleans sailed. The health of the squadron was perfectly good.

The ship Suviah arrived at Vera Cruz on the 18th inst. The same day the brig Josephine arrived. On going in over the bar she got aground on the reef, and had to discharge her cargo. The brig Plymouth sailed for this port on the 20th inst.

RW46v23i37p2c1, May 8, 1846: THE FOREIGN INTELLIGENCE.

The intelligence by the Cambria adds very little to our previous information on the subject of the Oregon controversy. Indeed, in the present date of that question, it was scarcely to be expected that any new light would be thrown upon the probabilities of its speedy or pacific adjustment, by developments in London. We must now, for a brief period at least, look to Washington for signs of peace or portents of impending war. The settlement of the controversy is, for the present, in the hands and under the control of the President and his constitutional advisers, and of such others as he may think expedient to consult in regard to his ultimate determination. When he shall have given the so much talked of notice, (which, for aught we know, by the way, he may have done already,) we may then turn our eyes again to the other side of the Channel, to learn in what temper it has been received, and to what additional proposition it may lead. In the mean while, however, there are, in the recent advices, a few indications, from which we may infer the one and c onjecture the character of the other.

The notice, if given by the President in the same pacific spirit by which the resolution of Congress is so emphatically and designedly marked, so far from being deemed offensive, or in itself cause of war, will, we have no doubt, be received as an indication of the anxious wish of Congress, in giving it that mild and proper “form” and of the large majority of the American people whom it represents, to maintain the friendly relations now subsisting between “the Nother and the Daughter,” (to use George Canning’s felicitous phrase,) unimpaired; and that it will be met in a corresponding temper, we do not for a moment question. Regarded too by the British Government as an expression of the non­approbation (to use a mild term) by Congress, of the extreme position assumed upon this question by the Executive, and of the uncompromising temper exhibited in regard to it by that branch of our Government, and by leading men presumed to be in its confidence, (and it unquestionably may very properly so regard it,) it will justify the British Ministry, without any sacrifice of self­respect, in a renewal of the negotiation by submitting another proposition, if in that step it shall not have been anticipated by the President. And that must of necessity bring this long pending controversy to a speedy termination –we hope a peaceable one.

The London Times indicates, as the Quarterly Review had previously done, the terms of adjustment contemplated by the British Government—to wit, that the 49th parallel of latitude must be the basis of the arrangement, but, in the language of the Times, “with more extensive conditions than those heretofore annexed to it by the Americans”—that is to say, Great Britain must be permitted to retain “the whole of Vancouver’s Island, the navigation and harbor of the Straits of Fuca, the free use of the Columbia and its northern branches down to the sea, and an indemnity or compensation to the Hudson’s Bay Company for the posts they will be called upon to surrender.” These terms will not be assented to, in our opinion, by the Executive, nor do we know that public sentiment in this country would be prepared to yield to them, in all their extent. But, while we are aware of the weight to which the remarks of the London Times are entitled, particularly in its articles on the relations of Great Britain with foreign nations, we have a strong hope, that, if Mr. Polk shall consent to abandon his claim to the territory between the 40th degree and the Russian boundary, these terms will be considerably modified, and that the incidental “conditions” may be finally satisfactorily adjusted. Nevertheless, it is not to be denied or concealed that he difficulties to an amicable adjustment of the question are far from being removed; and, although it is unquestionably now the general opinion, on both sides of the Atlantic, that peace will be preserved, we confess that to our minds it is apparent that THE DANGER IS NOT YET OVER. We repeat, that in this apprehension we seem to stand almost alone; and, in giving it utterance, therefore, we feel that we are striking a chord not at all in unison with the tone of public feeling. We shall most sincerely rejoice if subsequent events shall show that it is without foundation.

The attempt upon the life of the “Citizen King” of France indicates the prevalence in that kingdom still of disorganizing and r evolutionary opinions, which may be expected to develop themselves inextensive popular commotions, whenever the death of Louis Phillippe, (who indeed seems to bear about him “a charmed life”) shall occur. Had the ball of the assassin been directed with a truer aim, a few weeks ago, it seems to be the general impression that a rising of that large portion of the people, Republicans and Legitimists, hostile to the Orleans dynasty, would have taken place—the former because of the failure of the Citizen King to fulfil the pledges exacted from him by their leaders in the Three Days’ Revolution, when they placed the diadem upon his brow; and the latter because they look upon him, nowithstanding the Princely blood that flows in his veins, as scarcely less a usurper than Napoleon, and have consequently been long anxiously awaiting the period of his demise as a favorable moment of the restoration of the older branch of the Bourbons, in the person of their “legitimate Prince,” the young Duke of Bordeaux. It is not improbable however, that the extend of the disaffection to the Orleans dynasty in France has been exaggerated, as it certainly seems to us, at this distance from the scene, to be most unreasonable; for never, at any period, has France been governed so wisely as during the last ten years—and we doubt, if at any moment, since the downfall of Napoleon, that powerful kingdom has been in a condition of greater internal prosperity, or has presented to its enemies a front better calculated to command their respect and to hold them in check. “The Napoleon of Peace,” as he has been justly called, Louis Phillippe has nevertheless won that appellation not by any sacrifice of the honor or rights of the nation, for the government of which he possesses such rare and admirable qualifications, nor by unmanly concessions to the arrogant pretensions of some of his brother Monarchs by whom he has been always rather coldly treated as an intruder into the charmed circle of Royalty,­­having about him none of that divinity, which, according to the ancient faith of Europe “doth hedge in a King,”—but he has acquired it by holding in check the passions of his violent and impulsive subjects, while asserting firmly, in his intercourse with other Powers, the right of the Nation and the honor of his Crown. It is conceded that, of all living Monarchs, he is incomparably the wisest—wisest, as well in the learning derived from books, as in that practical knowledge which is far better, and which he acquired in that rough school of adversity, into which, in his younger days, it was his fortune to be thrown. His death, occur when it may, will prove a great calamity to the French people, unless indeed they have profited more than we have reason to suppose they have done, by the “bloody instructions” which twenty years of revolution and war ought to have impressed indelibly upon their minds.

From Great Britain, the intelligence by the Cambria is not decisive in regard to those great measures of domestic policy, upon which the prosperity and perhaps the internal tranquility of that kingdom depends. The House of Lords, it will be remembered, has already passed the “Irish Coercion Bill”—a measure characterized, it is said, [for we have not seen it,] by the most despotic and tyrannical features, and to which consequently the Irish members of the House of Commons are so inflexibly hostile, that, in order to prevent its adoption, they have intimated their intention to vote against Sir Robert Peel’s proposed modifications of the British Tariff, if the Ministry shall persist in sustaining a bill so obnoxious to their countrymen. So that the fate of that important commercial scheme may be regarded as seriously endangered by its connection with a measure upon which it has not legitimate bearing.

RW46v23i37p2c2, May 8, 1846: Congressional Independence.

The Union continues to press upon Congress, with all the earnestness and pertinacity for which its editor is so remarkable, the adoption of those “other measures” in relation to the Oregon territory, which Mr. Polk recommended in his annual message. The Senate, however, turns a deaf ear to the unceasing exhortations of the Official Journal, and proceeds calmly in the consideration of the ordinary subjects of legislation. Even the House of Representatives, which has been heretofore most disposed to lend a willing ear to the importunities of the Union, seems now to be unmoved by its pathetic appeals. Are we to infer from this unwonted indifference of the two Houses to the admonitory counsel of the Union, that the wand of the magician is broken, and that henceforth Congress intends to think and act for itself, instead of sitting in the Capitol to register decrees sent to it from the other end of Pennsylvania Avenue? “That were a consummation devoutly to be wished.” Of all the practical reforms demanded by the country not one is more important or more imperatively required by its true interests—not one more essential to the preservation of our free institutions, by keeping the Executive in its constitutional orbit, from which it so often madly shoots—than the correction of the too long prevalent idea, that the representatives of the people in Congress are bound, by party allegiance, to repose implicit confidence in the wisdom and patriotism of the President for the time being, and to carry into effect, without enquiry or deliberation, every measure that he may recommend. There has been already too much of this subserviency; and we rejoice to believe that we see indications, in the action of the present Congress, of a more just and rational appreciation of the relative duties, rights and responsibilities of the co­ordinate departments of the government.

RW46v23i37p2c2, May 8, 1846: No title.

The New Orleans Tropic states that Lieut. Porter, recently murdered by a wandering band of Mexicans under the command of Canales, who is said to be himself an outlaw, and therefore not acting under authority of the Mexican Government, was a son of Com. Porter, formerly of the U. S. Navy, and son­in­law of Colonel Beal, of the U. S. Army, now stationed at Austria, Texas. He left a wife and three children at Fort Towson, the residence of his mother­in­law. The Tropic also states that this Canales has been very troublesome to Gen. Taylor, hanging on in the rear of his army, and cutting off his supplies.

From the same paper we learn that there is no doubt Col. Cross is in Matamoras, and had been peremptorily demanded by Gen. Taylor. No answer had been received. Lieut. Deas, of the 4th Artillery, who is a warm friend of Col. Cross, the moment he heard of his capture, swam the river in his uniform, and was taken prisoner. He is at large, on parole, at Matamoras.

The American officers who have visited Metamoras, say the Mexicans have no idea that there will be war, notwithstanding their furious proclamations.

RW46v23i37p2c4, May 8, 1846: From the Rio Grande. Correspondence of the N. O. Picayune


Gentlemen—Knowing your disposition to enlighten the world upon all the important topics of the day, I have borrowed pen, ink and paper with a view of giving you some information with regard to our present position and anticipated differences with Mexico. You have doubtless been apprised of General Ampudia’s bravado communication to General Taylor, in which he informed him that it would be an insult to the good sense and understanding of Don Z. Taylor for him (General Ampudia) to attempt a recapitulation of the very many insults and grievances which the American Government had heaped upon that of Mexico, and if he, the said Don Z., did not within twenty­four hours fall back beyond the Nueces river, that the Mexican Government would be under the disagreeable necessity of making him do so. To this General Taylor politely replied, that although he might have every disposition to accommodate, yet he could not think of disobeying the orders of his own Government, and was therefore prepared to stand the consequences. Several days have elapsed since, and no attempt has yet been made to drive us off. The two opposing armies are within five hundred yards of each other—both busily engaged in entrenching themselves and throwing up field works. The most perfect non­intercourse is established. Thousands of reports are daily in circulation with regard to the proble time at which we are to be eaten up, and frequently news reached us that the Mexicans are crossing the river at some point above or below us, when some unlucky devils (whose detail it happens to be) are detached on a scout for the whole night.

The last report is that Gen. Arista has taken command of the Mexican army, and that all hostile operations are to be suspended until next June, in order to give the two Governments an opportunity of negotiating peaceably—or, in other words, giving the Mexicans an opportunity of backing out with some show of decency. Take my word for it, we are to have no fun, unless we lead off the dance.

Many of our officers assemble daily on the banks of the river, and gaze with longing eyes at the houses, streets and signoras of the beautiful city of Matamoros. In the course of a week our fortification will be finished, when we may safely defy the whole Mexican army. It is said that Arista is the rival and enemy of Parades, and will therefore be disposed to favor the American Government.

Col. Cross our Quartermaster General, has doubtless been taken prisoner by a party of rancheros, and taken over to Mexico. Lieut. Deas, of the 4th Artillery, concluded, very strangely, the other night that he would swim over to Matamoros and get information about Col. Cross. He swam over in his uniform; and yesterday, when Gen. T. made a demand upon the authorities for Col. C., they returned an answer that he was not there, but that they had Lieut. Deas, whom they held as a prisoner of war. Deas had no permission from Gen. T. to go, so I suppose he will have to get back the best way he can. There is no apprehension but that these gentlemen are safe—Deas at Matamoros, and Col. Cross at some place in the interior. Yours, L.


My Dear Friends—We are all alive and kicking, the Mexicans not having yet caused “the waters of the Rio Bravo del Norte to drink any of the blood of the degenerate sons of Washington.”

From circumstances we are induced to believe that Col. Cross, was taken prisoner by a set of land­pirates that roam (unreadable). A notorious character by the name of Raffael Falcon, who scruples not at theft or murder, is supposed to have been prowling about our camp with some of his party, and seeing the colonel alone, they pounced upon him from the bushes, overpowered him, and either despatched him or run him over the river into Mexico, and now have him a prisoner—which, we have not been able to ascertain. This R. Falcon is said to be a captain of the Mexican army, and keeps at all times in his employ a set of desperadoes ready for any emergency.

This morning Lieut. Edward Deas, of the Artillery, said he was determined to ascertain what had become of Col. Cross. He dressed himself in uniform, mounted his horse, and, it is said, swam the river, and has gone to Matamoros. He has not been heard from, and how he will be received, or what will be his fate among them, none can tell, as he goes it entirely on “his own hook.”

The Mexicans hold no intercourse with us, having immediately before our arrival here drawn up their boats on the other side, and told us they could not talk to us until we retired beyond the Nueces river. We won’t do it.

To­day a Mexican came over from the other side and reported to Gen. Taylor that last night an express arrived in Matamoros from the city of Mexico, bringing intelligence that Ampudia is hereby relieved in command of the Army of the North, and Gen. Arista would resume the duties of that office, and that all warlike demonstrations on their part should cease until the 1st of June next, to give the two Governments time to settle the question. Yours truly,


My Dear Friends—A report has been brought over here, by a Mexican from Matamoros, to the effect that Ampudia will, in three days, be relieved in the command of the “army of the North” by Gen. Arista, and that so soon as he arrives, he will give us a battle; and as a matter of course, we are all to have our heads boiled in oil and our livers stuffed with garlic. Look out that the Matamorians don’t “ring in” an extra lot of sausage meat on the Crescent City. From the general character of Gen. Arista I look for more favorable views towards the United States than in appointing any other general in Mexico. He opposed the present Government of Mexico, and since Paredes has been in power, has expressed sentiments favorable to the United States.

Lieut. E. Deas, mentioned in my last, has been heard from. He swam the river for the purpose of gaining information in relation to Col. Cross—he went on his own hook and responsibility, without permission or sanction from either party. He was taken by a picket guard, and is now a prisoner at Matamoros. He writes that he is kindly treated. We heard that he was not in close confinement, but had the privilege of the barracks, on his parole, and was invited to the mess of Col. Curesco. Deas is a brave and intelligent man, and I think will some day be found “right side up.” He is, however, in an unfortunate position, leaving our camp without the sanction of Gen. Taylor, and crossing into Mexico without a passport.

I have not time to say more to you this morning except that there has been a very severe fog her for two days, which has brought the mud to about ancle deep. Your, truly,


Correspondence of the Alexandria Gazette, WASHINGTON, May 6, 1846.

I was informed this morning, by a distinguished member of Congress, in the confidence of the Administration, that he had every reason to believe that Mr. McLane had been instructed to give to Great Britain the “Notice” authorized by the joint resolution of Congress, and at the same time had transmitted to him full powers to act in the event of the British Government being disposed to re­open the negotiation at London.

RW46v23i37p3c1, May 8, 1846: CONGRESS.

Correspondence of the Baltimore American. WASHINGTON, May 6.


The Committee on Finance made a report in favor of agreeing with most of the amendments of the House to the bill providing for deficiences in the appropriations for the fiscal year ending 30th June, 1846, and recommending that the Senate recede from some of its amendments, and insist upon others.

The report was read and adopted, and the bill, as amended, ordered to be returned to the House.

Mr. JOHNSON, of La., on leave, introduced a bill for the relief of the Mexican Rail Road Company.


Several Executive communications were laid before the House from the President of the U. S. and their reading called for.

One was in relation to the Salve trade and covered a correspondence from Mr. Gordon, Consul at Rio De Janeio.

Another was in relation to the Cherokee Indians, and the third a statement from the Adjutant General in answer to a Resolution of the House as to the desertions from the Army.

Gen. Taylor, in his Report tot he Adjutant General, states that there have been four desertions from the Army where the deserters were drowned and two where the deserters were shot while swimming. They were old offenders, and their punishment had deterred others from deserting.

Mr. ADAMS moved to refer this communication to five members.

Mr. DROMGOOLE moved to lay upon the table, which was agreed to.

The Bill from the Senate, in regard to deficient appropriations, was reported, and the House insisted upon its amendments from which the Senate had not receded.

RW46v23i37p4c2, May 8, 1846: FROM VERA CRUZ.

Extract of a letter from an American officer on the Vera Cruz station, dated April 15.

“Nothing of importance haS TRANSPIRED HERE RECENTLY, BUT NEWS OF EXCITING INTEREST POURS IN UPON US FROM THE FRONTIER. The demonstration of General Taylor on the banks of the Bravo and the concentration of the Mexican forces about Matamoras, are events that w e look upon as involving probable consequences of vast importance.

“The British mail packet Tweed arrived last evening from Havana with thirty passengers, amongst whom were Almonte’s Secretary, who evidently brings important intelligence or propositions.”—NAT INT.

RW46v23i38p1c1, May 12, 1846: The Question Not Settled.


The Washington Union of Thursday night last [ . . . ] occasion, in language rather less diplomatic than it habitually employes, to contradict again the statement recently made by the N. Y. Journal Commerce, and since confidently repeated in other quarters, the truth of which we questioned from the beginning, that the Oregon question had been substantially settled yb the informal concurrence [ . . . ] the high contracting parties in the outlines of a treaty of pacification, satisfactory to both. “We just again state,” says the Union, “that there is some extraordinary mistake in this matter—that there is no foundation for the statement­­that the question has not been directly or indirectly settled in London—that nothing will probably be done until the news reaches England of the decision of Congress. And we say this with the recollection that the Cambria has just brought despatches to our Government from London.” This unequivocal denial, of course, puts to rest all the rumors, heretofore pre(unreadable), buy which the public anxiety as to the termination of this controversy had been to a great extent relieved.

There is too, we perceive, a greater diversity of opinion than a day or two since we had imagined, a regard to the final settlement of this controversy. Instead of being “solitary and alone” we find that several of our Northern cotemporaries concur in the strong fears that we have from time to time expressed, that insuperable difficulties may arise, even if both Governments shall agree to assume the 49th parallel of latitude as the basis of negotiation, in determining the rights of the parties, upon collateral but important points, upon which they are now directly at issue—such as the possession of Vancouver’s Island, the navigation of the Columbia, and the new and grave subject of difference recently suggested in England, growing out of the alleged infraction of certain rights and injury to the possessions of the Hudson’s Bay Company in the valley of the Columbia.

But perhaps the most important indication of the probable unfavorable termination of this complicated affair, the precarious and inauspicious aspect of which is to be ascribed exclusively to the unstatesman­like manner in which it has been managed by the present Administration,­­which, without the slightest necessity of it, has precipitated it to a point from which one or the other of the parties must recede from the position it has long and pertinaciously held, or, in the language of Gen. Cass, “war is inevitable,”—is a Letter from

An American citizen now in London, which we find in the Washington Union of Thursday evening last. The importance ascribed to the contents of this letter by the Executive Organ, is emphatically marked by the fact that it “stopped the press,” in order that it might publish, “without a day’s delay,” what it strongly characterizes as “MOMENTOUS” intelligence. The writer, who we are told, by the Union, “is unconnected without missions aboard, but who never writes upon any subject on which he is not accurately informed,” after indulging in the usual flings of the 54 40 men at the timidity of the Senate, in refusing prompt obedience to Executive orders, and descanting upon the mischievous consequences likely to ensue therefrom, remarks: “I frankly confess to you that I cannot discover a solitary ray of hope for maintaining our rights in Oregon, except by the last resort, the ultima ratio of nations.” The reasons for this opinion are to be found in the following extract from his letter, [which bears the date of London, April 18:]

“It is now generally believed, in the best informed circles, that Sir Robert Peel will succeed in effecting the change proposed by him some time since in the corn laws; and that he will then, with his ministers, retire from office. This will happen at a very early day; probably before the middle of next month. A new cabinet will, of course, be immediately formed, after the dissolution of the present one, under the s election of Lord John Russell; and Lord Palmerston, it is confidently asserted, will be restored to his said post of secretary for foreign affairs. The chief obstacle to the formation of a ministry by Russell, at the time of Peel’s resignation, was the objection urged against Palmerston on account of the hostile feelings which he was known to entertain towards France. It was feared on both sides of the channel, that he would be instrumental in destroying the *eptente cordiale which subsisted between Guizot and Peel, or rather between the two governments.

In anticipation of the early resignationof the Peel ministry, Palmerston availed himself of the Easter holydays to make a visit to the French metropolis, where he still continues, for the purpose, it is very evident, of reconciling Louis Philippe to his restoration. He has been most kindly received by Monsieur Guizot and the other members of the cabinet, and his mission doubtless will terminate successfully. His sentiments with regard to France will hereafter be entirely pacific, because his continuance in office would be of but short duration were they to become otherwise; but I have awful forebodings that our country is to find in him an inveterate deadly enemy. In his new­born zeal for the welfare of France, he will at once seize upon Guizot’s “balance of power” doctrine in North America, and use his position and his talents to consummate the most desperate purposes at any time contemplated by England or France to check our growth or diminish the influence which our institutions are exercising over the other nations of the earth.

“I most sincerely regret that there should be so slight a prospect for adjusting the Oregon question before Peel’s administration is at an end. Such an event could have been consummated, if there had been even a moderate degree of good management in Congress. Had the ‘notice’ so sincerely, and I may add, so patriotically urged by the President been promptly authorized to be given with the elevated ground upon which our title was placed by the correspondence which accompanied the message, there is not the shadow of doubt but that every thing could have been, before this, amicably arranged, and to the general satisfaction of the people of the United States. But I distinctly foresee that such a result is no longer attainable by negotiation. Startle not, when I state to you, as my candid belief, that even should the notice arrive by the 25th inst., under the House resolution, nothing like the clear line of the 49th parallel can be secured! Peel could not be prevailed upon to settle at that, just as he is going out, if the ‘notice’ was now before him; and if we were disposed to compromise on the boundary, Russell will hesitate long, in my opinion, before he will offer it”

There are some intimations in the late English papers in reference to a possible change of Ministry in Great Britain; but, that event, should it occur, is based upon a presumption precisely the opposite of that upon which the speculations of the Union’s correspondent are founded. We have seen not the remotest allusion to the probability of Sir Robert Peel’s withdrawal from office in the event of the passage of his great measure of “commercial reform;” but it has been surmised, and very reasonably, that, in the event of the defeat of that measure, he will necessarily surrender his post. But is it likely that Lord John Russell, who is even more fully than Sir Robert Peel, pledged to the repeal of the Corn Laws, if Sir Robert Peel be defeated in that measure, will be his successor? We should infer otherwise; and that either Lord Stanly or the Duke of Richmond, who may be regarded as the leaders of the party opposed to the proposed modification or repeal of the Corn Laws, will be entrusted with the responsibility of conducting the Government—to be followed, perhaps, by a dissolution of Parliament a new election, and the postponement of the final struggle until another Parliament shall convene. The statement of the writer of the foregoing letter, however, in relation to Lord Palmerston’s sudden visit to Paris, and his gracious reception at the Tuilleries, is corroborated by the London papers; and we leave it for our readers to judge to what extend that isolated fact is calculated to give plausibility to his gloomy inferences. We confess that we ascribe more importance and give more weight to them from the gravity of the Union in presenting them to the country, than we should be otherwise disposed to do. Occupying, as the editor of that paper does, a position which enables him to go behind the curtain which conceals from the public eye much information that may be essential in arriving at just conclusions on the subject, we cannot for a moment believe that he would, on the faith of a private letter from London, however intelligent and veracious the writer, and however ample his facilities of “ascertaining the truth from the highest and most unquestionable sources,” as we are assured is the fact in the present instance,­­we say we cannot believe that the editor of the Union would even on such authority, publish, in a manner calculated to give a semi­official sanction to its contents, a letter of this character, unless its revelations were confirmed by information in the possession of the State Department. If, however, the revelations and speculations of this letter are not confirmed by information received by our Government from our official agents in London, we confess that, for one, we are strongly disinclined to give full credit to them. We believe, as we have heretofore said, that the danger of war is not over; but we do not believe that the event, should it occur, will be rendered more probable by the accession of Lord John Russell to the British Premiership. We have no doubt that he will be as strongly disposed as Sir Robert Peel to settle the controversy amicably. If the latter will consent to adopt the 49th degree of latitude as the boundary line, it is scarcely to be questioned that the former will accede to the same terms as the basis of the negotiation. But it is in the adjustment of the collateral issues that we have always apprehended, as we still do, the most serious obstacle to the satisfactory settlement of the question; and in reference to them so far as we may judge by their public declarations, we have no reason to suppose that difficulties which might be easily obviated with Sir Robert Peel will prove to be insurmountable with Lord John Russell. The danger lies in the question itself, and not in the individuals to whom its management has been, or may hereafter be entrusted.

RW46v23i38p1c2, May 12, 1846: Stirring News from the Army!

Sooner, but not more certainly, than we had anticipated, bad tidings have reached us from our gallant little army upon the Mexican frontier—sent there, as it seems to us, in a mere spirit of bravado, and at the imminent hazard of being cut off by the superior force which it ought to have been obvious the Mexicans might at any moment concentrate upon that point. Already, to, it begins to be admitted (see the interesting letter to the New Orleans Tropic ) that the bravery of the Mexican soldiers, and the skill of their officers, have been greatly underrated; and we hope, consequently, that there will be no more exhibitions of that fool­hardiness, which prompted one of our officers, at the head of a small reconnoitering party, to attack the advance guard of a formidable army—paying with his own and the lives of his comrades the penalty of his rashness.

The news of Gen. Taylor’s critical position has, it will be perceived, created great excitement in New Orleans as well as in Texas; and thousands of volunteers, we doubt not, are now marching to his relief. And we hope they may not be too late to rescue him from the large force, by which, at the last dates, he was threatened. Fearful will be the retribution, if he and his army have been cut off, that will await those by whose orders they were subjected to this needless peril.

This is among the first fruits of annexation—a war to defend a frontier, which we were assured was itself to be an impregnable wall of defence!

RW46v23i38p1c3, May 12, 1846: IMPORTANT FROM TEXAS AND THE ARMY.

Per Steamer Galveston from Galveston. Commencement of Hostilities!—News from the Seat of War! From the Galveston News Extra, April 30, 1846.

On Thursday morning, 23d ult., a Mexican came into General Taylor’s camp and reported

2000 Mexicans crossing the river some twenty miles above. That afternoon Captains Hardee and Thornton were sent with two compan8es of cavalry, 63 men in all, to reconnoitre. On Friday morning they fell into an ambush of the enemy, when Lieut. Cain and thirteen men were killed. Capt. Thornton missing and C apt. Hardee and 46 men prisoners. On Saturday afternoon the Mexicans sent in a wounded man who made the above report. These Mexicans, it is stated, were commanded by Canals and Carabajal. After the fight, the Mexicans on this side of the river were largely reinforced, and have surrounded Gen. Taylor’s camp, cutting off all communication with Point Isabel, at which place is the train and all of the stores belonging to the Army—Gen. Taylor not having on hand over ten days provisions. There are at Point Isabel 90 artillery men, 20 dragoons, about 250 teamsters, and a bout 150 citizens and laborers, and the entrenchments not half finished.

The steamer Monmouth landed Mr. Catlett on the night of the 28th ult. at Port Labacco, with despatches from Gen. Taylor, calling on Governor Henderson for 40 companies of Riflemen, 60 men each, 20 of the companies to be mounted men to rendezvous at Corpus Christi, when they will be mustered into service and supplied with provisions—the foot companies will rendezvous at Galveston where transportation will be furnished.

The steamer Augusta was to have left the Brasos St. Iago on Monday night for New Orleans with Gen. Taylor’s call on the Governors of Louisiana, Mississippi and Alabama for 8000 troops. Should immediate relief not be sent to Point Isabel, it will most probably fail into the power of the enemy, with all the army stores, and the destruction of the whole army may follow.

Gen. Taylor’s works in front of Matamoras would be completed on the moring of the 28th, at which time it was expected the fire would be opened on the city. Troops should not await the call of the Governor, as it will be a week before it can reach this place, but hurry to the relief of Point Isabel, as by saving that place only will we have it in our power to render the army timely assistance. Texas! You have now at last a glorious opportunity of retaliating on these perfidious Mexicans the many injuries they have done you, and of carrying that war into the heart of their own country, the cruelties of which they have so often made you feel.

We are indebted for thr above to Mr. Gen. S. Grason, who has just retured by the Monmouth. He informs us that Capt. Catlett left the army on Sunday night, with a Mexican guide, and passing down the river reached Point Isabel on Monday morning with Gen. Taylors despatches to the Governor of Texas. The Monmouth was unable to leave until Monday night, in consequence of having to discharge, and take in provisions to be sent into Corpus Christi for the volunteers as fast as they arrive. These were left at St. Joseph’s, where the White Wing is now taking them to their destination.

Gen. Memucan Hunt will leave this city late this evening by way of Velasco and Victoria to rendezvous at Corpus Christi, preparatory to marching for the relief of Gen. Taylor.

RW46v23i38p1c3, May 12, 1846: To Arms! Texans, to Arms!

The United States Army under Gen. Taylor is surrounded by the Mexican enemy on Texan soil. Gen. Taylor has called upon the Governor of Texas for 2400 troops—let Galveston show to the world that they are always ready for the defence of their country—let them display the same spirit and alacrity that they did in 1842.

Head Quarters,
Galveston Volunteer Batallion,
30th April, 1846.


The commissioned and non commissioned officers of the companies composing the Galveston Volunteer Battallion, are requested to meet for consultation at ten o’clock this morning, at the Galveston Artillery Armory, at Mr. Crawford’s store. The country needs our services! No time should be lost in immediately organizing the several corps of this battallion. The commandant of the battallion has the fullest confidence in the patriotism and zeal of the citizen soldiers of Galveston! He is sure they will not falter nor hesitate in this emergency! They have always desired an opportunity of showing their prowess to their Mexican enemies! That opportunity has now arrived! It is expected the young men of Galveston will immediately rally as volunteers, nor wait for their services to be required by draft.

A Rendezvouz will be immediately opened for volunteers to increase the ranks of each of the volunteer corps of the city, and also to organize an additional company of infantry or Riflemen. A prompt attendance of the officers is expected at the time and place appointed. By order of C. G. BRYANT, Major Commanding Galveston Volunteer Battalion.

If 150 or 200 men with the proper officers can be raised by to­morrow morning at 8 o’clock, they will be shipped with arms and accoutrements, and will take passage on board the steamer Monmouth, now bound for Point Isabel. N. KINGSBURY, Lieut. U. S. Army.

RW46v23i38p1c3, May 12, 1846: [Correspondence of the N. O. Tropic .]

BRASOS ST. IAGO, April 27.

By the Augusta, I sent you some of the items now transpiring around this interesting spot. The opinion is fast gaining ground here, that the imbecility of the Mexicans has been greatly overrated. This is the theatre of real war, not paper squabbles, but is the seat of the commencement of sanguinary conflict, and one it is feared of more importance and longer duration than has been anticipated; but the farce is at an end, and the curtain has risen bloody with carnage, the opening of a drama almost unexpected, and our country already mourns the loss of some of her finest and bravest officers. On Thursday, the 23d, Gen. Taylor received information that a body of the Mexican Army had crossed the Rio Grande some distance above the encampment. Early the following morning, Capts. Thornton and Harndee of 2d Light Dragoons, with a company of 70 men, were dispatches by Gen. Taylor, to reconnoitre above, and Capt. Kerr of the same regiment, with a company to reconnoitre below the Enmcampment. The latter returned without having made any discovery.

The former division fell in with what he considered to be a scouting party of the enemy, but which proved to be the advanced guard of a strong body of the enemy; who held a situation in the chapparel immediately in the rear of Gen. Taylor’s c amp. Capt. Thornton charged upon the guard, contrary to the advice of his Mexican guide, and on following the enemy Capt. Thornton found his command surrounded by the enemy, who fired on him, killing as is supposed, Capt. Thornton, Lieuts. Kane and Mason, and some 26 of the men, and taking Capt. Hardee and the remainder of the command prisoner.

The Mexican commander sent in a cart to Gen. Taylor’s camp with a soldier badly wounded, with a message that he had no travelling hospital with him and could not give him the assistance his situations required. There is no doubt the detachment of the enemy east of the Rio Grande consists of fully 2500 men commanded by Col. Carasco and Carrajabal, bold and intrepid officers to experience and ability, and were the whole army officered by such men as Carasco, as I know him personally, we should not be upon an equal footing. There is no doubt their object is to cut off all communication with Point Isabel, this being the general depot of provisions for the American army; they have succeeded and consequently placed the American army in a precarious situation. It will be utterly impossible for Gen. Taylor to force his way along the dreary chaparels in which the enemy are strongly posted. His command cannot exceed 2300 men.

Gen. Taylor has an excellent position in the rear of Matamoras; and can hold his position against the whole Mexican army combined, and his batteries can range the city of an hour. Most of the citizens have left Matamoras, and Gen. Taylor has said that when the regular soldiers of Mexico were seen on the east side of the river, he would destroy the city. His batteries are to be ready on the 27th, complete. Gen. Taylor has in camp full rations for 15 days, which he thinks can be made to last 30, by which time he is in hopes to receive large reinforcements from the States of Texas and Louisiana, upon each of which State he has made a requisition for the equipment and transmission to Point Isabel of four full regiments of Militia.

It is thought by the superior officers of Gen. Taylor’s army that 20,000 men will be required within a very short period, as it is well known that the Mexican army is daily receiving large reinforcements from the interior. It was supposed by the American officers that Gen. Arista reached Matamoros on the evening of the 22d, with a large Brigade, but up to the period of my informant leaving the Camp no communication had been received by Gen. Taylor from Gen. Arista. On the 22d, Gen. Taylor received from Gen. Ampudia, by the means of a flag of truce, a communication IN VERY DEFENSIVE TERMS, complaining of having blockaded the Rio Grande. To which he replied, that he, Gen. Ampudia, had been the cause of the blockade, he having expressly declared that Unless Gen. Taylor commenced his Retreat beyond the Nueces within twenty­four hours after his displaying his Flag upon the banks of the Rio Grande, he would consider WAR as being declared, and should act accordingly.—Gen. Taylor furthermore stated that he would receive no further communication from the Mexican Government, unless couched in language more respectful towards the Government and People of the United States. At Point Isabel great fears were entertained of a night attack, which, from the exposed situation of that Point, could not be otherwise than successful, if conducted with energy

This post is defended by Major Munroe, with a detachment of 80 artillerists. There are also at the post about 200 armed waggoners, and 10 laborers under the orders of the Quarter Master; some 100 citizen, furnished with arms by the U. S. Ordnance officer, organized under the command of Capt. Perkins, and denominated the Sumter Guards. A company of 50 Mexican cavalry was seen on the night of the 26th, within 5 miles of Point Isabel. They were supposed to be a corps of observation. The body of Col. Cross was found on the 21st ult., about three miles from camp, frightfully mutated and entirely divested of clothing.

The body of Lieut. Porter, who was killed by a party of banditti, under the command of Romer Falcon, had not been found., The principal officers known to be in command of the Mexican forces as Generals Arista, Ampudia, Mejia, and Canales; and Colonels Carrasco and Carrajabal are men of talent. I am indebted for the above information to the politeness of Col. ?oane, who is on his way to New Orleans in the Augusta.

P. S. A messenger has just arrived, after severe toil and much danger, owing to the proximity of the troops and the state of the prairie. From him, I learn, that Arista communicated politely to Gen. Taylor, that he had assumed command of the Mexican Army.

RW46v23i38p1c3, May 12, 1846: To the Editors of the Tropic

ST. JOSEPH’S ISLAND, TEXAS, April 28th, 1846.

Messrs. Editors:­­By the arrival of the steamer Monmouth, this day, intelligence has been received at this place of the Army of Occupation being surrounded by 10,000 Mexican troops. The Mexican army passed the Rio Grande in the night. Capt. Thornton, 2 Dragoons, in attempting to cut his way out with his company, was killed. Also, two sub . . . erns and 13 privates, the remainder taken prisoners. Gen. Taylor, on this day, 28th, engages with the enemy. His whole force of fighting men will not number 3000—his mott is, “Conquer or die!” The United States troops are eager for the fray.


OFFICE OF The Picayune, NEW ORLEANS, (10 o’clock,) May 2nd.

RW46v23i38p2c1, May 12, 1846: THE NEWS!

We received no later intelligence by yesterday morning’s Southern mail from the seat of war on the Rio Grande—though the reader will find some additional particulars in our columns this morning.

The New Orleans papers of the 4th inst. are crowded with articles growing out of the recent stirring events in that quarter, and with notices in reference to the military movements in progress in the city, with the view of raising a sufficient force for the relief of Gen. Taylor. In the mean while, we are gratified to perceive that they generally concur in the opinion that the American Commander would be able to maintain his position, in defiance of the superior force by which he was threatened, until the arrival of an additional force. The Commercial Times, for example, says:

“From all that we can gather in relation to the contest, little apprehension need be entertained that the position of Gen. Taylor will be forced. He is very strongly entrenched, and has a battery commanding the town of Matamoras. The first assault of the Mexicans will be a signal for the levelling of his artillery against that town; and any effort to break into his fortress will only result in the bombarding of that frontier village. Famine alone can drive him into open field, and as, according to his own showing, Gen. Taylor had fifteen days’ rations with him, there is no reasonable fear of such a catastsophe occurring before the arrival of sufficient reinforcements to enable him to resume an offensive attitude. Point Isabel, it is t rue, may tempt the cupidity of the Mexicans, and its loss would be serious, not only because it contains ample munitions and military stores, but from the fact that it commands the route to the main body of our Army. It is stated that an addition of two or three hundred men, would be sufficient to defend this important point, from any probable force that the Mexicans could bring to bear again it. Under such circumstances, the place is safe, for Galveston and the adjacent country have already dispatched more than the number required, to the assistance of the beleaguered fortress. The only possible danger is from meeting the enemy, and being cut up, before they can reach the point. We think, however, that the Texans themselves may be relied upon. Their knowledge of localilties, and experience in the border warfare so frequently waged between them and Mexico, will greatly avail them in so critical a juncture.”

The Tropic presents us with a map of the position occupied by the American forces. It says:

“Gen. Taylor’s camp extend about four miles along the river bank—two miles above, and two below Matamoras. The entrenchment to erect it required 2300 men for thirty days. It is made of sand, and covered over with twigs woven together like basket work, surrounded by a very wide and deep ditch. He walls of the magazine, in the interior of the fortification, are formed of pork barrels filled with s and, seven tier thick, four tier high, covered over with timber, on which sand is piled ten or twelve feet.—Twelve heavy pieces of ordnance are so placed as to command the town of Matamoras. Five hundred men could defend the fortification against any force the Mexicans could bring against it at present.”

The New Orleans paper complain that the volunteering has not been as rapid as had been anticipated, and not at all commensurate with the exigency of the call made by Gen. Taylor. The Tropic of the 4th furnishes the following, as the number of enrolments on the preceding afternoon:

“For Capt. Breedlove’s Co. (Lou. Greys)

“ “ Stockton’s Co.

“ “ Strawbridge’s Co.

“ “ Doane’s Co. (Washington Gauards) 

Private lists 47 56 30 35 168

Volunteers for the two artillery companies
Major Gally’s and Capt. Forno’s (supposed)



“We are not aware of the numbers collected down town, but we have been told that perhaps the whole will not amount to more than 800 men, those already enumerated included. Hence it seems that the Governor will be obliged to have recourse to a draft. A gentleman informs us that his Excellency stated yesterday that he should issue his proclamation to that effect this day at noon. Two of the Regiments required will, it is probable, be taken from this city and Lafayette; the other two, from the rural parishes. In Lafayette we heard that up to two o’clock, yesterday, only ten men had volunteered.”

Mobile has displayed more energy than her sister city, though of course her preparations are on a smaller scale. The news from the Rio Grande was received in Mobile on the night of the 2d, and on the 4th, a company of volunteers, numbering fully 100, started for New Orleans, on board the steamer Fashion, whence they intended to proceed with all possible despatch to the Army. Before leaving, the Company elected Gen. Robert Desha, who is s aid to be a gentleman of great energy and bravery, and one who has “seen service,” as it is Captain, and Capt. Thomas Adrian as its Lieutenant. The wharves were lined with citizens for an hour before the departure of the gallant band, and as the boat shoved off the air resounded with shouts and cheers.

The news from the frontier reached Washington last Saturday evening; and, as might have been expected, it seems to have startled the Administration from its listlessness and apathy. We infer, from an editorial in the Union of Saturday night that the President transmitted to Congress a communication on the subject of our Mexican relations yesterday; and we take it for granted, that, under existing circumstances, that body will act upon his recommendations with promptness, decision and unanimity. It is no time to deliberate in cold debate, while the tocsin of war is ringing in our ears. It is now too late to discuss the propriety of stationing a small force on the banks of the Rio Grande, in the face of an exasperated enemy with the means of greatly outnumbering it; unsupported by a corps de reserve, and with a Desert intervening between our troops and the means of succoring them in the event of a successful assault by their adversary. Nor is it the proper period, for discussing the graver question, whether a position ought to have been taken upon the banks of that river at all, which while we claim it as belonging to Texas, is also claimed by Mexico as a part of its territory, before an effort at least had been made to ascertain and settle the boundary line by the ordinary process of negotiation. It is sufficient for us to know that the Executive, whether in the exercise of his legitimate powers and of a wise discretion it remains hereafter to be seen, has planted our flag upon the disputed territory, and has stationed upon its extreme limits a force inadequate to its defence—that several of our gallant countrymen have already been slain, while others are in captivity—and that the main body of the army is itself in imminent peril of sharing a similar fate before an additional force can be despatches to its succor. THE WEAR HAS BEEN COMMENCED BY MEXICO HERSELF, by an invasion of the soil which, whether it belongs really to her or to the United States, she has no more right than we to occupy, under existing circumstances, with an armed force. She must be repelled therefore, whatever be the consequences; and it will remain for the wisdom of Congress to determine whether the aggression of which s he has been guilty, will justify us, after d riving back her troops, in inflicting upon her still further punishment, by carrying the war into the heart of her own States. For one, we have never, we confess, been captivated by the idea of “revelling in the halls of the Montezumas,” even if, as we have been so often assured, but of which we have strong doubts, we could penetrate to that city and subdue it without a serious expenditure of treasure or blood. It is in our opinion, far wiser to “adorn Sparta,” than to add new possessions to its already almost boundless territory. But, while we should be averse to a war of conquest, we feel no hesitation in saying that the honor of our country requires that the relations between Mexico and the United States should no longer be permitted to remain in their present state; and that, if she cannot be otherwise induced to terminate the quasi war which has so long existed, and to consent to an amicable and equitable arrangement of the various subjects of controversy, some of them of long standing, by which the harmony of their intercourse has been so long disturbed, there is no alternative left to our Government but an appeal to arms. In that appeal, without stopping to enquire into the wisdom or justice of the course heretofore pursued by the Administration, the whole country, irrespective of party, will, without doubt, give it a cordial and hearty support. Such, at least, will be our own course—leaving it for a season more prepitious to a calm and just decision by the people, to scrutinize the policy pursued by the Executive, by which the threatened war has been, if not provoked, unquestionably and unnecessarily precipitated.

The result of the contest cannot of course be for a moment doubtful. There is too great a disparity between the relative power and resources of the two countries, to justify and apprehensions on that score, even if the internal dissensions which seem to be a chronic disease of the Mexican people, should all be healed by the dangers which assail them from without, and their hundred factions could be induced to combine their energies and resources for the common defence. Her subjugation, indeed, under such circumstances, might be a task of difficult accomplishment—we have no doubt it would be; but the infliction of exemplary punishment would be both speedy and certain.

RW46v23i38p2c4, May 12, 1846: From the New Orleans Picayune, May 3. THE SURPRISE AND DEFEAT OF CAPT. THORNTON.

The city was thrown into a state of profound excitement yesterday morning by the arrival of the steamship Galveston, from Brasos Santiaga, with later news from the Army justifying the worst apprehensions which had previously been entertained of the critical position of Gen. Taylor’s forces. We issued, immediately upon the receipt of the news, a second edition of The Picayune, laying a full statement of affairs on the Rio Grande before the reader. But not to omit any thing that may relieve the anxiety felt by all to obtain the smallest item of information in regard to the disaster which has overtaken Capt. Thornton and his command, we give, place to the following letter direct from the camp. In some particulars, it differs from the statements that have been laid before the public by the press of the city—and particularly, it sets down the loss occasioned by the surprise of Capt. Thornton’s command as less than it is made by any other report we have seen. Other letters which we have from the Army, breathe the entire calm spirit of determination as Lieut. Henry’s, from which we will no longer detain the reader:

RW46v23i38p2c4, May 12, 1846: CAMP OPPOSITE MATAMOROS, April 27, 1846.

Gentlemen—Knowing that in the present excited state of the public mind as regards our Mexican affairs and the welfare of our little army, that most exaggerated reports creep into the public prints, thereby carrying with them sorrow and anxiety into the bosom of the friends and relations of many officers, I deem it my duty to give you a hasty but correct account of the capture of Capt. Thornton and a squadron of the 2d Dragoons, by a force of 2000 Mexicans under the command of Gen. Torrejon. General Taylor, on the 24th, had received a report that the enemy were crossing the river above his camp. Capt. Thornton, with his command, was sent out on the evening of the 24th to examine the country above and see whether there was any truth in the report. His command was composed of Capt. Hardee, Lieut. Kane, Lieut. Mason, 5 sergeants, 4 corporals, 1 bugler, and 49 privates. His Mexican guide returned this morning, stating that he had been attacked at 8 o’clock on the morning of the 25th by a large number of the enemy, and that the whole command was captured or destroyed. The guide warned him that he was in the vicinity of the enemy and refused to proceed. He waited until night, and none of the party coming in, he returned home. About 11 this morning a private of the party was brought in, in a cart.

He was wounded. The man who brought him was the bearer of a note from Torrejon to Gen. Taylor, the amount of which was that “on the score of humanity he claimed the privilege of sending into him two dragoons, who were wounded in an engagement brought on by a charge from an American cavalry officer against his command of 200 men, as he had not flying hospital.” He then spoke of the rest being prisoner, and said “they would be treated with the considerations due prisoners of war, agreeable to the custom of civilized nations.” From the wounded dragoon we obtain the following facts: That the charge was made in open ground; that when the command “charge” was given, but a few of the enemy were seen, but as they dashed over a hill the whole command presented themselves; they were fired upon, and immediately surrounded and taken prisoners. He does not know what became of Capt. Thornton. Capt. Hardee and Lieut. Mason are prisoners, and are all well. He reports Lieut. Kane, as shot, and it is feared he is killed. Ten men were killed. Before the cart left one of the two men mentioned died. From the note of Gen. T., it seems that he accuses Captain Thornton of having charged upon him. One can hardly conceive of such madness as charging 200 men with 63, and it is fair to presume that he was surrounded and charged to cut his way through. Time will clear it all up. The capture of Captain Thornton’s party and sad death of Lieutenant Porter, and murder of Col. Cross, are rather melancholy commencements of the war. I say war, for there is no doubt of its existence, and that unless an armstice is signed in ten days, we must have some hard fighting. The enemy are collecting in some considerable number, and I think their force may be estimated with safety at 5000. Gen. Taylor ids rapidly pushing forward his field work, and I understand has sent for 4000 volunteers—two thousand from Louisiana and two from Texas. If they will give us a fair fight, we do not doubt our ability to whip them; but if they are going to give us a second edition of the Florida war, it will be a very annoying affair.

Yours very truly,
W. S. HENRY, Lt. U. S. A.


RW46v23i38p2c4, May 12, 1846: From the New Orleans Tropic , May 4.

We were politely furnished with the perusal of letter from Gen. Taylor to a friend in this city, from which we make the following extracts:

“Strong guards of foot and mounted men are established on the margin of the river,” and thus efficient means have been adopted on our part to prevent all intercourse. While opposite to us their pickets extend above and below for several miles, we are equally active in keeping up a strong and vigilant guard to prevent surprise, or attacks under disadvantageous circumstances. This is the more necessary, whilst we have to act on the defensive, and they at liberty to take the opposite course whenever they think proper to do so. Nor have we been idle in other respects; we have a field work under way, besides having erected a strong battery, and a number of buildings for the security of our supplies, in addition to some respectable works for their protection. We have mounted a respectable battery, four pieces of which are long eighteen pounders; with which we could batter or burn down the city of Matamoras, should it become necessary to do so. When our field work is completed (which will soon be one case) and mounted with its proper armament, five hundred men could hold it against as many thousand Mexicans. During the twenty­seven days, since our arrival here, a most singular state of things has prevailed all through the outlines of the two armies, which to a certain extend, have all the feelings as if there were actual war.

“Fronting each other for an extent of more than two miles and within musket range are batteries shotted, and the officers and men in many instances, waiting impatiently for orders to apply marches; yet nothing has been done, to provoke the firing of a gun or any act of violence.

“Matamoras, at the distance we are now from it, appears to cover a large extent of g round, with some handsome buildings, but I would imagine the greater portion of them to be indifferent one story houses, with roofs of straw, and walls of mud, or unburnt brick. During peace the population is said to be five or six thousand, but it is now filled to overflowing with troops. Report says from five to ten thousand of all sorts, regular and militia. The number I presume is very much overrated.

“P. S.—Since writing the above, an engagement has taken place between a detachment of our cavalry and the Mexicans, in which we were worsted. So the war has actually commenced and the hardest must fend off.”

From the above it will be seen that Gen. Taylor has neither fallen back nor retreated, but has acted strictly in accordance with his orders from the Secretary of War, which was to act on the defensive until attacked.

RW46v23i38p2c4, May 12, 1846: Latest.

An extra from the Tropic office, dated at 1 o’clock, P. M., of the 4th inst., says:­­“We were favored with the perusal of a letter from an officer of the Army of Occupation to a gentleman in this city, in which it is explained that the engagement of the 70 dragoons took place 23 miles up the river, which runs W. by N. from Matamoros, while Point Isabella is NE. of the same place, thus showing that the whole Mexican force is not between Gen. Taylor’s camp and his supplies. The letter also stated that the communication could be kept open that the camp was well fortified considering its length of line, and that in five days the fort would be finished and fire upon Matamoros commence.

“The Mexican force now on this side of the river is 2000 infantry and 1200 cavalry.”

RW46V23i38p2c5, May 12, 1846: CONGRESS. WASHINGTON, May 9, 1846.

SENATE. The Senate was not in session to­day.

HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES. A motion to go into Committee of the Whole on the private calendar was agreed to.

A bill for the relief of William Culver was read a third time and passed.

Mr. GARRET DAVIS moved to suspend the rules to enable him to offer the following resolution:

Resolved, 1st, That the President of the U. S. be requested to inform the House whether any portions or de(unreadable) of the American Army on the Rio Grande have attacked, or been attacked by the Mexican forces or people; whether any American officers or soldiers have been killed in any such attack, and if so the name or names of such officers or soldiers; and whether they were killed in the American or Mexican territory.

2nd. Whether any supplies for the American Army have been captured by the Mexican forces, and if so, what amount or supplies were thus captured; what force had been detailed to guard them; and what efforts were made to retake them.

3d. Whether any naval commander of the United States has blockaded the mouth of the Rio Grande, or Matamoras; whether such commander has ordered off, or captured, any American, English, or Mexican ships from Matamoras,or the mouth of the Rio Grande; and if so, what ships have been thus ordered off or captured; and also to communicate to this House a copy of any order or orders under which any such commander may have acted.

The House refused to suspend the rules, and the resolutions were not received. Ayes 64, noes 85.

Mr. PETTIT, Chairman of the “Webster Investigating Committee,” submitted a resolution to allow the Committee to sit during the sessions of the House, and to employ a clerk.

Mr. HAMLIN moved to strike out that part of the resolution which authorized the employment of a clerk.

Mr. PETTIT said that a clerk was indispensably necessary.

Mr. HAMLIN’S motion was agreed to.

The question then recurred upon the adoption of the resolution, as amended.

Mr. SCHENCK moved to amend it by allowing a clerk to the Committee of which he is Chairman. The motion was lost.

The resolution as amended was then adopted.

Mr. PETTIT then asked to be excused from serving upon the committee. He said that no member of the committee would undertake to do the necessary writing.

The House refused to excuse him.

Mr. HOMES, of S. C. moved that the committee be discharged from the further consideration of the subject.

The SPEAKER decided that the motion could not be entertained.

The following bills were then read a third time and passed.

The bill for the relief of the owner and crew of the schooner Success.

A bill for the relief of Nathaniel Bird.

A bill for the relief of George Wenthing.

Mr. BAYLY renewed a motion made by him on a former day to reconsider the vote rejecting the bill for the relief of the heirs of Lieut. Jonathan Dye, an officer in the Virginia Continential line, who was killed at the Battle Brandywine. The house refused to reconsider.

Mr. WILMUT, of Pa., who is confined to his lodgings by indisposition, was excused from serving upon the Committee to investigate the charges against Mr. Webster.

Mr. SIMS, of S. C., moved that the Committee of the Whole be discharged from the further consideration of the bill to incorporate the Orphan Asylum and Female Free School of Alexandria, and that said bill be put upon its passage.

The Speaker said that it was necessary that the bill should pass through the Committee before it could be acted upon by the House, as it contained an appropriation.

The House then went into Committee of the Whole, Mr. CALEB B. SMITH in the Chair, and took up the private calendar.

A few bills were acted upon, and then the Committee rose and the House adjourned.

RW46v23i38p3c2, May 12, 1846: LAST EVENING’S MAIL. From Washington.

The National Intelligence of yesterday says—“The news from the Rio Grande has of course put in motion all the Executive Departments connected with the Military or Naval operations. A Cabinet Council is said to have been held on Saturday night, and during yesterday various orders were issued from the public offices. Among other steps taken, all the remaining disposable forces of the Army has been ordered to the ‘seat of war,’ as it is new familiarly called. Gen. Worth, it is said, his resignation not being accepted, returns forthwith to the Army of the South.”

From the same paper, we copy the following letter:

Extract from a letter from Col. Fitzpatrick, of Florida, serving as a volunteer under Col. Twiggs, to a member of Congress.

[Col. F. is a gentleman of high character, well known as an officer who served in the Florida war.

RW46v23i38p3c2, May 12, 1846: CAMP BEFORE MATAMORAS, April 27, 1846.

Dear Sir—The war was commenced on the part of Mexico. On the night of the 25th inst., Capt. Thornton, of the Dragoons, with a squadron consisting of his own and Capt. Hardee’s company, were ordered to reconnoitre the Mexican army, which Gen. Taylor had been informed were crossing the Rio Grande twenty­seven miles above here. The squad was ambuschaded and fired on, and a number 9unknown) killed, and all besides taken by the Mexicans. They sent in 2 wounded, with a note to Gen. Taylor. Capt. Hardee is prisoner, but no news of Capt. Thornton and Lieuts. Mason and Cain. You will believe me when I tell you the war is commenced by Mexico, and that Gen. T. is about to be surrounded and cut off from his supplies at Point Isabel, which is twenty­seven miles distant. The Mexicans have a force of form two to three thousand on this side the river, and their destination is doubtless Point Isabel, where there is not more than four hundred men of all descriptions., You will believe me when I tell you that this army will have the ddest hardest fighting that ever any army had in this world, and, unless reinforcements are largely and speedily sent to its assistance, it must be cut off, as the enemy are in great force, and I fear have been very much underrated. I tell you, sit, the enemy have been entirely underrated, and this army has put itself in a trap, and is cut off (or about to be so) from its supplies.

I am here with Col. Twiggs as an amateur, and I shall stick to it till I am killed or made prisoner. Yours, truly, R. FITZPATRICK.

RW46v23i38p3c2, May 12, 1846: IMPORTANT FROM WASHINGTON. By the Electro­Magnetic Telegraph. WASHINGTON, Sunday, May 10, 4 P. M.

We understand that the Committee on Military Affairs of the House of Representatives, held a meeting this morning, at 8 ½ o’clock, and have determined to urge to­morrow morning, the immediate passage of a Bill authorizing the President to receive 50,000 volunteers, and appropriate $10,000,000, or so much thereof as may be necessary, for effective operations against Mexico. The vouchers for the above are A. VIAL, Ass’t. S. U. S. Telegraph.

Ass’t. S. U. S. Telegraph.


RW46v23i38p3c2, May 12, 1846: [Correspondence of the Baltimore American.]

WASHINGTON, May 10, 5½ P. M.

The last news from Mexico and Texas has created a deep feeling in the city, and, in view of its importance and the necessity of doing something to relieve the Army in Texas, The Committee on Military Affairs for he House of Representatives have been in session to­day, and will probably report a bill to­morrow for raising Volunteers, and for paying them during their term of service, which the Government has been slow to do heretofore. The Committee of Ways and means, it is also said, have been consulted as to the provisions for carrying out the views of the Committee on Military Affairs.

A message is also expected from the President to­morrow in reference to our Mexican Affairs, and probably re­commanding a Declaration of War. The Executive and his advisers are loudly complained of in the city for the removal of the Army from Corpus Christi, and thus provoking the hostilities which have followed, and which were sure to follow. All must agree heartily to fight the battles of the country, but the responsibility of war will rest with the President.

P. S. The Committee on Military Affairs will recommed $10,000,000 in money and 50,000 volunteers.

RW46v23i38p4c2, May 12, 1846: News from the Frontier.

The reader’s attention will be arrested by the highly interesting intelligence from our little army on the banks of the Rio Grande, in another column­­­if, indeed, it has been able to maintain its position on the banks of that river, against the overwhelming force which there is some reason to apprehend the Mexicans have been stealthily concentrating at Matamoras, and which, before this time, Gen. Taylor has in all probability encountered in battle. We certainly have not a very exalted opinion of Mexican valor,­­yet we have not now to learn that it is sometimes dangerous to underrate the prowess of an adversary. The very contempt for him leads to lack of caution in guarding against his attacks, and to a foolish rashness in meeting them. But even if our army escape the sword of the hectoring Dons, who, puerile as they are said to be, have evinced no signs of quailing at the approach of the American forces to the borders of their territory, it is not unreasonably feared by the New Orleans Bee that famine and the ague will decimate its ranks. We are more than ever compelled to doubt the wisdom—we certainly cannot perceive the necessity—of removing Gen. Taylor’s army from Corpus Christi to the Rio Grande, leaving no corps de reserve to fall back upon for support in the event of even the improbable contingency of a disastrous conflict, and liable to have his supplies of provisions intercepted by marauding parties of Mexicans, some of which indeed have already succeeded not only in thus harassing him, but in cutting off small detachments of his soldiers, who have been murdered in cold blood. We are not surprised to learn that the tidings of these melancholy events have kindled an angry excitement in new Orleans, and that public opinion in that city warmly censures the course of the government in sending Gen. Taylor to face an enemy whom he is instructed not to assail, while that enemy is continually harassing and threatening him, and is daily recruiting his forces for an effectual onslaught. We fear that what we have already heard is but the prelude to still gloomier intelligence from that quarter. We have no doubt, of course, that our soldiers will do their duty in the e vent of a battle with the Mexicans—but can it be expected that a mere handful of men, however brave, can withstand the shock, in an open field, of thrice their number?

RW46v23i38p3c3, May 12, 1846: From the New Orleans Picayune, May 1.

Col. Cross Murdered!—His Body Found!

The brig Apalachicola, Capt. Smith, arrived at this port, yesterday from Brasos Bay, whence she sailed on the 24th ult., and reports that on the 22d she left Point Isabel, where Major Thomas, the acting Quarter Mater, informed Capt. Smith that the body of Col. Cross had been found about four miles from Gen. Taylor’s camp on the Rio Grande. From the wounds upon the body it seems evident that he was killed by a lance.

It was further reported that a person in Matamoras had acknowledge that he was the murderer, and had the watch and clothing of Col. Cross in his possession.

Gen. Taylor, it is reported, had made a formal demand for the murderer.

All open communications were permitted to pass by the Commandment of point Isabel between that post and Matamoras.

The Mexican schooner Juanita, from this port to Matamoras, was taken into Brasos Bay on the 22d ult. by the pilots—no doubt by permission of the blockading force.

STILL LATER.—The schr. Cornelia, Captain Stark, arrived last evening from Brazos Santiago, when she sailed on the evening of the 24th inst. She reports that about three hours before she sailed an express arrived from Gen. Taylor, stating that the commander of the Mexican forces had made a formal declaration to Gen. Taylor that if he did not move his army from the position he then occupied within thirty six hours, that the Mexican batteries would be opened upon them.

The same express also stated that at that time a body of 2000 Mexicans had crossed the Rio Grande near Boretta—a small town about eight miles below Matamoras, on the west bank of the river—and taken up a position between Point Isabel and General Taylor’s camp. The design of this movement is evidently to cut off the American troops from their supplies. A Private letter was also received last evening from an officer in Gen. Taylor’s camp confirming in part the above report of the Mexicans having crossed the river, but stating the number at 1000 only. There had been previously so man rumors to the same effect in the camp, that little reliance was placed upon this one which was first communicated by a Mexican, who was prudently detained by order of Gen. Taylor.

The accounts by the Cornelia confirms the melancholy news given above as to the fate of Col. Cross. He was found entirely stripped and wounded as before stated.

We have a letter from an officer in the camp, dated the 21st ult., the postscript to which states, what we had not doubt of that the Americans “had not retired one foot from the bank of the river, nor does the General mean to do any think that can look like it.” “Our flag waves over the waters of the Rio Grande, and we have a fixed battery of 18 pounders that can ‘spot’ any thing in Matamoras.”

While upon the subject of the army, we may state that the steamer Col. Harney, which left here on Wednesday for Brasos Santiago, took with her a battery of ten long 12 pounders, and a quantity of munitions of war, and that she was to take in more at Galveston for the same destination. The New York, which sailed yesterday, for the same point, had a detachment of 180 men on board for the army, under the command of Lieut. McPhail. F our companies of Infantry are expected here in two or three days, who will be despatches immediately for the same destination.

The steamer Gen. Worth, twelve hours later from Brasos Santiago, and bringing, it is said, one day’s later intelligence from Gen. Taylor’s camp, was in the river late last night, eight or ten miles below the city, waiting for a tow. It is said a bearer of despatches from Gen. Taylor was on board. Colonel Hunt immediately despatched a boat to bring her up. Mr. Marks, attached to the American Com????ate at Matamoras is on board the Gen. Worth. There was a rumor brought by one of the schooners last night, that our Consul at Matamoras is on board the G en. Worth. There was rumor brought by one of the schooners last night that our Consul at Matamoras, apprehending imprisonment from the Mexicans, had left his post and repaired to Gen. Taylor’s camp.

RW46v23i38p4c3, May 12, 1846: The Blockade of the Rio Grande.

We learned last evening that formal protest had been made before the British Consul by the English houses which had shipped cargoes on board the schooners Equity and Floridian, for Matamoras, which were turned back by the United States brig Lawrence, off the mouth of the Rio Grande.

RW46v23i38p3c3, May 12, 1846: From the N. O. Picayune

    Minutes of an interview between Brig. General W. J.. WORTH U. S. A., and General ROMULO VEGA, of the Mexican Army—held on the right bank of the Rio Grande, 28th march, 1846.

    On exhibiting a white flag on the left bank of the Rio Grande, a boat with two officers—represented as cavalry officers—with an interpreter—the same who appeared at the crossing of the Colorado—and a fourth person crossed from the right bank of the river

    It was stated through an interpretor—Mr. Mitchell—that a general officer of the United States Army had been sent by his commanding general with despatches, to the commanding general at Matamoras, and to the civil authorities and that an interview was requested.

    After some conversation explanatory of the above, the Mexican party recrossed the river, to report to the commanding general at Matamoras and return with his reply. An open note for the American Consul at Matamoras, with an endorsement on the back in pencil wads delivered to the Mexican officer. He replied that he should hand it to the commanding general. “Certainly, of course,” was Gen. Worth’s remark in reply.

    On the return of the same party, Gen. Mejia sent word, that if the commanding general of the American forces wished a conference with the commanding general of the Mexican forces, it would readily be acceded to; but as a junior to the commanding general, on the part of the American troops, had requested a conference, Gen. Mejia could not entertain such a proposition; but that an officer of corresponding rank and position, in the Mexican forces, would be ready to receive any communication sent by Gen. Taylor.

    It was perceived that the relation of the parties was misapprehended, they supposing that a conference was requested, this was corrected immediately, and it was reiterated that Gen. Worth was merely the bearer of despatches, with authority to relate verbally certain matters of interest to the commanding general at Matamoros.

    The proposition of Gen. Mejia was then acceded to, with the remark, that this was a mere question of form, which should not be permitted to interfere with any arrangements necessary to the continuance of the friendly relation now existing between the two Governments.

    The Mexican party recrossed to the right bank, and after a short absence returned, stating that Gen. Romulo Vega would receive Gen. Worth on the right bank of the river—their own selection—for the reception of any communication which Gen. Worth might have to make from the commanding general.

    Gen. Worth then crossed the River, accompanied by Lieut. Smith, Aid­de­Camp; Lieuts. Magruder, Deas and Blake, attached to his staff; together with Lieut. Knowlton as interpreter. On arriving at the right bank of the river, Gen. Worth was received by Gen. Vega, with becoming courtesy and respect, and introduced to the “authorities of Matamoras,” represented in the person of the Liccenciado Casares. On the Mexican part were present, Gen. Vega, the Licenciado Casares, two officers—represented as cavalry officers—an interpreter, with a person named Juan N. Garza, Official de Defensores.

    After the usual courtesies on meeting, it was stated by Gen. Worth that he was the bearer of despatches from the commanding general of the American forces to Gen. Mejia, and to the civil authorities of Matamoras. A written and unsealed document was produced, and Gen. Vega desiring to know its contents, it was carefully read, and translated into French by Lieut. Knowlton, and afterwards ret­ranslated into Spanish by the Mexican interpreter. Gen. Vega then stated that he had been directed to receive such communications as Gen. Worth might present from his commanding General; going on to say that the march of the U. S. troops into apart of the Mexican territory, Tamaulipas, was considered as an act of war.

    GEN. WORTH.—“I am well aware that some of the Mexican people consider it an aggressive act but [interrupted by the Mexican interpreter, and after a slight discussion of the international question on the part of Gen. Vega,

Gen. (next lines unreadable) ordered there by his Government, and there it would remain; whether rightfully or other wise, that was a question to be settled between the two Governments. Gen. Worth then stated that he had been sent with despatches from his commanding general to Gen. Mejia; that Gen. Mejia had refused to receive it from him personally, adding, with emphasis and some degree of warmth, “I now state that I withdraw this despatch, having read it merely as an act of courtesy to Gen. Vega; that, in addition to the written despatch to Gen. Mejia, I am authorized to express verbally the sentiments with which the commanding general proposed to carry out the instructions of his Government, which in he hoped to preserve the peaceable relations between the two Governments, leaving all questions between the two Governments, leaving all questions between the two countries to be settled between the two Governments: and if hereafter Gen. Mejia wished to communicate with Gen. Taylor, he must propose the means—assuring Gen. Vega that should Gen. Mejia present himself or send his communications by a subaltern officer, in either case, he should be received with proper courtesy and respect. The question of right of territory was again opened by Gen.Vega, who asked how the United States Government would view the matter should the Mexican troops march into or occupy a portion of the territory of the United States. Gen. Worth replied that Gen. Vega might probably be familiar with the old proverb, “Sufficient for the day is the evil thereof,” and that “it would be time enough to consider such matters when the act was perpetrated.”

    This proverb did not appear to have been translated by the Mexican interpreter, but was received by Gen.Vega with a smile and slight shrug.

    Gen. Worth.—“Is the American Consul in arrest, or in prison?”

    Gen. Vega.—“No.”

    Gen. Worth.—“Is he now in the exercise of his proper functions?”

    Gen. Vega, after apparently consulting with the Licenciado Cassres for a moment, replied that he was.

    Gen. Worth.—“Then, as an American officer, in the name of my Government and my commanding general, I demand an interview with the Consul of my country.”

    No reply.

    Gen. Worth.—“Has Mexico declared war against the United States?”

    Gen. Vega.—“No.”

    Gen. Worth.—“Are the two countries still at peace?”

    Gen. Vega.—“Yes.”

    Gen. Worth.—“Then, I again demand an interview with the Consul of my Government, in Matamoras—in presence, of course, of these gentleman, or any other that the commanding general in Matamoras may be pleased to designate.”

    Gen. Vega reiterated that he was in the proper exercise of his functions; that he was not in arrest, nor were any Americans in Matamoras in arrest; that he would submit the demand to Gen. Mejia, adding that he thought there would be great difficulty. This demand was repeatedly made, in the most emphatic manner, and a reply requested, General Vega [ . . . ] Consulting that (?) continued in the exercise of his functions, and that the demand would be submitted to Gen. Mejia.

    Here the interview was suspended, while the Licenciado left the party, to submit, as we understood, the demand for an interview with the Consul to General Mejia. While engaged in friendly intercourse, Gen.Worth stated to Gen. Vega, in an informal manner, as an evidence of the good faith, intentions and dispositions of his commanding general, that he was well aware of the importance of Brasos Santiago to the commerce and business community of Matamoros; that he would respect their laws and customs, and freely grant entrance and exit to all Mexican and other vessels trading with Matamoros on the same terms as before its occupation by the United States, leaving all questions arising therefrom to be settled hereafter by the two Governments. At the expiration of about a quarter of an hour the Licenciado returned, and reported that Gen. Mejia would not accede to the request for an interview on the part of Gen. Worth, saying nothing, however, relative to the question of the Consul.

    Gen. Vega was then again informed that the despatches intended to be delivered to Gen. Mejia by Gen. Worth in person would be returned by him (Gen.W.) to his commanding general, considering any other disposition of them as disrespectful to him, repeating that they had been read to Gen. Vega in courtesy to him, and that Gen. Mejia must take his own means of communicating with Gen. Taylor; that whether Gen. Mejia sent a superior or subaltern officer to Gen.Taylor, at all times accessible, he would be received with becoming courtesy and hospitality, presenting at the same time, a written and sealed document of the civil authorities of Matamoras, which was received by Gen. Vega and immediately transferred to the Licenciado Casares.

    GEN. VEGA.—“Is it the intention of General Taylor to remain on the left bank of the Rio Grande?”

    GEN. WORTH.—“Most assuredly; and there to remain until directed otherwise by his Government.”

    Gen. Vega remarked that “we” felt indignation at seeing the American flag placed on the Rio Grande, a portion of the Mexican territory. General Worth replied “that was a matter of taste; notwithstanding that, there it would remain.” The army had been ordered to occupy its present position by its Government; it came in a peaceful rather than belligerant attitude, with a determination to respect the rights and customs of those on the right bank of the Rio Grande, while it offers protection to all on the left bank within their own territory.

    No reply having been received from General Vega relative to the demand for an interview with the American Consul, the question was again introduced by Gen. Worth and the demand for the last time reiterated.

    Gen. Vega promptly refused to accede to the demand replying, without waiting for the interpretation “No,no.”

    Gen. Worth. —“I have now to state that the refusal of my demand to see the American Consul is regarded as a belligerent act; and in conclusion I have to add, that the commanding general of the American forces on the left bank of the river will regard the passage of any armed party of Mexicans, in hostile array, across the Rio Grande, as an act of war, and pursue it accordingly.

    The interview here terminated, and Gen. Worth and staff returned to the left bank of the river.

    The above contains the substance of the interview between Generals Worth and Vega, and, as far as possible, the exact words and expressions used on the occasion.—Lieutenants Knowlton and McGruder, of the 1st Artillery, Lieut. Deas, of the 4th Artillery, Lieut. Blake, of the Topographical Engineers, and Lieut. Smith, of the 8th Infantry, were present at the interview.

RW46v23i38p4c2, May 12, 1846: More on the Oregon Question.

We adverted yesterday to the suggestion of the London Times, in regard to the terms upon which the British Government would probably be willing to compromise the Oregon controversy. We have since met with an article in the paper, of the 16th of April, which strengthens our apprehension that, while the peaceable adjustment of this controversy is not improbable, it is by no means certain. After expressing its decided approbation of the sentiments contained in Mr. Calhoun’s speech, (and which we fear will subject that distinguished statesman to the suspicion of being “a British Whig,”) the Times refers to the present position of the question in the following language, which is sufficiently explicit, without a word of commentary. It is manifest that the Times is opposed to accepting now of any proposition which may have been heretofore rejected by the British Government; and if that paper reflects the views of the ministry, its language leaves no doubt that there are yet difficulties to be met and overcome:­­“This step, then, may be considered as virtually gained; but it is only the first step towards the solution of the difficulty, and Mr. Polk’s pretensions were less formidable when they were carried to an excessive and ridiculous extend than when they are reduced within those limits which have, throughout this protracted negotiation, formed the true basis of the American claim. For though there are differences of opinion between compromise or no compromise, notice or no notice, there is a singular unanimity in all the opinions which have reached us from the United States as to the extend of the only compromise which is regarded as at all inadmissible. The work “compromise” is synonymous in the mouths of the Americans with the 49th parallel of latitude.

“After these public and peremptory declarations on the part of men who are comparatively moderate in their tone upon this subject, the Cabinet of Washington may, and probably will, intimate, in the event of the negotiation being re­opened, after the notice has been given, that its hands are tied beforehand. There is no diplomacy left in the question. The game is to be played with the cards on the table; and the 49th parallel must be regarded as the ultimatum of the Senate rather than of the President and his immediate advisers. We believe this to be a matter of fact; and whether the Americans be right or wrong, prudent or foolish, is beside the question, since it is evident that when all the leading statesmen of a country have deliberately pledged themselves to a particular position, they will rather go to war than abandon it. They have chosen, therefore, to assume for the purpose of their justification that this concession (as they term it) is a sufficient sacrifice for the maintenance of peace, and that although England positively rejected that offer 20 years ago, and on many subsequent occasions, she will accept it now. We are really at a loss to conceive to what circumstances Mr. Calhoun attributes this supposed change, or what imaginable circumstances could release us from the duty of upholding a territorial right. But the fact is, that the valley of the Columbia is as much and as exclusively occupied by the British agents of the Hudson’s bay Company as it ever has been, and to suppose that our rights to the country are weakened is a childish invention. They are precisely what they have ever been since 1790.”

RW46v23i38p4c2, May 12, 1846: The Army.—Misapprehension Corrected.—Gen. Worth.

Our readers cannot fail to have been struck by the number of officers reported by the city press to have arrived here on the New York on her last trip from Galveston. Enough were reported to have officered several regiments. This was entirely the result of misapprehension. We learn that but three gentlemen connected with the Army did in fact arrive; these were Gen. Worth, Major Van Ness and Lieutenant Smith. Gen. Worth, it is known, has transmitted his resignation to Washington; the other gentlemen named came here on important business connected with the service.

We have before expressed the deep regret that would be felt by the nation at the resignation of Gen. Worth. He has conferred lustre upon our arms by his distinguished services in Florida and elsewhere, and the country looked to him as one of the chief of the gallant spirits who were to sustain the national fame, should our difficulties with Mexico terminate in open war. But he felt himself constrained to pursue the course he did, in consequence of recent decisions of the Executive upon the subject of rank. His resignation was not tendered until all prospect of an immediate conflict with the Mexicans had passed. After it was tendered, he remained for some days in camp as a private individual, nor did he leave so long as there was any probability that his services in any contingency could be rendered available.

Gen. Worth led the advance of the Army across from Corpus Christi to Matamoros, and hoisted with his own hand the American flag upon the banks of the Rio Grande, within 350 yards of the Mexican batteries. It was the flag of his own regiment­—he 8th Infantry—which he had brought with him from Florida, and was the first American ensign hoisted by the army West of the Nueces, and, strange to say, it is the only one with the army on the banks of the Rio Grande del Norte.—[N. O. Pic.


Interesting News. —Intelligence from Honolulu to the 14th February, has been received at New York. Letters from Hawaii, of December, state, that in consequence of an unprecedented drought, that whole districts of country had been ravaged by fires, which consumed in great numbers the habitations of the natives. A famine had also prevailed there for six or eight weeks, the people living on fern and roots, and there was no prospect of immediate relief.

The Helvetia, whale ship, Captain Porter, of New London, Ct., was burned in the harbor of Honolulu, Jan. 25th. The ship was of 322 tons, but 18 months out, and had on board 150 barrels sperm and 1500 whale oil. Loss in destruction of the vessel and the greater portion of her cargo, 425,000, which, however, as covered by insurance. The personal losses of the Captain and officers are considerable, and the friends of Capt. Porter, in port, presented him with a donation of $600.

RW46v23i38p4c4, May 12, 1846: From the Honolulu Friend, Feb. 11.

OREGON.—Previous to the departure of the Cowlitz, arrived at Honolulu from the Straits of San Juan de Fuca, 450 wagons and 3000 emigrants had arrived. Some of them were men of capital. Dr. McLaughlin had removed to the Falls and intends shortly to leave for Paris. Mr. Douglass takes Charge of the Hudson’s Bay Co’s. affairs at Fort Vancouver. Bark Toulon, Crosby, from Honolulu, was 54 days into the river, and in November had not arrived at her discharging place. Many more emigrants were to arrive, and certain description of goods to supply their wants in the winter will be much in demand.

CALIFORNIA.—By letters from California by the Don Quixote, we learn that in consequence of an advantageous attack made by the Mexican authorities of St. Francisco, on some American citizens, by which Mr. Nathan Spear came near losing his life, a memorial was presented to Captain Page of the U. S. Sloop Levant, then at Monterey, and he, together with Mr. Larkin, the U. S. Consul, immediately sailed for St. Francisco, to investigate the affair.

We also learn that three companies from the U. States numbering from three to four hundred people, with fifty or sixty wagons, had arrived at the head waters of the Bay. Some hundred head of Derham cows were brought by the emigrants.

There were three Russian ships at anchor in the Bay, for wheat, tallow, hides, &c. Also, Vandalia, Sterling and Tassen, of Boston, and Fama of Oahu.

Mr. Wm. A. Leedsdorf has been appointed U. S. Vice Consul for St. Francisco.

RW46v23i38p4c5, May 12, 1846: Letter From Washington. Correspondence of the Alexandria Gazette. WASHINGTON, May 8.

The Hon. JOHN SLIDELL, our late Minister to Mexico, arrived in this city last evening, in the Western train of cars, and immediately had an interview with the President. We may now look for a message in a very few days.

It is a matter of surprise to me that the state of affairs on the Rio Grande should thus far have failed to attract the attention of Congress, and of the people. The Executive has virtually declared war against Mexico, while Congress is in session, and without its sanction, by authorizing the blockade of Matamoras. Already we hear of two American vessels being compelled to return to New Orleans, at an immense loss to the owners and shippers, which loss the Government is bound, in honor, to make good to them. The conduct of the Executive in the whole of this Mexican business, exhibits an assumption of power which requires the immediate attention of Congress. P.

RW46v23i39p1c1, May 15, 1846: THE DEBATE.

Taking it for granted that the debate on Mexican affairs will possess more interest than any other matter at present, we devote to it as much space as possible this morning.

The President’s Message assumes what remains to be proved, that the territory lying between the Nueces and the Rio del Norto is “American soil;” and upon that assumption he rests, as we anticipated, the vindication of his course, in ordering Gen. Taylor to occupy a position opposite the town of Matamoros. And yet he informs us that, after having obtained an assurance from the Mexican authorities that they would receive a Minister from the United States, for the purpose of adjusting the questions in controversy between the two governments, he abstained from taking this step, because among those questions, that of boundary occupied a prominent position. The American army, he tells us, “was concentrated at Corpus Christi, and remained there until after I had received such information as rendered it probable that the Mexican Government would not receive our Envoy. Why was not the left bank of the Rio Grande selected at first, instead of the Neuces, as the position of our army? It was precisely because that which is now assumed to be an unquestionable fact, was then conceded to be a disputed and doubtful assertion of right, to be determined not by the strong arm but by the usual process of negotiation. The Neuces was then, by the act of the Administration itself, admitted to be the ascertained and undisputed frontier of Texas; and our claim to its extension westwardly was deferred, as it ought to have been, for future adjustment. If our troops had remained at Corpus Christi, however, we are told, the result would have been the same—since the Mexicans would have marched their forces to that point, in hostile array, as they have done to the Rio Grande, and attempted the expulsion of the American forces, whom they would have looked upon as invaders of the Mexican territory not less when occupying that position, than when afterwards they were pushed farther on to the Rio del Norte. This is piling assumption upon assumption—“Pelion upon Ossa.” But admit that the result would have been the same—the effect would have been essentially different. The position of the two parties would have been reversed. They, and not we, would, in that event, have invited the commencement of hostilities; and although war might have ensued, the Administration would have been free from all ground of censure. It is our firm conviction, however, that, if the American forces had continued at Corpus Christi, the Mexicans would have remained on the western side of the river, with the exception perhaps of that small number of them, who already occupied settlements on its eastern banks,­­as at Point Isabel, for example, selected by Gen. Taylor as his depot, at which, when he reached it, there was a Mexican village, and a Mexican custom house, under the jurisdiction of Mexican laws, and under the protection of the Mexican flag—a fact which, of itself, strongly implies their right to the territory; for, although Texas in 18836 claimed it, yet not one foot of it had ever for an instant been in the possession of the Texan forces. It is manifest, if a mere declaration of the Texan Revolutionary Convention is to settle arbitrarily and conclusively the question of boundary, that if those who framed her original Constitution had thought proper to embrace within her paper limits the city of Mexico itself, although no Texan had ever reached that city but as a prisoner, we, in virtue of the treaty of annexation, should be bound to make that pretension good by force of arms—And them, instead of regarding the Rio del Norte as the frontier of the new State, we should not have reached that point until our flag had floated over the palace, and our soldiers “revelled in the halls of the Montezumas.”

We repeat, however, that we do not mean to prejudge the question of right to the disputed territory. All we say is, that, so long as it was in dispute, or until Mexico had intimated her purpose to seize upon it, it should not have been occupied by an armed force, entrenching itself opposite a Mexican city, and bringing its cannon, as if with hostile intent, to bear upon the dwellings of its citizens. This is the ground upon which we condemn the Administration—as we do also for sending upon so perilous an errand a force so utterly incompetent, as events have shown, to maintain its position. In our determination to support this or any other Administration in the most vigorous efforts to meet and repel an enemy, we hold it to be no less a duty to investigate fearlessly the injudicious conduct by which those efforts have been rendered necessary—just as if at sea an ignorant or head strong pilot had run the ship amid rocks and breakers, each man on board would feel impelled to exert every nerve to rescue her from her perilous condition, but with a determination nevertheless freely to criticise and condemn the individual by whose incompetency or rashness the danger had been incurred.

RW46v23i39p1c2, May 15, 1846: General Scott.

Although the partizans of the Administration defend zealously the wisdom of sending the American army to the Rio Grande, they nevertheless seem not at all unwilling to divide the responsibility and the glory of that measure with Gen. Scott—which they would never do if they had not themselves some serious misgivings in reference to its propriety. The General and his friend, however, seem to be not at all willing to deprive the Administration of any portion of the merit of that movement! A letter from Washington to the editor of the Alexandria Gazette affirms, “on competent authority, that Gen. Scott was not consulted on the subject, but was peremptorily directed to issue the order. He did not approve of the movement; and, had he been consulted, would have objected to it.” Strange, if the step was a wise one, that the Administration should be so eager to confer the honor of it upon a gentleman for whom it has no very especial regard—and scarcely less strange that he should so promptly decline that honor!—The truth is, the President and his partizans, now that it is too late, perceive that he has committed a capital error, for which he will be condemned by the sober judgment of the people; and they are [ . . . ] out for a scape­goat!

RW46v23i39p1c2, May 15, 1846: No title.

From the camp of Gen. Taylor, across the Peninsula, to Point Isabel, is about 30 miles. The distances to be reached by the earliest aid that can reach Point Isabel are as follows: From Galveston, by the outside route 320 miles; from Galveston by the inside route 336 miles; from New Orleans by river Mississippi and coastwise to Point Isabel 802 miles; from New Orleans to Galveston 482 miles; from Matamoras to the bar of the Rio Grande, by the course of the river, about 70 miles.

RW46v23i39p1c2, May 15, 1846: England and Mexico.

The last New York Mirror contains a long and interesting extract from the forthcoming work of General Waddy Thompson, on Mexico. His opportunities of information, while our Minister to that country, and his ability, both entitle his opinions to great respect; and we are therefore glad to find that he expresses the conviction that Great Britain, so far from desiring a war between Mexico and the United States, is deeply interested in the preservation of peace between the two countries. After stating that the popular impression that English influence is in the ascendant in Mexico, is entirely erroneous, and that, so far from this being the fact, the general feeling of the Mexicans towards the English is unfriendly, he adds:

“The British Government keeps two officers, or agent, in Mexico, with high salaries, to attend to this [the mining] interest alone. It is with the money thus derived that the English establishments on this continent and in the West Indies are supported.

“The amount of the specie annually obtained from Mexico is more than half as great as that which is kept at one time in the Bank of England. The stoppage of this supply would very much derange the whole monetary system of England; on this account, it is to be apprehended that in the event of a war between the United States and Mexico, that England would very soon be involved in it.—If the coast of Mexico should be blockaded, England will demand that the line of steam­packets to Vera Cruz should be exempted from its operations. These packets, although commercial vessels, possess a sort of quasi­government character. This, of course, our government could not concede; and the interruption of the regular supply of the precious metals from Mexico would be most disastrously felt in England. Knowing al this, I was well satisfied that all that we have heard about England stimulating Mexico to declare war against this country was ridiculously absurd.—Such a war would injure England more than either of the billigerents. All her interests are opposed to it, unless, indeed, she intended to participate in that war. I have the best reasons for saying, that there is no other power in the world with which England would not prefer to engage in a war; not that she fears us, for England fears no nation, nor combination of nations as all her history proves; but such a war would be, more than any other, disastrous to her commercial, manufacturing, and all other industrial pursuits.

“England has no single motive for a war with us. It is not of this country that she is jealous, but of the Northern despotism of Europe, and mainly of Russia, and has been so since the seizure of the fortress of Aczaco, in 1788.”

RW46v23i39p1c2, May 15, 1846: No title:

A letter from Pensacola, dated on the 4th instant, states that “Commander Saunders, of the U. S. ship St. Mary’s, had been ordered by Capt. Fitzhugh, to get under way immediately for Brasos St. Iago, to furnish prompt assistance to the army force at Point Isabel. While I write she is beating out the harbor. The steam frigate Mississippi is to leave for Vera Cruz this evening at 4 o’clock.”

RW46v23i39p1c3, May 15, 1846: DEBATE ON THE WAR MESSAGE.

We subjoin a copy of the Bill, as it passed the House of Representatives, authorizing an augmentation of our Military force, in view of our existing relations with Mexico:­­

A BILL to authorize the President of the United States, under certain contingencies therein named, to accept the services of volunteers, and for other purposes.

Whereas, by the act of the Republic of Mexico, a state of war exists between that Government and the United States: therefore—

Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America in Congress assembled, That, for the purpose of enabling the Government of the U. States to prosecute said war to a speedy and successful termination, the President be, and he is hereby, authorized to employ the militia, naval, and military forces of the United States, and to call for and accept the services of any number of volunteers not exceeding fifty thousand, who may offer their services, as cavalry, artillery, infantry, or riflemen, to serve six or twelve months after they shall have arrived at the place of rendezvous, or to the end of the war, unless sooner discharged. That the sum of ten millions of dollars be, and the same is hereby, appropriated out of any money in the Treasury or to come into the Treasury, not otherwise appropriated, for the purpose of carrying the provisions of this act into effect.

Sec. 2. And be it further enacted, That the militia, when called into service of the United States by virtue of this act, or any other act, may, if in the opinion of the President of the United States the public interest requires it, be compelled to serve for a term not exceeding six months after their arrival at the place of rendezvous, in any one year, unless sooner discharged.

Sec. 3. And be it further enacted, That the said volunteers shall furnish their own clothes, and if cavalry, their own horses; and, when mustered into service, shall be armed and e quipped at the expense of the United States.

SEC. 4. And be it further enacted, That said volunteers, when called into actual service, and while remaining therein, shall be subject to the rules and articles of war, and shall be, in all respects, except as to clothing and pay, placed on the same footing with similar corps of the United States army and in lieu of clothing, every non­commissioned officer and private in any company who may thus offer himself, shall be entitled, when called into actual service to receive in money a sum equal to the cost of clothing of a non­commissioned officer or private (as the case may be) in the regular troops of the United States.

SEC. 5 And be it further enacted, That the s aid volunteers so offering their services shall be accepted by the President in companies, battalions, squadrons, and regiments, whose officers shall be appointed in the manner prescribed by law in the several states and Territories to which such companies, battalions, squadrons, and regiments shall respectively belong.

SEC. 6 And be it further enacted, That the president of the United States be and he is hereby authorized to organize companies so tendering their services into battallions or squadrons, battalions and squadrons into regiments; regiments into brigades, and brigades into divisions, as soon as the number of volunteers shall render such organization, in his judgment expedient; and shall by and with the advice of the Senate, appoint the generals of brigade and division, and the general staff, as now authorized by law: Provided, however, That major generals and brigadier generals shall have the appointment of their own aids­de­camp, and the President shall, if necessary, apportion the staff, field, and general officers among the respective States and Territories from which the volunteers shall tender their services, as he may deem proper.

Sec. 7 And be it further enacted, That the volunteers who may be received into the service of the United States by virtue of the provisions of this act, who may be wounded or otherwise disabled in service, shall be entitled to all the benefit which may be conferred on persons wounded in the service of the United States.

Sec. 8 And be it further enacted, That the President of the United States be and he is hereby authorized forthwith to complete all the public armed vessels now authorized by law, and to purchase or charter, arm, equip, and man such merchant vessels and steamboats as upon examination my be found fit or easily converted into armed vessels, fir for the public service, and in such number as he may deem necessary for the protections of the seaboard, lake coast., and the general defence of the country.

Sec. 9 And be it further enacted, That, whenever the militia or volunteers are called and received into the service of the United States, under the provisions of this act, they shall have the organization of the army of the United States, and shall have the same pay and allowances, except as follows, to wit: Privates of infantry, artillery, and riflemen, shall receive ten dollars per month, and privates of volunteer mounted corps twenty dollars per month for their services and the use and risk of their horses.

The foregoing bill passed by the decisive vote of 174 to 14. Every member of the Virginia delegation present voted in its favor. The following are the names recorded in the negative: Messrs. John Q. Adams, Ashmun, Cranston, Culver, Delano, Giddings, Grinnell, Hudson, D. P. King. Root, Severance, Strohm, Tilden and Vance. Two or three of these gentlemen belong to the sect of Abolition fanatics—and, while willing to go to war with Great Britain for the purpose of acquiring a sandy and sun­scorched Desert on this side of the Rocky Mountains, and a rocky and ice bound coast on the other, would be doubtless willing to see our Southern frontier desolated by fire and sword. But most of them, we presume, (at least we hope,) were influenced in their vote against the bill, not by opposition to the necessary measures of defence proposed, but by the grave and potent reasons which induced so many members to vote for it with a protest against certain of it is obnoxious and fraudulent features. These features are referred to in the subjoined remarks of Messrs. Garrett Davis of Kentucky, Bayly of Virginia, Holmes of New York, and Smith of Indiana:

Mr. GARRETT DAVIS rose and said: Mr. Speaker, I ask the House to excuse me from voting on the passage of this bill, and I will assign very briefly my reasons.

This is a measure, directly and indirectly, of very great importance, and yet not opportunity, not a single moment has been allowed any Whig of this House to say one word upon it. So far as it can operate upon the fate of the gallant General and his little army upon the Del Norte, there is no need for such unparalleled haste in urging a measure of its character through this body. He is on a frontier 3000 miles distant. In the exercise of a discretionary power vested in him by the Executive, he has made a requisition on the Governors of the neighboring States for ten thousand troops. At this moment, the destiny of Gen. Taylor and his gallant band is sealed, and I doubt not that ere now the prompt succor which he has received from the States contiguous to the theatre of his operations, has given him such force he has beaten back the enemy, and any thing we may now do will be too late to influence it. There could then be no valid objection to give a day to the consideration of this bill and no person would desire more. But the haughty and dominating majority will not allow now this much.

But, Mr. Speaker, I have no objection to the preamble of the bill. It recites that war exists between the United States and Mexico, and that this war was began by Mexico. That informal war exists between the two countries is undeniable; but that Mexico commenced it is utterly untrue, and I object to the preamble because it sets forth so bold a falsehood. I am decidedly, strongly in favor of the appropriation of the money, and of the raising of the forces for which the bill provides. For these purposes it is sufficient for me that our country is at war, be it formal or informal; whether began by Mexico or our own Government. I require only to know that our army is in danger, and whether it be in the territory of the United States or Mexico. I am ready to vote men and money even to the utmost resources of the country for the rescue. If the war be wrongful at a more convenient season I would hold them responsible who made it. But I protest solemnly against defiling this measure with unfounded statement that Mexico began this war. That position is not necessary to give this bill any possible effect. It could have been as well omitted, and, had it been rejected, I doubt not the bill would receive the unanimous vote of the House. But that was not the object of its authors. Their purpose was to make the Whigs vote against or force them to aid in throwing a shelter over the Administration, by voting for a bill which set forth that this needless and unexpected war was commenced by Mexico.

Sir, if the bill contained any recitation upon that point in truth and justice, it should be that this war was begun by the President. The river Nueces is the true western boundary of Texas. The country between that stream and the Del Norte is part of Mexico; and that Power had people and establishments in it. Months ago the President, of his own will, orders Gen.Taylor and his army to take post at Corpus Christi, on the west bank of the Nueces, where they remained until a considerable time after the beginning of this session of Congress. In March last, under the positive orders of the President, he moves through the disputed country upon the Del Norte. The Mexican authorities meet him at several points with the declaration that he has invaded their country, and with protests against the aggression. They warn him that unless he retires eas of the Nueces, he will be deemed to be making war upon Mexico, and they will resort to force. He refers to the positive orders of the Executive, and in the exeecution of them hepasses on to Magamoras; strongly fortifies a position overlooking the city, and mounts a battery of cannon within 300 yards of it, bearing upon its public square, and from whence he could, in a few hours, batter it down. He then blockades the port of Matamoras, orders off English and American vessels, and directs the capture of a Spanish schooner. The Mexican commander treats all these as acts of war; and, on the 25th of April, Gen. Taylor is informed by a message from the Mexican camp, that hostilities exist, that the Mexicans will prosecute them according to the usages of civilized nations. That night a detachment of the Mexican army crosses the Rio Grande, Gen. Taylor sends out a scouting party to reconnoitre, which attacks the Mexicans, and is defeated and captured by the Mexicans, and thus war is raging in bloody earnestness. It is our own President who began this war. He has been carrying it on for months in a series of acts.—Congress, which is vested exclusively by the Constitution with the war­making power, he has not deigned to consult, much less to ask it for any authority. Now, forsooth, when it has unexpectedly broke forth in bloody reverses, a position must be taken by the friends of the President in Congress to protect him by charging Mexico with being the author of the war; and he, in cold blood, teaches others to sacrifice a brave and veteran officer, whenever it may become necessary to cover his mistaken and incompetency.

I have yet another objection to this bill. All that is proposed to be voted by this bill is to be trusted to him. He is to conduct this war. He is our Commander­in­Chief, our Generali(unreadable) of army and navy. He know, or ought to know, how much money and hoe many men the present exigency requires, and yet he has not named any sum or any number of troops, as has been invariably the usage in such cases by all former Presidents. He leaves us to act upon our information and judgment in the premises. Are we to understand that he abandons the responsibilities and duties as President and Commander­in­Chief in the conduct of this war? Does he intend to be understood by Congress as saying to them, (what must be now apparent to the whole nation) “I am unequal to the high position which I occupy. I know not how to advise you as to the amount of money and the number of men you must raise to rescue the military renown of the country from the passing cloud which now covers it. In this important matter you must assume my duties and my responsibilities, and adopt the necessary measure to vindicate the

Suffering honor of the nation?” If this be the position of the President, he has exhibited more good sense in assuming it than in all the note of his administration beside; if it be not, he exhibits his usual reprehensible secretiveness.

But, Mr. Speaker, the essence of this measure is the supplies. They will all be required before the nation gets out of this difficulty. I will vote for the supplies of the bill with hearty alacrity, at the same time protesting against its falsehoods. Since the play has begun, I am for fighting Mexico on our soil, on hers, every where, until we drive her across the Rio Grande, and retrieve our ancient renown. I am then for withdrawing our army to the east side of the Nueces, and then settling by treaty all our points of dispute with that weak and distracted country upon the most liberal terms.

When Mr. BAYLY’S name was called, he rose and said: Mr. Speaker, I ask to be excused from voting. I cannot vote in silence without placing myself in a false position. I consider this bill virtually a declaration of war, made with Executive recommendation; for I do not understand the Executive as recommending a declaration of war. And made too when we do not know that the invasion of our territory and aggressive acts are sanctioned by the Government of Mexico. They may yet be disavowed, and reparation made. I am, therefore, unwilling at this time to vote the declaration of war. I do not consider such a declaration necessary to meet the emergency. On the other hand, I am anxious to vote such supplies of men and means as will afford succor to our army and repel the invasion. I must, as I am now placed, decline to do this, or vote for the bill before the House. If I am not excused I shall vote for the bill, as I consider withholding the supplies under the circumstances as the greater evil. Mr. B. withdrew his request to be excused.

When Mr. E. B. HOLMES was called, he rose in his place and said: “Mr. Speaker, I vote ay, because I cannot withhold supplies from our army in its present condition; but I solemnly protest against the preamble to this bill, and publicly denounce it as base, fraudulent, and false.”

When Mr. ALBERT SMITH’S name was called he rose and said: Mr. Speaker, I vote for the bill, but I do so under a protest to the preamble of the bill as false in it facts and operating as a fraud upon the nation.

The debate in the House was confined mainly to amendments proposed to the original bill. Mr. Brinkerhoff declared himself in favor of carrying the war into Mexico, and repudiated the idea that the operations of the American forces should be confined to the left bank of the Rio Grande, even though the Mexican forces should be compelled to retreat across that river. Mr. Brockenbrough was in favor of a declaration of war, and moved so to amend the bill. Mr. Roberts are in favor of issuing letter of marque and reprisal. Various other propositions, more or less decided in their character, were submitted by other gentlemen, and briefly discussed. Messrs. Rhett and Holmes of S. C. insisted, as did Mr. Calhoun and others in the Senate, that, in a constitutional point of view, there is a wide difference between a war and a sudden our break of hostilities on an exposed frontier,­­that the commanding Generals might for instance, be guilty of attacks which their Government might disavow—and therefore they insisted that for the present at least, we should be content with adopting the necessary measures of defence, leaving it for future developments to govern our final action. We regreat that our space will not permit us to publish the whole of the interesting debate. We are compelled however, to confine ourselves this morning to a portion of the interesting discussion in the Senate.

RW46v23i39p1c3, May 15, 1846: MONDAY, MAY 11, 1846. IN SENATE.

A message was received from the President of the United States on Mexican affairs.

The message having been read—

Mr. SEVIER moved that the message and documents be referred to the Committee on Foreign Affairs and printed.

Mr. DAVIS desired that the documents accompany the message be read.

Mr. SPEIGHT observed that those documents were very voluminous, and the reading would consequently occupy a considerable time. He suggested that, as they were to be printed, the reading might be dispenses with at present.­—He moved that twenty thousand additional copies of the message and accompanying documents be printed.

Mr. CALHOUN said they had now a very great question presented to them—a question which, in view of all of its consequences, it would take many years to terminate and he hoped that the Senate would on this occasion, manifest that quiet dignity, and give to the subject that dispassionate consideration, which was worthy the character of a grave and deliberative body. He trusted that they would, laying aside every minor consideration, proceed at once to the adoption of such measures as were rendered necessary in the present emergency, such as the Constitution demanded of them, and such as the honor and the interest of the country might require. But he hoped that in this state of the case nothing more than was usual would be done in regard to printing documents for the use of the Senate; after they had had the matter under consideration it would be time enough to determine what number should be published.—It had always been understood that the printing of a vast number of any set of documents was an endorsement of their contents. He would offer no opinion upon the documents now before them, but the thought it would be at least undignified on the part of the Senate to print an unusual number.

Mr. SPEIGHT said he responded heartily to every word which had fallen from the Senator from South Carolina as to the proper action of the Senate upon this occasion. His motive in proposing the printing of an extra number, which proposition was suggested by his friends around him, was that he supposed that the people throughout the country would be desirous of reading the document. He could not say whether the printing might be considered an endorsement of them by the Senate, but this he would say, that as far as he was concerned, he for one endorsed every word they contained. He entirely approved of the message, and was prepared without hesitation to carry out what the President had recommended. He had recommended no declaration of war; he had only recommended the placing at his disposal a sufficient military force to repel an invasion. He believed there was no American who would not respond to that message. He would do the Senator from South Carolina the justice to say that he believed he would respond to it.

If he thought it was the sense of the Senate that no more than the usual number of copies should be printed, he would withdraw his motion; but he would repeat that he believed there would be a desire throughout the country to read these documents, and he saw no reason why they should not be printed and circulated extensively. This message was a highly important document, they had reached an important crisis, and he agreed with the Senator from Soth Carolina that they should meet it firmly and with due and proper deliberation. For his own part he was prepared to meet it.

Mr. ALLEN said he believed it was usual, whenever an important communication was made to Congress, if that communication and the documents which accompanied it were too voluminous to find admission in the public newspapers of the country, for the Senate of the United States to supply the demand of the country by printing an extra number of such communication with the accompanying documents. No man would question for an instant the transcendant importance of the matter now communicated to the Senate; and no man would doubt that the matter contained in those papers was too voluminous to find a publication in the newspaper press of the country. No man could doubt the right which the American people had to indulge that wholesome curiosity which would induce them to look for the publication of those documents. These were facts about which there could be no doubt, and if there ever was a case where it became important to give an extended circulation to a great public fact, this was that case. They were told by the Senator from Mississippi that the President had not recommended a declaration of war, but the Senator had overlooked the more important fact that the President told them that war actually exists, and he had asked the Congress of the United States to acknowledge the fact by such a public act as should nationalize it, and put the United States in that relation to the nations of the world which she had a right to occupy in consequence of a state of war. It had been said that time for deliberation was necessary; but the time for deliberation should be measured by the crisis presented by the state of facet upon which those deliberations were to be had.—What was the crises here? The crisis was existing war. Deliberation, then, could tend to no benefit. As for the suggestion which had been thrown out, that the operation of the army of this Government ought to be limited to its own soil, that we should be required to fight only on one square of the board, while Mexico fights on the whole board, it seemed to him to involve the most suicidal policy. How could the war be brought to a successful termination? How could a peace which should have any duration be expected to result from a conflict conducted in that manner, unless Mexico be given distinctly to understand that when she make war upon the U. S. she incurs all the consequences which a state of war inflicts. But he would go no further in this matter at this time; he desired that the documents should be printed, and extensively circulated, for reasons which he had already given. And, for the purpose of testing and sense of the Senate upon the question of printing an extra number, he asked the yeas and nays.

The yeas and nays were ordered.

Mr. SEVIER. I understand the motion to refer the message to the Committee on Foreign Relations has been carried.

The PRESIDING OFFICER. The question has not yet been put.

Mr. J. M. CLAYTON said he thought the proper reference would be to the Committee on Military Affairs. The President asks Congress for old aid and assistance to carry on military operations; it appeared to him that the matter should go to that committee, and not the Committee on Foreign Relations.

Mr. CALHOUN said he had in part effected the objects he had to view by eliciting the observations which had been made by the Senator from Ohio. His object was, that the Senate should not precipitately order the printing of a large extra number, thereby causing it to be inferred that there was an absolute endorsement of the documents on the part of the Senate. He would admit the President had announced that there was war; but according to his interpretation, it was not such a war as the Constitution designated by the term war. For his own part, he was inclined to distinguish between hostilities and war. God forbid that they should ever be found under the Constitution of this Government confounding the one with the other. There might be invasion without war, and they might find themselves forced to repel invasion, and yet no war ensue such as was strictly entitled to be so denominated. It was for Congress to determine whether wear should be declared or not. And it was under that aspect of the question that he considered it unadvisable that there should be any act on the part of the Senate tending to sanction the idea that there was war.—There was a certain calmness, dignity, decorum, and forbearance expected to be exercised by the Senate of the United States which should never be lost sight of. He hoped that body would never suffer itself to be carried away by impetuosity, or hurried into precipitate action. He was prepared to do all that patriotism and the honor of the country required. He wished to be prepared at all points, but he wished that this should be berformed in a manner worthy of the Senate of the United States.

Mr. SEVIER said it was not his purpose to promote a [ . . . ] upon this matter. He had moved the reference to the committee to which it seemed to him properly to belong. He was merely following the usual course. Was there any breach of decorum and want of dignity in that?

Mr. CALHOUN said he had not the slightest reference to the Senator from Arkansas in any thing he had said.

Mr. SEVIER. My motion was to refer the message to the Committee on Foreign Relations, where messages of that sort are always referred. Has the Senator more confidence in another committee than he has in that? I understand the motion to print an extra number of copies to have been withdrawn, and on the motion to print the usual number. I now ask the yeas and nays.

Mr. MOREHEAD said he regretted that he could not concur with his honorable friend from Delaware in his suggestion as to the proper direction or reference of the message. The reference, in his opinion, should be to the Committee on Foreign Relations, and he thought so because he concurred with the Senator from South Carolina that before war does exist, according to the Constitution of the United States, there must be some action on the part of Congress. Thus far, if war now existed, if the people of this country found themselves in a state of war with Mexico, it was a war which had not been brought about or declared by the Legislative department of the Government, to which constitutionally the power of declaring war belonged. Before, therefore, we could occupy a proper position in the estimation of the nations of the world, whose opinion on subjects of this sort he thought they ought not to venture to disregard—before they assumed a hostile attitude, which in all probability it would become their duty to assume, the subject should be referred to that committee which in all cases of this sort, was accustomed to have charge and to receive the consideration of the matter; before the Congress of the United States recognized the existence of war, they should perform the part assigned to them by the Constitution of the United States.

Mr. J. M. CLAYTON contended that the message ought to be referred to the Committee on Military Affairs. The President – (he said) had announced that there was war; that war actually existed and called upon Congress for a grant of some millions of dollars to carry on that war, pronouncing it essentially necessary that it should be carried on. The President also demanded of them tens of thousands of volunteers for the same purpose. Now, he was not willing, though he did not take on himself the responsibility of the war—that responsibility must rest with the President alone,, who brought it about—he was not willing to hesitate, or [ . . . ] to decide whether the inception of the war was right or not. It being in existence, he was ready to go for the volunteers and the allowance of money at once for the support of the honor of the country. They could decide at their leisure afterwards, and the Committee on Foreign Relations could decide at leisure, upon the grave question of responsibility of occasioning the war. That question would come under consideration undoubtedly. But the first duty of the Senate, in his humble judgment, was to vote for the supplies. What had the Committee on Foreign Relations to do with this? He would say to his friend from S. C. (if he would allow him to call him so) that the opinion he entertained very closely approached to his own upon this matter. He was very far from justifying the course taken by the Executive in sending the troops of the U. S. to the Rio del Norte. But the country was in a state of war. What was now to be done? To provide supplies to defend our position, and to lose no time in doing so. The other questions, as they arose, would have to be settled by the people and the Executive. They might be deliberated upon at leisure. Upon the main question of furnishing supplies, it appeared to him there ought to be prompt and efficient action.

Mr. ARCHER said he was a good deal surprised that his honorable friend from Delaware failed to make the distinction between a state of war; properly so called, and the state in which we now were placed. Several Senators had assumed that we were in a state of war; he maintained that we were not. When some years ago a vessel belonging to citizens of the United States was destroyed by a foreign force, did that constitute a state of war? The President according to his construction of the message, did not affirm that we were in a state of war. He could not affirm it; or, if he did, he affirmed what in the legal acceeptation of the term, was not t rue. What would be the result of such a construction? That our troops on the Rio del Norte could at their pleasure involve us in a state of war. Congress was under the Constitution, the war­making power, and Congress had done no act to place us in a state of war.—What was the purport of the message of the President?—It was that a certain state of facts had reached his knowledge which make it necessary that Congress should inquire what action was necessary to be taken thereupon.—Did the position of our troops on the frontier necessarily place the United States in a state of war? Certainly not. Suppose the state of things be misunderstood; suppose the action on the part of the Mexican authorities to be justified by the circumstances could it be said that they were in a state of war? Fighting did not in every case absolutely constitute a state of war. There had often been collisions which did not amount to war. The facts existing only authorized an inquiry as to whether they should proceed to a state of war. He hoped the course which had been pursued on other occasions, when the United States were threatened with war, would not be departed from now; that the reference would in the first instance be made to the Committee on Foreign Relations and when they had all the information that was necessary, it would be time enough to declare the country to be in a state of war.

Mr. BENTON said he apprehended that there were two very distinct questions presented to the consideration of the Senate touching this matter. The President announced the fact of the invasion of the United States; he then proposed to carry on a war against Mexico on a scale commensurate with the necessity of the occasion. Upon the occurrence an of invasion it was the duty of the President, under the Constitution, at once, by all the means which the law placed in his power, to repel that invasion. Certain acts of Congress authorized him to call out the militia for that purpose, the period of that service being limited to three months, and as often as an occasion of this kind had occurred, it had been deemed proper, in order to procure the most efficient troops, to permit the president to accept the services of the volunteers. The General Commanding on the banks of the Rio del Norte had, therefore, in this case, in accordance with authority given him by this President called for volunteers. The first thing, them, in his opinion, which they had to do was to furnish the means to pay those volunteers, legitimatize the call which he made for their services. Thus far it would be a military question—a question for the Committee on Military Affairs, to say whether they will adopt eight thousand of three times eight thousand. But it became also a question which concerned our foreign relations; and if the first measure were adopted—about which he apprehended there could be no dispute, it being requisite to repel invasion—the first measure being adopted, there would then be time to consider. He would suggest, therefore, that so much of the message as related to repelling an invasion be referred to the Committee on Military Affairs; and so much of it as related to our foreign relations be referred to the Committee on Foreign Affairs.

Mr. ALLEN observed that the suggestion of the Senator from Missouri appeared to him to present the question in its true and natural aspect. The appropriations for the defence of the country need not be delayed by being connected with other questions growing our of the same state of facts.

Mr. SEVIER accepted the proposition of the Senator from Mo. As a modification of his motion.

Mr. CASS desired to say merely a single word. The message of the President was but a manifesto of the difficulty existing between this country and Mexico; it was very similar to a message which was sent to Congress by Mr. Madison. He felt very much gratified at hearing the language which had fallen from the honorable Senator from Delaware. The Senator had spoken like an American; he was ready to meet the emergency. The ground he took was fair ground for a party man to take: going for his country first, and afterwards to inquire by whom the mischief was brought about. It was a very fair subject of inquiry. Let us, (pursued Mr. C.) let us go for the defence of our country first; let us adopt all proper measures for repelling invasion; and, as soon as we have done that, I foe one am prepared to enter into an inquiry as to who is tight and who is wrong. I agree with the Senator from Miss., I concur entirely in the message of the President; and, as far as my voice will go to accomplish it, its recommendation shall be carried out. And I must be allowed to say further, (and I use the word in its best sense,) I repel the construction put upon it by the honorable Senator from South Carolina. One country may declare war, but it takes two countries to declare peace. Suppose Mexico declares war against you, are you at peace? No. There is no intermediate state between peace and war. In which state are we are present? Can it be said that our troops may drive the Mexicans over the boundary, and then politely say, Good bye, until you come back; and then we shall be ready for you again. This I should say was a state of war. Every gentleman knows that within the last century a dozen wars have been waged growing out of acts of hostility of that nature. The honorable Senator from South Carolina says we are not in a state of war, but in a state of hostility. Now, I am not going to dispute about the meaning of words, but if the gentleman denies that an invasion is an act of war, I differ with him entirely. Suppose a foreign nation blockages your port, to be sure you are not invaded on land, but are you not in a state of hostility—a state that leads legitimately to the consequence of war? These are my views. I say we are now in a position that, whether we declare war or not, our acts must be acts of war.—We are placed in this solemn condition. It is a most important crisis. If we march forward with firmness, decision, and promptitude, our course is plain and honorable before the world. If we do not—if we make half war and half peace; if we dot to this border and say, if you come over we will fight you; if we do this we disgrace ourselves before the world. I think there is but one course, and that is, to push the expedition into Mexico and compel her to make peace.

Mr. CALHOUN said that, in his judgment, mere invasion and a solemn declaration of war were two things entirely distinct. He hoped that there would not be the slightest difference of opinion. He hoped they would act with the utmost promptitude, so far as repelling the invasion was concerned. The Senator from Michigan (said Mr. C.) repels no observation of mine, for his remark has no application to any thing I said. I said, in the meaning of the Constitution war could only be declared by Congress that it was only through the authority of Congress that the state of things called war could be brought about. There is no question between the Senator and myself. I will go further, and say it is a great perversion of language to call the present state of things war. It is a case of invasion, a state of hostilities between two opposite forces on the frontier. Now, whether we shall proceed and settle all our accounts with Mexico at once is the great question to which I alluded.

Mr. ALLEN said he did not rise to protract the debate, but for the purpose of moving that so much of the annual message as relates to Mexico be printed, together with the document communicated to the Senate to­day.

Mr. MOREHEAD said he had no earthly objection, as far as he was concerned, to a division of the question of reference. He rose for the purpose of saying a single word in answer to the suggestion of the Senator from Michigan; and, before doing so, he must express his surprise that the Senator from Mich. Should think it a subject of congratulation that a member of the Senate of the U. S. had expressed, powerfully and eloquently as his friend from Dela. had done, in regard to the question now under consideration, his determination to stand by the country in the hostile attitude in which it was placed. He trusted the sentiment avowed by the Senator from Dela. was a sentiment entertained by every member of the Senate. He trusted it was not so remarkable as to be made the subject of special observation. But in regard to the point assumed by the Senator, whether there was a war now existing between Mexico and the United States, he desired to say a word. It was familiarly understood by them all that the power to declare war belonged alone to Congress, and that the President of the United States had no power constitutionally to involve the country in a war; but if there was at this moment actually subsisting a war between the United States and Mexico, it would follow that the President of the United States could involve the country in a war without the assent of the Legislative department of the Government. He could very well conceive a case where the army of the United States, having assumed a position within the territory of Mexico, such a position as would de­(unreadable) from Mexico that she should repel the invasion, and that hostilities should arise between the two countries—would that be a state of war? No. He held that it was competent alone for Congress to declare when war did exist; and because the President had not the power to create hostile relations between this Government and another, it became the duty of the Congress of the United States to exercise that power. In this view he did not think there did exist at this moment war between the two nations, in the sense in which the Constitution intended it to be understood. He thought there was a very reasonable distinction between war and hostilities. There was a period of the government when that distinction was practically carried out. It was that period when hostile relations existed between this country and France. There were aggressions committed on our commerce on the high seas, and claims for restitution were formally set up by the owners of the property destroyed. Congress adopt4ed various measures indicating a state of hostilities, but there was not war declared, and none existing, and yet there was an extensive series of hostilities enacted on the ocean—not amounting to actual war, not constituting war as intended by the Constitution, yet such a state of hostilities as made it necessary for Congress to adopt various measures authorizing various parties to repel aggressions on the part of France. It seemed to him the distinction very properly existed; and he hoped, therefore, that that portion of the message of referring to the relations existing between this country and Mexico would be referred to the Committee on Foreign Relations, and that part which referred to raising supplies and reinforcements would be placed under the charge of the Committee on Military Affairs.

The debate was further continued by Messrs. Cass, Davis, Clayton, Sevier, Allen, Houston, and Huntington, the reports of whose speeches are necessarily deferred until to­morrow.

The question was then taken on the motion of Mr. Sevier, as modified, on referring so much of the President’s message as relates to military affairs to the Committee on Military Affairs, and the remainder to the Committee on Foreign Relations, and that the message and documents be printed which was adapted without division, with an amendment of Mr. Allen that so much of the annual message as relates to Mexico be printed with the documents.

Mr. SPEIGHT then renewed the motion to print 20,000 extra copies; when

Mr. CRITTENDEN, after making some inquiry as to the documents communicated with the President'’ message, and after the order to General Taylor to advance to the Rio del Norte had been read, proceeded to remark, in substance, that he deeply regretted the intelligence communicated by the message of hostilities with Mexico.­—hat it was our true policy to cultivate peace with her.—That such had been our policy in relation to Mexico and all the South American Republics. That we had hailed their first struggles for liberty, and their establishment of Republican Governments, and looked upon them as forming a system of republics opposed to the monarchical systems of Europe. At the head of the republican system, it has been our feeling, as it was our true policy, to cherish the kindliest relations and sympathies towards them all. And such had been our course till our late unfortunate difficulties with Mexico, which resulted, as we are now informed, in actual hostilities. Mr. C. feared that all had not been done by our Executive that might have been done to avoid that result. He hoped that the Senator from Arkansas (Mr. SEVIER) might be able to justify, in every particular, the conduct of the President; but at present he could see no good reason for advancing our army through a disputed territory to the banks of the Rio del Norte, and pointing our canon upon the town of Matamoras. Such a course could hardly fail to be regarded as an insult, and to provoke hostility. But he did not wish prematurely, or with the fullest information, to impute blame. As to Gen. Taylor, he knew him well he was a brave and prudent officer, worthy of all confidence, and he felt assurance that he was warranted by his orders in all that he had done.

He said the time would come hereafter for inquiring into the circumstances and causes of the present hostilities; and the scrutiny, he trusted, would be strict, and such as the importance of the event demands. Whoever should be found to have caused the hostility; if it has been caused on our part, ought to be held to the highest responsibility. Congress alone can constitutionally declare war and the people of the United States are not to be involved in war by any other authority than that of their own representatives.

There would come a time, however, for that scrutiny. For the present we must provide instantly for the defence of the country. That was our first duty, however hostilities may have been occasioned; and he was prepared to grant at once whatever of men or money was necessary for the purpose. Our country is not in fault, though her servants or agents may be, and it is our duty to stand by her.

But I trust that while we adopt all the warlike measures that the occasion may require, we shall be equally unanimous in adopting all the most prompt and efficient means of restoring, if we can, friendly relations with Mexico. We can have no motive for pressing too far on a weak or fallen foe. The feelings of Mexico, under all recent occurrences, must naturally be excited and wounded.

Policy and magnanimity require that we should be as forbearing towards her as we can. Our superiority is such as to relieve us from the possibility of our forbearance or generosity being construed into fear, or ascribed to any improper or unworthy motives. No statesman could render a greater service to his country than restoring our peace and friendship with Mexico. And so important do I regard it that, if it was in my power, I would, as soon as circumstances would possibly permit, send her a high and honorable embassy of peace—I would appoint Clay, Van Buren, Calhoun, and Benton—any one, two, three, or all of them. Mexico would feel herself honored by such a mission, and such ambassadors would give peace, cordial peace, to the two countries.

After a few observations from Messrs. SEVIER and HUNTINGTON in reply, the question was taken on Mr. SPEIGHT’S motion, and it was agreed to.

RW46v23i39p1c3, May 15, 1846: THE WAR BILL PASSED.

It will be seen, by the annexed sketch of Tuesday’s proceedings, that the Senate passed the War Bill by a vote of 40 to 1—the two noes Mr. T. Clayton and Mr. Davis of Mass. Mr. Calhoun refused to vote, for reasons which he so emphatically states in the subjoined sketch. Mr. Crittenden, when his name was called, answered, “Aye, except the preamble.”

Correspondence of the Baltimore American. WASHINGTON, May 12, 1846. United States Senate. THE WAR BILL.

The House Bill was reported at once to the Senate this morning from the House of Representatives.

The Bill was read twice, when Mr. ALLEN, of Ohio, moved that the previous business be postponed until to­morrow, and that the Bill from the House be considered.

Mr. CALHOUN said he desired time—time to examine his own mind and the question. He wished to satisfy himself as to the fact of a declaration of war in the Bill from the House.

Mr. ALLEN was opposed to any delay in the Bill. Forty­eight hour’s delay might be productive of the greatest mischief.

Mr. MANGUM was willing to vote ten millions in money and 50,000 of men, and to do this in thirty minutes, but he could not consent that a Bill should pass declaring war, as was done in the Bill before the Senate. Why, he asked, should Senators be embarrassed by such a question as this? Why declare war in voting men and money? The supplies could be voted in half an hour and there were no objections to any provision of the Bill except that which declared war, in substance if not in reality.

Mr. J. M. CLAYTON pressed the [ . . . ] considerations upon the majority, and exhorted unanimity of action, which was easily accomplished. There were no objections to the Bill except in one of two particulars. If there was any desire to obtain unanimity of action, it should be obtained; and upon a solemn question like this, he regarded unanimity as most desirable.

Mr. CALHOUN said that he had no feeling whatever upon this subject. The rule of his life had been to act promptly and to act conscientiously, and with due regard to the duty he owed to his sense of right and justice. He desired time, and he desired that there should be a hearty concurrence in all that was done.

It was as much impossible for him to vote for the Bill before the Senate as it would be for him to plunge a dagger into his own bosom, and must more so. I will not agree to make war upon the Constitution by making war upon Mexico. I shall neither vote for the Bill or against the Bill. I desire time to examine it.

Mr. CLAYTON moved to refer the bill to the Military Committee, which motion was rejected by a vote of 26 to 20.

The Military Committee had signified their intention of mov8ing amendments to meet objections. The Committee, however, did not design to interfere with the political character of the bill, but they were prepared to move amendments to the details of the bill.

Mr. CLAYTON moved to strike out the words for “the prosecution of a war,” and to insert “to repel invasion.”

Mr. CLAHOUN defended the amendment, and Mr. HOUSTON opposed it—the former declaring that war did not exist constitutionally, and the latter asserting that it did exist. General Houston regarded the war as a continuation of that which had been going on between Mexico and Texas for ten years. War in his judgment actually existed.

Mr. ARCHER said he thought that Mexico had done enough to warrant a declaration of war, but he was not prepared to vote so, until further advices, as his opinion was governed to some extend by the judgment of others who thought differently from himself.

Mr. PENNYBACKER said that war existed de facto, and it was no violation of the law of nations that war should be declared to exist after what had been done by Mexico in crossing the Rio Grande and committing hostilities.

Mr. JOHNSON of La., also defended the idea of a war de facto. War existed by the repeated and avowed acts of Mexican officers and Government.

Gen. CASS was delighted with Gen. Houston’s remarks. They showed that there was war, and he could not see how any would doubt its existence. He would not discuss the question of boundary, whether the Rio del Norte was ours or not. It was enough that the soil possessed by us had been invaded. This was good cause of war with him, and he was ready to act in reference to the hostilities, and he was for carrying the war into the heart of the enemy’s camp and country.

Mr. BERRIEN continued the debate in a brilliant constitutional argument upon the war power, and the difference between war and hostilities.

The debate was further continued against declaring war by Mr. CLAYTON and Mr. WESTCOTT in favor of the Bill. The latter was ready to declare war at once, and to vote for any war message.

Mr. CRITTENDEN said he was in favor of expeditious action. He believed that the next news from the frontier would find the Mexicans driven from the Rio del Norte and Matamoras in possession of the American Army.—But it was necessary to act without an y delay, and he was ready to vote for all necessary means for the prosecution of hostilities against the Mexican Government.

He was for carrying the sword in one hand and sending the minister of peace along with it, and for marching right on into Mexico, proffering peace all the time and holding out a desire to settle the question amicably.

Mr. Crittenden said he could not do any thing which would embarrass the administration, but he could not defend what the Government had done. Why had we gone on to occupy a disputed country—to place an army in hostile array?—pointing gun to gun, and thus placing two hostile armies of two quarrelsome countries in close collision. Collision must have been foreseen, and it has come.

Mr. CALHOUN said,­­I am amazed,­­I am in wonder,­­I am in deep alarm at the precipitancy of action upon a question like this. One day only was asked to read the documents, and it was refused, and that, too, when the supplies would be voted without this disguised and undignified manner of declaring war.

The Senate were then brought to a vote upon striking out the words “for the purpose of prosecuting a war.”—The Senate rejected the motion by a vote of 26 to 20.

Mr. CRITTENDEN then moved to insert the words “prosecuting hostilities.” Rejected by a vote of 26 to 20.

Mr. Crittenden introduced an amendment in regard to the provisions of the Bill touching the appointment of officers. He regarded it as it was, as an infraction of the Constitution.

Mr. DAVIS said he could not vote for the Bill, because it declared war to exist by the act of Mexico—which he believed to be contrary to the fact.

Mr. CLAYTON said that notwithstanding the unhandsome and discourteous act of the majority, in refusing an amendment, he should vote for the Bill.

The Senate is now sitting as the [ . . . ] leave, and the bill will pass to­night.

RW46v23i39p1c7, May 15, 1846: Additional.—By the Magnetic Telegraph. WASHINGTON. May 12, 8 o’clock. P. M.

SENATE.—The War Bill, passed by the House, has also passed the Senate by a vote of 40 yeas to 2 nays.—The amendments are unimportant. They strike out that provision which requires the officers commanding the volunteers to be chosen by and with the advice and consent of the
Senate. Also reducing the pay of the private soldiers to $8 per month. A motion to strike out the preamble was rejected by a vote of 18 yeas and 28 nays.

The amendments of the Senate will be agreed to, and the bill will be finally passed to night.

RW46v23i39p1c7, May 15, 1846: By the Magnetic Telegraph. 9 O’CLOCK, P. M. HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.

The House having concurred in the amendments of the Senate to the War Bill. So it requires only the signature of the President to become a law.

Mr. PETTIT, the Chairman of the Webster investigating Committee, was, at his request, excused from further service on the Committee.

The House then adjourned.

RW46v23i39p2c1, May 15, 1846: THE DEBATE. The Country and the Administration.

Weak or unprincipled Rulers never fail to avail themselves of events such as those which are now in progress on the South­western frontier, to palliate their misconduct and to cloak their own delinquencies from the public eye. They are well aware how easy it is, when the public mind is excited by an apprehended conflict with a foreign foe, to lead it, by the presentation of false issues, from the contemplation of their own errors. Love of country is a universal instinct, which they know well enough how to take advantage of. They appeal to it with all the art and eloquence of which they are m asters, because they know that they will strike a chord which will respond promptly to the player’s touch. Patriotism is made to perform the office of Charity by covering a multitude of sins­—and he who has the nerve, at such a moment, to condemn the policy of the Administration by whose folly or ambition the crisis has been unnecessarily brought on, may expect to be denounced by its partizans as the enemies of the Country, which, in their vocabulary, is a synonymous term. “The gloss of zeal for the public good (as Edward Livingston strikingly and eloquently remarked,) is always spread over acts of oppression; and—the people are sometimes made to consider that as a brilliant exertion of energy in their favor, which, when viewed in its true light, will be found a fatal blow to their rights. In no government is this so easily produced as in a Republic. Party spirit, inseparable from its existence, then aids the illusion and a popular leader is allowed, in many instances, impunity, and sometimes rewarded with applause, for acts that would make a tyrant tremble on his throne.”

The debate in the Senate last Tuesday, on the bill declaring that a war now exists between Mexico and the United States, and authorizing the acceptance, by the President, of the services of 50,000 volunteers, to ensure its vigorous prosecution, furnishes a striking illustration of the facility with which a Party in power may avail itself of an intense popular excitement, to effect its own insidious purposes. We regret that our limited space will not allow us to publish this debate in extenso. But contracted as are our limits, and numerous and pressing as are the demands upon our columns, justice to those distinguished Senators, who, either in express terms, or by implication, have been wantonly assailed for refusing to identify the ADMINISTRATION with the COUNTRY, and to make the defence of the one a pretext for throwing a shield over the blunders of the other, requires that we should give them an opportunity to be hears in their defence.

What is the nature of the emergency that called for the prompt action of Congress? A Mexican General, following the example set him by the Commander of the American forces, has passed beyond the acknowledged limits of Mexico, and planted his standard upon a territory claimed by both countries. He has taken this course, however, without a previous declaration of war by his own Government—indeed, while the war making authority of that Government is not in session. But nevertheless his attitude is one of hostility. And all parties—we believe all men of all parties, except, perhaps, the traitorous fanatic, Giddings, of Ohio—concur in the necessity of meeting and repelling his threatened attack, and avow their readiness to vote men and money for that purpose. Is not this enough? Is not this all that Patriotism demands—all that the honor of the Country requires? Undeniably it is. But it does not go far enough to answer the purposes of the Administration. Not only must the Country be defended but the President must, in the same act, be vindicated. Congress is not only required to raise troops for the purpose of repelling a threatened assault; but it must prejudge the question, by asserting first, that war exists when it is impossible that it can be cognizant of that fact, and when, in truth, if the Mexican Government should disavow the acts of its officer, it is not a fact—and secondly, that Mexico has commenced that war, when subsequent investigation may fix that act upon the conduct of our own Executive. The bill prepared by the majority, therefore, wore this double aspect, and part of its title should have been “an act vindicating the course of the Administration in advance and without enquiry,”—that being manifestly deemed more important than unanimity in the adoption of the measures necessary for the defence of the country. And yet, because such men as Calhoun, Berrien, Crittenden, Mangum, McDuffie, Bayly, Davis and others refused to vote for a bill, or voted for it under “protest,” which, in their opinion, not only bore the stamp of “falsehood” and “fraud” upon its face, but violated the Constitution itself, they are denounced (or the Whig portion of them at least—for the time is not yet quite ripe for the application of the lash to the others)—they are denounced as faithless to the country, and insensible to the obligations which rest upon them, as citizens and as legislators, to assert unflinchingly its rights, and to maintain its honor unsullied! It is in vain that they declare, with one voice, (to quote the language of Mr. Mangum as expressive of the sentiments of the party of which he is a distinguished member,) “WE ARE PREPARED AT ONCE TO VOTE SUPPLILES, TO ANY AMOUNT, WHETHER OF MEN OR MONEY. All we ask is, that the POLITICAL QUESTION as to the ACTUAL EXISTENCE OF A WAR, may be separated from the vote of supplies.” It is in vain that the Administration party are implored, by the minority, to strike from the bill this political feature—to erase its “false” and “fraudulent” preamble—so as to enable them, with clear consciences to vote for the men and money. This would not answer. The supplies, it is true, are necessary—but with them, we must have also a declaration of facts, which, whether true or false, invests the Executive with tremendous powers in future, and serves also to exculpate him from all censure for the past!!

We repeat our expression of regret that we have not room for the Debate itself. But Mr. Calhoun’s position—so creditable to his independence and his firmness as well as his sagacity and wisdom—is one of so delicate a character, that we feel constrained to permit him to be heard at length in its defence.

“Mr. CALHOUN said he had no disposition whatever to create unnecessary delay in the passage of this bill. The rule he had laid down for himself, and which throughout life he had endeavored to follow, had been to discharge his duty in whatever emergency he might be placed, and especially was he called upon to observe this rule in acting on so solemn a question as a declaration of war. All he wanted, all he asked for, was time to make up his opinion. He sought no delay, and resorted to no indirect course to conceal his true intent. Gentlemen argued strongly in favor of unanimity; but if unanimity constituted an element of force, and the friends of the bill were so anxious to obtain it, why could they not accommodate gentlemen who had honest doubts as to the state of facts by consenting to strike out the preamble of the bill, and to suffer the question of supplies to be separated from the question of a declaration of war? Was not such a course reasonable? Was it not fair and just? Gentlemen stated to the Senate that the information received from the frontier was such as to require instant action: if so they could have instant action. If any delay occurred the delay was their own. Mr. C. should create none. He was prepared to vote the supplies on the spot and without an hour’s delay; but it was just as impossible for him to vote for the preamble as it was for him to not; he was not prepared to affirm that war existed between the United States and Mexico, and that it existed by the act of the Government. How could he affirm this, when he had not evidence in which to affirm it? How did he know that the Government of Mexico would not disavow what had been done? Was he to be called upon to give a vote like this? It would be impossible for him to utter it, consistently with that sacred regard for truth in which he had been educated.

He had no difficulty as to his course. His mind was made up; it was made up unalterably; he could neither vote affirmatively nor negatively. He had no certain evidence to go on. Whether any one would go with him in this course he did not know; he had made no inquiries, and he did not know that a single friend would be found at his side. As to what might be said on such a course, and all that was called popularity, he did not care the snap of a finger. If he could not stand and brave so small a danger, he should be but little worthy of what small amount of reputation he might have earned. He could not agree to make war on Mexico by making war on the Constitution; and the Senate would make war on the Constitution by declaring war to exist between the two Governments when no war had been declared, and nothing had occurred but a slight military conflict between a portion of two armies. Yet he was asked to affirm, in the very face of the Constitution, that a local rencontre not authorized by the act of either Government, constituted a state of war between the Government Mexico and the Government of the U. S.­­­to say that by a certain military movement of Gen. Taylor and Gen. Arista, every citizen of the United States was made the enemy of every man in Mexico. It was monstrous. It stripped Congress of the power of making war and, what was more and worse, it give that power to every officer, nay, to every subaltern commanding a corporal’s guard. Did gentlemen call upon him to do this? Did they expect he was going to vote for a position so monstrous? If they forced the question upon him, he should take his own course. If they wanted unanimity, they could have it; but if they chose to proceed on their own petty party views, be is so.”

Even this appeal, from a leading member of their own party—from a statesman of long and large experience in public affairs—who has grown old in the service of his country, to which, whatever may have been his errors of judgment, he has never proved faithless or recreant in times of real peril—even this appeal, coming from a source so well entitled to deference and respect, fell upon deaf or heedless ears. The defence of the Country and unanimity in the measures necessary for that object, might be important; but the vindication of the Administration and its investment with new and unprecedented powers, was, in the estimation of the majority, still more so!

The judgment of the country will, we are confident, revolt at this unjustifiable action of the dominant party; for the people will see in it, if not a tacit confession that, in the previous course of the Administration, there has been something which will not bear the test of scrutiny, at least an eagerness to procure a verdict in its favor before there has been time for investigation, wholly incompatible with that conscious rectitude which courts inquiry, and disdains and acquittal by a packed jury as worse, than worthless, because in itself tainted with dishonor.

RW46v23i39p2c2, May 15, 1846: Mr. Benton’s Position.

In the course of the debate in the Senate, last Tuesday, Mr. BENTON read an extract from a Proclamation of President Paredes of Mexico, on hearing of the advance of the American troops from Corpus Christi to the Rio Grande, for the purpose of showing the correctness of the doctrine that there might be hostilities without war. This extract is important. President Paredes stated in this proclamation that “it was not his right, as such, by his own act, to declare war; but that the august Mexican Congress would take into consideration the state of conflict in which they found themselves, and that a magnanimous and suffering people would not be attacked with impunity; but, in the mean while, it might be necessary to repel acts of hostility and take the initiative in regard to the invaders by rolling back upon them the guilt of disturbing the peace of the world; that Mexico would not submit to any hostile act committed by the people or Government of the United States; but that every such act would be met and repulsed by all the power of the Republic.”

This passage from Paredes’ Proclamation shows, conclusively, that he regarded the movement of our troops to the Rio Grande as an act of hostilities against Mexico, which he was bound to repel—just as President Polk now argues in reference to the crossing of the Rio Grande by Mexican troops—each country claiming the disputed territory as its own, and each therefore regarding its armed occupation by the other as an invasion of its soil.

Mr. Benton quoted this passage for the purpose of showing not only that, although there are hostilities, there is no war, by that the door is open for an adjustment of our difficulties; and he thought he could see, in the language of this officer, that a peaceable adjustment of them might be effected. So far as he could see from this declaration, the government of Mexico seemed to be willing and ready for such a result. It seemed to consider the hostilities as proceeding from our troops only, and there appeared to be an opinion that Mexico ought to adopt some preliminary measures before she drew the sword.”

RW46v23i39p2c3, May 15, 1846: Excess of Patriotism.

In the House of Representatives of Louisiana, on the 6th inst. Mr. Prerot offered the following resolutions:

Resolved, That whereas, the presence of a body of armed men is necessary on the plains of Texas for its defence; and whereas, the services of the General Assembly are more necessary on the field of battle than in the council chamber of the State,­­

Be it therefore Resolved, That the Senate and House of Representatives do now form themselves into two companies, to march under their respective officers to the relief of General Taylor, commander of the Army of Occupation on the Rio Grande, Texas.”

After some discussion, in the course of which Mr. Campbell gravely remarked, that if the Legislature were to march to Texas to aid the war, he doubted much whether they would prove as formidable to the Mexican troops as they will to the interests of the Commonwealth if they remain much longer in session, the resolution was laid on the table, by a vote of 44 to 25.

RW46v23i39p2c4, May 15, 1846: From the New Orleans Tropic , May 7. LATE FROM TEXAS

We are indebted to the clerk of the Telegraph for files of papers—we have received Galveston dates to the 2nd May—the Telegraph left Galveston on Sunday 3d instant, at noon, at 4 P. M., met steamship New York about 50 miles from Galveston—the Civilian of the 2d says, we understand that the U. schr. Flirt was endeavoring to get over the bar into the Brasos Santiago; in order to co­operate more effectually in the defence of the depot and position at the mouth of the river. Capt. Sympton of the Alert, was assisting in the object, having taken off some of the Flirt’s guns, in order to reduce her draught of water.—The steamer Monmouth left Friday the 1st, for Brasos Santiago, with a number of volunteers for the army under Gen. Taylor. The short time of her stay was not sufficient for many who desire to go to get ready, but others will doubtless soon follow. Gen. Johnson has just reached town. He is a soldier in whom our citizens have confidence as a leader, and can doubtless raise a company or two in Galveston. We doubt not a general and immediate turn­out of the hardy and experienced citizen soldiers of Western Texas, to be followed by the whole State, as rapidly as the occasion which demands their services shall become known. Gen. Taylor has not cried “Wolf!” until he had seen the animal, and those who go need not fear disappointment in finding the wild beast, as ample opportunity will doubtless present itself to those who desire to do so, on the other side of Rio Grande if not on this.

RW46v23i39p2c4, May 15, 1846: Military News.

Colonel Marks has now mustered companies A, B, C, D, of his Regiment, and has received intelligence of two more companies, which will be here by Friday next, from West Felicians. The principal portion of those above named, are mustered in the U. S. Service and have proceeded to the barracks. Capt. Copeland S. Hunt, at the head of his company marched from their rendezvous yesterday evening for the barracks, having been mustered and inspected regularly. First Lieutenant, W. Davison Hennen. Second Lieutenant J. C. Parker.

Seven companies complete have been mustered into the U. S. Service, as we learn at Head Quarters, Washington Armory, and others are pouring in fast from all directions.

THE VOLUNTEERS’ PROTECTION.—It will be seen by reference to our Legislative Report that the bill for the protection of the Volunteers about to proceed to Texas, has passed both branches of the Legislature yesterday. Before the House adjourned yesterday, the bill was signed by the Governor, and is therefore become a law.—TROPIC.

WAR MOVEMENTS.—The steamboat Augusta was chartered yesterday to take two Companies of U. S. artillery as well as Captain De Shea’s Company of Mobile Volunteers, to the Brazos St. Iago. The steamship Galveston was chartered on Tuesday on account of the Government in order to transport troops to the Rio Grande at the rate of $500 per diem.

Lieut. Lovell left yesterday in order to muster the several Companies already formed in Mobile.—BRE.

LEVIES FOR THE ARMY OF OCCUPATION.—The recruiting was very lively yesterday, a considerable number having been enlisted at the head­quarters of all the companies throughout the city. There are now seven companies in barracks below the Third Municipality, whose numbers are complete, averaging 70 men each. The following is the order in which they were mustered into the service: No. 1, company, Capt. I. Stockton; No. 2, Capt. Smith; No. 3, Capt. Hunt; No. 4, Capt. Breedlove; No. 5, Capt. Head; no. 6, Capt. Tobin; No. 7, Capt. Glenn. These in round numbers, make about 500 men. The companies which are nearly complete, but yet not mustered, viz: Capt. Crevon’s, Capt. Dessomme’s, Capt. Soniat’s, Capt. White’s, and Senator Marks, will probably reach in the aggregate, 400 more; making in all 900 men.

There are a few more companies in process of formation, scattered in different localities, which will be filled up, it is expected, by Saturday, when they will be en masse a body of 1200 men. Gen. Smith expects the first regiment to be ready to proceed to the scene of action on the Rio Grande, on Saturday. It will be under the command of Col. Walton. We hope certainly to see them off before the week closes, as much depends on the celerity of their movements, at this critical juncture. Indeed, since the principal object is to reinforce Gen. Taylor at once, we are unaffectedly of opinion that it would be better to send them off even 100 at a time, as soon as ready. They could easily be formed into regiments and be brigaded, after the first pressing want has been relieved. We should imitate the Mobile people herein; they sent off the first available force at a moment’s warning.—Times.

RW46v23i39p2c4, May 15, 1846: From the National Intelligencer, May 13.

The following is the latest of the series of letters from General Taylor which were communicated to Congress on Monday last in connexion with the President’s Message on the subject of our relations with Mexico. It contains, we believe, the latest official intelligence from our army on the Rio Grande:


SIR: I have respectfully to report that General Arista arrived in Matamoras on the 24th instant, and assumed the chief command of the Mexican troops. On the same day he addressed me a communication, conceived in courteous terms, but saying that he considered hostilities commenced, and should prosecute them. A translation of his note and copy of my reply will be transmitted the moment they can be prepared. I dispatch this by an express which is now waiting.

I regret to report that a party of dragoons sent out by me on the 24th instant, to watch the course of the river above on this bank, became engaged with a very large force of the enemy, and after a short affair, in which some sixteen were killed and wounded, appear to have been surrounded and compelled to surrender. Not one of the party has returned, except a wounded man sent in this morning by the Mexican commander so that I cannot report with confidence the particulars of the engagement or the fate of the officers, except that Captain Hardee was known to be a prisoner and unhurt. Capt. Thornton and Lieutenants Mason and Kane were the other officers. The party was sixty­three strong.

Hostilities may now be considered as commenced, and I have this day deemed it necessary to call upon the Governor of Texas for four regiments of volunteers—two to be mounted and two to serve as foot. As some delay must occur in collecting these troops, I have also desired the Governor of Louisiana to send out four regiments of infantry, as soon as practicable. This will constitute an auxiliary force of nearly 5,000 men, which will be required to prosecute the war with energy and carry it, as it should be, into the enemy’s country.

I trust the Department will approve my course in this matter, and will give the necessary orders to the staff departments for the supply of this large additional force.

If a law could be passed authorizing the President to raise volunteers for twelve months, it would be of the greatest importance for a service so remote from support as this.

I am, sir, very respectfully, Your obedient servant,
Brevet Brigadier Gen’l U. S. A. Com’dg.

The Adjutant Gen’l of the Army,
Washington, D. C.

RW46V23i39p2c4, May 15, 1846: From the Mobile Advertiser, May 8.

THE WAR SPIRIT.—There was much stir and excitement in our streets yesterday, occasioned, by an understanding that a requisition had been made on the Governor of this State for troops to repair to the scene of War. There was a general beating up for Volunteers and we understand quite a number enrolled their names. But, the truth is, we believe no regular requisition has been made on the Governor. A communication, however, was received here yesterday addressed to the Governor by Gen. Gaines, recommending him, as it is understood, to furnish three battalions of 600 men each, for the present emergency, and last evening Gen. Lang, Adjutant General of the State, proceeded with the dispatch to Tuscaloosa, to deliver it to the Governor. Previous to his departure he issued the following handbill: **********

RW46v23i39p2c4, May 15, 1846: To Arms! To Arms!! To Arms!!! To the Gallant Young Men of Alabama.

Hostilities have actually commenced on the Mexican frontier. Sixty­three of our men have been butchered or taken prisoners. Our army under General Taylor is surrounded by an enemy, reported to be 8 or 10,000 men. His communications have been cut off with Point Isabel, the depot of his provisions, and he has in his c amp at Matamoras, rations for only 10 or 15 days, which may perhaps be made to last 20 or 30 days.

I am the bearer of a call from Major Gen. Gaines upon the Governor of Alabama for Volunteers, to be raised and marched immediately for the seat of war, which are to rendezvous at Mobile, there to be equiped and mustered into service. When I shall have received the orders of his excellency the Governor, I shall return immediately in a steamboat down the Warrior and Tombeckbee, and shall expect at every landing to find brave volunteers to join in this patriotic enterprise. JAMES W. LANG. Adjutant and Inspector Gen’l of the State of Ala. Mobile May 7, 1846.

P. S. When the Governor issues his orders, they will be sent to the different towns on the Alabama River.

In addition, we would remark, that Lieut. Lovell of the U. S. Army arrived here yesterday, with full authority from Gen. Gaines to receive, provide for, and muster into the service, any and all volunteers in this city who desire to engage in the service of their country at this important crisis.

RW46v23i39p2c4, May 15, 1846: Military.

In accordance with a determination of the War Department to send the entire disposable force of the U. S. Army to Texas, the two companies of Artilery stationed at Fort McHenry and the three companies now at Fortress Monroe have been ordered to the seat of war forthwith. The whole will be under the command of Colonel BELTON, and will we learn proceed by sea to Point Isabel. The companies at Fort McHenry are F. 3d Artillery, Lieut. TOMPKINS; and K. 4th Artillery, Liet. HUNT. [Baltimore American, May 12.

RW46v23i39p3c1, May 15, 1846: EXECUTIVE DECLARATION OF WAR.

Following speedily the Act of Congress, declaring that “ WAR EXISTS” between the United States and Mexico, the President has issued the following PROCLAMATION: From the President of the United States of America. A PROCLAMATION.

Whereas the Congress of the United States, by virtue of constitutional authority vested in them have declared their act, bearing date this day, that, “by the act of the Republic of Mexico, a state of war exists between that Government and the United States:”

Now, therefore, I, JAMES K. POLK, President of the United States of America, do hereby proclaim the same to whom it may concern; and I do specially enjoin on all persons holding offices, civil or military, under the authority of the U. S. that they be vigilant and zealous in discharging the duties respectively incident thereto: and I do moreover [ . . . ] all the good people of the U. S., as they love their country as they feel the wrongs which have forced on them [ . . . ] last resort of injured nations, and as they consult the best (unreadable), under the blessing of Divine Providence, of abridg­(unreadable) its calamities, that they exert themselves in preserv­(unreadable) order, in promoting concord, in maintaining the atuhori(unreadable) and the efficacy of the laws, and in supporting and (unreadable)igorating all the measures which may be adopted by [ . . . ] constituted authorities for obtaining a speedy, a just and an honorable peace.

In testimony whereof, I have hereunto set my hand, and caused the seal of the United States to be affixed to these presents. Done at the city of Washington the thirteenth day of May, one thousand eight hundred and forty­six, and of the Independence of the United States the seventieth.

The President:

JAMES BUCHANAN, Secretary of State.

RW46v23i39p3c1, May 15, 1846: CONGRESS.

Correspondence of the Baltimore American. WASHINGTON, May 13.


The Clerk of the House announced that the House had concurred in the amendments of the Senate to the bill providing for the prosecution of the existing war with Mexico.

Sundry memorials were presented. Among them were several against a repeal of the Pilot laws of 1837.

Mr. Cameron presented a resolution from the Legislature of Penna. Instructing the Senators from that State to oppose any Modification of the Tariff of 1842.

Mr. Dix presented a resolution of the Legislative of N. [ . . . ] in favor of a reorganization of the Militia of the U. S.

Mr. Niles from the Post Office Committee, reported a [ . . . ] amendatory of the act regulating the transmission of [ . . . ] to foreign countries.

The prior orders were suspended and the Senate took up the Fortification Bill.

Mr. Lewis moved an amendment to increase the appropriation for the commencement of Fortifications on Florida reef from 1 to $200,000.

The amendment was agreed to.

Mr. Johnson of La., moved an amendment to authorize the construction of a fort below New Orleans.

Mr. Johnson, of Md., submitted an amendment to authorise the construction of a fort at Soller’s Point, near Baltimore.

Mr. Lewis explained that the present bill was one making appropriations for works already commenced, and that all new works would be put in a separate bill.

After some remarks from Messrs. Evans, Johnson of Md., and Dix, the proposed amendments were withdrawn and the bill finally passed.

Mr. Berrien offered a resolution instructing the Judiciary Committee to inquire whether any and what legislation is necessary to give effect to the 11th article of the Treaty of 27th October, 1795, between the U. DS. And Spain (by which the subject of Spain are prohibited from taking out letters of marque against the U. S. under the penalty of being treated as pirates) and that they report by bill or otherwise.

Mr. Berrien explained the necessity of looking into this matter, in consequence of the passage of the bill recognizing the existence of a war with Mexico, and the probability that privateers might be fitted out in the Island of Cuba.

The resolution was adopted.

The Senate took up the bill making appropriation for the support of the Indian Department for the ensuing fiscal year, and after consuming two hours in a dull debate on various amendments, the bill was laid aside, and

The Senate then went into Executive Session, and afterwares adjourned.


The Bill for the increase of the rank and file of the army of the U. S., and for prosecuting the war with Mexico, was signed this morning.

Mr. Holmes, of S. C., laid before the House a communication in relation to Revenue vessels, stating that those on the stocks would be finished this summer or in the Fall.

A Bill was reported authorising the President to appoint Revenue officers, and Mr. Holmes requested that it might pass at once.

Mr. Rathbun, desired that the Bill should not pass. He regarded the importance of this act as much over estimated. It was to make an increase of the navy, and yet to make a branch of the service independent of the Navy.

He would be willing to transfer the Revenue service to the Navy and to have them co­operate with the navy for the purpose of useful action.

Mr. GORDON, of N. Y. moved the Previous Question, which motion received but 18 votes.

Mr. RATHBUN moved to recommit the Bill with instructions to transfer the Revenue to the naval Service. This done, the vessels could be employed as expresses, and co­operate efficiently with the Navy.]

Mr. KING of Georgia, spoke of the importance of a Bill like this, and the necessity of having efficient Naval officers to command the Revenue vessels. Such was the practice in Great Britain and in other countries.

The Bill was finally recommitted to the Committee on Naval Affairs and the House went into Committee of the Whole on the State of the Union.

The West Point Academy Bill was first considered, and by a resolution previously adopted, the debate upon the bill closed in ten minutes. These ten minutes were occupied by Mr. Gordon, an Administration member from N. York, representing the Anti­Rent District of Delaware and Ulster counties in an assault upon Mr. Severance of Maine, and other members who were not ready to vote a Declaration of War, and to declare that War existed by the act of Mexico.

Mr. G. spoke the full ten minutes. The pending amendment before the Committee was to break up the Academy at West Point after the present cadets had filled their term of service. The amendment was rejected by a very large vote, and the Bill was then laid aside to be reported to the House, and the ARMY BILL. Was taken up and read.

Mr. McKAY moved to amend by increasing the subsistance for the Army to the amount of $163,000. Mr. McKay said that this was necessary in consequence of the Texas movements, and the Committee voted the money most readily.

Mr. BLACK of S. C. offered and amendment to increase the pay of the rank and file of the Army during the war to [ . . . ] dollars per month,. The amendment was briefly defended by Mr. BLACK, and opposed by Mr. BROCKENBOROUGH, of Florida, who thought that it would be mercenary to increase the pay. It would be suspecting the patriotism of men of legislate about pay.

Mr. Root of Ohio, said if it was worth eight dollars a day to sit here and declare war, it was worth eight dollars a month to fight the war out. Since we had got into this war, he was for fighting it out. He was for paying the soldiers well, and for avoiding the disastrous errors of the last war. We commence then with paying $16 a month for bounty, and ended by paying $140 a month.

Mr. Gordon of N. Y. having assailed the fourteen members who voted against the War Bill, Mr. R. said he voted as he did to keep the country in the right, but now, that war had been declared, he was for prosecuting it vigorously and for conquering peace. The Administration had violated justice and truth. He was not responsibility for it, and would do all in his power to bring the country from the difficulty into which it had fallen.

Mr. Gordon rejoined, but mainly by an assault upon Mr. Severance of Me. For a letter of his declaring that the country had possessed itself of territory belonging to Mexico.

Mr. S. said his letter contained the truth and nothing but the truth. The Army of General Taylor had taken possession of territory which did not belong to the United States. He could not defend the country in doing what his judgment told him was wrong, most wrong.

A speech from Mr. Delano, of Ohio, commanded great attention for the withering manner in which he denounced the Administration for the war which it had shamefully and unnecessarily provoked,­­provoked by seizing territory which never belonged to the United States, and which the ablest men of the Administration had publicly proclaimed to the world never belonged to this country, to Texas.—Mr. D. alluded to Mr. Benton, who had said and written in the form of a Resolution, that the possession of the left bank of the Rio del Norte was an outrage upon the country.

Mr. D. condemned the Bill which had just been passed, sand approved, for the enormous falsehood it contained in saying that war existed by the act of Mexico. Never, said he, will I vote for so abominable a lie as is embodied in the bill which has become a law. You may gibbet me, or destroy me, but you cannot make me violate my oath and my conscience by doing that which all truth, all history and all justice pronounced to be infamous.

This war, Mr. D. said, was conceived in fraud, and had been consummated in iniquity. The country would hold the Administration responsible for it, and the world would hold the Government responsible for it. It was a foul, false, damnable war, and yet every man was bound to prosecute it with vigor, power and effect. He was like his friend form Ohio for conquering peace,­­but literally the President had conquered peace and let loose a ruthless and bloody war upon the country.

Mr. D. also commented upon the expenditures of the Government—the $100,000 paid to get Texas into the Union—the one million increase to pay the expenses of the Army in Texas—the five millions in the Bill before the House—the ten millions voted yesterday—the six million for the Navy over the three and four millions of previous years. These were the fruits of annexation.

Mr. Douglass of Ill., would not credit Mr. Delano’s patriotism. In his heart he was sure he was opposed to the war and the country, and so were all who acted with him.

Mr. D., by his bitterness, personality and fierceness, soon cause in conflict with several members. He claimed the whole of the territory between the Nueces and the Rio del Norte as rightfully belonging to the U. S. Mr. D. contended that Santa Ana had [ . . . ] the Rio del Norte as the boundary.

Mr. Adams­­When?

Mr. Douglass—When in Texas and when he was the Dictator.

Mr. Adams—Was he not than a prisoner of war?

Mr. Douglass—Yes, but he was the Government and acted for the Government.

Mr. Adams said it was something new that a Prisoner of War could make a treaty and a boundary for his Government.

Mr. Douglass insisted that Santa Ana was the Government and as such had a right to make the treaty.

Mr. Adams asked if the Government of Mexico had not disavowed every act that Santa Ana had thus done?

Mr. Douglass admitted this, but contended that he was the Government de facto, and so on, and then referred to what Mr. Adams had done as Secretary of State, when he claimed the Rio del Norte.

Mr. ADAMS—What I did as Secretary of State, I did as the representative of the Department, but the gentleman can find no document of mine claiming the Rio del Norte as the boundary from its source to its mouth.

Mr. DOUGLASS went on to say that Texas Independence preserved the territory to Texas and so on to the United States by annexation.

Mr. Hunt, of N. Y. If the territory belonged to the United States, why had we offered an indemnity to Mexico for this disputed portion.

Mr. Douglass asked who had made the offer? He did not know of any.

Mr. Hunt named Mr. Shanon.

Mr. Douglass’s hour soon expired. The floor was given to Mr. Thurman, and the Committee rose and the House adjourned.

RW46v23i39p4c1, May 15, 1846: Boundary of Mexico.

We have already [ . . . ] we do not deem this a suitable time to dispute the question whether or not the territorial limits of the Republic of Texas, prior to its annexation to the United States, extended to the Rio Grande, (Rio del Norte). But it is one which cannot be wholly lost sight of; since upon its determination will rest the judgment that the American people will be hereafter called on to pass upon the conduct of the President in directing the occupation of the territory between the Neuces and the Rio Grande, ion the then existing condition of the relations between the governments of Mexico and the United States. A brief recurrence to it, is, in our opinion, rendered necessary, too, by the fact, that insidious efforts have been already made, and will be doubtless hereafter repeated, to forestall the public judgment on this subject, by the unqualified assumption, that, in crossing the left bank of the Rio Grande, the Mexicans have “invaded” our soil, and consequently that those who have fallen, or who may hereafter fall, have been slain in repelling as unjustifiable and wanton aggression upon our rights.

We do not profess to be sufficiently well acquainted with the facts to pronounce a definitive judgment upon this question, although we have a very strong opinion in reference to it;­­for we well remember that one of the most formidable objections urged in the Senate, against the ratification of the celebrated Tyler Treaty, in 1844, grew out of the fact that his very territory, which it was alleged had never been deemed within the recognized limits of Texas before the revolution by which its independence was established, and which had not for a moment been occupied by its troops, nor under the jurisdiction of its laws, during the progress or after the close of that struggle, had been nevertheless ceded to the United States—embracing within its limits not an unpopulated region only, buy towns and cities and custom houses, in no less than four of the Mexican States—embracing within its limits not an unpopulated region only, but towns and cities and custom houses, in no less than four of the Mexican States, which from time immemorial and up to that very moment had been governed by Mexican officers, acting under Mexican laws. This objection, it will be remembered, was urged with tremendous and resistible power by Senator BENTON, then as he is now one of the ablest and most influential leaders of the Locofoco party, and whose opinion is entitled to more weight from the acknowledged fact, that, of all our public men, his acquaintance with this question, which he had made a subject of long and laborious research, when the “Neophytes” had scarcely heard of Texas by name, is by far the most extensive and accurate. His views are briefly embodied in the subjoined resolution, submitted by him while the Tyler Treaty was under discussion—though they were amplified and enforced in his elaborate argument, to which we may hereafter have occasion more particularly to refer. His resolution is in these words:

Resolved, That the incorporation of the left bank of the Rio del Norte into the American Union, by virtue of a treaty with Texas, comprehending, as the said incorporation would do, a part of the Mexican departments of New Mexico, Chihauhua, Coahuila, and Tamaulipas, would be an act of direct aggression on Mesxic0o; for all the consequences of which the United States would stand responsible.”

[The reader will remember that the “Rio del Norte” and the “Rio Grande” are names applied indifferently to the same stream.]

And how was Col. Benton’s objection to the Tyler treaty met? By a denial of his position? No, but by the express declarations of its friends and supporters, that if, in defining the limits of Texas, the negotiators of the treaty had trenched upon Mexican territory, the wrong might be rectified by subsequent arrangement between the two governments, which, by mutual agreement, might run the boundary so as to maintain the just right of each. Texas has always, we are told, claimed to the Neuces. And the fact that within the limits so claimed by Texas, the Mexicans maintained undisputed away, ought certainly to be regarded as prima facie evidence of the justness of her title, at least to that portion of the disputed territory which was and had always been in the quiet possession of her citizens, and under the undisputed government of her laws.

Even, however, if President Polk had deemed our title to the left bank of the Rio Grande to be as “clear and unquestionable” as that to Oregon, he ought, it seems to us to have been governed by the same policy in reference to it—and that is, to have considered it as disputed territory, until the conflicting claims of the respective parties should have undergone the usual diplomatic routine. It would have been time enough to have planted our flag on the Rio Grande and to have cut the Gordian knot with the sword, when negotiation had failed to untie it. We do not mean to say that the territory between the Neuces and the Rio Grande belongs to Mexico—for that would be to prejudge the question in dispute; but we do say that it ought to have been left unoccupied, unless some strong reason existed for sending an armed force to that river, until every reasonable effort had been made to settle it peaceably and satisfactorily to both governments.

Nor will it be questioned that the President, when he determined to take armed possession of the country west of the Neuces, should have sent thither a force adequate to its defence. It will be a wretched excuse to say that the general contempt for the Mexican character justified the belief, that, with a small force he would be able to overawe and defy them. Mistakes like these, in national affairs, are to be regarded as great crimes since they lead not only to irreparable injury to individuals, but to public disaster and disgrace. The fault of underrating an enemy is always magnified by the importance of the object to be attained, which, rather than the conjectured power of resistance, ought to be chiefly considered by him who undertakes its accomplishment. Failing in this, the President has evinced—as he has done in other matters of as grave importance—that want of foresight, prudence and judgment, which are the very elements of wise statesmanship, and destitute of which the ship of State is as much at the mercy of accident as the gallant bark is of the waves and winds when her captain and helmsman are ignorant of their responsible duties.

When the commanding officer is thus found inadequate to an emergency which demands the highest powers, it is the duty of the crew to come to the rescue; and we therefore hope that Congress without permitting its attention to be diverted for a moment by the consideration of collateral topics, will promptly adopt the most efficient measures for the national defence, and for the indication of the national rights and honor. It will be time enough, when this shall have been accomplished, to investigate the causes which have jeoparded the safety of our army, and which, should it be defeated by a foe whom we have been taught to regard as the very impersonation of imbecility, would be an indelible stigma upon the national character.

RW46v23i39p4c2, May 15, 1846:Foreign Interference.

The N. O. Picayune says—“It is fully understood that the Mexicans have been sustained in their hostility to the U. States by foreigners.” We do not know whether, in this remark, The Picayune has reference to individuals or to foreign governments—we presume, the former. We are not without strong suspicion, however, that the remark is equally applicable to the latter. In the weakness and the distracted condition of Mexico, we had supposed there would be found a strong guarantee of peace between that country and the U. States, whatever might be her estimate of the wrongs which she has suffered at our hands—an estimate, however, which is certainly very greatly exaggerated by the false medium, through which she views the policy of our government. We can scarcely believe, however tempting the prospect of an easy victory over our little army on the frontier, that she would be guilty, even to achieve that honor for her disparaged arms, of provoking a contest single­handed with the U. States, unless she had received some intimations that in the conflict she would be cheered by the sympathy and support of other powers. We hope that in this apprehension we may be mistaken; but we have strong fears that “ Texas and Oregon,” the war­cry of a party in 1844, may soon become a national watchword.­­We respectfully submit whether, under such circumstances, the NATIONAL DEFENCE ought not to be regarded by Congress an object of greater importance even than the Tariff itself—the revenue derived from which will scarcely admit of reduction even if we have only a Mexican war, and the proposed change in which will be of the smallest possible consequence, should we be unfortunately thrown into collision at the same time with Great Britain.

RW46v23i39p4c2, May 15, 1846: A Mexican Proclamation.

The Picayune published the following translation of a proclamation, which the Mexican General, Ampudia, found the means of distributing in the American camp:


KNOW YE: That the Government of the United States is committing repeated acts of barbarous aggression against the magnanimous Mexican Nation; that the Government which exists under the “flag of the stars” is unworthy of the designation of Christian. Recollect that you were born in Great Britain; that the American Government looks with coldness upon the powerful flag of St. George, and is provoking to a rupture the warlike people to whom it belongs. President Polk boldly manifesting a desire to take possession of Oregon, as he has already done of Texas. Now, then, come with all confidence to the Mexican ranks, and I guarantee to you, upon my honor, good treatment, and that all your expenses shall be defrayed until your arrival in the beautiful capital of Mexico.

Germans, French, Poles, and individuals of other nations! Separate yourselves from the Yankees, and do not contribute to defend a robbery and usurpation which, be assured, the civilized nations of Europe look upon with the utmost indignation. Come, therefore, and array yourselves under the tri­colored flag, in the confidence that the God of Armies protects it, and that it will protect you equally with the English.

Adjt. Of the Commander­in­chief,
Head Quarters, upon the Road to Matamoras, April 2, 1846.

By the same paper we are informed that the Mexican fort of St. Juan de Ulloa is filled with foreign engineers, and that the army on this side the Rio Grande is accompanied by English, French, and other Artillerymen. “An army (says The Picayune ) altogether formidable enough to excite the spunk and exercise the military abilities of as great a people as popular orators describe us to be, waits us. Mark this. And, since the war has begun, let it be pushed forward with vigor.

RW46v23i39p4c2, May 15, 1846: No title.

It is a remarkable fact, and shows the cunning as well as the secrecy with which the Mexican government masked its warlike designs, that it pretended to have sold, a few weeks since, its two war steamers, then lying at Vera Cruz, to a mercantile house in Havana. The N. Orleans Bulletin expresses the hope that our vessels in the Gulf did not permit these vessels to leave the ports of Mexico.—There is scarcely a doubt, it says, that the sale was a ruse, intended to get the vessels out of port without opposition, in order to fit them out as privateers.”

RW46v23i39p4c1, May 15, 1846: Tyler’s Guns.

We are informed by the Republican, that at Mr. Tyler’s store two beautiful and highly finished double­barrelled fowling pieces may be seen, intended for exhibition at the National Fair in Washington City on the 20th instant. They were manufactured by Mr. Tyler, and nothing superior, the Republican thinks, of their kind, can be exhibited.

RW46v23i39p4c3, May 15, 1846: NEW ORLEANS, May 5. Volunteers.

This spirit of patriotism goes cheerily on. Yesterday the whole city, from the extreme verge of the Third Muncipallty to Lafayette, exhibited one scene of military excitement. Houses of rendezvous were opened in almost every street, where lines lay exposed for signature. The stripes and stars, in their bannered brightness, streamed from the windows and doorways of the rendezvous houses, and during the morning there was almost a rush to several of them by our patriotic citizens, to evince their zeal and military ardor. The companies in process of formation marched through the principle streets at different periods of the day, headed by bands of music, and with the National flag borne before them. Every spot which offered a means of congregating together—the Public Squares—the Exchanges—the fronts of the Municipal Halls, etc. were a most animating appearance. Crowds of people followed the military displays, seemingly to the utmost abandonment of business. The balconies of the houses in the principal throughfares were, at almost every moment, from the quick succession of the recruiting parties, who marched pass, filled with ladies, who seemed to participate in the general ardor, and to smile encouragingly on the brave men who were the first to hear, and with alacrisy to obey, the mandate of their country in peril.

All these signs are most exhilarating; they manifest the intense degree to which free institutions—to which liberty and equality in their most rational, most enlarged sense, are calculated to impregnate a nation. In the ranks of these companies, destined to relieve General Taylor from his embarrassing position, are to be found citizen soldiers of every grade in society—from the grave legislator, who quits the Senate Chamber to don the uniform, to the hardy flatboat­man, who leaves his river occupation—the solitudes of the might Mississippi—to take up the musket and stand shoulder to shoulder with the merchant the artizan, the shopman, the day­laborer. There is something exceedingly fine in all this—where we see such a conglomeration of various interests, such a fusion of ranks, so utterly antagonistic with regard to antecedent pursuits, yet so analogous with regard to the one spirit of liberty which pervades the whole—that reigns in every bosom. Such general abnegation—and, by the by, there is no true grandeur without it—can only be found in a Republic, where enlightened institutions prevail, and where such a degree of intelligence is diffused through the masses, as to enable them fully to appreciate all its blessings. It is at such a crisis as the present, that the national glory beams forth in all its lustre.

        “What constitutes a nation’s true defence?
        Not walls of stone, not the embattled tow’r,
        Nor scarp, nor counter­scarp, nor ditch, nor moat,
        Nor will the aids of Science and of Art:­­
        ‘Tis the true manly heart with Freedom fill’d
        Inspired with love of Country—Intelligence his guide.” [Times.

RW46v23i39p4c4, May 15, 1846: President’s Message­­­War Measures by Congress.

The following Message was communicated by the President to both Houses of Congress, on Monday morning last: WASHINGTON, May 11, 1846.

To the Senate and House of Representatives.

The existing state of the relations between the United States and Mexico, renders it proper that I should bring the subject to the consideration of Congress. In my message at the commencement of your present session, the state of these relations, the causes which lead to the suspension of diplomatic intercourse between the two countries in March, 1845, and the long continued and unredressed wrongs and injuries committed by the Mexican Government on citizens of the U. States in their persons and property, were briefly set forth.

As the fact and opinions which were then laid before you were carefully considered, I cannot better express my present convictions of the condition of affairs up to that time than by referring you to that communication.

The strong desire to establish peace with Mexico, on liberal and honorable terms, and the readiness of this Government to regulate and adjust our boundary and other causes of difference with that Power on such fair and equitable principles as would lead to permanent relations of the most friendly nature, induced me, in September last, to seek the re­opening of diplomatic relations between the two countries. Every measure adopted on our part had for its object the furtherance of these desired results. In communicating to Congress a succinct statement of the injuries which we had suffered from Mexico, and which have been accumulating during a period of more than 20 years, every expression that could tend to inflame the people of Mexico, or defeat or delay a pacific result was carefully avoided. An Envoy of the U. States repaired to Mexico, with full powers to adjust every existing difference. But, though present on the Mexican soil by agreement between the two Governments, invested with full powers, and bearing evidence of the most friendly dispositions, but, after a long continued series of menaces, have at last invaded our territory and shed the blood of our fellow citizens on our own soil.

It now becomes my duty to state more in detail the origin, progress, and failure of that mission. In pursuance of the instructions given in Sept. last, an inquiry was made on the 13th Oct., 1845, in the most friendly terms, through our Consul in Mexico, of the Minister for Foreign Affairs, whether the Mexican Government “would receive an Envoy from the U. S., entrusted with full powers to adjust all the questions in dispute between the two Government;” with the assurance that, “should the answer be in the affirmative, such an Envoy would be immediately dispatched to Mexico.” The Mexican Minister, on the 15th October, gave an affirmative answer to this inquiry, requesting at the same time that our naval forces at Vera Cruz might be withdrawn, lest its continued presence might assume the appearance of menace and coercion pending the negotiations.—This force was immediately withdrawn. On the 10th Nov. 1845, Mr. John Slidell, of Louisiana, was commissioned by me as Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary of the U. S. to Mexico, and was entrusted with full powers to adjust both the questions of the Texas boundary and of indemnification to our citizens. The redress of the wrongs of our citizens naturally and inseparably blended itself with the question of boundary. The settlement of the one question, in any correct view of the subject, involves that of the other. I could not, for a moment, entertain the idea that the claims of our much injured and long­suffering citizens, many of which had existed for more than 20 years, should be postponed or separated from the settlement of the boundary question.

Mr. Slidell arrived at Vera Cruz on the thirtieth of November, and was courteously received by the authorities of that city. But the Government of General Herrera was then tottering to its fall. The Revolutionary party had seized upon the Texas question to effect or hasten its overthrow. Its determination to restore friendly relations with the United States and to receive our Minister to negotiate for the settlement of this question was violently assailed, and was made the great theme of denunciation against it.—The Government of General Herrera, there is good reason to believe, was sincerely desirous to receive our Minister; but it yielded to the storm raised by its enemies, and on the 21st December refused to accredit Mr. Slidell upon the most frivolous pretexts. These are so fully and ably exposed in the note of Mr. Slidell of the 24th December last to the Mexican Minister of Foreign Relations herewith transmitted, that I deem it unnecessary to enter into further detail on this portion of the subject.

Five days after the date of Mr. Slidell’s note General Herrera yielded the Government to General Paredes without a struggle, and on the thirtieth of December resigned the presidency. This revolution was accomplished solely by the army, the people having taken little part in the contest; and thus the supreme power in Mexico passed into the hands of a military leader.

Determined to leave no effort untried to effect an amicable adjustment with Mexico, I directed Mr. Slidell to present his credentials to the Government of General Paredes, and ask to be officially received by him. There would have been less ground for taking this step had General Paredes come into power by a regular constitutional succession.—In that event his Administration would have been considered but a mere constitutional continuance of the Government of General Herrera, and the refusal of the latter to receive our Minister would have been deemed conclusive, unless an intimation had been given by General Paredes of his desire to reverse the decision of his predecessor.

But the Government of General Paredes owes its existence to a military revolution, by which the subsisting constitutional authorities had been subverted. The form of Government was entirely changed, as well as all the high functionaries by whom it was administered.

Under these circumstances, Mr. Slidell, in obedience to my direction, addressed a note to the Mexican Minister of Foreign Relations, under date of the 1st March last, asking to be received by that Government in the diplomatic character to which he had been appointed. This Minister in his reply under date of the 12th March, reiterated the arguments of his predecessor, and, in terms that may be considered as giving just grounds of offence to the Government and People of the United States, denied the application of Mr. Slidell. Nothing, therefore, remained for our Envoy but to demand his passports and return to his own country.

Thus the Government of Mexico, though solemnly pledged by official acts in October last to receive and accredit an American Envoy, violated their plighted faith, and refused the offer of a peaceful adjustment of our difficulties. Not only was the offer rejected, but the indignity of its rejection was enhanced by the manifest breach of faith in refusing to admit the Envoy who came because they had bound themselves to receive him. Nor can it be said that the offer was fruitless from the want of opportunity of discussing it; our Envoy was present on their own soil. Nor can it be ascribed to a want of sufficient powers; our Envoy had full powers to adjust every question of difference. Nor was there room for complaint that our propositions for settlement was unreasonable; permission was not given our Envoy to make any proposition whatever. Nor can it be objected, that we, on our part, would not listen to any reasonable terms of their suggestion; the Mexican Government refused all negotiation, and have made no proposition of any kind.

In my message, at the commencement of the present session, I informed you that, upon the earnest appeal both of the Congress and Convention of Texas, I had ordered an efficient military force to take a position “between the Nueces and the Del Norte.” This had become necessary to meet a threatened invasion of Texas by the Mexican forces for which extensive military preparations had been made. The invasion was threatened solely because Texas had determined, in accordance with a solemn resolution of the Congress of the United States, to annex herself to our Union; and, under these circumstances, it was plainly our duty to extend our protection over her citizens and soil.

This force was concentrated at Corpus Christi, and remained there until after I had received such information from Mexico as rendered it probable, if not certain, that the Mexican Government would refuse to receive our Envoy.

Meantime Texas, by the final action of our Congress, had become an integral part of our Union. The Congress of Texas, by its act of December 19, 1836,had declared the Rio del Norte to be the boundary of that Republic. Its jurisdiction had been extended and exercised beyond the Nueces. The country between that river and the Del Norte had been represented in the Congress and the Convention of Texas, had thus taken part in the act of annexation itself, and is now included within one of our Congressional Districts. Our own Congress had, moreover, with great unanimity, by the act approved December 31, 1845, recognised the country beyond the Neuces as a part of our territory, by including it within our own revenue system, and a revenue officer, to reside within that district, has been appointed by and with the advice and consent of the Senate. It became, therefore, of urgent necessity to provide for the defence of that portion of our country. Accordingly, on the 13th of January last, instructions were issued to the General in command of these troops to occupy the left bank of the Del Norte. This river, which is the southwestern boundary to the State of Texas, is an exposed frontier: from this quarter invasion was threatened; upon it, and in its immediate vicinity, in the judgment of high military experience, are the proper stations for the protecting forces of the Government. In addition to this important consideration, several others occurred to induce this movement. Among these, are the facilities afforded by the ports at Brasos Santiago and the mouth of the Del Norte for the reception supplies by sea; the stronger and more healthful military positions; the convenience for obtaining a ready and more abundant supply of provisions, water, fuel, and forage; and the advantages which are afforded by the Del Norte in forwarding supplies to such posts as may be established in the interior and upon the Indian frontier.

The movement of the troops to the Del Norte was made by the Commanding General, under positive instructions to abstain from all aggressive acts towards Mexico or Mexican citizens, and to regard the relations between that Republic and the United States as peaceful, unless she should declare war or commit acts of hostility indicative of a state of war. He was specially directed to protect private property and respect personal rights.

The army moved from Corpus Christi on the 11th of March, and on the 28th of that month arrived on the left bank of the Del North, opposite to Matamoras, where it encamped on a commanding position, which has since been strengthened by the erection of field­works. A depot has also been established at Point Isabel, near the Brasos Santiago, thirty miles in rear of the encampment. The selection of his position was necessarily confided to the judgment of the General in command.

The Mexican forces at Matamoras assumed a belligerent attitude, and on the 12th of April, Gen. Ampudia, then in command, notified Gen. Taylor to break up his camp within 24 hours and to retire beyond the Nueces river, and, in the event of his failure to comply with these demands, announced that arms, and arms along, must decide the question. But no open act as hostility was committed until the 24th of April. On that day Gen. Arista, who had succeeded to the command of the Mexican forces, communicated to Gen. Taylor that “he considered hostilities commenced and should prosecute them.” A party of dragoons of 63 men and officers, who were on the same day dispatched from the American camp up the Rio del Norte, on its left bank, to ascertain whether the Mexican troops had crossed, or were preparing to cross the river, “became engaged with a large body of these troops, and, after a short affair, in which some 16 were killed and wounded, appear to have been surrounded and compelled to surrender.”

The grievous wrongs perpetrated by Mexico upon our citizens throughout a long period of years remain unredressed, and solemn treaties, pledging her public faith for this redress, have been disregarded. A Government either unable or unwilling to enforce the execution of such treaties fails to perform one of its plainest duties.

Our commerce with Mexico has been almost annihilated. It was formerly highly beneficial to both nations; but our merchants have been deterred from prosecuting it by the system of outrage and extortion which the Mexican authorities have pursued against them, whilst their appeals through their own Government for indemnity have been made in vain. Our forbearance has gone to such an extreme as to be mistaken in its character. Had we acted with vigor in repelling the insults and redressing the injuries inflicted by Mexico at the commencement, we should doubtless have escaped all the difficulties in which we are now involved.

Instead of this, however, we have been exerting our best efforts to propitiate her good will. Upon the pretext that Texas, a nation as independent as herself, thought proper to unite its destinies without own, she has affected to believe that we have severed her rightful territory, and, in official proclamations and manifestoes, has repeatedly threatened to make war upon us for the purpose of reconquering Texas. In the mean time we have tried every effort at reconciliation. The cup of forbearance had been exhausted even before the recent information from the frontier of the Del Norte. But now, after reiterated menaces, Mexico has passed the boundary of the United States, has invaded our territory, and shed American blood upon American soil. She has proclaimed that hostilities have commenced, and that the two nations are now at war.

As war exists, and notwithstanding all our efforts to avoid it, exists by the act of Mexico herself, we are called upon by every consideration of duty and patriotism to vindicate with decision the honor, the right, and the interests of our country.

Anticipating the possibility of a crisis like that which has arrived, instructions were given in August last, “as a precautionary measure” against invasion or threatened invasion, authorizing General Taylor, if the emergency required to accept volunteers, not from Texas only, but from the States of Louisiana, Alabama, Mississippi, Tennessee, and Kentucky; and corresponding letters were addressed to the respective Governors of those States. These instructions were repeated, and in January last, soon after the incorporation of “Texas into our Union of States,” General Taylor was further “authorized by the President to make a requisition upon the Executive of that State for such of its militia forces as may be needed to repel invasion or to secure the country against apprehended invasion.” On the 2d day of March he was again reminded, “in the event of the approach of any considerable Mexican force, promptly and efficiently to use the authority with which he was clothed to call to him such auxiliary force as he might need.” War actually existing, and our territory having been invaded, General Taylor, pursuant to authority vested in him by any direction has called on the Governor of Texas for four regiments of State troops, two to be mounted and two to serve on foot, and on the Governor of Louisiana for four regiments of infantry, to be sent to him as soon as practicable.

In further vindication of our rights and defence of our territory, I invoke the prompt action of Congress to recognise the existence of the war, and to place at the disposition of the Executive the means of prosecuting the war with vigor, and thus hastening the restoration of peace. T o this end I recommend that authority should be given to call into the public service a large body of volunteers, to serve for not less than six or twelve months, unless sooner discharged. A volunteer force is beyond question more efficient than any other description of citizen soldiers; and it is not to be doubted that a number far beyond that required would readily rush to the field upon the call of their country. I further recommend that a liberal provision be made for sustaining our military force, and furnishing it with supplied and munitions of war.

The most energetic and prompt measures, and the immediate appearance in arms of a large and overpowering force, are recommended to Congress as the most certain and efficient means of bringing the existing collision with Mexico to a speedy and successful termination.

In making these recommendations, I deem it proper to declare that it is my anxious desire not only to terminate hostilities speedily, but to bring all matters in dispute between this Government and Mexico to an early and amicable adjustment; and in this view I shall be prepared to renew negotiations whenever Mexico shall be ready to receive propositions, or to make propositions of her own.

I transmit herewith a copy of the correspondence between our Envoy to Mexico and the Mexican Minister for Foreign Affairs, and so much of the correspondence between that Envoy and the Secretary of State, and between the Secretary of War and the General in command on the Del Norte, as are necessary to a full understanding of the subject. JAMES K. POLK.

[Accompanying the Message was a collection of letters, consisting of the correspondence between Mr. Slidell and the Mexican Government and a series of letters from Gen. Taylor.]

RW46v23i39p4c3, May 15, 1846: The Volunteers—“The cry is still they come.”

The gallant Major Hunt, we are glad to announce, has raised the first company, which was regularly inspected yesterday and declared complete. This noble example is being followed up in every direction. Our late cotemporary, Major Kelly of St. Francisville, has already, aided by Senator Marks, succeeded in enrolling upwards of two hundred men, and expects in a day or two to have the complement for a regiment under Major Marks, ready for the field. Three Volunteer corps from the Third Municipality, have through their officers sent in their names almost to a man, to fill up the number of troops required for the reinforcement of General Taylor. We also learn that Captain Forno, has his company of Artillery mow full and in marching order.—This in every direction, “the work goes bravely on.” [Times.


A numerous meeting was held at Bravo’s Commercial Exchange last evening, Col. William Christy in the chair. The chairman having briefly alluded to the objects of the meeting, namely to take such measures as might be deemed necessary to raise troops in the present exigency, Mr. Bryce, Col.. T. G. Hunt, Randall Hunt, and several other gentlemen addressed the meeting. A resolution was unanimously adopted, and numerously signed by those present, expressive of the willingness of the subscribers to march to the aid of Gen. Taylor, who now awaits reinforcements at the hands of the citizens of Louisiana. The most entire enthusiasm prevailed during the evening.­­PICAYUNE.

RW46v23i39p4c3, May 15, 1846: No title.

We learn from the Reformer of yesterday that orders were despatched on Sunday by Maj. Gen. Gaines, directing that the two companies of Artillery at Pensacola and two companies of the same description of troops, stationed at Forts Pike and Wood, near this city, proceed forthwith to the scene of operations near Matamoras.

RW46v23i39p4c3, May 15, 1846: THE TRUE SPIRIT.

Senator MARKS of West Felicians, and his friend, Major KELLY; have already raised two hundred men. Their porpose is to continue with unabated ardor until five companies are raised, of one hundred men each. Mr. MARKS has already seen service, as Captain of a company raised by him, for the Florida war, and afterwards as Brigade Major of the Louisiana Detachment. [Times.

RW46v23i39p4c3, May 15, 1846: No title.

Gen. DESHA’S company of volunteers from Mobile, arrived in this city yesterday in the steamers. They are 100 strong. Forty United States troops also came in the same boats from Fort Pike—destined for the theatre of war.—All the volunteer companies in Mobile have volunteered their services—300 more will arrive to­morrow.— [Ib.

RW46v23i39p4c3, May 15, 1846: MILITARY MOVEMENTS.

Four full Companies were mustered into the U. S. Service for Texas, yesterday evening, and sent down to the barracks. There are several other Companies waiting a muster. In the meantime, the troops are all quartered, and nearly all paid off. Hurrah for Texas and the Volunteers!!—[Tropic.

RW46v23i39p4c3, May 15, 1846: U. S. TROOPS FROM FORT PIKE.

The N.O. Picayune says—“A detachment of regular troops numbering about 80, arrived yesterday from Fort Pike, and marched to their quarters at the Barracks. Several companies of Volunteers raised in this city, we learn, also marched down last evening. The U. S. Quarter Master has dispatched all necessary arms and equipments to the Barracks, so that there need be no delay in equipping the Volunteers, and we hope no delay in getting them off.

RW46v23i39p4c3, May 15, 1846: RECRUITS FOR TEXAS.

The number of volunteers already obtained in this city is probably about 1200, certainly not more than that number. Unless they come forward with more promptness, the Governor will be compelled to resort to a draft. Several very fine companies have been formed, and we sincerely trust that there will be no holding back on the part of our citizens, when it is of the most vital importance that the whole force should depart immediately.—Ib.

RW46v23i39p4c5, May 15,1846: No title.

The Washington Union of Monday night states that Capt. S. D. Thornton and Lieut. Mason of the Dragoons, who were supposed to have been killed in the recent skirmish with the Mexicans, had safely arrived in Gen. Taylor’s camp.

RW46v23i39p4c5, May 15, 1846: No title.

The Washington correspondent of the Baltimore American writes:­­“The President is more and more blamed for ordering the removal of the troops from Corpus Christi to the neighborhood of Matamoras.”—Gen. Scott having been charged with ordering their removal, denies it, as I understand, except as acting under the orders of the War Department. In regard to the act of removal, he was not even consulted.”

RW46v23i39p4c5, May 15, 1946: No title.

IN THE SENATE, an interesting Debate took place, in which all the leading members took part. Our space will not admit of its publication this morning. Finally, so much of the message and Documents as relate to the controversy between Mexico and the United States, was referred to the Committee of Foreign Relations, and so much as relate to the raising of troops, to the Military Committee. Subsequently, the bill from the House, to increase the rank and file of the Army, was slightly amended and passed.

IN THE HOUSE, after the reading of the Message, the Bill authorizing the President to call 50,000 volunteers,, and appropriating Ten Millions of Dollars for their support, was taken up. Mr. Brockenbrough, of Florida, and Mr. Thompson, of Miss., were for a bill which shall DECLARE WAR upon the face of it. Mr. Holmes, of S. C., opposed it as unnecessary, particularly as the Mexican Government might repudiate what had been done by the Mexican Generals. Mr. Rhett took the same ground—drawing, as Mr. Calhoun had done in the Senate, a distinction between war and a state of hostilities. Finally, the bill passed—ayes 174, noes 14; and was subsequently passed also by the Senate, with a slight amendment, in which the House concurred. In addition to the provisions authorizing the enlistment of volunteers and making provision for their payment, the President is authorized to complete all the public armed vessels, and to purchase such merchant vessels and steamboats as can easily be converted into armed vessels.

Mr. Calhoun well said, in the Senate, while counselling calmness and deliberation, that “we are placed in a position calling for solemn deliberation, and which it might take years to terminate.”

We congratulate the country on the adoption, so promptly and with so much unanimity, of these vigorous measures.

RW46v23i40p1c1, May 19, 1846: Melancholy Tidings!

We laid before our city readers, in an Extra sheet, last Saturday, the disastrous intelligence received by that morning’s mail from the South, [ . . . ] which the reader will find in our columns to­day. It appears that another detachment of our gallant troops has been cut off, almost (unreadable), by a superior body of Mexicans, while [ . . . ] the line of march to the relief of their little [ . . . ] of comrades, cooped up at Point Isabel, [ . . . ] situation, isolated and remote from the [ . . . ] body of the army, we are constrained to (unreadable), from this evidence of the difficulty of succoring them, is even more perilous and critical than we had previously apprehended.

These repeated assaults upon the American [ . . . ] dissipate the doubt which had previously existed as to the real purpose of the Mexican commander in crossing the Rio Grande, and satisfy us of his deliberate purpose to BEGIN THE WAR long since threatened by the Mexican Executive—a threat which had been treated with deri(unreadable) by all parties, as but another specimen of [ . . . ] braggart spirit characteristic of the people of that country, and which it was supposed would (unreadable)porate in words. Unfortunately, it had become the fashion to regard the blustering Proclamations and Manifestoes of Mexican President and Generals, with the contempt naturally felt for those who, while they habitually “speak daggers,”

 [ . . . ] rather remarkable than otherwise for avoiding contact with cold steel and “villainous saltpetre.” (Unreadable)ence, no doubt, the great mistake of our own government, in detaching so small a body of troops to the very b orders of a country, known to be, if not hostile, greatly exasperated against us, and with the obvious fact staring it in the face, that, if they should be assaulted by a superior force, there would be great, if not insuperable difficulties in affording them timely and efficient relief. But the idea that our Army might need assistance, was, some weeks ago, almost universally hooted at as preposterous and absurd. One American, it seemed really to be thought, “could chase a thousand” Mexicans, and “two put ten thousand to flight.” Our Commanding General, doubtless, as well as his officers and soldiers, united in this unwise and dangerous depreciation of the prowess of their adversary; for, as letters from the camp show, they were not only indifferent to an assault, but really seemed eager to measure swords with the foe, even though he might outnumber them in the proportion of ten to one. Fatal error! And fatally, we fear, have they atoned for (unreadable). [ . . . ] of which were foreseen by persons less in(unreadable) than those who have had the management and must shoulder the responsibility of this disastrous movement—foreseen and predicted by those who now complain of its authors, and hole them up to public censure and condemnation.

But, whatever may be the public judgment upon the act of thus exposing such an inefficient force to the attack of a superior army, the indignation of our people, from one end of the Union to the other, will not be less intense against the people of Mexico. Their officers, tempted by the opportunity of achieving an equivocal honor, by subduing a vastly inferior force, have madly drawn the sword and lighted up the fires of war. They will long and bitterly rue their rash folly, when did troops of the United States, reinforced as they will speedily be by thousands of volunteers, who are in all quarters rushing to the standard of their country, shall pour like a resistless torrent across the frontier, animated by feelings of vengeance against the murderers of their countrymen, and inspired perhaps by the still nobler motive of redeeming the finest country upon the fact of the globe from the misrule which has blasted its prosperity, and from the anarchy which has crushed every germ of national freedom.

Great as has been public anxiety for some days past to hear tidings from the frontier, it has become still more intense since the receipt of the last gloomy intelligence. Notwithstanding the evidently critical condition of Gen. Taylor’s force, there seemed to be still a pervading confidence that he would be able to keep his assailants at bay, even if he did not rout them, until reinforcements should reach him in sufficient numbers to enable him to assume an offensive attitude. We still entertain a strong hope that he has been able to maintain his position; but it is not to be concealed that he was in great danger of being cut off, or compelled by famine to surrender—and still greater that the feeble detachment at Point Isabel, and probably some of the detached companies of volunteers rushing to it aid,. Have heard a similar fate. We still, however, hope for the best. We are confident that all will be done that can be accomplished by consummate skill, inflexible resolution and determined bravery., If they shall have perished by the sword, however, terrible will be the vengeance of the infuriated soldiers whose duty it will be to avenge their fall.

RW46v23i40p1c2, May 19, 1846: Warlike Demonstrations.

An immense Town Meeting was held in Philadelphia on Wednesday afternoon last, in conformity with a call from the mayor, to take into consideration, the existing relations between Mexico and the U. States. At least 20,000 citizens, of all parties, assembled in Independence Square, where, by a remarkable coincidence, on the same day of the same month, 34 years ago, they met for a similar purpose—to arm in defence of their country. Col. Swift, (the Mayor,) was called to preside, and several Vice Presidents, and Secretaries were appointed to aid him. Eloquent addresses were then delivered by Peter A Browne, Joniah Randall, Col. Lee, Col. Page, B. H. Brewster, P. S. Smith and Judge Conrad—Whigs, Democrats and natives in fair proportions; after which a preamble and resolutions were adopted by acclamation setting forth the existing facts, announcing the hearty concurrence of the citizens of Philadelphia in the section already taken by the government and pledging its support in all measures it may hereafter deem necessary “for the preservation of the national domain, the security of the liberties and the conservation of the rights of our fellow­citizens, and the honor of our beloved country.”

In the Legislature of new York, (which adjourned sinc die on Wednesday 1sst.) the subject was introduced on the last day of the session. In the lower House a resolution was adopted by acclamation, authorizing 50,000 volunteers to be raised in that State, and appropriating $100,000 to meet the necessary expenditure. The Senate, however, adjourned without acting upon it.

The last New Orleans papers continue to announce the arrival of volunteers from the country, and of regulars from the interior stations, on their way to the seat of war. It was believed that the requisition of Gen. Taylor for 2000 men will be met without resort to a draft. The Commercial Times of the 9th states that one of the regiments, completely organized, under the command of Col. Walton, would embark that evening to next morning. The whole number of City Volunteers enrolled amounted to 1848. Among the Volunteers from the interior was a company from Baton Rouge, numbering 95—and another was hourly expected from Rapides.

J. S. Calhoun, Esq. and 57 other citizens of Columbus, Ga. Have organized and tendered their services to General Gaines.

A large meeting was held in Lancaster, Pa. on Wednesday 1sst. And resolutions adopted approving of the measures adopted by Congress for the purpose of prosecuting the war, and proffering to obey a call for Volunteers should the government require it.

The spirit of the country is fully aroused—and it is not too much to say, that, unless Mexico, by hasty submission, avert the threatened storm, her destiny is sealed.

RW46v23i40p1c1, May 19, 1846: The Right Spirit.

Mr. Delano, one of the fourteen members of the House of Representatives, who voted against the bill declaring the existence of war with Mexico, and authorizing the raising of 50,000 volunteers, in a speech since delivered, indignantly repels the charge, predicated upon that vote, that he was therefore to be classed among “the enemies of the country.”

I am (he said) one of those who voted against the declaration of war. I thought I was right then, and I think so now. But that is over. We are in a war now; and I am with you, and my constituents are with you. [Cries of good!] And I speak for a people who live on the frontier—who can look into the enemy’s country, or what may become an enemy’s country very shortly,. We are with you in this war with Mexico; and if other wars come we shall do our duty.”—Such, we doubt not, are the sentiments of all who voted against that bill—except, perhaps, John Q. Adams and J. R. Giddings, who, although ready enough to engage in a war with Great Britain, for the whole of Oregon, it seems have “no stomach for a fight” with Mexico. Why? The people of the South will be at no loss to interpret their motives.

RW46v23i40p1c4, May 19, 1846: WHAT DOES IT MEAN?

We of the country have been sadly [ . . . ] in our efforts to discover the real drift of the singular announcement [ . . . ] “The Union,” that “the stone which the President’s Message, by a fling, cast upon the high Rocky Mountain, but which Congressional procrastination had suffered to roll almost to the bottom, is once more raised in the top. That on a rock stands the Chief Magistrate, a man of peace and slow to anger.”

What is the import of all that? In solemnity of tone, and mathematical precision of language, suggest the belief, that it is burthened with a weight of secret meaning not obvious to the careless reader. Governmental and party organs often deal in mystic phrases, “where more is meant than meets the ear.” We all remember the discovery made by an official dignitary in Lapota, that a letter seemingly innocent, was in truth a revolutionary (unreadable); and the expression, “Our brother Tom has got the (unreadable),” foreboded the downfall of the State. Does not the respect due to the accredited organ of the Administration require us to suppose that this strange declaration is not absolute nonsense, but, like the Lapotan missive, conveys an occult meaning not to be fathomed by the (unreadable)? “A mummy,” quoth Sampson Legend in the play, “is no illustrious creature, and may have significations of [ . . . ] about him.” And surely the same remark is [ . . . ] of the venerable gentleman who presides over the columns of the Union. It is true he loves, oh! how fervently “the President of these United States and all others in authority,” and it is the quality of intense affection to put itself in expressions of unmeaning (unreadable). Mr. Richie, however, will scarcely assert and excuse the [ . . . ] of the paragraph in question, by admitting with King(unreadable), that he is “a very fond, foolish old man.” He must have meant something.

This preliminary being settled, the inquisitive must be permitted to ask, What was the motive of this extraordinary projection? What impelled His Excellency to carry coals to Newcastle—to fling an additional rock on the mountains, which are already but an accumulation of rocks? A member of Congress has recently declared, in the furor of patriotism, that the British shall not have a single pebble that glitters on the coast of Oregon; and this was regarded as quite a sublime avowal of local attachments. But why should the President unnecessarily hazard this extra “pebble”—why throw this additional temptation in the way of the enemy? We submit that where the salvation of rocks is concerned, the Chief Magistrate of this Nation, duly impressed with the magnitude of his trust, should walk with wary circumspection.

Some have imagined that his object is to alarm the natives, by an artificial shower of meteoric stones; while others contend that he is engaged in geological researches, which invite a comparison, by juxta­position, of the granite of the district with the primary formation of the West. If this last supposition is correct, he should certainly employ the learned agency of Mike Walsh, the Subterranean, with his horde of Trogdolytes the Empire Club, whose familiarity with all the varieties of dirt rendered them invaluable auxiliaries in the cabinet of our Presidential geologist.

It is pleasant to perceive that this most effective “Message” was not a gunpowder communication, and that the tremendous impulse given by it to this famous “stone” was not the result of its explosive character; for we are cautiously reminded that it was done “ by a fling. ” But what was the nature of the engine employed by the Message thus to cast it “to the top of the high Rocky Mountains,” is left altogether to our conjectures. It could not have been either the Balista or Catapult of antiquity; for, though powerful agents in their day, they were quite unequal to such an effort as this. Nor could the requisite momentum have been derived from the nervous springiness of the President’s style—though the variety of contradictory meanings into which his celebrated “Kane Letter” was stretched, proves that it possesses considerable elasticity. Upon the whole, we suspect that “the stone” received its impetus mainly from caucus machinery, since Mr. Polk’s own elevation to office illustrates the mighty energy of that engine in lifting dead weights to a height far above their congenial humility of position.

It may be supposed that this elegant paragraph contains a recondite allusion to the profitless labours of Sisyphus in the Infernal Regions, and delicately conveys to the public an authentic confirmation of the fact, before generally suspected, that his Excellency Mr. Polk, is already politically damned. But as the candid publication of such a truth scarcely comports with the “Articles of Agreement” which we all believe to be expressed or implied between the Government and its Laureate­Editor, this hypothesis must be abandoned. Indeed, the whole spirit of the article to which we refer, shows any thing rather than an abatement of religious reverence for the sacro­sanct person of the President. It places his Eminence, as the Samaritans did their Idols of old, upon the summit of a lofty mountain. Whether he flung himself into that airy position at the same time, and by the same effort, which cast the every memorable stone, is, like everything about him, equivocal. But “there on a rock stands the Chief Magistrate,” solitary and sublime, an embodiment of democracy in repose!

The giddy height to which, whether by crawling or soaring, he has attained, tends doubtless to inspire purer aspi­(unreadable) as his imperial eye glances around on “the whole of Oregon,” and he calls to mind the thousands of Democrats, Hunkers and Barn­Burners, Butt­enders and Subterraneans, Mormons, Repudiators and Anti­Renters, all submissive to his will, and ready to rush in to occupy, his exalting heart swells with emotion, and his lips are hears to murmur the language of Alexander Selkirk—

“I am monarch of all I survey,
My right there is none to dispute,
From the centre all round to the sea.
I am lord of the foul and the brute.”

We must add, before we conclude, that the lovers of quiet, have been (in Chinese phrase) “exceedingly tranquillized” by learning that the President as “a man of peace,” and that “Allen’s Alarm,” Cass’s Call to Conflict,” and “Hannegan’s Howl for War,” are all obsolete works. That he is “slow to anger,” we have the positive testimony of Mr. Wise, and need no assurances to that effect from our old and venerated friend Mr. Richie. AUSTER.

RW46v23i40p1c4, May 19, 1846: LATER FROM THE ARMY.


The schr. Mary Clare has just arrived from Brazos Santiago, having left on the 29th ult. Capt. Griffin of the Mar. C., and passengers, report that Capt. Walker with 75 men of the Texan Rangers, were nearly all killed and taken prisoners on the 28th ult. about 20 miles above Point Isabel, by a superior force of Mexican troops, amounting to some 1500 men.

Capt. WALKER succeeded in reaching Point Isabel at 4 o’clock P. M.., on the 28th, with THREE MEN ONLY! He immediately applied to Major THOMAS for four men, and announced his determination to proceed to Gen. TAYLOR’s Camp, or DIE IN THE ATTEMPT! his object being to communicate the full particulars of this attack, without delay to his commanding officer.

RW46v23i40p1c3, May 19, 1846: No title.

The New Orleans Tropic informs us that the pilots at the Balize have applied to the government for cannon to arm their fleet to watch the privateers that are undoubtedly getting ready to attack our commerce. The pilot boats are placed at the call of the Surveyor of the port, to carry despatches between the city and the seat of war.

RW46v23i40p1c3, May 19, 1846: No title.

The New Orleans Picayune remarks on the unusually large number of persons seen on the streets of that city with their arms in slings. Can it be, it asks, that the drafting has any thing to do with it?

RW46v23i40p1c3, May 19, 1846: From the Mobile Advertiser, May 9.

Volunteers—The Rifle Company of this city under command of Capt. James Crawford, have volunteered their services for the assistance of the Army on the Rio Grande, and been accepted by Lieut. Lovell of the U. S. Army. They will proceed directly to Point Isabel, as soon as means of conveyance can be provided—to­day or to­morrow—and will be joined; we understand, by the Company of Volunteers raised by Mr. James Hagan and his gallant associates. The two companies will be composed of 200 as brave and gallant young men as ever fought in the defence of their country.

The Rifle Company is composed of young men of the highest character for bravery, intelligence and worth—the very flower of our city—and will give a noble account of themselves. We understand that it will be impossible for Capt. Crawford to leave with the Company, but he will join them in a few days. In the meantime, 1st Lieut. Robt. W. Smith will have command of the Company.

RW46v23i40p1c4, May 19, 1846: TWO DAYS LATER FROM MEXICO.

The brig Josephine, from Vera Cruz, brings us the following letter from our correspondent, dated April 25th, two days later than the last, and papers from that city of the same date:­­[Correspondence of the Tropic .] VERA CRUZ, April 25, 1846. Messrs. SAWYER, HALL AND THORPE, New Orleans Tropic ,

Gentlemen—By the Mail Steamer Tweed, last evening from Tampico, we have intelligence from Matamoras down to the 15th.

A gentleman informs me that he has seen a letter from the British Consul at that city, to the British Consul here, from which he gives me an extract.

This letter indicates a degree of familiarity between the Mexican General and the writer, that would justify the conclusion, that upon him has fallen the mantle of the “man with the white hat.”

He says, Ampudia showed him the letter warning Gen. Taylor off the banks of the Bravo, before it was forwarded, and intimates, without asserting it, that nothing prevents an attack from the Mexicans, but want of boats. He also says, that “Gen. Taylor has plenty of THIRTY­TWO POUNDERS pointed at the town,” which is of course an exaggeration.

The excitement here regarding the Yankee Fleet has subsided somewhat as the ships have not been seen since the 20th. We hope they have moved into the neighborhood of our little army, as the tars would form most valuable auxiliaries in case of collision. From what I have seen and heard of sailors, I believe they would fight even better on land than on board ship. They would make excellent Artilleries, and first­rate Riflemen.

I see by the Capital papers that the American Squadron were at [ . . . ] on the 1st inst., in the following force:

Frigate—Savannah and Constitution.

Sloops of War—Portsmouth and Levant, and the Schooner Shark: the latter of which, in company with the Portsmouth, sailed that day. Official information had been given to the merchants that from the 2d of April, no more business would be done in the Customhouse. This was, surely, a very silly step, and, I presume, will cost the Collector his commission, and no blockade had been declared, and could not, reasonably, be feared.

RW46v23i40p1c5, May 19, 1846: No title.

There is nothing of importance in the papers. Gorostiza, Minister of the Treasury, has resigned, it is positively stated, in consequence of the Governments policy towards (unreadable). The Minister of Foreign Relations occupies his place for the present.

The latest information received in Mexico from Matamoras assigned to Gen. Ampudia s force of 7000 men.—The Locomoter says that Ampudia had “compelled the American Consul and his countrymen to march into the interior, to Victoria.”

The 3d Regiment of Infantry had left the city of Mexico for Vera Cruz, and another was to follow immediately.

The Locomoter denounces the Government for its recent decree against the press, as particularly impolitic under existing relations with this country. “It is only,” says that paper, “by exciting and pleasing the people, that they can be brought to struggle with a powerful nation. The resources employed by the Government are pitiful and mean.”

The military at Vera Cruz were active in their preparations for war. The Castle is said to be in excellent condition.

The John Adams was off Vera Cruz.

We take the following from the Courier of last evening: “Extract of a letter under date of 26th ult., from Vera Cruz, received by a commercial house of this city:

“Gen. Alvarez has pronounced in the South in favor the Federalists—and in the meantime call for a triumvirate composed of Gen. Santa Ana, Herrier and Rincon, who are to govern this country until a free election can take place for a President—but we have so many of these pronunciamentoe that they do not amount to any thing.

On the 20th inst., the editor and proprietor of the monitor, in Mexico, was imprisoned and sent to San Blas.”

RW46v23i40p1c5, May 19, 1846: LATEST NEWS. By Yesterday’s Southern Mail.

The New Orleans Picayune of the 10th gives an account of the late skirmish near Point Isabel, representing as having been less disastrous than the Tropic ’s version of the affair, published the day before. It says:

“Capt. Walker, a gallant Texas volunteer and now a captain in the service, had been driven into the post at Point Isabel by the Mexicans. With his small command he had sallied forth and encountered the main body of the Mexicans—not less than 1500 strong. Most of his men being raw recruits, refused to stand by him and made their escape. Twelve men, however, remained firm, and with this little handful, Walker kept the Mexicans in check for half an hour. By this time, six of his men had fallen by his side, when his horse was shot under him, and he with his surviving men effected their escape and reached the post at Point Isabel in safety. Above thirty Mexicans were killed in the engagement.

This engagement occurred on the 28th. Capt. Walker got into the post about 5 o’clock in the afternoon of that day. His original force, known as Texan Rangers amounted to about 24 men.

The next day Capt. Walker volunteered with four men to carry an express through to Gen. Taylor. The attempt was thought almost fool­hardy, but he persisted. The result was not known when the Ellen and Clara left.

The Mexicans pursued Capt. Walker in his retreat till they came within range of the guns of the post, when they in turn immediately retreated. The post is very strongly defended­thanks to the exertions of Majors Munroe and Saunders. With 500 men to defend the post, it is believed it can be made good against 3000 Mexicans.

There are now about 3000 Mexicans on the American side of the Rio Grande—one half above and one half below Gen. Taylor’s camp.

The greatest apprehension now felt for the American position is, that the Mexicans may erect fortifications which will command Brasos Santiago. The natural formation of the ground is most favorable for such a purpose. The men would be effectually protected from any naval force by a natural embankment of sand, and the position could only be carried by actual storm of the works. These works would perfectly command all vessels entering Brasos Santiago, as they have all to follow the channel within a few feet only of the position which would be occupied by the enemy’s guns.

When the Ellen and Clara sailed Maj. Monroe had under his command at Point Isabel 500 men, composed of soldiers, teamsters, laborers, &cc. The works were then very strong and every day he was adding to them. He had two 18 pounders and several field pieces. He is an officer of great energy and skill, and was confident of his ability to maintain his post against two or three thousand of the enemy.

For several days an attack on the post had been apprehended, and the men slept nightly on their arms. The weather at the point had been very agreeable and the men were healthy, although the water was very bad. The distance of the Point from Brasos Santiago is about 5 miles. On the bar there are about nine feet of water in the South Channel.”

The Picayune informs us that the U. S. troops from Jefferson Barracks and three companies of volunteers embarked on the evening of the 9th on board the steamship Galveston, and that three more companies of volunteers would embark at 12 o’clock on the 10th in the James L. Day, for

The scene of action. The scene it describes as highly exciting—“friends parting, perhaps, forever, from each other—a mother, a sister, or a wife, weeping upon the shoulders of a son, a brother, or a husband.” The volunteers, however, all seemed to be in good spirits, and eager for the fray. J. B. Walton, Esq. is Colonel of the organized regiment of volunteers, 1060 strong; H. Forno, Esq., Lieutenant Colonel; Capt. Glenn, Major; Charles Doane, Quartermaster; Dr. Wilson Surgeon; Dr. Gibson, Assistant Surgeon; and the Rev. Mr. Allen, Chaplain.

The whole country was alive with excitement. Lafayette Saunders, Esq., of East Feliciana, has, under authority conferred on him by Gen. Gaines, undertaken to raise a regiment of mounted gun­men, 1000 strong, and his lists were rapidly filling up; and from all the interior parrishes troops were pouring in.

RW46v23i40p1c6, May 19, 1846: CASTLE OF SAN JUAN DE ULUA.

The New York Courier gives the following facts, in order that an opinion may be formed as to the probable result of an assault upon Vera Cruz. Certainly nothing can be done until a much larger force is concentrated there than is at present in the vicinity.

“The fortress of San Juan de Ulua would resist a very heavy attack—one certainly much more serious than that of the French, to which it yielded a few years since. The French squadron then consisted of three large frigates and four bomb vessels; the former anchored but little over point­blank distance from the eastern face of the castle, and the bomb vessels but little further. There were mortars in the castle, but none in use, and not more than seventeen guns could be brought to bear on a single ship, and, on the whole squadron, only twenty­six, some of which were carronades.

“Of the French vessels, the Cyclops had two mortars, and in two hours she threw one hundred and eight shells. The others did their share. One of the bombs lodged in the magazine, which was blown up, and about two hundred men destroyed. After six hours fighting, the Mexicans yielded. Since that time the fortress has been thoroughly repaired, a new water­battery has been added; thirty­two and forty­two pounders have been mounted in place of the twelves and eighteens; from twelve to twenty heavy mortars have been introduced, with several Paixltan eight inch guns, and every thing is in the very best condition to resist an attack.

RW46v23i40p1c6, May 19, 1846: General Taylor in his Tent.

A correspondent of the Philadelphia Inquirer, writing from the Brasos de Santiago, says,­­

“On the 26th, a friend of mine visited General Taylor in the camp of Point Isabel, where he had established his depot for stores in the army. On landing, the scene presented was quite a wild one, and reminded me of the accounts we have received of an Arab Encampment. There were three or four hundred dragoons in the camp, with their horses picketed about; besides an immense number of wagons, mules and oxen. On stepping ashore, an officer conducted my friend to the General’s tent. He was introduced to a very plain shabbily dressed old gentleman, of rather small stature, about sixty years of age; and who looked by his hardy appearance, as if he had been camping out all his life.

“This was the commander­in­chief of the army of occupation. He has been 38 years in service on the frontiers of our country. One of his officers remarked that “old as he is, he bears the fatigues and privations of the campaign better than any on under him.” He was affable, dignified, and in excellent spirits. His tent was no larger and no better than those of the other officers, and his table was camp chest, in which he carried his cooking utensils, &c. His plates were tin pans, and his cups (no saucers of course) tin pannikins. A small supply of brown sugar was kept in a tin canister, and not a piece of crockery was to be seen. A party of six was thus entertained in homely style, and they all seemed to enjoy it abundantly.

RW46v23i40p1c5, May 19, 1846: No title.

The last Northern papers contain News from Yucatan, announcing a revolutionary movement in that and other Southern provinces of Mexico. This news, however, seems to be but the echo of intelligence received some days a go, by way of New Orleans.


It appears from the following letter of the Secretary of State to the chairman of the Board of Underwriters of new York, that we have little to fear from Mexican privateers and letters of marque, so far as Spain is concerned.

WASHINGTON, April 11, 1846.

My Dear Sir: In consequence of our conversation a few minutes since, I think, it proper to inform you, without delay, that our Treaty with Spain of the 20th October, 1795, contains the following article, still in force:

“Art. 14. No subject of his Catholic Majesty shall apply for or take any commission or letters of marque for arming any ship or ships to act as privateers against the said United States, or against the citizens, people or inhabitants of the said United States, or against the property of any of the inhabitants of any of them, from any prince or State with which the said United States shall be at war.

“Nor shall say citizen, subject or inhabitant, of the said United States, apply for, or take, any commission, or letter of marque, for arming any ship or ships to act as privateers against the subjects of his Catholic Majesty, or the property of any of them, from any prince or State with which the s aid King shall be at war. And if any person of either nation shall take such commissions or letters of marque, he shall be punished as a pirate.” Your, very respectfully, JAMES BUCHANAN.

RW46v23i40p1c5, May 19, 1846: SANTA ANA.

Rather the most singular news which we received from Havana by the T. Street relates to a great sporting affair, which perhaps has come off ere this. It appears that two or three weeks ago some of “the boys” at Matamoras challenged Gen. Santa Ana to fight a main of cocks at that place for $20,000 a side. The General gladly accepted the offer, and was to leave his residence near Havana about the 1st ins., for the scene of the sport. Picayune.

RW46v23i40p1c7, May 19, 1846: The War Movements.

The Washington Union says—

The government is “assuming (to use Mr. Madison’s celebrated language) the armor and the attitude demanded by the crisis.” The President and his cabinet are now actively engaged in organizing its military and naval forces under the recent act of Congress. He is in constant communication with his secretaries, and in frequent consultation, night and day, with his cabinet. Arrangements are making which will be announced in due season; and we entertain little doubt that they will be found satisfactory to the country. The plan of the campaign will develop it.

RW46v23i40p1c7, May 19, 1846: CONGRESS.

Correspondence of the Baltimore American. WASHINGTON, May 15, 1846. United States Senate.

An Act in reference to the Useful Arts was reported by Mr. Cameron, and 1,000 extra copies ordered.

A resolution inquiring into the expediency of a General Insolvent Law was referred to the Committee on the Judiciary.

Mr. Cameron of Penn., presented the proceedings of a meeting held at the State House Yard, Philadelphia. The State of Penn., Mr. C. said, had 200,000 militia, and 30,000 volunteers, and was ready to meet all the enemies of the country. Penn., he added, will do all her duty for the country. She has heart enough for all friends and iron enough for all her foes.

The proceedings of the great meeting were then read, laid upon the t able and ordered to be printed.


The Bill for raising a regiment of mounted riflemen was called before the Senate upon the question of the consideration of an amendment in regard to the selection of officers.

Mr. Archer desired that the officers should be selected from the Army proper. This was opposed by the favorites hanging around the Executive, who would take all prospect of promotion from the officers of the regular Army. As it now is, an officer could not reach the rank of Colonel until he is 60 years of age. A small chance for a promotion now occurred and an attempt was made to deprive them of the opportunity.

Mr. DIX of N. Y. opposed the views of Mr. Archer, and thought the officers of the Army would not agree with him. He desired to leave the power of appointment with the President, and unrestricted entirely except as he should think proper to choose.

Mr. HOUSTON was also in favor of the amendment, and for allowing the door to be opened for every man to come into the service whom the President might think proper to select. He thought the importance of military education was over estimated. A brave heart determined to do its duty was all that was necessary to accomplish the fighting in battle. The fact that officers were educated at West Point ought not to give them any advantage over others.

Mr. CASS gave an account of the rank and file of the officers of the Army. There were now 7540 men in the Army, and 140 companies. The rank and file of the Standing Army was increased 8000 men by the Bill passed two days since. There are 325 officers in all as the Army, and 62 of these were Brevet Lieutenants. These Brevet Lieutenants were miscalled supernumerary officers. There were ninety­five less officers belonging properly to the Army than were attached to it.

Mr. CRITTENDEN contended that the Army was entitled to the few opportunities that were offered for promotions. A man had to serve in the regular Army until he was 60 years of age before he could die a Colonel. It seemed to him gross injustice to the Army to select the officers from any quarter other than the rank and file of the Army.

Mr. Berrien quoted from an opinion of President Monroe who denied the Constitutional power of the President to select officers otherwise than from the ranks of the Army.

The vote was now taken by yeas and nays, 22 to 22, and the Vice President gave his casting vote against reconsideration, or in favor of giving the President power to select officers for the new regiments from the citizens.

The Bill was returned to the House with the amendment disagreed to requiring the officers to be taken “from the line of the Army.”

The INDIAN APPROPRIATION BILL was taken up, and a debate arose upon an amendment giving the Wyandotte Indians $127,000 for their improvements.—The discussion was participated in by Messrs. Evans, Atchison, Corwin and others.

The amendment was Agreed to and the B ill ordered to be engrossed.

A motion was made to take up the Bill repealing the proviso limiting the naval force to 7,500 men, pending which the Senate adjourned, and by a previous motion over to (unreadable).


Mr. Delano of Ohio asked leave to make a personal explanation. Mr. Chapman of Alabama objected. This is the first time that a member has been refused.

Mr. McKay of N. C. moved that the House proceed to the consideration of the public business.

Mr. Daniels asked that the private business should be considered and the motion was carried, by a vote of 74 to 37.


Mr. Delano, by more general consent, was permitted to make a personal explanation.

Mr. D. said he would not abuse the privilege which the House had granted him, and sent at once to the Chair the assault make upon him by Mr. Thurman, of Ohio, in his absence yesterday. The personal extracts were sent to the Chair and read, and Mr. Delano replied.

The charges made against him were altogether groundless, incorrect, and absolutely untrue. He had said that he was willing to lend the entire energies of the Government for the prosecution of the war. He had not called it a Democratic war, but a Presidential war, an illegal and unconstitutional war; nor had he said it was a war against Omnipotence. Mr. E. said he would not be placed in a false position here or any where else. He desired not to be misrepresented, and would not allow himself to be misrepresented.

Mr. Thurman said he was ready to meet his colleague in a matter of responsibility any where he chose, and denied that he had misrepresented his colleague, except where he was not correctly reported, and in applying to him a remark made by Mr. Giddings of Ohio, that the war was one against Omnipotence.


The Private Calendar was then taken up and the bill for the relief of the owners and crew of the schr. [ . . . ] finally passed by a vote of 85 to 82.

The House then went into Committee of the Whole on private bills and afterwards adjourned.

RW46v23i40p2c1, May 19, 1846: BRILLIANT TRIUMPH! A Glimpse at the Future.

Our citizens, who had been in a state of the most anxious and painful solicitude with regard to the fate of General Taylor and his gallant little Army, consequent upon our previous advices from the seat of war, were electrified yesterday morning by the glorious tidings which reached us by the Southern mail—tidings which we hastened to spread before our city readers in an extra sheet, and which will be found in our columns this morning.

The details of this splendid achievment are yet vague and indefinite; but no doubt can be entertained of the entire accuracy of the most important and substantial features of the intelligence. It may now, therefore, be safely assumed, we think, notwithstanding the immense disproportion between the opposing forces, that THE ARMY IS SAFE, and that, though inadequate to the purposes of offensive warfare, it is fully able to maintain its position until it shall be reinforced by the thousands of volunteers, who, in all quarters of the Union, are organizing, and preparing to pour like a flood into the Mexican territory, unless, grown wiser by the bloody lesson they have just received, the Mexicans shall promptly sue for peace. Should this be the policy of the Mexican Government, the terms of pacification will be of course dictated by the conqueror; but we hope, notwithstanding recent events, that the requisitions of our Government will be characterized by that magnanimity and generosity, which, while it will secure ample reparation for the past, and security for the future, will reflect more lustre upon our national character than even the most splendid series of triumphs. If, however, under the influence of that fatuity, bordering upon madness, by which her public men seem lately to have acted, Mexico should protract the war until the immense force authorized to be raised by Congress shall cross the frontier, it may well be doubted whether it will be in the power of the governments themselves to prevent her speedy dismemberment, and the “annexation,” by the action of her own citizens, combined with the r evolutionary elements which will be introduced into their midst, of some of her border States, to the American Union.

That this is the natural tendency of things, indeed, has long been perceived. The internal tranquility, order, prosperity, and toleration of opinion, civil and religious, existing in the United States, contrasted with the eternal dissentions and revolutions, the poverty, oppression and intolerance prevalent in the Mexican States, must have led necessarily, even in the absence of a warlike collision, the enquiring and reflecting portion of the Mexican population to investigate the causes of these marked differences in the relative condition of the two countries—the more striking the closer the approximation of the two countries, consequent upon the r apid population of the neighboring State of Texas. Indeed, the change that has passed as if by magic, over that State—but yesterday, as it were, a Mexican province, and exhibiting in her tardy growth and in the feeble development of her natural resources the unmistakable impress of Mexican misrule—and now, under a better political system, rapidly filling up with a hardy, industrious and enterprising population, who are bringing into cultivation her gentile soil, opening her ports to foreign commerce and her rivers to internal trade, and filling her vast solitudes with the hum of industry—this rapid and beneficent change, wrought within the brief space of ten years, would of itself have induced the people of the border States of Mexico, at no distant day, to follow in the footsteps of the Texan Revolutionists—to sunder their connection with a Government, (if Government it may be called which changes its principles and its rulers with every change of the moon,) by which all their energies are paralyzed and their prosperity blighted, and to unite themselves to the great Northern Confederation, in which all the guaranties that security to life liberty and property can give, are afforded by its Constitution, and every incentive to industry and enterprize are presented by its laws. With this broad contrast constantly presented to their contemplation, we repeat, it is impossible to doubt that many of the Mexican States, even if peace had been preserved, would, one after another, have thrown off the yoke of the mother country, and united their destinies with ours. And not less certain is it that the war, unless speedily terminated, will facilitate that state of things.

The New York Mirror, in a vein of pleasantry, concealing a deep under current of truth, foreshadows future events, in case of a successful invasion of Mexico by large bodies of American volunteers—many of whom will be mere adventurers, without the ties of home, kindred or interest to draw them back, and who will be strongly tempted, therefore, even in the event of the restoration of peace, to become permanent settlers in the “pleasant land” into which they will be introduced. It requires, indeed, no ghost from the grave to predict the final result, which is playfully g lanced at in the following article:

RW46v23i40p2c2, May 19, 1846: The Texan Boundary.

The Washington Union labors as hard to show that the Rio Grande is the true Texan boundary, as it did (unreadable)—the country “54 40” was the Americas line on the Pacific. But if it be so, why did the President, when he first ordered Gen. Taylor to Texas, require him to stop at Corpus Christi, on the river Neuces? Why did he send Mr. Slidell to Mexico to negotiate about the boundary question, if our title to the Rio Grande was so “clear and unquestionable” as not to admit of some doubt? Why did Congress itself, in adopting the resolution admitting Texas into the Union, expressly incorporate in the resolution of annexation a section providing for the future settlement with Mexico, of questions of disputed boundary! Our Government has never claimed a foot of soil West of the Rio Grande—and therefore, if there be any territory in dispute, it most be on this side of that river. Will the Union be good enough to tell us where that disputed territory is, if it be not precisely the positions occupied by Gen. Taylor’s troops at Point Isabel and opposite Matamoras?

Again: The Union tells us that Texas not only claimed all the territory between the Neuces and the Rio Grande, but that, since the annexation of that Republic, the laws of our own Congress have embraced it within our jurisdiction, by authorizing the establishment of a custom­house within its limits. But if that fact establishes our title, how will the Union get rid of some other facts—to wit, that there was a Mexican village and custom­house at Point Isabel when Gen. Taylor’s troops approached that place; that there are Mexicans settlements and Mexican forts on this side the Rio Grande, at other points; that Santa Fe, which our own laws have over and often recognized as a Mexican town, is east of that river—nay, that thousands of Mexicans brave, from time immemorial, resided on this side of the river, while acknowledging allegiance to the Mexican government obeying Mexican laws, and governed by Mexican officers. How, we ask, will the Union get rid of these facts?

What is thought and said upon this subject even by officers of our own Army, may be inferred from a letter written by one of them, which we find in the Newark Daily Advertiser, whim writing from the camp opposite Matamoras, says: “THIS MEXICAN STATE, TAMAULIPAS, IN WHICH WE ARE ENCAMPED, is a beautiful and most delightful region.” And he then goes on to describe “the level surface, dotted with cotton and sugar cane fields, interspersed with lovely gardens after the Spanish fashion,” which we suppose were the residences of Mexican, and not American citizens.

The question of boundary will soon be adjusted now, however, by a process more summary than any known to diplomacy. It may be that our title is as good to the Rio Grande in one direction as to “54 40” in another; nor do we mean now to express an opinion upon a point in reference to which we can only speak upon the vaguest possible information. Our only purpose is to show that the boundary line was an unsettled question when the Administration ordered Gen. Taylor to take position upon the extreme limits of the American claim, thereby, forestalling negotiations by taking actual possession of the soil in dispute, and which, being in dispute, we had no more right so to occupy than had Mexico herself. The Union foresees that the Administration is hereafter to be held answerable for this movement, to which unquestionable the origin of the Mexican war is ascribable; and hence its anxiety to pre­occupy the public mind with an erroneous idea.

RW46v23i40p2c2, May 19, 1846: Reducing the Tariff.

The Union declares “that the existing war with Mexico can constitute no reason for refusing to reduce the tariff.” It says: “We have a present surplus of twelve millions of dollars. And the expenditure of less than this sum, we trust, will b ring the contest to a speedy and successful termination.” And it adds: “Let no member of Congress, therefore, refuse to support the rights of our country abroad, from any panic anticipation that it will arrest the reduction of the tariff. Far from it! We must do our duty in both ways, boldly and unhesitatingly. Now is the time to strike against the tariff system.” Heard every sensible people the like of this? “Now is the time to strike against the Tariff!!—Alexandria Gazette.

We marvel that our shrewd friend of the Gazette should express any surprise at the position assumed on this question by the Executive organ. According to the dogmas of the last Treasury Report, the Union is unquestionable right.—Secretary Walker urges a reduction of duties in order to increase the revenue; and, if an augmentation of the resources of the government will be the effect of the reduced duties, no one can question that “now is the time to strike against the tariff.” And while, we confess, we do not put as much faith in Mr. Walker’s sagacity as some others do, and certainly have strong doubts of the correctness of this particular position, yet, under the circumstances, we thin, the “experiment” in at least worth the trial. Let us see;

Last year, the expenses of the government were in round numbers, $30,000,000
And the following “extraordinaries” are, according to a correspondent of the New York Herald, to be added to those of the present year, to wit, For the prosecution of the war with Mexico 10,000,000
Increase of the army 2,500,000
Two regiments of dragoons 1,000,000
Army of occupation, thus far, of three thousand men, &c. 500,000
Thenavy in the Gulf 1,000,000
Fortifications (probable) extra 4,000,000
Contingent expenses 1,000,000

Making a total of $50,000,000

It is manifest, therefore, that Mr. Walker will require all the money he can raise, from the legitimate sources of revenue, to make buckle and tongue meet; and as he says, and his friends repeat, that diminished duties will swell the receipts from customs, those who concur in that opinion ought by all means to give him just such a “revenue Tariff” as he desires. We venture the prediction, if a majority of Congress shall do so, however, that the Treasury, at the close of Mr. Polk’s term, will be even more deeply in debt than it was when the Whigs went into power in 1841, and by the Tariff enacted in 1842 provided the means of paying off its outstanding debts of redeeming its millions of outstanding Treasury Notes, and restoring its credit, which had sunk so low that even the gamblers in Stocks in all of the money marts of Europe or America refused to touch its dishonored paper.

Yet, Secretary Walker and his friends are responsible—and we are giving them rope, if they think proper to incur the hazards against which past experiences so eloquently warns them. This is certainly a favorable period to test their experiment; and, if they have the nerve to try it, we, for one, bid them “go ahead!”

RW46v23i40p2c1, May 19, 1846: From the New York Mirror.

“THE TRUE MEANING OF THE TERM ‘ARMY OF OCCUPATION’—The Morning news is in distress and perplexity as to the future movement of the President, and asks in despair, ‘What next? What is to be done with the vast army of 50,000,’ for the maintenance of which it speaks of the ‘insignificant little sum’ of ten millions as utterly contemptible. The sum certainly a small enough if the army is to be carried to Mexico and brought back again; but is the latter step necessary or desirable? Does not Mexico, the land of the sun—where the naked sky is a better shelter than half the roofs of the bleak north, and where the least possible digging produces the largest imaginable tortillas—where wives are faithful, and the men some of the best natured fellows in the world—does not Mexico—not a 10th part peopled or cultivated—offer many inducements to a residence? Certainly it does; and of the 50,000, or 500,000 gallant fellows who will go there as an army of occupation, not one in a hundred will ever come back again, and they won’t be shot either. Give a Yankee a foothold and if it is worth holding he will keep it. His government will never be able to recall him, his General won’t want him when the war is over; he will stay, dig, cultivate, get married, and trade. He will then revolutionize the land, and it will be impossible not to annex him when he desires it. The whole present Mexican system is utterly rotten. The land is uncultivated, commerce there is none, one of the finest cotton regions in the world runs to waste, the people are literally slaves to the landed proprietors, and utterly miserable; the different military despotisms one after the other are nuisances; the mines of the country are already in the hand of foreigners—the land is an inevitable prey to the first comer, and Jonathan is the man. It might be wished that the Mexicans were a stronger race with greater industry and the power of preserving an honorable nationality, but wishers will avail nothing against facts. As surely as that the white man on this Atlanta frontier was destined to be the successor of the Indian by superiority of race, as surely must the vigor and industry of the United States succeeded to the feebleness of the present native of Mexico. As it is, the Yankee foothold in that region is neither feeble nor unfrequent. The traveller from Vera Cruz to Mexico performs the journey in Troy coaches, and the stone of which the custom house of the former city is built came from Quincy, Massachusetts. Waddy Thompson in his new book on Mexico, has a hundred such tellling anecdotes. In view of these things we would make one suggestion to the War Department—to incorporate alongside of the new company of sappers and miners, a body of (remainder unreadable).

RW46v23i40p2c2, May 19, 1846: No title.

We have received a copy of a “POETICAL SERMON,” by Wm. Thurman, very neatly printed, and also a copy of a poetical essay on “OREGON,” from the same pen—which may be obtained of the author, and at the book stores in this city. Mr. Thurman is a highly respectable and deserving gentleman—and, although we have met with better poetry than his, yet his publications are worth the price he asks for them, to while away an idle hour.

RW46v23i40p2c2, May 19, 1846: No title.

The Enquirer proposed the immediate formation of a Legion, to be composed of eight full companies of Infantry, four of Artillery and four of Riflemen, to be called “the Virginia Legion,” to offer its services to the President for the invasion of Mexico. Should the war be protracted, we cheerfully “second the motion,” though there is some reason now to hope that there will be no necessity for carrying it into execution. The Mexicans defeated in their first battle, under circumstances so advantageous to them, will scarcely hesitate to sue for peace, upon our own terms when her government hears of the formidable preparations in progress in this country.

RW46v23i40p2c2, May 19, 1846: Warlike Movements.

The last New Orleans papers inform us that a uniformed corps in that city, known as “The Legion,” had twice offered its services to the Governor of Louisiana. The first proffer was declined, and to the second no answer had been returned. The Tropic expresses its surprise that the services of a corps well disciplined and well equipped should have been refused, especially when there was so much difficulty in obtaining volunteers as to render a draft necessary.

The enlistment of Volunteers was still progressing in New Orleans. We learn from the Tropic that Senator mark’s regiment, (called the Jackson regiment) is fully organized. Samuel F. Marks was elected Colonel Theodore P. Hunt Lieutenant Colonel, and—Fowler, late of the U. S. Army, Major. Senator Marks, who has resigned his seat in the Legislature of Louisiana, for the purpose of going to Gen. Taylor’s relief, distinguished himself in the Florida campaign.

A company of 60 rank and file, from Natchez, had been organized, and was hourly expected at New Orleans; and other companies were rapidly filling up in the Mississippi counties adjacent to that city.

RW46v23i40p2c2, May 19, 1846: HOW THE PRESENTS CROWD UPON US!

Virginia Wine—A “dozen of Porter”—Turtle Soup, &c.

Amid the exciting news from Mexico, we had forgotten to acknowledge a number of editorial presents recently sent us. Mr. Joniah L. Woodson favored us a few days since, with a bottle of his excellent wine, vintage 1836, and proceeded from Virginia grapes grown on his land. We had frequently hears of the superior quality of this wine, in it pure state; but Mr. Woodson’s kindness has enabled us to speak understandingly on the subject of wine­making in the neighborhood of Richmond. Mr. W., like several other enterprising gentlemen near this city, has given the best evidence of what can be produced from the grape on Virginia soil. There will be but little occasion to send abroad for grapes since, if all who undertake vineyards in this region [ . . . ] be as successful, in making wine, as Mr. W.

That Dozen of Porter!” We almost fear that our readers may think us fond of “drinkables,” if we continue to acknowledge the receipt of such excellent wine and porter as have been lately sent. We are indebted to Mr. Archie Reath for a dozen “quarts” of his popular porter. Mr. R. had extensive arrangements at his establishment, under Messrs. Ratcliffe and Taylor’s Store, for bottling porter and furnishing it to the citizens. Those who are fond of that beverage can be supplied with porter either in pint or quart bottles on reasonable terms. Mr. R., we believe, has a vehicle always ready to convey his porter to any part of the city.

Turtle Soup—The season for enjoying Turtle Soup has just commenced, and the enterprizing conductors of the City Restaurants are already vieing with each other in serving up such delicacies of the season. Friend Smith of the Republican and ourself dropped in at “Our House,” (Thompson’s) yesterday, where we found a savoury bowl in readiness for us, and which we, as the saying is, “walked right into.” We pronounced it rich and well flavored—such as no lover of good things could turn up his nose at.

RW46v23i40p2c5, May 19, 1846: Daily Advertiser­Extra, Mobile, Tuesday, May 12, 10½ o’clock.

Arrival of the Steamship New York.

Point Isabel Relieved! Matamoras reduced to Ashes! The American Army Triumphant!! 700 Mexicans Killed! A general Blockade of the Mexican Ports Ordered !!

After a painful suspense of several days, news reached us of a blow being struck by the Americans. The prowess of our brave soldiers has made the perfidious Mexicans bite the dust. The serpent of the Mexicans arms, now writhes in death agony under the American Eagle. Victory perches upon our banner! Honor to Major Ringgold of the 3d Artillery, and his brave companions for their defence of the American camp. Cheers, none times nine, for our country, and its free institutions!!!

[From the N. O. Commercial Times]

It is with feelings of heartfelt gratitude and the deepest satisfaction, that we take up our pen in record the brilliant result of the first great blow struck by Gen. Taylor and his glorious little army. The fame of the American arms has been signally vindicated. With an inferiority of forces as disproportionate as to have caused the deepest anxiety for Gen. Taylor and his gallant band, they have gained a great, a glorious, a noble, a most triumphant victory. Seven hundred Mexicans were left dead on the field of battle—Matamoras is reduced to ashes—Point Isabel is relieved. Such are the immediate results of this magnificent exploit.

The reception of this gratifying news will cause the national pulse to vibrate, from one extremity of the Union to the other. The thunder of the artillery which was fired last evening, in honor of this gallant achievement, will roll, responsively, from State to State—from city to city—from village to village—from hamlet to hamlet—until it reverberates from the rock girt cliffs of Maine, and the mountains of Vermont echoing a Nation’s gratitude.

“The battle is not to the strong, nor the race to the swift.” An overruling Providence has mercifully preserved our little army, apparently devoted to destruction, and scattered the Mexican host like chaff before the wind.

RW46v23i40p2c4, May 19, 1846: Congress.

Correspondence of the Baltimore American.


Senate not in session.


       Mr. Daniel of N. C. offered a resolution this morning that the members absent during the session in committee of the whole should have their per diem deducted, except in giving good excuse to the Speaker for such absence, and that eight dollars should be deducted every time they are absent during a call of the roll in Committee of the Whole.

       The Resolution being objected to, a motion was made to suspend the Rules. The yeas and nays were ordered and the motion lost, yeas 72, nays 70 – not two thirds.


       This bill was before the House upon the question of concurring with the Senate, or receding from the amendment requiring the officers to be selected “from the line of the army.” The Previous Question was moved, and the House receded from its amendment by a vote of 96 to 67.

       Mr. King, of Ga., offered a Resolution, agreed to by the House, calling for the number of Revenue vessels in the public service, and the forces employed in these vessels.

       A resolution of inquiry in relation to the sums of money paid to Wm. M. Blackford and Benj. B. Green, acting as Cahrges des Affaires, with a view of acting upon claims received by them, was also adopted.

       Mr. C.J. INGERSOLL moved for the printing of 10,000 extra copies of the Message of the President and accompanying correspondence upon the subject of our relations with Mexico.


       The House then went into Committee of the Whole upon the private calendar. A bill for the relief of Commodore Jones, allowing $1500 for presents paid to the inhabitants of the South Sea Islands, with whom a treaty was negotiated, was passed.

       The balance of the day was given to private bills but not one was passed, and the House adjourned at an early hour.

RW46v23i40p2c5, May 19, 1846: From the N.O. Tropic , May 11. Later From the Army of Occupation.

From the N.O. Tropic , May 11

Later from the Army of Occupation


        We have been favored by a mercantile friend, with the perusal of a letter from Capt. Shipman, of the steam propeller “James Cage,” from which we have been kindly permitted to make the following extracts, which appear to give a clearer and more explicit statement in reference to the capture of Capt. Walker’s Company of Texan Rangers – the state of affairs at Point Isabel – the strength of the Mexican force, &c., than was received by the Ellen Clara.  

RW46v23i40p2c5, May 19, 1846: Extracts


April 29th, 1846.

       “Yesterday a party of Texan Rangers went out to (unreadable), and they were surrounded about seven miles from camp by a strong force and were all cut up except three, and those made out to get back to tell the tale.”

       “There are about sixty soldiers at Point Isabel, with about 300 Quarter Master’s men, such as teamsters and along­shore­men.”

RW46v23i40p2c7, May 19, 1846: Volunteer Meeting.

Volunteer Meeting.

       A large and enthusiastic meeting was held this morning (Friday, the 15th,) at the Military Hall, for the purpose of organizing a volunteer corps to aid in defence of Texas. The meeting was addressed by E. C. Carrington in a spirited manner. The meeting then adjourned to the room of one of its members, and Mr. John D. Warren having been called to the Chair, he explained the intention of the meeting, that its object was to get a sufficient number of volunteers, and proceed as early as possible to its organization.

       The requisite number being soon enrolled, the meeting, proceeded to the election of officers. Mr. Edward C. Carrington was unanimously elected Captain of the Company; Mr. G. A. Porterfield, 1st Lieutenant; Mr. Carlton Munford, 2d Lieutenant; Mr. John D. Warren; 3d Lieutenant and Mr. Thomas G. McKenzie, 4th Lieutenant; Hermon Carlton, 1st Orderly Sergeant, and I. Richard Lewellen Colour Sargeant.

       The meeting then adjourned, to meet again at the Exchange Concert Room at eight o’clock.

       The meeting then proceeded to the appointment of a committee to draft constitution, and to perform such other duties as may be requisite to complete the organization of the corps.

       On motion the meeting then adjourned.



       [In compliance with a resolution, in the above proceedings, Capt. Carrington and Lieutenant Warren left this city for Washington on Saturday morning last, with a view of tendering to the General Government the services of this new and spirited corps of volunteers.]

RW46v23i40p3c1, May 19, 1846: Last Evening’s Mail. Correspondence of the Baltimore American. Washington, May 17, 5½ P.M.


Correspondence of the Baltimore American

Washington, May 17, 5 ½ P.M.

       The public meeting held last evening to raise a company of volunteers for Mexico was wanting in public spirit, though pretty well attended. Colonel Johnson presided and spoke briefly. Three members of the House of Representatives also spoke, Messrs. Martin and Stanton of Tenn. and Mr. McConnell of Ala. A Mr. St. John of Buffalo, and Lieutenant Porter of the Navy also addressed the meeting, the latter with some touching allusions to his brother Lieutenant Porter of the Army, who had been killed upon the frontier by a party of Mexicans. He had received, he said, as the sole bequest of his father, a sword, with which he would avenge his brother’s blood or die in the attempt to do so; and from his Spartan mother a letter which told him to come not to her, but to go where his brother fell to avenge his death and defend his country. There were 35 names down for volunteers when the meeting broke up; anohter meeting will be held to­morrow. On Wednesday, it is expected that a full company will be obtained, and their services will be at once tendered to and accepted by the President.

RW46v23i40p4c1, May 19, 1846: The War Proclamation.

        We were not surprised, of course when we received the Proclamation of the President, announcing the existence of, War between the United States and Mexico; because that document is the legitimate and necessary consequence of the affirmation of that fact by Congress. And it is precisely for this reason, and not because we are not in favor of the adoption of the most vigorous and efficient measures for the repulse of the Mexicans, and, if need be, for their summary and severe chastisement, that we regret the failure of the efforts of Messrs. Calhoun, Berrien and others to procure a modification of the phraseology of that statute. We are entirely persuaded, that, independent altogether of the controversy between Mexico and the United States, growing out of the annexation of Texas, we have causes of complaint against the government of that country sufficient of themselves to justify a resort to arms for redress. And were it not for those considerations which address themselves to our magnanimity as far the more powerful nation, and to our sympathies as the older sister of the family of Republics upon this continent (how little soever some of the old Spanish colonies my deserve this appellation,) we should have deemed it altogether justifiable, years ago, had our Government resorted to the ultima ratio, as the only means apparently left them, to obtain indemnity for the past and security for the future. But, what we regret and condemn is, the assumption that “by the act of the Republic of Mexico, War exists,” when we do not know that to be the fact, and when it may turn out that the act complained of was unauthorized by the Government of that country, and my be disavowed; which, would render a rsort to war, solely on that account – and that is the only pretext for it now – not only unwise, but unjustifiable. Had the law of Congress been so modified, as to authorize the employment of our forces in repelling the hostile acts of the Mexican Commander, and in guarding against their repetition, until time had been afforded to the Mexican Government either to avow or to disavow its responsibility for his conduct – or until other facts had occurred, leaving no doubt of its intention, without a previous declaration of its purpose, to make war upon us – it would have been all­sufficient for the emergency, and would have averted obstacles to a restoration of pacific relations, which may now prove insuperable, In other words, it might have prevented a War, the existence of which is now officially proclaimed, and the end of which the man does not live who has the prescience to foretell; for it is a trite remark that a straw may light a blaze which may result in the conflagration of a city. We do not, of course, mean to intimate that in a contest with the imbecile Mexicans, we shall sustain any material injury from their assaults; but if other nations should stand aloof from it altogether, we may be tempted into a war of conquest and annexation, which in the end may be far more disastrous than even defeat itself.

       But we will not attempt to lift the curtain which hangs over the future. “Sufficient for the day.

RW46v23i40p4c1, May 19, 1846: Volunteers from Richmond.

       An immense crowd assembled at the City Hall last Thursday evening, in conformity with a notice published in the papers of that morning, with a view of facilitating the organization of one or more companies of volunteers, for the Mexican campaign. After its organization, the meeting was addressed successively by Messrs. Edward Carrington, Jr., Gen. Edward C. Carrington, Robert G. Scott and John D. Munford; but, owing to the wretched construction of the Hall, we found it impossible, in the out­skirts of the crowd, to hear a sentence that was uttered. From the frequent plaudits, however, of those who were near the speaker, we take it for granted that what they said was worthy of the theme. After various unsuccessful efforts to induce the meeting to adjourn to the Capitol Square, a movement from the Hall was effected about 10 o’clock—and Capt. Charles Dimmock, responding to the repeated calls of the meeting, took a position on the steps of the City Hall fronting the Capitol, and addressed it in a brief, but pertinent and thrilling manner, eliciting frequent bursts of applause. No effort that w are aware of, was mad, during the evening, to add to the number who, we learn, had previously enrolled their names. Yesterday, the strains of martial music were heard in our streets, through which the volunteers paraded. We do not know what is their present number, but we do not question, should the demand for their services continue, about which there may well be some doubt, that Richmond, as well as other sections of Virginia, will send to the field of battle its full quota of volunteers – soldiers, who like the Spartan boy, will return “with their shields or upon them.”

       We inadvertently neglected to mention, yesterday, that Capt. Thomas H. Ellis’s Artillery Company, which some months since, when war with Mexico was apprehended, tendered its services to the General Government, is still ready to obey a summons to the field. We hope, however—unless they prefer a tour to Mexico—that, in the event of their services being needed, the Government may find for them a more pleasant location, nearer home—we mean Old Point, which the U.S. troops at that place having all been ordered to the seat of war, will be without a garrison, unless their place be supplied by volunteers. We perceive that a Baltimore Regiment has offered its services to the War Department, to garrison Fort McHenry during the absence of the regulars, who have been sent thence to the frontier.

       Since the foregoing was in type, we learn that one Company of Volunteers has been organized—of which Edward Carrington, Jr. has been elected Captain; George Porterfield, 1st lieutenant; and Carlton Munford, 2nd Lieutenant.

RW46v23i40p4c2, May 19, 1846: No title.

       A War­Horse and a magnificent piece of plate has been presented by a number of the citizens of New Orleans to Capt. Henry Forno,­­the commander of one of the Companies of Louisiana Volunteers, which, under Gen. Gaines’s requisition, marched to the aid of Gen. Taylor some months ago, and who has again actively taken the field.

RW46v23i40p4c2, May 19, 1846: No title.

       The Charleston Mercury replies, with some warmth, to the recent attack upon it, by the Washington Union. It regard the attack, however, as designed not for itself, but for Mr. Calhoun, ­­the time to begin a war upon that gentleman and his friends having arrived. The Mercury promises to shiver a lance in their defense; and its assailants have reason to dread the force of its blows. We shall watch with interest the progress of the battle between these organs of the rival factions.

RW46v23i40p4c1, May 19, 1846: No title.

       The Washington correspondent of the New York Globe (Loco) says, it is the general impression in Washington that the Secretaries of the Navy and War will retire from the Cabinet—and adds, “their retirement will meet the unanimous response of Congress and the country.”

RW46v23i40p4c1, May 19, 1846: Destiny of Mexico.

       The Mexican correspondent of the London Times, to whose interesting communications we have heretofore referred, in his letter of February 28th, expresses the opinion that Mexico will be ultimately absorbed by the United States and that Great Britain will be so much the gainer by that, event, that she ought rather to desire than to deprecate it. He argues this pint at some length, but we have no room for his speculations this morning—one of which is the dissolution of the American Union as a consequence of this expansion of territory—a fierce rivalry between its Northern and Southern Republics, settling down at last into bitter hostility—and Great Britain holding the balance of power and acting as umpire between them, and profiting by their dissensions. A half­century, he predicts, will witness the fulfillment of his prophecy.

RW46v23i40p4c1, May 19, 1846: Shadows of Coming Events!

       We find the following paragraph in the last New Orleans Tropic —which no one need be at a loss to interpret. It may be more difficult to arrest the War, once begun, than those who begin it dream of. Ambition and Avarice will look for its rewards, as well as Revenge for its gratification:

RW46v23i40p4c1, May 19, 1846: Trouble Ahead for Mexico.

       We were talking yesterday with an officer of one of our volunteer corps, and he informed us that there was not a man in his regiment that knew anything about Geography, of any difference between the soils East or West of the Rio Grande. We hear of new Republics spoken of in Mexico, and we saw two candidates for Governors for these new Republics. The events of the future open with singular magnificence.

RW46v23i40p4c1, May 19, 1846: No title.

       The Norfolk Herald of the 14th just states that three Companies have been ordered from Fortress Monroe, to repair forthwith to the assistance of Gen. Taylor, and that they are to be joined by two Companies from Baltimore.

RW46v23i40p4c2, May 19, 1846: New Orleans, May 8. From Galveston.

       The steamship Telegraph Capt. Auld, arrived at an early hour yesterday morning from Galveston, having left there on Sunday 3rd inst. The news she brought we did not deem of sufficient interest to delay the publication of our paper.

       We regret to say that the steamboat I left Galveston for Brazos Santiago with only sixteen volunteers on board. The people were waiting further orders from the Governor before enrolling themselves. The steamboat Col. Harney had not left Galveston when the Telegraph sailed.

       The Telegraph met the New York within 50 miles of Galveston Sunday afternoon. We look for the early return of the New York with later news from the army. The Telegraph encountered a heavy gale on her voyage hither, with a heavy sea from the eastware. During the height of the storm a female passenger on board gave birth to a fine boy—Picayune.

       Rumor of Privateers—We heard last evening that an affidavit had been made before Judge McCaleb, of the U.S. District Court, to the effect that vessels in this port were about preparing to sail as privateers against American commerce. This rumor may be true or not, but it certainly becomes the officers of our customs to be on the alert.

RW46v23i40p4c3, May 19, 1846: Debate in the Senate.

       So important are the principles of the recent Debate in the Senate, and the consequences involved in the action, that we deem no apology necessary for occupying so much space with it. The reader can not fail to peruse it with deep interest.

       Mr. HOUSTON rose and said, that he did not wish to trespass on the time of the Senate; but he rose simply for the purpose of expressing his apprehensions in relation to their position with regard to Mexico. He contended that they were actually in the state of War, that war had virtually existed for the years between Mexico and Texas, that Texas had been annexed on the face of a declaration on the part of Mexico that she would regard it as an act of war. The United States in annexing Texas had assumed the responsibility that devolved upon Texas antecedent to that event. It was only in accordance with the long­continued declarations of Mexico that the recent outrages had been committed upon the troops of the United States, and upon that territory from which Mexico had insolently ordered the citizens of Texas as invaders and rebels. The United States, he argued, now occupied towards Mexico precisely the same attitude which the State of Texas had maintained for the last ten years. On his conscience he could not resist the convictions that war actually existed. He then went on to point out the folly and danger of delaying proper action till the questions as to a formal declaration of war should be decided. That might be discussed for months in that chamber, whilst their trips, exposed to all the rigors of a southern climate, were doomed to inactivity, and daily wasting away. He eloquently contended that Mexico should be chastised at once for her outrages and insolence, and showed that Mexico had no right to the territory on this side of the Rio Grande—that she held no post on it—and that the invasion was evidently sanctioned by the Mexican government—a government against whose dishonorable course and habitual deception, he warned the Senate. He did not regard the Mexican government as a systematic political organization at all. The Mexican people were kind, generous, and hospitable, but they were ruled with a rod of iron by a set of tyrants, brigands, usurpers and land pirates. This people, if left to themselves, would never desire nor go to war with this country. The men that are brought into the field against the United States would rather stay at home, and it was not they but their drivers, who had offered insult to American citizens, and indignity to the American flag. The Mexicans, then, had committed aggression under order of their rulers, and he would ask, If they had not produced a stat of things in which was as perfectly existing as it would be after its declaration by that honorable body? The declaration by Texas of war was clear and emphatic, add her action was correspondent; and the question now was, whether the Senate of the United States would sustain them. He did not wish to waste the time of the Senate, but he could not omit giving his opinion that war existed. He would vote for the bill.

       Mr. MANGUM arose and said, the evidence given by the Senator from Texas, in the course of his remarks of the existence of war, was not the American idea, nor did it agree with the views taken by senators, in the debates which occurred in the second session of the Congress of the United States; and it seemed not to be the idea of those who held political power in this country now. It would be recollected well, that in the discussions on the Texas question, there was nothing which seemed in the opinion of that body, as so much to be repudiated and shunned, as the most distant possibility of this country being involved in war through annexation. And, he apprehended, it was not the opinion of the Mexican government. He thought the proclamation which had been translated by the honorable senator from Missouri [Mr. Benton] was conclusive on the point. Did not the head of the Mexican government assume that there was peace between the two countries?—He disclaimed the power of the executive head to put Mexico into a state of war with the United States, and refers to the assembling of Congress at that period when war was to be declared. With the views of the Senate, then, he had offered those of the Mexican government, to which might be added the opinions of the highest political characters in the nation, that war had not existed by virtue of those acts of hostility committed on the Rio Grande. The question, then, was reduced to the inquiry, whether, from the existence of a state of war. There was no need of repeating that war was the emanation of the will of the sovereign power. He would thank the chairman of the Committee on Foreign Relations to say in what document (for he, of course, had read them all) was the evidence contained that the sovereign power of Mexico had assented to a state of war. If there was any such evidence, he [Mr. M.] was uniformed of it. But he had arisen for the purpose of asking his friend from Delaware to withdraw his motion to strike out and insert, because in that form the question was indivisible; but if it were drawn in the form “to strike out,” the modification might be in any form to suit the sense of the Senate. And he was frank enough to say, that although utterly repugnant to the thought of considering the country in a state of war, yet he was prepared, if it were thought expedient, that the Executive should determine the question and if Mexico should make no denial by the Mexican Government of a state of war—that the Executive should set in that state of things, and not confine the American Troops to the left bank of the Rio Grande. He knew the inefficiency of an army under such circumstances. But suppose there should be a disavowal of what has occurred by the Mexican government, in what a predicament should they place themselves by recognizing the existence of war now, which would be to all intents and purposes a declaration of war. But if such a state of thins as the want of a disavowal by Mexico or a continuance of our relations as they are, then the American troops shall pass the boundary, and, if it be necessary, march to the seat of empire, and there dictate peace; and they were willing to provide money and men for that purpose. He hoped his honorable friend would withdraw his amendment; and if it should be the sense of the Senate to strike out, that it adopt some form to answer all purposes.

       Mr. ARCHER continued to say, that on yesterday he spoke of war not existing DE JURE, or in the legal acceptation of the term; but a state of WAR DE FACTO did exist; and the question to be presented, in a few days, would be, were they prepared to make that war WAR DE FACTO a war DE JURE? He would vote for the motion of the honorable Senator from Delaware, to strike out the word “war,” but he could not do so without that avowal of his opinion to go before the people of the United States. He was willing to wait for advises from Mexico, and learn what was to be the termination of the present state of things; and if it was to be war, he was for prosecuting it with promptitude and energy. He would not consent that any officer, military or civil, of the United States, should make blockades, throw up fortifications in sight of a foreign nation, and exercise, in truth, all the powers of war, and impose all its expenses, all its commitments, with foreign nations. In that state of thins he would not consent unless it got a legal coloring from the United States. The Senators on the other side, in this view of the question, and for the unanimity, ought to defer to the suggestion made on his side, for delay, and see the necessity of deliberation before they put themselves in this position before the world.

       Mr. CASS said: I do not rise to detain the Senate long, nor to enter into any protracted discussion of the subject now under consideration. I have but little to say, and I shall say that speedily. In the first place, sir, I desire to answer the appeal which has been made to this side of the chamber by the Hon. Senator from Delaware, [Mr. J. M. Clayton.] He desires that portion of the bill which asserts the existence of a ware between the U. States and Mexico, brought on by the aggression of the latter, should be passed by for the present, and that we should now confine ourselves to a consideration of the measures necessary for the defense of the country. For my own part, I should be happy to take the course indicated by the Senator from Delaware, and which he asks us to adopt, were I not prevented from doing so by higher considerations. If we appropriate money and raise men for the mere purpose of repelling an invasion, we place ourselves in the very position which the honorable Senator from S. Carolina, [Mr. Calhoun,] deemed yesterday the proper on, and to which I then expressed, and yet feel, insuperable objections. A Mexican army is upon our soil. Are we to confine our efforts to repelling them? Are we to drive them to the border, and then stop our pursuit, and allow them to find a refuge in their own territory? And what then? To collect again to cross our frontier at some other point, and again to renew the same scenes, to be followed by a similar immunity? What sort of condition of thing would this be, sir? The advantage would be altogether on the side of the Mexicans, while the loss would be altogether ours. Their army is maintained at any rate, and it would cost them little more to renew and continue these border contests than to keep their troops in their cantonments, while we must spread troops along our border, and hold them in readiness to meet these invasions at whatever point they may be attempted. Now, sir, no vote of mine shall place my country in this situation. And beside, these Mexican hostilities will not be confined to operations by land. Are we to suffer their privateers to spread themselves over the ocean, to capture our sailors and vessels, and to ruin our commerce? This state of things, I, for one, am disposed to meet with promptitude and energy. Mexico has attacked the United States – has placed herself in a belligerent attitude. And now let her take the consequences of her own aggression. For these reasons, sir, while we provide for the defense of the country, I am for making the defense effectual by not only driving off the enemy, but by following them into their own territory, and by dictating a peace even in the capital, if It be necessary. But, sir, why does the honorable senator from Delaware ask the separation, and request us to postpone our decision upon the relative condition of this country and Mexico, while we provide only for driving the invaders from our soil? He says, sir, that he desires time to examine the documents which the President has submitted to us, before he can decide whether there is a state of war between the United States and Mexico. I cannot conceive, sir, that any delay can be necessary for this purpose. The main facts are indisputable. They are before the Senate, before the country, and before the world. A Mexican army has passed our boundary, and is now upon the soil of the republic. Our troops have been attacked, captured, and killed. Our army is surrounded, and efforts are making to sub due them. Now, sir, no documents are necessary to establish these facts; and these facts, it seems to me, are all that can be necessary to justify the statement of the President of the existence of the war, and our concurrence in his recommendation. If, indeed, the object be to examine the conduct of the executive, to ascertain whether this condition of things is to be attributed to him, then, undoubtedly, a careful examination of the documents would be necessary. And from indications already given, I presume that such an investigation will be entered upon. For one, I am prepared to enter into it, and I will venture to predict that the more severe it is, the more triumphant for the administration will be the result. But that subject may well give way to this. Let us postpone that inquiry till we are provided for the defense of the country and the vindication of our honor. That course seems to me to be equally indicated by duty, by policy, and by patriotism. And now, sir, permit me to advert to another branch of this subject. Strange doctrines have been heard yesterday and today, such as have been presented, neither by the history of our own country, nor that of any other. Among those who oppose the course of the executive, there seems to be an important difference of opinion on some of the principles which should regulate our conduct. By some it is contended that the invasion of the Mexican army is not an act of war, because we have no proof that it was committed by the order of the Mexican government. While others, and among them the distinguished senator from South Carolina, maintain, that an act of another company

[Illegible] . . . This to me sir, is a new division of the principle of inter­communication between different countries. War I understand, and peace I understand, and the rights and duties which they bring with them. But a state of hostilities, as contradistinguished from them relations, is a new chapter in the law of nations to me. Our constitution is equally silent upon the subject. I supposed, heretofore; that if we were not at peace with a country we were at war with it. I had to learn that there was an intermediate state creating new rights and duties which I am afraid it will be difficult to find unless a new Gratis starts up upon the occasion. The Senator from Missouri [Mr. Benton] has correctly stated that there may be war with out hostilities, and hostilities without war. Belligerent operations may be temporarily suspended, and there may be acts of aggression, which may be called hostilities, which may be committed without the authority of a government. Reencounters, for instance, between ships­of­war, or predatory incursions across the boundary of a country. But there can be no hostilities undertaken by a government which do not constitute a state of war. War is a fact, sir, created by an effort made by one nation to injure another. One party may make a war, though it requires two parties to make a peace. The Senator from South Carolina contends that as Congress alone have a right by the constitution to declare ware, therefore there can be no war until it is thus declared. There is here a very obvious error. It is certain that Congress alone has the right to declare war. There is no other authority in the U. States, which, on our part can change the relations of peace with another country into those of war. No authority but Congress can commence an aggressive war. But another country can commence a war against us without the co­operation of Congress. Another country can at its pleasure, terminate the relations of peace with us, and substitute for these the relations of war with their legitimate consequences. War may be commenced with or without a previous declaration. It may be commenced by a manifesto announcing the fact to the world, or by hostile attacks by land or sea. The honorable senator from Virginia [Mr. Pennybacker,] has well stated the modern practice of nations upon this subject. He has referred both to facts and authorities showing that acts of hostility with or without a public declaration constitute a state of war. It was thus the war of 1756 was commenced. It was thus, I believe was commenced the war between England and France during our revolution. The peace of Amiens was terminated by an act of hostility, and not by a public manifesto. The capture of the Danish fleet was preceded by no declaration of the intentions of the British government. Our own war of 1812 was declared on the 18th of June. The Manifesto of the prince regent declaring war against us, was not issued till January 10th, 1813. And yet long before that our borders had been penetrated in many directions, as army had been subdued and captured, and the whole Territory of Michigan had been overrun and seized. All these facts proved conclusively that it is a state of hostilities that produces war and not any formal declaration. Any other construction would lead to this practical absurdity—England, for instance, by an act of hostility or by a public declaration announces that she is at war with us. If the view presented by the honorable senator from South Carolina is correct, we are not at war with her until Congress has acted upon the subject. One party then is at war, while the other is at peace; or, at any rate, in this new intermediate state of hostilities, before unknown to the world. Now, sir, it is very clear that Mexico is at war with us, we at war with her. If she terminates the peaceful relations between the two countries, they are terminated whether we consent or not. The new state of things thus created does not depend upon the will of Congress. The two nations are at war, because one of them has chosen to place them both in that attitude. But, sir, it is contended by some of the senators that, in the present case, there is no evidence that the invasion of our territory has been authorized by the Mexican government; and until that authority is shown, the act itself does not constitute a state of war. I have already said, sir, that there may be accidental or unauthorized reencounters which do not therefore constitute war. The case of the “Little Belt” was of that description. But the nature and circumstances of aggression sufficiently indicate its true character and consequences. A Mexican army invades our territory. The President calls upon Congress for the necessary means to repel and punish this act of aggression. And we are met, forsooth at the very threshold of our proceedings that it does not appear that this invasion has been committed by the authority of the Mexican government. Why, sir, what evidence is required under such circumstances? Do you want such as is required by a county court in investigating a claim for fifty dollars? Must we have a certificate from a justice of the peace of Mexico that the President of that republic has directed this attack upon our territory?—And whatever evidence may be required, how long are we to wait for it? How far may the invaders march before we are satisfied that we are at war with Mexico? Why, sir, such a state of things must be judged by moral evidence, by the circumstances attending it. It might be enough to say that the invasion itself throws the responsibility upon the Mexican government, and is a sufficient justification for us in holding that government accountable. The negative proof is not upon us. The moral presumption is sufficient for our action. But, sir, there is much more than the bare fact of invasion to justify the conclusion that we are at war with Mexico. The government of that country has protested ever since the first project of the annexation of Texas, and has announced its completion as a casus belli.—They have withdrawn their minister from the United States, and broken off all diplomatic relations with us. They have refused to recognize, and have treated with contumely our minister charged with full powers to adjust all matter in dispute, and whom they solemnly promised to receive.—They have collected an army upon our frontier, and have sent to assume its command one of the first military officers in the republic. He summoned General Taylor to retire, or that war would immediately commence. His summons being disregarded, he commenced the war by crossing in force into our territory, by attacking our troops and by surrounding our army. Now, sir, I appeal to every senator on the other side of the chamber, if he does not believe that all this has been done by order of the Mexican government. I presume there is not a man within the sound of my voice who will not say that, in his opinion, the Mexican general has acted under the direct instructions of the Mexican government. And are we now to be told, sir, that we must sit still till we ascertain whether his acts have bee avowed or disclaimed? No, sir. A hostile army is in our country; our frontier has been penetrated; a foreign banner floats over the soil of the republic; our citizens have been killed, while defending their country; a great blow has been aimed at us; and while we are talking for evidence it may have been struck, and our army been annihilated. And what then? The triumphant Mexicans will march onward till they reach the frontiers of Louisiana, or till we receive such a formal certificate of the intentions of the Mexican government as will unite us in a determination to recognize the existence of the war, and to take the necessary measures to prosecute it with vigor. It has indeed been suggested that acts of hostility to constitute a state of war must be directed by the legitimate authority of their country; and if not constitutional at home, they cannot be operative abroad. This is not the least strange among the strange principles we have heard advanced today. What have we to do with the constitution of Mexico? What have we to do with the powers of her President, or of her Congress? It is not for us to stop in the midst of our deliberations to turn over the pages of the last so called constitution of Mexico, and to seek how the powers of government are divided among its various functionaries, nor to inquire what is the last pronounciamento; or who is the present dictator of that unhappy country. The changes, both of authority and authorities, are so rapid that it is difficult to keep pace with them. Whoever directs the military power of the Mexican government against us is, for our purposes, the representative of the Mexican nation. Whether he has attained that power by usurpation, by false construction, or by an exercise of legitimate authority the responsibility of his country is the same. If a fleet of the United States should, by order of the President, bombard and English town, or commit any other act of aggression, certainly we should be held responsible; and such acts of aggression would be considered acts of war. Honorable senators have said that this act of invasion by the Mexican army may be unauthorized; and they demand of us, what would be the condition of the two countries if such should turn out to be the fact? Why, sir, the answer is equally clear and easy. If the Mexican government should disavow the act of invasion, withdraw their army, punish their general, and make proper satisfaction for the injury done, peace would be immediately restored, But until this done, we have only to accept the state of war which is offered to us, and act accordingly. I have no doubt but the boundary of Texas goes to the Rio del Norte. But I do not place the justification of our government upon any question of title. Granting that the Mexicans have a claim to that country as well as we, still the nature of the aggression is not changed. We were in the possession of the country. A possession obtained without conflict. And we could not be divested of this possession but by our own consent, or by an act of war. The ultimate claim to the country was a question for diplomatic adjustment. Till that took place the possessive right was in us, and any attempt to dislodge us was a clear act of war. It appear to me, sir, that the present is a most important crisis in this history of this country—a crisis which, perhaps, to affect our character and our destiny for a long series of years. If we meet this act of aggression promptly, vigorously, energetically, as becomes the representatives of a great and spirited people, we shall furnish a lesson to the world which will be profitable remembered hereafter. But if we spend our time in useless discussion—if we adopt timid half­way measures—if we delay action, seeking for further evidence, we shall exhibit counsels and conduct whose effect will impress themselves upon many a chapter of our future history. Our institutions have no admirers among the monarchical and aristocratical governments of the old world. Our condition and progress are a standing reproach to many of the political principles which are there practically adopted. This new doctrine of a balance of power on the American continent is an unerring indication of what they apprehended and what they design. We have but one safe course before us. Let us put forth our whole strength. Let us organize a force which will leave no doubt as to the result. Le us enter the Mexican territory, and conquer a peace at the point of the bayonet. Let us move on till we meet reasonable proposals from the Mexican government; and if these are not met this side of the capital, let us take possession of the city of Montezuma, and dictate our own conditions. And I trust these conditions will be honorable and reasonable. If all this is done soon, it will be well done. But if delayed there will be other parties than Mexico who will soon mingle themselves in this affair. And the consequences may be felt throughout the civilized world. I am not afraid to treat the President with the necessary power to vindicate the country and defend its honor. I believe he will execute his duties patriotically. Before I conclude, I beg leave to tender my thanks to the distinguished senator from Texas, [Mr. Houston,] for the patriotic sentiments he has thus uttered. He has shown us that he is as able to advocate the rights of his country in counsel as to maintain them in arms. His name is connected with one of those imperishable deeds which connect themselves with the fate of nations. He led the forces of his adopted country upon that day which secured their independence and broke the power of Mexico. He had the rare good fortune to overthrow a hostile army, and to capture the chief magistrate of a hostile nation.

RW46v23i40p4c6, May 19, 1846: Congress.

       Mr. Miller from the Committee on the District of Columbia reported a bill to make the bridges over the Eastern branch of the Potomac free.

       Mr. Breeze reported a bill to repeal the proviso to the Naval Appropriation Bill for the present fiscal year which limits the force of the Navy to 7,500 men.

       Mr. Johnson, of Md., moved to refer the bill to the Naval Committee.

       After some debate, the bill was referred to the Committee on Naval Affairs.

       Mr. Sevier, from the Committee on Commerce, reported a bill to extend the collection district of New Orleans.

       The Senate refused to reconsider the Florida judicial bill.

       The bill to settle the claim of New Hampshire against the U.S. was passed, ayes 29, noes 14.

       Mr. Morehead gave notice that he should call up the French Spoliation bill on Monday.

       The amendment of the House to the bill for the organization of a company of sappers, miners and pontoniers was agreed to.

The motion made by Mr. Archer to reconsider the vote of the Senate disagreeing to the amendment of the House to the Bill for raising a regiment of riflemen, &e., came up in order.

The amendment provides that the officers of the proposed regiment shall be selected from the supernumerary officers of the Army.

Mr. Archer said that when he moved the reconsideration, the Senator from Missouri, [Mr. Benton] had promised to convince him that the amendment ought not to be adopted. He would now like to hear form him.

Mr. Benton said there were two objections to the amendment. One was that it was unconstitutional, and the other that it was inexpedient, as it closed the door against the entrance of our citizens into the army.

Mr. Archer said he would reply to the objections of the Senator from Missouri—but he desired that the subject might pass by until the Senator from Kentucky [Mr. Crittenden,] was in his seat, as he had a paper which he wished to make use of.

The Senate then took up the bill making some alteration in the pay department of the Army.

The bill provides for the appointment of an additional Assistant Paymaster General and several additional Paymasters, and repeals the act of 1820, limiting their tenure of office to four years.

The bill led to an interesting debate upon the subject of appointments and removals, in which Mr. Calhoun depleted the evils arising from the constant changes in office, and advocated the regulation of the power of removal from Congress.

Mr. Webster made some remarks in reference to the evil effects of limiting the term of office to four years.

The debate was participated in by Mesars, Mangum, Johnson, of Md., J.M.Clayton, Allen, Morehead, Sevier and others, and without action on the bill.

The Senate adjourned.


Mr. Gentry of Tenn. Moved a resolution, which the House refused to receive, proposing the payment of mileage due John Taliaferro, as a member of Congress in 1841.


The West Point Academy Bill was taken up, and the yeas and nays refused. The bill was then passed by tellers, 90 to 41.

Mr. Martin of Ky. moved to take up the Mileage Bill, but could not obtain the yeas and nays, and the motion was lost.


The House, on motion of Mr. McKay, went into Committee of the Whole upon the Army Bill.

       Mr. Thierman was entitled to the floor and commenced by reading to the chair, an extract from an intemperate speech of Mr. Giddings. Mr. G. at once complained that his colleague was misrepresenting him, but T. said he was stating the substance of the speech, and refused to yield.

       The speeches of Mr. Tilden and Mr. Lelano were then taken up but both gentlemen were absent. The speech was made up mainly of garbled extracts from those opposing the last war, and brought into the House now for the purpose of prejudicing those who had spoken against the declaration of war by the act of Mexico.

       Mr. Sims of Mo. spoke briefly in defense of the war which had just been commenced, and against those who opposed it. He repudiated all distinction between war and hostilities and said that there was no more difference than there was between a black man and a “nigger.”

       Mr. DAVIS of Ky., said that he recognized the existence of a constitutional war since the passage of the war act. But an illegal war had previously been made in violation of the Constitution by the President. This was done in sending an Army into a disputed territory. He had marched a hostile army into a peaceful country, and this disturbed the peaceful relations of the country.

       Mr. D. quoted Humboldt and others, (remarking that he had examined all the maps which he could find, and that all defined the Nueces as the boundary f Texas.) The country between the Nueces and the Rio Grande had never been subjugated, and Texas therefore had acquired no right to this soil. The President had declared war of himself and by himself, and, said Mr. D. I scorn, I utterly scorn the base attempts made in this Hall to bring obloquy upon those who have had the independence to arraign the usurpations of the President.

       I hold all who would thus assail others for their defenses of the constitution in utter contempt. In defense of the country, I doubt not those who are assailed would go as far as those who make the assaults. I have but one son in the world, and I would freely offer him up a sacrifice in defense of my country, and with ten­fold more freedom would I offer up my own life.

       It ill becomes men to rise up here and impute disloyalty to others. My life upon it that the member from Ohio [Mr. Delano} who was assailed by the member from Illinois, [Mr. Douglass,] would meet the enemy with as much firmness, with as much courage, with as prompt and dauntless a spirit, and with as true bravery as the member who had assailed him, or any other member of this House.

       It ill became the member from Ohio, in the spirit of a low demagogue, to resort to the appeals of a low vulgar partisan to arraign men for their want of loyalty.

       Mr. Hudson of Mass, as one of the 14 members voting against the War Bill, said that he, with those voting with him, had been arraigned as hypocrites, cowards and by other choice epithets, for voting against the Bill. He had his reasons, and they were in the first place that not one moment had been given to the war clause of the Bill, and but twenty minutes to the discussion of the whole question.

       But his main reason was that he was called upon to say that war existed, and that it existed by the act of Mexico, which he did not believe. He was called upon to vote for what he religiously believed to be false, and this he could not and would not do.

       Mr. James of Ga. Replied to this speech: with some interruptions from Mr. Stewart of Pa. who put to Mr. J. some pertinent questions as to the war in Mexico and the causes of it.

       The floor was given to Mr. Sims of S.C., when the Committee took up the Fortification Bill and concurred in the Senate amendments. The report was concurred in by the House, and the Senate amendments agreed to, after which the House adjourned.

RW46v23i40p4c6, May 19, 1846: No title.

       A white lady visiting the Comanche—A friend writing from Red River, thus notices the lady of Col. Lewis, who accompanies her husband, one of the U.S. commissioners, to treat with the Comanches.

       “Col. Lewis take his lady love with him—she is quite an Amazon—wears a belt and dagger—shoots a rifle and pistol—rides well on horse back, and take notes—rather handsome—medium size—English by birth—married four year—no children. The col. Is very sprightly and gentlemanly in his department, and is from Columbia, Tennessee.”

RW46v23i41p1c1, May 22, 1846: A “Democratic” Tariff.

       The Enquirer of yesterday expresses its gratification that a leading Whig paper in Georgia has intimated a purpose to sustain the Tariff Bill of the Administration as a substitute for that of 1842. Although we exchange with the Milledgeville Recorder, such an expression of opinion by that paper has escaped our observation. We have, however seen an allusion to the same circumstance in another Georgia paper, from which we suspect the Enquirer obtained its information. It is not of very unfrequented occurrence, however, to find individual members of a party differing with that party upon some particular feature of its general policy. When the Sub­Treasury, for example, was first suggested by Mr. Van Buren as a party measure, it is known that a large number of the leaders and perhaps not less than one­fifth of the rank and file, were bitterly hostile to that scheme. Time, however, and the appliances usually resorted to in such emergencies by our opponents—such as buying up some with office, wheedling others by flattery, administering the wash to not a few, and (and as Gen. Jackson recommended) “kicking out” the incorrigibly obstinate—have wrought wonderful changes; and the party now presents upon this question perhaps more the appearance of a “unit” than upon any other article in its ever­shifting creed—even those who taught us some of the strongest grounds of objection to this measure, now either warmly advocating, or silently acquiescing in, its adoption! The old proverb tells us, too, that “one swallow doesn’t make a summer;” and if the Milledgeville Recorder is prepared to unite with the Administration party in its assaults upon a system the wisdom of which has been so triumphantly vindicated by its beneficent results, and in substituting for it a scheme the like of which we have tried before with the most disastrous consequences, it will find itself almost alone—very few of the Whigs, even in the cotton growing States, concurring with that paper in the extraordinary opinion ascribed to it.

       But let us reverse the medal, and see if we cannot find, among the “Democrats” of the North, men occupying high and influential positions, who, while in the very act of decrying the Whig doctrine, upon the Tariff question, are themselves nevertheless its advocates—flying directly in the teeth of the principles laid down in Secretary Walker’s Report, and upon which the Tariff Bill shortly to be acted upon by congress is professedly based. Glancing over the Message of His Excellency Isaac Toucey, the recently elected Governor of Connecticut, and heretofore a distinguished Locofoco Member of Congress, we find an exposition of that gentleman’s views upon this important question. After remarking that taxes must be levied and collected, to meet the necessary expenditures of the Government, he adds:

       “By universal consent, these taxes are levied upon foreign imports, and if they are levied, by a strictly revenue tariff, upon foreign articles, which come in competition with those of our own growth and manufacture, then our home interests have an incidental protection or advantage to the extent of twenty­five millions of dollars annually. This protection or advantage is, beyond all doubt, amply sufficient for all the great interests of the country, in any manner dependent upon a tariff of duties. Here is solid ground to rest upon.”

       This is such sound Whig doctrine, that, if we had found the paragraph without caption or signature, we should have taken it for granted that it had been copied from a Whig essay. The Tariff of 1842 is based upon precisely the principle laid down by Gov. Toucey—while the scheme lately reported by the Committee of Ways and Means rests upon the opposite doctrine. The Whigs insist that the Tariff ought to be so adjusted as to raise no more revenue than is necessary for the economical administration of the Government, [Which the Tariff of 1842 had done.] And Gov. Toucey declares that he is in favor of just such a system –as, indeed, we believe, all men of all parties, with the exception of a very few who are in favor of the abolition of the custom house system altogether, and of raising the revenue of the Federal as well as of the State Governments by direct taxation, are. But the great point of difference between the two parties is this – in adjusting the scale of duties, shall reference be had exclusively to revenue, as the leading Locos assert – or as the Whigs contend, shall an eye be kept both to revenue and protection? The Virginia Locofoco Convention, held in this city in the winter of 1848, emphatically laid down, in its Address, the broad principle, that, in the adjustment of a Revenue Tariff, such only as the Constitution authorized Congress to enact, especial care should be taken, if any discriminations were made between the various articles imported, that they should be made “not for protection, but against it”—an idea expressed perhaps more lucidly by Senator McDuffie, who contends that the lowest duties should be laid upon those articles which come in competition with domestic fabrics, and the highest upon those which we can not ourselves produce or manufacture! But what, on the contrary, says Gov. Toucey? He declares, to be sure, that he is for “a Revenue Tariff”—we should like to know who is not—but he is in favor of levying the duties “upon foreign articles which come in competition with those of our own growth and manufacture”—a position directly adverse it will be seen, to Senator McDuffie and the Virginia Address. For, as if to render his meaning still more clear and emphatic, he adds, that his design in thus discriminating, is that “our home interests may have an INCIDENTAL PROTECTION,” to the extent of those duties. We repeat, this is throughout the Whig doctrine, which has been briefly epitomized in a single sentence, to wit: “a Tariff for Revenue, with discriminations for Protection.” If Gov. Toucey’s language means any more or less than this, we are unable to perceive the difference.

       But why single out an individual, however prominent his position, or eminent his talents, for the purpose of establishing the fact that there is a wide diversity of opinion in the Locofoco ranks on this subject—that not one voice, like that of the Southern Recorder, is heard in opposition to the creed of the party, but that a large number dissent most widely from it? Who does not know that at this very moment, with a majority of about SEVENTY in the House of Representative, there is at least strong doubt whether the Administration party will sustain the Administration Tariff? Is it not apparent that they approach the consideration of the subject with “fear and trembling”—pledged, on the one hand, to the overthrow of the existing system, which they have so vehemently assailed; and yet, thoroughly convinced by its results, on the other, that a wiser and more judicious scheme has never been adopted since the organization of the Government, and justly apprehensive, therefore, if it be subverted or materially modified, that the most mischievous effects will result from the success of their attempts to remodel it. No wonder that they hesitate and falter when vehemently urged by the Executive Organ to redeem their pledge, and warmly expostulated with and censured for their tardiness in its execution. And right glad are not a few of them, we doubt not that a pretext is furnished them, by the large additional expenditures that will be rendered necessary by the Mexican war, to vote against the proposed change of a system upon which the Government must rely for the money necessary to its prosecution. It is true, that even by the suggestion of this pretext, they will fly in the face of one of the leading dogmas upon which the Administration project is based—to wit, that the lower the duties, the greater will be the amount of revenue flowing into the government coffers. But so absurd is the pretence upon its face, and so often has it been falsified by experiment, that no practical Statesman will, in an emergency like the present, hesitate to renounce it. In a period of peace, when a deficiency in one year’s revenue may be easily supplied by the legislation of the next, those even who scout the doctrine may have been willing to indulge the accomplished financier at the head of the Treasury Department with a brief trial of his experiment; but now, when War exists, and, even if it be of brief duration, must lead to the expenditure of many millions of dollars beyond the amount requisite for a peace establishment, it is to be presumed that at least a sufficient number of the Administration party in Congress will unite with the Whigs to effect the defeat of a Bill, the tendency of which, as a Revenue measure, is, to say the least of it, so exceedingly doubtful.—At such a time, the public credit cannot be safely subjected to such precarious and hazardous experiments, however authoritatively recommended.—We look, with increased confidence, therefore, to the refusal of Congress to interfere materially with the present Revenue Tariff, as it may be emphatically styled; for although, in such a complex system there are doubtless some defects, it may well be questioned whether any plan could be devised, in which there would be fewer or slighter, or which would, as a whole, operate more beneficially than that which has been so ruthlessly and so unjustly assailed. It is a proud monument, indeed, of the wisdom, as well as of the patriotism, of the Whig Congress of 1842—and we hope to see it survive even the passions of the party which, going into power by a triumphant majority, pledged to its subversion, exhibit towards it a forbearance far more creditable to their sagacity and prudence, than to their fidelity to party engagements.

       We submit, therefore, to the Enquirer, whether the isolated case of disagreement with the Whig party, on the part of the Southern Recorder, upon this subject, is not much more than compensated by the concurrence with them in opinion and action of so many of their leading opponents?

RW46v23i41p1c2, May 22, 1846: The Past and the Present.

       In Mr. Clay’s letter on the annexation of Texas, written during the late Presidential canvass, the following passage occurs:

        “Under these circumstances, if the government of the United States were to acquire Texas, it would acquire along with it all the encumbrances which Texas is under, and among them the actual or suspended war between Mexico and Texas. Of that consequence there cannot be a doubt. Annexation and war with Mexico are identical.”

        This position was warmly denied by the advocates of annexation—although General Houston, one of the Texas Senators, now boldly attempts, in the teeth of the arguments of his old friends, to vindicate the policy of the Executive in advancing our army to the Rio Grande, by alleging that Texas and Mexico being at war with each other when Texas was annexed, the United States necessarily inherited that war, and that we are bound to prosecute it even though no act of hostility had been perpetrated by the government or troops of Mexico!

       The New York Evening Post, [a Locofoco paper,] reminds us of another lapse of memory on the part of its political associates. When the question of annexing Texas was debated, it admits that the convenience of such a barrier as the broad and sandy waste between the Rio Nueces and Rio Grande, was much dwelt upon by the friends of the measure. But, as the Post remarks, we have now passed over that barrier already, (claiming as our own the territory beyond the desert, which was spoken of as such an admirable natural boundary,) and are beginning to talk of no other immediate boundary than the great mountain chain, the mother ridge, that forms for the present a bulwark to the table land of Mexico! At what point we are finally to pause, who shall now say?

RW46v23i41p1c2, May 22, 1846: Difficulties of a Mexican Campaign.

       The New Orleans Reformer proffers our Government and those in authority some excellent counsel, in regard to the approaching Mexican campaign. After referring to the universal delusion which has heretofore prevailed in regard to the bravery and prowess of the Mexicans, it points out the difficulties to be encountered and the obstacles to be overcome, in the prosecution of a war of conquest in the following language:

       “The events which have transpired since Gen. Taylor reached the frontier have caused men to reflect on this subject more profoundly and they have hitherto done, and to estimate in a more rational manner the resources of Mexico and the resistance she is able to present in a conflict with a foreign power. If a stable government existed in that country, and its whole strength, moral and physical, could be brought into requisition, it would require, so admirably is its territory adapted to defensive operations, unusual and extensive preparations to insure speedy and satisfactory results.

        As she is however—torn and distracted by internal dissensions, and the sport of every ambitious conqueror—there are yet active and available materials enough in her bosom to render the work of subjugation arduous and protracted and to develop no small share of the military fact and powers of the United States. When one looks carefully at all the resources of Mexico—its population of many millions—the salubrity of its climate and the fertility of its soil affording comparatively without labor, subsistence to its people—the bravery and heroism of the old Castilian race of which many remains are yet to be found in Mexico—and the physical conformation of the country, its mountain passes, and its narrow defies, and its hidden retreats—when all these things are maturely considered it will be readily seen although Santa Ana, and Bustamente, and Paredes may by turns “revel in the halls of the Montezuma,” and American general—whoever he may be, and however well supported by a powerful army—attains that luxury only through blood and toil, and perils besetting him on every side.

        Mexico too, it must be recollected, is to us an unknown country. Americans who have, here and there, visited it, saw nothing but what the eye took in as they passed over a few of the principal highways and through the large towns. The ambush by the road­side, the natural fortifications within a few yards of them made by rocks and precipices, were as a dead letter to them. And where on of our countrymen has remained for years the entire dissimilarity of language opinions and customs, and the great insecurity of traveling, have rendered it impracticable for him to obtain any extended and accurate knowledge of some of the most interesting portions even of Mexico. We know in fact nothing of the country. Probably it would be difficult, if not impossible, to find an American who could guide an army entering at Matamoras by the safest the route opposing the fewest obstacles to an invading force, and the best supplied with water. Relying upon a Mexican guide, whose treachery and duplicity are proverbial, what risks would be encountered?—what perils endured?—what sacrifices perhaps made?

       The government of the United States—if we are in fact to have a war with Mexico—must not overlook all nor any of these considerations. No American general must be permitted to penetrate the Mexican territory unless he is well provided and properly secured in every respect. And the point from whence he shall leave American soil and the direction he is to go, must be determined only after careful, and prolonged, and most mature consideration. The United States must commit no blunder in this particular, or defeat, disaster and disgrace await our arms.”

RW46v23i41p1c4, May 22, 1846: No title.

       The New York Herald, a warm advocate both of the Administration Tariff and the Sub­Treasury, after taking a brief view of the existing condition of the country, concludes that there is now no prospect of any change in the one, nor of the passage f the other. All these matters, it says, must be postponed for the present. Should this be the case, the Mexican War will not be an unmixed evil.

RW46v23i41p1c4, May 22, 1846: A Vindication of Texas.

       Complaints have been very generally made of the indifference manifested in Texas upon the receipt of the stirring news from the Rio Grande. The following explanation will set the matter in a better­because more just, light. We give it an insertion with pleasure:

RW46v23i41p1c4, May 22, 1846: New Orleans May 12, 1846. To the Editors of The Picayune.

       To the Editors of The Picayune :­­ In your paper of Monday morning you say—“The accounts form Texas are very unsatisfactory; the greatest apathy appears to prevail.” This is easy of explanation. The people of Texas for several years past have been very much harassed by reported invasions of the Mexicans. The end has generally shown these statements to be false. And the result has very naturally been to create a feeling of distrust in regard to all Mexican news. I was in Houston when the information that General Taylor was surrounded reached there. It was not official, and was not altogether credited; and those who did credit the account also said and though that General Taylor could whip them very easily. You must recollect that in Texas the opinion is, that 3000 American troops ought certainly to whip 10,000 Mexicans, and 15,000 if necessary, and this belief is based upon the fact of its having been done in that proportion over and over again.

       But the principal reason for the supposed apathy was the fact, that no orders had come from the Government, and no means were at hand to furnish the necessary supply until the orders were given. The corporation and merchants of Houston were willing to advance the necessary means, but it was thought best to await the call of the Executives. Companies were forming in various parts of Texas, awaiting the action of the Executive; an you may rest assured when the call is mad, Texas soldiers will be at their posts.”

RW46v23i41p1c3, May 22, 1846: Warlike Preparations.

       We are wholly unable to keep pace with the popular movements, in various section of the Union, to meet the anticipated requisition of the government for troops. They show very clearly that, whenever the services of its citizens are requisite to defend the country or to maintain its rights or honor, the emergency will be met in a spirit corresponding with the magnitude of the occasion.

       The New Orleans Picayune of the 13th inst. state that volunteers are pouring in from all quarters, and that the idea of resorting to a draft has been abandoned. On the 12th, no less than 437 volunteers reached that city from the interior, among whom was a fine company of 107 men from Plaquemine and Iberville, under Gen. G. S. Rousseau as Captain, and another of 90 men from East Baton Rouge, under the command of the Rev. Richard A. Stewart as captain. When the Parsons take the field, the Mexicans may look our!—The Picayune adds that the full compliment of four regiments required from Louisiana under the requisition of Gen. Taylor will soon be filled up, and, it doubts not, double that number.

       The Mobile Advertiser of the 14th announces the arrival in that city of a fine looking company, numbering about 100, under the command of Captain Elmore, from Montgomery, Alabama, on their way to the scene of action.

       The Pennsylvanian says: “We understand, from good authority, that one of the chiefs of the Creek nation, now in Washington, has offered to the President the services of 2000 picked warriors, should they be required in the conflict of Mexico. However gratifying the offer, it is to be hoped the President will decline it. We should regret to see “the hell­hounds of savage warfare” in the service of our government, unless indeed their aid should be justified by the employment of a similar force by the enemy.

RW46v23i41p1c4, May 22, 1846: From the New Orleans Picayune, Mat 13. Further Details From the Army.

       The mail brought over from Brasos Santiago by the Florida was not distributed till yesterday morning, when we received a whole budget of letters, the contents of which have generally been anticipated.

       Gen. Ampudia is endeavoring to redeem his character for humanity by the treatment of his prisoners.

       Had we room we should be glad to give a series of letters which have reached us from the officers at Fort Taylor,­­They all breathe the right spirit. The following, however, we will not suppress, as it shows the feeling which exists in the camp, and is their very latest date received thence:

May 4th, 1946—half­past 2 in the morning.

       Dear Friends—The ball opened yesterday morning from the Mexican line. They fired the first shots at reveille, and the way 4, 6, 9 and 12 (I think) pound shout flew about these part was a win, and their throwing shells kept the atmosphere in continued confusion with their “whiz! Whiz! Bang!” all the time. But notwithstanding the “Star­Spangled Banner” still waves over the “land of the free and home of the brave.” Their firing did not cease until 12 last night. I suppose tomorrow will be a duplicate of today.

       It would have warmed the wax in your ears to have heard our 18­pounders “give out the cry.” One shot struck in the embrasure of the enemy’s works, and knocked canon carriage, embrasure and men “into fits.” We have no mortars, had we received those General Taylor requested from Washington when he first came to Corpus Christi, we should have left no more bricks in that town than there are “in my hat.” But, sirs, this is only the introductory act; jut you “lay low,” and you’ll see, perhaps, the all­fieriest fight (if they’ll agree) that perhaps you ever did see.

RW46v23i41p1c3, May 22, 1846: No title.

       At a meeting of the Richmond Fayette Artillery Company, held at Military Hall on the 19th of May, 1846—

       On the motion of Lieut. Ritchie, it was unanimously resolved, 1. That in the present condition of our relations with Mexico, it is proper that every citizen should hold himself in readiness to meet whatever issue may arise.

2. That this Company is still actuated by the same impulse of duty which occasioned the tender of its services to the President of the United States in the summer of last year, and is ready now, as it ever has been, to obey any call which may be made upon it in consequence thereof.

3. That still further to promote the efficiency of the volunteers who may respond in Virginia to the call of the country, this company views with high gratification the proposition for the formation of a Virginia Legion.

4. That this Company invites the officers of, or delegates from, other companies which may be willing to unite in the formation of a Virginia Legion, to meet it at its anniversary on the 29th of the present month, to devise measures successfully to carry out this design.

5. That the Captain of this Company be requested to apply to the Governor of Virginia for tents and camp equipage for this company, with a view to the formation of an encampment during the summer, or for the use of the company in case it is sooner called into service.


E. Raux, Secretary

RW46v23i41p1c4, May 22, 1846: No title.

       May 4, 1846 – 6 o’clock in the Morning.

       “Here we go again!’ as the boy said when the bull chased him. As I expected, at daylight they led off again, and we are going it “hip and tuck,” like a grog at a burnt boot. Up to the present speaking the enemy have thrown between 1200 and 1300 shot, solid and hollow, while we have fired 357. On our side, one sergeant—of Company A, 7th regiment—has been killed, and one man slightly wounded in the arm. This is all the damage to us; the extent of damage to the enemy is not known, but must be considerable. It is almost incredible to suppose we should receive so little injury from so many shots.

       If I live, I may tell you some more; if I die, you can’t expect it. Yours,

RW46v23i41p1c6, May 22, 1846: No title.

       By an arrival at New York on Monday evening, direct from Havana, the Philadelphia American has (by Telegraph) Vera Cruz dates to the 1st inst.

       Paredes issued a proclamation on 23d April, announcing the position of the United States Army on the Rio Grande, in which he expresses his determination to defend his country against attack. War, he asserts, had commenced, but he would not declare war against the United States, as the American Congress, and not the President, had the power to adjust the question in dispute.

       Santa Ana was still remaining quiet at Havana, engaged in his characteristic occupations.

       There is nothing said of further revolutionary movements in Mexico.

RW46v23i41p1c7, May 22, 1846: Congress.

       Among the petitions presented were some by Mr. Crittenden, praying that Wheeling and Pittsburg may be made ports of entry.

       Mr. Benton, from the Committee on Military Affairs, reported “ An act supplementary to the Act to provide for the prosecution of the existing War between the Republic of Mexico and the U.S. and for other purposes.”

       Mr. Lewis called up the Bill making appropriations for the support of the Post Office Department for the year 1847.

       Mr. Speight said he should not oppose the bill, but have proceeded to denounce the cheap postage systems as a scheme to keep up high taxes—a handmaid of the Tariff—a burden upon one section of the country for the benefit of another. He complained that it had broken up the stage lines in his section of the country, and destroyed the facilities of traveling. He enquired whether the Committee on Post Offices and Post Roads intended to report a bill to repeal or alter the existing law.

       Mr. Niles in reply, observed that the Committee had not thought it their duty to recommend any change. He was surprised at the denunciation of what he regarded as one of the most beneficial pieces of legislation ever contaminated. As to the stage lines, they had hitherto been a burden of a million a year on the Department, and had nothing to do with the conveyance of the mails.

       Mr. Niles said the Post Master of New York had informed him that the increase of letter in his Office were astonishing—and he [Mr. N.] was satisfied that after the next lettings the Department would cease to be a burden upon the Treasury.

       Mr. Calhoun inquired what was the deficit in the revenue this year, compared with the last.

       Mr. Niles replied that he believed it was about 45 percent on the first six months.

       Some Conversation ensued upon the mode of compensating Postmasters, and the bill was then passed over until tomorrow.

       The Committee on Foreign Relations mad a report upon the subject of the claim of the owners of the brig Gen. Armstrong against the Government of Portugal, which was ordered to be printed.

       The French Spoliation bill, being the special order of the day, was then taken up.

       Mr. Morehead made a powerful speech in behalf of the claimants, and left off without closing his argument. The Senate adjourned.

RW46v23i41p2c3, May 22, 1846: Gen’l Scott.

       It is stated in some of the letters from Washington, that the appointment of this distinguished officer to the command in chief of the army on the Mexican frontier was vehemently opposed by many of the Locofoco members of Congress—and that, at one time, it was contemplated to deny it to him, and to confer the command upon him. Jessup or Gen. Roger Jones, from which nothing induced the Administration to swerve but he act that Gen. Gaines, next in rank to Gen. Scott, stood in the way of the selection of either of those gentlemen, and would be justly offended if his claims were set aside for those of a junior officer—What truth there is in these reports we are not prepared to say; but if they be well founded, they are discreditable to all concerned, and non the less so because of the motive to which it is ascribed—an apprehension that Gen. Scott, who has been spoken of as a candidate for the next Presidency, may add to his already strong claims that the gratitude of his country, by decking his brow with new laurels in the approaching campaign. We hope there is no truth in the statement but there are certainly some circumstances strongly corroborative of it.

RW46v23i41p2c3, May 22, 1846: The Mexican War­Suspected Interference of European Powers.

       It has been more than once intimated that there were probably other powers “behind the throne” than the Mexican government itself, investigating the War between that country and the United States.

       Among the many surmises of a similar nature, we find the following in a late letter of the Washington correspondent of the New York Tribune. He says:

       “After much thought I cannot dispossess myself of the belief that England is concerned in this movement of Mexico. I am in possession of evidence that the last reinforcements of the Mexican Army were not ordered to be concentrated at Matamoras until about the middle of April, after the receipt of intelligence from Great Britain, which had been so anxiously looked for, and that not till then were the operations undertaken with spirit and vigor. I should be glad to be deceived on this point, but I fear I shall not be again. The remarkable alliance between France and England must have ulterior objects in view; and may not the latter, to black up the progress of the United States and to raise a counter Government on our frontier, have agreed to establish a Monarch in Mexico in the person of the Duke De Montpensier, the young son of Louis Philippe? This suggestion was presented to me, from an important source, three or four months ago, and seemed to attract no little attention when I laid it before the public. In the present juncture the probability is more plausible.”

RW46v23i41p2c4, May 22, 1846: A Week later From Mexico. Gen. Paredes­His Proclamation.

       A mail of 35 instant from Vera Cruz, per British Mail Steamer Tweed, to Havana in four days, arriving at the latter port on the 7th instant, and thence by the Bark Rapid, to this city in eight days, arrived here yesterday.

       The news is interesting and important.

       General Almonte went off from Havana in the steamer Tweed, en route to France and England, taking with him the Proclamation of war issued by Paredes.

       Gen. Santa Ana remained at Havana, devoting himself to amusements; apparently quire uninterested in the affairs of states or nations.

       A large Spanish fleet was cruising around the Island—we hear nothing of the two Mexican War steamers. The people of Vera Cruz were every moment expecting our forces to commence the blockade and the bombardment of the fort—New York Sun.


       The Supreme President Gen. Paredes, issued a proclamation on the 23rd April, from which we extract the following:­­

       “At the time Mr. Slidell presented himself, the troops of the U.S. occupied our territory, their squadrons threatened our ports, and they prepared to occupy the peninsula of the Californias, of which the question of the Oregon with England is only a preliminary. Mr. Slidell was not received, because the dignity of the nation repelled this new insult. Meanwhile the army of the United States encamped at Corpus Christi, and occupied the Isla del Padre: following this they then moved to Point Santa Isabel, and their standard of the stars and stripes waved on the right bank of the Rio Bravo del Norte, opposite the city of Matamoras, blockading that river with their vessels of war. The village of Laredo was surprised by a party of their troops, and a small party of our men, reconnoitering there, were disarmed.—Hostilities then, have been commenced, by the United States of North America, beginning new conquests upon the frontier territories of the departments of Tamaulipas and New Leon, and progressing at such a rate, that troops of the same United States threaten Monterey in upper California. No one can doubt which of the two Republics is responsible for this war; a war which any sense of equity and justice, and respect for the rights and laws of civilized nations might have avoided. I have commanded the General­in­Chief of our forces on the Northern frontier, to repel all hostilities offered to us, which is actual war against any power making war on us, and calling upon the God of battles, He will preserve the valor of our troops, the unquestionable right to our territory, and the honor of those arms which are used only in defense of justice. Our General will govern himself by the established usages of civilized warfare. With orders from me to prevent, if possible, the effusion of blood, he will intimate to the General­in­Chief of the American troops that he shall return to the other side of the Rio de las Nueces, the ancient limits of Texas. Those nations interested in preserving the UNREADABLE who may be injured in their commercial relations with the Mexican Republic, will perceive the hard alternative to which they are reduce, by the politic invasion of the US., and they [the nations] must succumb or defend their existence thus compromised. I solemnly announce that I do not declare war against the U.S. of America, because it pertains to the August Congress of that nation, and not to the Executive, to settle definitely the reparation which so many aggressions demand.

       But the defense of the Mexican Territory, which the United State troops invade, is an urgent necessity, and my responsibility would be immense before the nation, if I did not give command s to repel those forces who act like enemies, and I have so commanded. From this day commences a defensive war, and those points of our territory which are invaded or attacked will be energetically defended.”

       This manifesto was accompanied by documents showing the progress of the American forces and the means adopted to repel the,. The first is a dispatch from Gen. Ampudia, reporting that the American troops having advanced to the Rio Grande, the U.S. Consul had been ordered from Matamoras to Victoria, a town in the interior, and twenty four hours allowed him to leave the city. The next is Ampudia’s report of his interview with Gen. Taylor, and the reply of the latter when ordered to retire from opposite Matamoras. Ampudia then gives an interview with the British Vice Consul at Matamoras, who had applied for a passport or a flag of truce to cross the rive to the American camp, to confer with Gen. Taylor relative to the safety of H.B.M. subjects in Matamoras, in case of hostilities. Gen. Ampudia replied that he did not know whether the American gun could play upon their houses, but he had no power to authorize an interview like that requested.

       The Indicator, of 6th April, gives Gen. Arista’s letter to the War Department, returning thanks for being appointed Commander­in­Chief of the Army in the North; protesting his fidelity to his country, and reporting himself on the march, with all dispatch, to assume the command. Most ridiculous fables are circulated relative to desertions from the American army. Gen. Mejia reports twenty­six U.S. deserters in his ranks. Gen. Taylor, it is said, employs one half his men to guard to other half, to prevent them joining the holy standard of the Mexican church and state.—All fears of a revolution had entirely disappeared, (if we can believe the Mexican papers,) and the appearance of the American army had I fused new energies into the government, and given it new friends. The fact is, we believe, a late law against newspapers, has sealed the press to popular feeling. We shall hear no more of revolutions until they actually burst forth.

       Letters from Mazatlan, San Bias, &c., betray the greatest consternation on the west coast, in consequence of the number of U.S. vessels of ware there. Reports were constantly arriving in the city of Mexico that Monterey, or Mazatlan, or some other port on the Pacific, had been taken or blockaded by our forces, but they were generally contradicted the next day.

       The British ship Collingwood, 80 guns, Admiral Seymour, was at anchor off San Bias, 7th April. Emigrants from the U.S. were still pouring into California, to the great consideration of Gen. Paredes, who considers them an army in disguise. He gives up California as lost. Apprehensions are entertained that the Mormons, who were said to be crossing the mountains, would overrun the whole of Mexico and subdue it. Their reputation has preceded them.

RW46v23i41p2c3, May 22, 1846: The Mexican Version.

       We publish this morning the Proclamation of President Paredes of Mexico, received at New York via Havana, issued prior to but evidently in anticipation of the recent events on the Rio Grande. It will be seen that he expresses great aversion to War, and disclaims for himself the power to involve his country in hostilities. He expresses his determination, however, to defend the soil of the country, which he alleges had been invaded by the American forces, who, by that act, had begun a war upon Mexico! So that, while our President and Congress affirm that “war exists by the act of Mexico,” the Mexican President declares that we struck the first blow. The parties to a conflict are generally incompetent judges of the degree of blame which should attach to them respectively, the important question is, how will the civilized world, to the opinions of which nations are amenable, decide the questions?

RW46v23i41p2c3, May 22, 1846: No War News­A state of suspense­Volunteers still pouring into New Orleans.

       In common with our whole community, we have been anxiously awaiting the arrival of further intelligence from our gallant little Army on the Rio del Norte. For two or three mornings past, we have visited the Petersburg Depot, hoping to hear of glorious achievements by our army of occupation—and, indeed, earnestly desiring that the first news which is to reach us may be of such a nature as to put at rest the fears of a continue conflict with the Mexican government. By the known skill and determined purpose of General Taylor, and his companions in arms, together with the efficient services of a large number of Volunteer gone to the scene of action, we expect that the vaunting Mexicans will find their hands rather fuller than they dreamed of – when this war was first waged. And, without stopping here to inquire into the cause of the conflict between the two nations, (for that will be a subject of investigation hereafter,) we sincerely trust our adversaries may get such a thrashing at the hands of Gen. Taylor’s Army, as may serve them for the balance of their days, and cause the whole Mexican race to be at peace with the world at large for the future. The state of suspense our whole country has been in, since the last advices from our army, is indeed intense; and, whatever may be the nature of the news when it does come, we shall hasten to lay it before our readers in an Extra.

       Although the New Orleans papers have said but little on the subject of our present army on the Rio Grande, within the last few days, yet we are pleased to learn through some of our exchanges from that city, that a large number of Volunteers from the Parishes of Louisiana are continuing to pour into New Orleans en route to the battle field, and to the rescue of the American forces. Like gallant and brave spirits in defense of their country, every Volunteer in the Union seems to pant for the contest, that it may be ended, as doubtless it must and that speedily, to the honor of the American nation. For the easy consummation of that which is so devoutly to be wished, the United States should not hesitate to make ample—nay, even more than abundant provision—and it is to b hoped that “money and men” may be at once called into requisition sufficient to show the enemies of our country that we are capable of doing things as they should be done.

RW46v23i41p2c4, May 22, 1846: Regular Force in Texas.

       Major CHASE, of the engineer corps has furnished the Bulletin with a communication containing important intelligence respecting the number of regular troops at the disposal of Gen. Taylor. According to the estimate of the major, and he is undoubtedly well informed, gen. T. must have had in his command when he left Corpus Christi, from 26 to 2800 men. If Gen. TAYLOR brought with him to Point Isabel from his encampment opposite Matamoras 2000 men, and left 6 or 700 under maj. BROWN, to defend the entrenchments on the Rio Grande, his force is, of course, nearly three thousand.

       We did understand about the time Gen. Taylor took up his line of march for Corpus Christi—and from what we consider the highest authority—that the whole United States force then in Texas did not exceed 2500 effective men, and of this number that not less than 500 were left at Austin and San Antonia.

       We are happy, however, to hear that Gen. Taylor is not as weak as we had been led to suppose from our previous intelligence.—(New Orleans Daily Reformer)

RW46v23i41p3c1, May 22, 1846: Last Evening’s Mail correspondence of the Baltimore American. Washington, May 20, 5½ P.M.

       A bill providing an appreciation for the building of 13 vessels of war—12 of them to be steam vessels and one an iron sailing frigate—was reported this morning in the House from the Committee on Naval Affairs, by Mr. King of Ga. The steamers, it is supposed, will average, completed, an expense of $400,000 each—some less and some more. The Bill proposes that the contractors shall warrant a speed of 15 miles the hour and fuel for 15 days when the full pressure of steam is on and for 30 days when it is not; that the propellers or paddle­wheels shall be out of the reach of shot, and in other ways more secure. Thus warranted the model of the vessel is left to whoever may become the contractor.

       The report accompanying the Bill I have read casually. It is drawn by the author of the bill and embodies a great deal of practical information. It is stated that the success of iron steamers for economy, durability, lightness and quickness is proved by experience beyond all peradventure. It is designed that the iron work for these steamers may be made at any point on the Atlantic or on the Lakes and rivers, and that they shall be so constructed that they be detached ready to be carried or to be launched any where.

       The news from Mexico is regarded here as equivalent to an open declaration of war. The Proclamation of Parades was received from Vera Cruz last night, at once translated, and laid before the President.

RW46v23i41p3c1, May 22, 1846: Congress.


       Mr. Evans reported a Bill from the Finance Committee for the support of the Military Academy with amendments. Mr. Turney offered a Resolution of inquiry proposing the limiting of military appointments to the age of 60 years. The Resolution was adopted.

       Mr. Sturgeon presented the proceedings of a public meeting held at Easton, Pa. in reference to the existing war with Mexico. Mr. S. prefaced the introduction of the proceedings with some remarks in reference to the bravery of the People.

       Mr. Darragh of Pa. has presented an offer made by the Pittsburgh Military to the President of the United States volunteering their services for the campaign in Mexico.


       Mr. Woodbridge presented the proceedings of the Legislature of Michigan against the system of leasing the Mineral lands upon Lake superior.

       Mesers, Webster, Woodbridge, Breese, Sevier and Cass, debated the question of selling all the mineral lands belonging to the United States. The Resolutions were then laid upon the table and ordered to be printed.

       Mr. Dix presented the Resolutions of the N.Y. Legislature upon the Pilot System.

       Mr. Ashley, from the Committee on the Judiciary, reported a Bill to revive the laws heretofore enacted for the relief of insolvent debtors to the Government.


       The Special order was called at one o’clock, and a long and able argument concluded upon the French Spoliations by Mr. Morehead of Ky. In continuation of his argument commenced yesterday.

       Mr. Colquitt of Ga. replied, and spoke in opposition to the payment of the claims, not regarding the Government as bound for their payment.

       The Senate went into Executive session and soon after adjourned.


       The special order for this day was Territorial business, which was postponed on motion of Mr. Dodge, until the first three business days in June.


       Mr. Stewart of Pa. introduced a resolution, on leave, to pay the soldiers volunteering in the service and serving during the war, $10 per month, and at the end of the war to receive 160 acres of land, or in case the soldier dies in the service, that his heirs receive the land.

       Objections were made to the resolution, which was in the form of instructing the Military Committee to bring in a bill to that effect.

       Mr. Stewart moved to suspend the Rules, and called for the yeas and nays, [two thirds being necessary]. The vote was yeas 70, nays 75.

       The Rules not suspended, and the friends of the administration were found voting in the negative. Though earnest for war, they are not ready to pay for services rendered.

RW46v23i41p3c5, May 22, 1846: Dragoons Attention.

       Attend a meeting of your Company at the Exchange Hotel on Tuesday next, the 26th inst. At 8 o’clock P.M. By order of the Captain,

F. MARX, Orderly.

       NOTICE.—It is proper that the citizens generally, as well as the members of the Troop should be apprized that the above meeting is called with a view of proceeding forthwith, (if a sufficient number is added to the roil by the day appointed.) to organize the Company thoroughly and place it in a condition for active and efficient service—or, failing in this, to disband the corps at once, in order that its members may enroll themselves for duty in some other arm of the service.

May 20—dtd


RW46v23i41p4c1, May 22, 1846: The True Boundary Line.

       In the present attitude of Mexico and the United States, there is very little necessity for discussing the question whether the Nueces or the Rio Grande constitutes the Western boundary of the State of Texas; for whatever might have been the final decision upon that point had it been left to peaceable negotiation, there can be no doubt that, under existing circumstances, the geographical limits of that State will be dictated by the U. States as a sine qua non of the termination of hostilities. It is with no reference, therefore, to the ultimate rights of the two countries, that we have heretofore adverted to it, or that we may hereafter do so; but for the purpose of showing that each of them should have forborne the armed occupations of the disputed territory until the question of boundary had been definitively settled. We should have been willing to leave to a future period, therefore, more propitious to a dispassionate hearing and a just judgment than the present, the examination of a question, the decision of which must affect in a great degree the opinion of the world, as to the degree of responsibility which attaches to our own Government for the interruption of pacific relations. But the friends of the Administration, apparently as solicitous for its vindication as for the defense of the country, will not have it so; and it is therefore proper, in our opinion, to show that their unqualified assertion of the absolute right of Texas to the territory lying between the Neuces and the Rio Grande, if not entirely unfounded, is at least repelled by as plausible and as strong conflicting pretensions on the part of Mexico. If this be the fact—and it is merely as a question of fact that we propose briefly to examine it—who can doubt that its armed occupation by Mexico would have been regarded as an act of war by the United States? And if so, how can it be assumed that the United States in thus occupying it, is guiltless of aggression? It is not he who strikes the first blow that begins a war—but he who, by aggressive acts upon the rights or honor of his neighbor, renders that blow necessary. Consequently while we concede that if the Rio Grande had been ascertained and acknowledged to be the true Western boundary of Texas, the United States could not have been properly censured for planting their national standard upon its banks, we hold, on the other hand, that, so long as that fact had neither been ascertained nor acknowledged, it was, to say the least of it, an act well calculated to arouse the national pride even of the most imbecile and degraded race—to arouse within their bosoms feelings of resentment, and to impel them to acts of hostility. From the Neuces to the Rio Grande the troops of both countries should have been carefully excluded, leaving its occupants as annexation found them, until the boundary question had been definitively settled by negotiation, or, if that means should within a reasonable time be found unavailing, by an open declaration of war.

       The question then arises, is the title to the soil involved in so much doubt as to render its armed occupation by either party a just ground of complaint by the other?

       We admit, at the outset, that the claim of Texas, and, through her, of the United States, is sustained by plausible arguments—sufficiently so to have justified us in regarding the appearance of a Mexican army east of the Rio Grande as an aggressive act. Let us now see, whether the claim of Mexico is not likewise so plausibly sustained as to justify her in regarding the appearance of an American army at Point Isabel and opposite the town of Matamoras, as equally aggressive in its character. We notice, in our last paper, and extract of a letter from an officer in the army, in which, speaking doubtless the popular impression, (in such cases generally correct,) he stated that the American army was encamped—where? Within the limits of the State of Texas? No: but on the soil of the “Mexican State of Tamaulipas.” If this were an isolated expression of opinion, it might not be entitled to very great weight. But it is the general language of those who write from the camp. The intelligent correspondent of the New York Spirit of the Times, for example, says: “Our situation here is “an extraordinary one. Right in the enemy’s country, occupying their corn and cotton fields, the people of the soil leaving their homes, and we, with a small handful of men, are marching with colors flying and drums beating, right under the guns of one of their principal cities, displaying the Star ­ Spangled Banner as if in defiance under their very nose.” Can there be a more vivid picture than this of the invasion of a foreign territory—the “people of the soil” flying from their fields before an army which they regarded not as the protectors of the State to which they owe allegiance, but as its enemies, coming hostile array to expel them from their homes? Would this state of things have existed, if Texas, in addition to the act of claiming the territory in dispute, had ever been able to make that claim good?

       But we have still another letter from the camp before us, addressed to the Editor of the Albany Atlas, is which we find the following Decisive statement:

       “West of the Nueces the people are all Spaniards. The country is uninhabitable excepting the valley of the Rio Grande, and that contains a pretty dense population, and in no part of the country are the people more loyal to the Mexican Government.

       The soil on the river is of great fertility, and, though imperfectly cultivated, produces considerable corn, cotton and sugar. On the river are several towns, some on one side, some on the other. Matamoras 9,000 inhabitants, Remoso 1500, Comongo 3000, Mier 5000, Guerreto 3500, Loredo 1500, Presidius 5,000, San Fernando 15,000; and, when you get higher up towards Santa Fe, there is another populated country. These people are all Spaniards, and actuated by a universal feeling of hostility towards the United States, and since our arrival nearly all of them have left this side of the rive and gone over, leaving their houses and much valuable property, notwithstanding every assurance from General Taylor that all their rights and property would be respected by our Government. They quarrel among themselves, but against a foreign foe they are united.”

       If, as has been said, this disputed territory has been represented in the Texas Congress, and now constitutes a portion of one of the Congressional districts represented at Washington, we should like to know how many voters there were, and where the polls were held! In what light the resident population of the country regarded our army, is shown by the universal flight on its approach. Gen. Taylor himself, in one of his dispatches, indeed, graphically depicts the consternation as well as the resentment excited by his appearance. Writing from Matamoras on the 23rd of March, he says:

       “While on my way hither, our column was approached by a party on its right flank, bearing a white flag. It proved to be a civil deputation from Matamoras, desiring an interview with me. I informed them that I would halt at the first suitable place on the road, and afford them the desired interview with me, It was, however, found necessary, from the want of water, to continue the route to this place. The deputation halted while yet some miles from Point Isabel, declining to comer further, and sent me a formal protest of the Prefect of the northern district of Tamaulipas against our occupation of the country, which I enclose herewith. At this moment it was discovered that the buildings at Point Isabel were in Flames. I then informed the bearer of the protest that I would answer it when opposite to Matamoras, and dismissed the deputation.”

       In what other part of Texas, we ask, would the American army and the American Flag have met with such a reception? All will concede that it could only have been upon Mexican soil and from a Mexican population that an American commander would have been thus greeted.

       We have thus examined the question of title a s one of fact, to be determined, not be searching archives and records, but by ascertaining in whose possession the country was when our army crossed the Neuces and marched the Rio Grande, in conformity to Executive Orders. Can any man deny that it was in possession of Mexican citizens peaceably pursuing their ordinary avocation? Have we been yet pointed to a single spot over which the Texas flag floated or a Texan citizen resided? Never. What, then, becomes of the assumption that Mexico began the war, because finding our troops upon the banks of the Rio Grande, which she claims as a part of her soil, she attacked them? Had no those troops first expelled “the people of the soil,” whom they found in peaceful occupation of it on their arrival?

       It is true, that the Texan Congress did, in 1836, pass an act extending the jurisdiction of its laws to the mouth of the Rio Grande. But surely it cannot be gravely argued that an act of the Texan Congress, which never was and never cold be enforced, is to settle a question of disputed boundary with and adjoining State! If so, what becomes of our title to Oregon? The British Parliament is as omnipotent as a Texan Congress, and in 1820 that body passed an act declaring that all Oregon was an English possession, and attached it to Canada! Will those that contend that the Rio Grande is the western boundary of Texas because the Texan Congress so enacted, admit that the whole of Oregon belongs to Great Britain, because the British Parliament affirmed the fact to be so? But as Garrett Davis, of Ky. From whose able speech we derive this fact, and upon which we may hereafter draw more largely, says:

       “Texas herself has admitted, in effect, that her law had no such consequences, and it would be wholly immaterial whether she had or had not made such admission. In 1839 Canales, a Mexican Chief, attempted with the aid and countenance of Texas, to establish the Republic of Rio Grande, constituted of the States Tamaulipas, Coabuila, and Durango, Its independence was declared, and Canales elected President. He thereupon marched his army to Loredo, a small town of Tamaulipas, on the east bank of the Rio Grande, and held possession of it with his army for more than six months. In April 1840, he was attacked and defeated by General Arista, who commanded a strong body of Central Mexican troops, and Canales, with some of his followers, retreated into Texas. In this struggle the Texan fleet and land forces co­operated with Canales, and the common object of that Government and him was the establishment of this independence of the Republic of Rio Grande, composed of the States of Tamaulipas, Coabuila, and Durango, the army of Canales occupying a portion of Tamaulipas between Texas and the Rio Grande. In the meantime, he and the Government of Texas had entered into a secret agreement, of which the first three articles are as follows:

       1st. The president of the Republic of Rio Grande (General Canales) pledges himself to declare the independence of the Republic at Rio Grande, and to declare and establish the State and Federal Constitution 1824 so soon as he shall have established his headquarters within the limits of the territory claimed by the said Republic.

       2nd. That the Republic of Rio Grande shall, immediately after the said declaration of independence, recognize the independence of Texas.

       3rd. The Republic of Texas pledges herself to aid the Federalists of Rio Grande, in their struggle for independence, directly her independence is recognized by the Republic of Rio Grande.

       “Nearly three years after the act of the Texas Congress defining her western boundary to be the Rio Grande, she gravely and formally abandons it by acknowledging that Tamaulipas and Coahuila constituted a part of another Republic; and, instead of claiming any part of them to be her territory, pledges herself, and actually by her army and navy aids in the attempt, to maintain the independence of that other country, of which a section that she had before declared to be within her limits was an integral part; and this is the identical territory into which General Taylor has marched his army in the execution of the orders of President Polk. That law of Texas had not at any time the least affect over any country of which Mexico was in the possession and continued to hold or to any over which Texas did not establish her jurisdiction and laws; and, after her arrangement with Canales, there is not even a pretext for the claim that it annexed to her any territory thus situated. The only title which Texas has to territory is that of conquest. All that she had subdued by the sword, of which she held the possession, and over which she exercised jurisdiction at the time of her annexation, and nothing more, was rightfully a part of Texas.”

       We have occupied as much space as we are able to devote to this subject today, intending to resume it at our leisure. The examination we propose to make, is necessary to a right understanding of the origin of the war in which we find ourselves involved—and which we hope, being in, we shall push to a vigorous and triumphant conclusion. But, while Mexico had doubtless given us just cause of offence, wholly apart from the Texas question, it does not the less become the tax­payers and those who are to fight the battles of the country, to inquire into the prominent causes of the existing war, and to ascertain whether it might not have been avoided by a judicious exercise of the powers confided to the President, without any sacrifice of the national rights, or any stain upon the national honor­­­­nay, whether it has not resulted from an usurpation of power on the part of the President. If this be so, then will the people condemn the authors of this unnecessary war, however zealously and ardently they may co­operate in its prosecution while it lasts.

RW46v23i41p4c2, May 22, 1846: General Taylor.

       This gallant officer has been 38 years in the Army, having obtained a commission as lieutenant of infantry in 1808, soon after the attack on the frigate Chesapeake, For his gallant defense of Fort Harrison in 1812, he received the brevet rank of Major. He has been engaged in several battles with the Indians; and for his service in the various campaigns against that subtle and dangerous foe, he was promoted to the rank of Brigadier General. Gen. T. is about 60 years of age, and is regarded as one of the most skilful officers as well as one of the most dating men in the service—uniting great prudence with reckless courage. He is a Kentuckian by birth.

RW46v23i41p4c2, May 22, 1846: No title.

       One of the most ridiculous rumors we have in the paper is to the effect that the two Mexican steam vessels of war, (about the whole of its navy,) which recently sailed from Vera Cruz, intend to blockade New York! How long, pray, could they enforce it?

RW46v23i41p4c2, May 22, 1846: No title.

       A Charleston letter states that Lieut. Deas, who recently swam across the Rio Grande and was captured by a Mexican, was induced to make the plunge in consequence of becoming enamored of a Mexican beauty on the other side, who gave him sundry signs and tokens of affection. He is christened the Modern Lander.

RW46v23i41p4c2, May 22, 1846: No title.

       The widow of Col. Cross, the first victim of Mexican barbarity, died in Washington city on the 14th inst.—She had been for some time in bad health, and the shock of her husband’s fate is supposed to have hurried her to a premature grave.

RW46v23i41p4c2, May 22, 1846: No title.

       Mr. Douglass of Illinois gave a fair hit to John Q. Adams a few days ago. “The gentleman from Massachusetts [he said] on the question on Oregon was for taking possession 54 40 first, and negotiating afterwards. I hope the gentleman will not blame Mr. Polk for taking possession of the Rio del Norte first, and negotiating afterwards.”

RW46v23i41p4c2, May 22, 1846: No title.

       Gen. Wool passes through New York on Saturday last, on his way to Washington, in pursuance of orders. He is to be transferred to the South.

RW46v23i41p4c2, May 22, 1846: No title.

       A great War meeting, under the call of the Mayor, was to be held in New York last night. Great preparations were making in advance, and the most eminent speakers of both political parties were expected to address the assembled multitude.

RW46v23i41p4c2, May 22, 1846: No title.

        We copy the following enigmatical paragraph from the New Orleans Tropic of the 12th inst. We have no clue to its meaning:

       “Pensacola Excitement—The rumors from Pensacola, rife in our city last evening, we believe to be without foundation. The letters bringing the news here, appear on their face to contain but unfounded rumors. We think the publication of them calculated to do much injury, create unnecessary excitement, and do no good whatever.”

RW46v23i41p4c3, May 22, 1846: Later Advices.

       The intelligence by yesterday’s Southern mail lease us to believe that the accounts of the preceding day were somewhat exaggerated, especially in relation to the number of Mexicans killed, and the extent of the damage sustained by the town of Matamoras. Apprehensions will seem to be felt for the fate of Gen. Taylor by the New Orleans papers, though they express strong confidence of his ability to keep the enemy in check until he could be reinforced. The Picayune of the 12th says: “If Gen. Taylor succeeded upon his return march in reaching the camp upon the Rio Grande without serious loss, the communication between Isabel and Matamoras is again open. But we cannot suppress a deep solicitude about the events of the 7th inst. If the Mexicans permitted the bulk of the army to go down to Point Isabel without molestation from policy, of course they will make the greater effort to prevent Gen. Taylor’s return to the camp. When the New York left, a battle was in progress, the result of which we await with confidence and concern.”

       The New Orleans papers are filled with evidences of public enthusiers, which seem rather to increase than to diminish. In addition to the two regiments of volunteers, the second of which was to sail on the 12th, the first having embarked the services of the Louisiana Legion, constituting in itself a brigade, have been accepted, and they are about to proceed to the field under the command of Brig. Gen. Augustin—other brigade being under the command of Brig. Gen. Smith. Maj. Gen. Lewis has applied to the Governor of Louisiana for the command of the whole division, and will doubtless receive the appointment. Many other separate corps of volunteers are in process of organization—among them a company of Germans, which has taken the name of The Black Hussars, after a celebrated corps commanded by the Duke of Brunswick, who was killed in the Belgian campaign in 1815. Troops from the interior were also pouring in. We have no space, indeed, to chronicle all the movements with which the papers in every section of the Union, but especially in the South, are filled.

       Gen. Gaines has made the following requisitions: From Kentucky 2800 men; from Tennessee 2800; from Mississippi 1400; from Missouri 1400; from Alabama 1400—in all 9800. To these are to be added 2500 already furnished by Louisiana, 1000 mounted gunmen now organizing in the same State, and 2800 men called for from Texas, which will make Gen. Taylor’s force, when all assembled, (added to the U.S. trips) 19,000 strong.

       Many of the merchants of New Orleans, it is said, have permitted their clerks to volunteer, without apprehension of losing their situation. One of the largest houses not only continue such of them as had volunteered in their situations, but give them half salaries during their absence.—Such liberality is worthy of all praise.

       Among the privates in the Orleans Guards, about to start for the seat of war, is Gen. Wm. Debuys, the late Whig candidate for Governor of Louisiana.

RW46v23i41p4c4, May 22, 1846: From the New Orleans Picayune, May 12. Further From the Army!

Safety of Capt. Thornton and Lieut. Kane! Attack upon Gen. Taylor’s Camp—Narrative of the Action, &c.,

       The steam schooner Florida, Capt. Clint, arrived at this post last evening from Brasos Santiago, whence she sailed on the 5th inst. Although her dates are not so late by one day as the new York’s, they contain fuller and more authentic details of events on the Rio Grande, and put quite a new aspect on affairs.

       The reader will be delighted to hear that neither Capt. Thornton nor Lieut. Kane was killed in this affair of the surprise of Capt. Thornton’s Dragoons. We give below a minute account of the surprise and action, of the accuracy of which we have no doubt. It will be read with universal interest.

       The Florida brought over official dispatches from Gen. Taylor for the Government. Col. Whistler came passenger on the Florida. A gentleman, who also cam passenger on the schooner, has furnished us with the following narrative of Gen. Taylor’s march from his camp to Point Isabel and of the subsequent attack upon the camp. It differs from the accounts received by the New York, via Galveston,[of which we have given the details commencing on the first page]. The reader may repose entire confidence in the following, as it may be considered almost official:

RW46v23i41p4c4, May 22, 1846: Attack Upon Gen. Taylor’s Camp.

Attack upon Gen. Taylor’s Camp

       On the 1st of May the main body of the Army of Occupation marched from the camp on the Rio Grande, leaving as a garrison in the fieldworks opposite Matamoras, the 7th Regiment of Infantry and two companies of Artillery, commanded by Capt. Lowd and Lieut. Bragg—the whole commanded by Major Brown, 7th Infantry.

       On the 2nd the army encamped at Point Isabel. Early in the morning of the 3rd a heavy cannonade was heard in the direction of Matamoras, which was continued during the day of the 4th. Owing to the difficulty of communicating with the fort, no intelligence was received at headquarters respecting the result of the cannonade until the morning of the 5th, when a party sent forward to communicate brought a dispatch from Major Brown, announcing the particulars, a brief statement of which follows:

       At 5 o’clock on the morning of the 3rd a fire was opened upon the fort from one of the Mexican batteries, and was continued with seven guns. The fire was immediately returned and the battery silenced by our guns in thirty minutes—two of the enemy’s guns supposed to be dismounted.

       The enemy then commenced firing from the lower fort and mortar battery; a brisk fire of shot and shells was kept up, but without damage to the fort or garrison.

       A deliberate fire was now kept up by our eighteen pounders upon the enemy’s guns and the city of Matamoras, the consulate flags being respected.

       The fire of the enemy was kept up without cessation until half past 7. At 10 it was temporarily suspended, but recommenced and continued at intervals until 12 at night. Although it is believed that some 12 or 1500 shot were fired by the enemy during this period, but on casualty occurred—a sergeant of B Company 3rd Infantry being killed. Not one of our guns was dismounted, though the enemy’s fire was concentrated for some time on the 18 pounder battery and the shot frequently struck the embrasures. At 5 o’clock on the morning of the 4th, the fire was resumed by the enemy, continued for 12 or 15 shots, and kept up at long intervals during the day, but without effect.

       The amount of damage done to the enemy, beyond silencing their batteries, cannot yet be correctly known.

       Our informant assures us that it was understood to be Gen. Taylor’s intention to remain at Point Isabel until that post should be perfectly fortified, and a large accession of troops should arrive; but he further gives us every reason to encourage those enrolling or who may desire to enroll themselves, to believe that Gen. Taylor will lead them at once into active service—that it is his firm intention to “carry the war into Africa.”

       We proceed now to lay before the reader an account of the surprise and subsequent surrender of Capt. Thornton’s command. Though not official, we have it from a gentleman familiar with the circumstances of the case, and upon whom we have published any thing which has afforded us such sincere pleasure. It will cheer hearts and make the nation glad;

RW46v23i41p4c4, May 22, 1846: Surprise and Surrender of Capt. Thornton’s Command.

       On the evening of the 23rd ult., General Taylor’s spies brought in intelligence to the effect that about two thousand five hundred Mexicans had crossed the Rio Grande to the Texas side above the American Fort, and that about fifteen hundred of same had crossed below. Gen. T. immediately dispatched a squadron of dragoons to each place of crossing for the purpose of reconnoitering them and ascertaining their position. The squadron ordered below was in command of Capt. Ker, the one above was commanded by Capt. Thornton and composed of Capt. Hardee, Lieut.’s Land and Mason, with sixty­one privates and non commissioned officers. The former commander, Capt. Ker, on arriving at the point where it was supposed they had crossed found that the report was false, that they had not crossed there but had all crossed above, which was afterwards proved by Capt. Thornton’s command being surprised, in which Lieut. Geo. Mason with nine men were killed and two wounded. The wounded were sent to Gen. Taylor’s camp; the army having no hospital in the field. Capt’s Thornton, Hardee, and Lieut. Kane miraculously escaped together with the balance of the non commissioned officers and men, but were captured and are now prisoners of war in Mexico.

       The circumstances which led to the surprise are these; After Capt. T.’s command had proceeded up the Rio Grande about twenty­four miles and as was supposed, to within about three miles of the Mexican camp the guide refused to go any further, and stated for his reason that the whole country was infested with Mexicans. Capt. T. however, proceeded on with his command about two miles when he came to a farm house, which was enclosed entirely by a chaparral fence, with the exception of that portion of it which bordered on the river and this was so boggy as to be impassable. Capt. T. entered this enclosure, through a pair of bars and approached the house for the purpose of making some enquiry, his command following him. So soon as his command had all entered the enclosure, the enemy, having been concealed in the chaparral, about two thousand five hundred in number, completely surrounded him and commenced firing upon his command. He then wheeled his command thinking that he could charge through the enemy and pass out where he had entered, not however, without a considerable loss. This he attempted but did not succeed, the enemy being too strong.

       At this instant, Capt. Hardee approached him for the purpose of advising him how to extricate themselves. The firing of the enemy still continuing Capt. Thornton’s horse, doubtless having received a shot, ran away with him and leaped the Chaparral fence and plunged into a precipice where he fell with Capt. T. under him, where he latter remained insensible for five or six hours. This casualty placed Capt. Hardee in command, who attempted with the residue to make his escape by the river, intending on arriving at its margin to swim it. In this he failed, finding it so boggy that he could not get to it. He then returned, taking the precaution to get out of distance of musketry, dismounted and examined the arms of his men, determining to sell their lives as dearly as possible. Before he had succeeded, however, in the inspection of his arms, a Mexican officer rode up and asked him to surrender. Capt. H. replied that he would surrender, but on no other conditions.—Capt. H. then surrendered. Capts. Thornton and Hardee, with Lieut. Kane and the residue of the non­commissioned officers and privates of Capt. T.’s command are now prisoner of war in Mexico. The enemy treats them remarkably well.

       Lieut. Geo. Mason was a fine young officer, and his death is much regretted. His saber belt was recognized among some articles that were subsequently captured from the enemy.

       So lively is the curiosity to learn every particular of the actions of the 3rd and 4th insts., that we annex hereto a letter from an officer at Point Isabel, written more for our private eye than for the public, but which cannot but interest all our readers.

RW46v23i41p4c3, May 22, 1846: The Richmond Volunteers, Upwards of One Hundred Strong­Their Exercises at the Armory.

       The gallant corps of volunteers, of this city, now numbering upwards of one hundred strong were carried through their exercises, yesterday evening, by Capt. Dimmock of the State Guard. A large number of citizens were at the Armory to witness the drill, and all present were struck with the aptitude of the gallant young soldiers, many of whom, for the short time they had been drilled, performed their parts with credit to themselves and promised honor to their country. We had no idea they numbered so strong, until we entered the Armory Yard and discovered what a formidable line these young soldiers presented. We counted seventy­eight in the line who were on drill, and understood that the number already enrolled amounts to upwards of one hundred men. A still larger number are expected to enroll their names, prepare for service, and await the orders of President Polk.

RW46v23i41p4c3, May 22, 1846: No title.

       The Washington Union states that Capt. Carrington and Lieut. Warren, of the Richmond Texas Volunteers, applied to the President on the 18th inst. For immediate service, in the presence of many distinguished gentlemen, Senator Pennybacker, Gov. McDowell from Virginia, &c. &c. The President (save the Union) was evidently gratified, complimented their patriotism, and promised, if a call should be made upon Virginia, that their claims should be fairly considered.

RW46v23i41p4c3, May 22, 1846: Correspondence of the Baltimore American. Washington, May 18,5 ½ P.M.

       The President has ordered 43,500 men in all, to be enrolled and made ready to be called into the public service at any moment. This includes the troops already called out from the Southwest, and the additional number will be from other sections of the Union.—New York will be called upon for eight regiments, Pennsylvania for six, and so on.

       Two millions of money more you will observe has been asked for by the Chairman of the Committee on Ways and Means to feed and clothe 8000 men added last week to the rank and file of the Standing Army, and for the Oregon regiment of mounted volunteers.

RW46v23i41p4c4, May 22, 1846: Correspondence of The Picayune, Point Isabel, May 5, 1846.

       Gentlemen—When the express came in this morning, I hurriedly penciled down gratifying intelligence which it brought us, expecting the boat would leave in a few minutes. It now only waits for Gen. Taylor’s official dispatch, which is being prepared for Washington. Having heard the official report from Major Brown read, and having a letter before me from there, I will give your further particulars accordingly.

       On the morning of the 3rd, at reveille, the Mexicans opened their batteries upon the work, throwing balls and shells without intermission until sunset, finishing with half a dozen extra ones at tattoo for a lullaby.

       At reveille, on the 4th, they opened again, sending a few shots and shells, which compliment was repeated at noon. Our artillery silenced the fort opposite ours in half an hour after the firing commenced on the 4th, and knocked three embrasures into one. This caused them to stop firing there for a considerable time, to repair damages. Our artillery also dismounted several of their guns, and from appearances must have killed many men. On our part but one sergeant, of the 7th infantry, was killed—being shot in the head with a 3lb ball. He was carried to the hospital, when, strange to say, a shell fell and blew the remainder of his head off. Some twenty men were standing around the hospital when the shell burst several were knocked down, but none injured. One artillery soldier was slightly wounded by a piece of a shell, and many have made narrow escapes. We only kept up our fire for about two hours—saving our ammunition whilst theirs was being thrown away. From their having thrown from 1500 to 2000 shots and shells, and killing but one of our men and wounding another, you may judge they are none of the best artillerists, and that we had good defenses. Their shot rendered a good many of our tents unserviceable, but all our men are in good spirits and anxious to come to close quarters.

       Our piquet guard is now firing at a party of Mexican soldiers, about a mile below the fort. The Chaparral between this and the fort is like a bee­hive, so full is it with Mexicans. It is thought they will make an assault on the rear of the fort, and try and repel the march of the troops from this place returning. Gen. T. leaves as soon as a reinforcement arrives here, which will enable the work to be defended without the force which he brought down from above.

In haste yours,


RW46v23i41p4c5, May 22, 1846: The Administration and the Country.

       The calamites which the Whigs predicted would result from the annexation of Texas, are now upon us. War, in its grim aspects, has opened its fires upon our South­Western borders, and the whole nation feels something of the excitement always incident to a state of hostilities. Already has the blood of Americans been shed in a contest with Mexican soldiers? In such a case, no loyal son of the Old Dominion will be a careless and indifferent spectator, not will he stop to enquire into the righteousness of the cause of this state of things. It is enough for him to know that a hostile foe has planted his flag upon territory which the action of our National legislation has made ours, and that every attempt to negotiate and settle the limits of Texas has been refused by Mexico. Our country has been patient with our neighbor Mexico; our citizens have suffered grievous wrongs at her hands; but still there was no desire to draw the sword to avenge them,­­at least on the part of the people;­­she has been the first to refuse to treat, and the first to sound the tocsin of war. It is, then, incumbent upon our citizens to see that the contest is a decisive one—one that shall vindicate the country and in the peace which shall ensue make it permanent and lasting. When this is accomplished, (and may a kind Providence early ordain it!) then we will canvass the causes of the war, and fix the blame where it belongs. If our Administration can clear its skirts of censure, then we shall have still farther cause of congratulation. But let not our politicians and our partisan editors suppose that the popularity of a war in the nineteenth century can depend upon their speculations. This is an age of enquiry; and the honest, intelligent men of the times, such as John C. Calhoun and JNO. J. Crittenden, will expose what is wrong, be he who he may that practices it. But for the present, look to our little army; be ready to give it assistance and protection, and if need be, march at once to the scene of danger and of action.

       For the Whigs of Virginia, one, who knows well of “what stuff they are made,” will freely speak: They will not be found lagging—they have ever been found in the front ranks of the battle for freedom. From the days of John Hampden till now, they have poured out their blood like water for the cause of human liberty. When the mere pander to Executive favor has been boisterous in his adulation, with no soul nor heart to love his country and defend her rights, Whigs, in the and in the Senate, have been raising barriers to the approach of the foe. Ina contest like the present, every such Whig in Virginia is ready, and will do his duty. Let not the guilty, however, expect to escape the condemnation justly due for his crimes.

       To the rescue, then, in any way your country may call! Gen. Taylor is our “Harry of Navarre”—follow his white plume!



RW46v23i41p4c7, May 22, 1846: Congress.

       Mr. Evans, from the Committee on Finance, reported a bill to remit the duties upon imported railroad iron in certain case4s.

       Mr. Benton offered a resolution, which was adopted, instructing the Committee on Military Affairs to inquire into the expedience of increasing the general staff of the Army in consequence of the increase of the rand and file; also of providing for the mere efficient organization of volunteers.

       The bill to repeal that part of the naval appropriation bill which limits the force of the Navy to 7500 men was taken up and passed.

       The Senate then proceeded to the consideration of the bill to provide for the adjustment of all suspended preemption claims in the several States and Territories.

       Mr. Huntington offered an amendment designed to retain the final decision upon the claims in the hands of Congress, and supported it in a brief speech.

       Mr. Johnson, of La. opposed the amendment and supported the bill as amended by the Committee on Private Land Claims.

       Mr. Calhoun was in favor of allowing the Commissioner to decide upon the claims, after consultation with the Attorney General, but requiring him to report his decisions to Congress, and the grounds upon which they are based.

       After some conversation the bill was amended so as to embrace the points advocated by Mr. Calhoun, and were then ordered to be engrossed for a third reading.

       On motion of Mr. Dayton the bill and report from the Committee on Post Offices and Post Roads on the subject of a mail route across the Isthmus of Panama, was recommitted.

       More than half an hour was occupied by Mr. D. in reading some choic3e extracts from the correspondence of Mr. Wm. Gilpin, embraced in this report, which put the gravity of the Senate to a severe test.

       On motion of Mr. Fairfield the bill reported tin the early part of the session for building ten war steamers, was recommitted to the Committee on Naval Affairs.

       The bill increasing the number of Paymasters in the Army, and changing the tenure of the office, was taken up; and, after a brief discussion, was read a third time and passed.

       The Senate then went into Executive session, and after a short time spent therein, adjourned.


       A Resolution was offered calling for information in relation to the Harbor at Sandusky Bay, which was agreed to by the House.

       Mr. McKay of N.C., proposed to terminate all debate upon the Army Bill at two o’clock to morrow. A motion to lay upon the table was lost, 93 to 67, and the Resolution was then adopted.


       Mr. Thompson, of Miss., moved to postpone the Oregon Indian Bill until the first Monday in June. Mr. T. said he made the motion with a view of awaiting the action of the Senate upon the Oregon jurisdiction Bill. The consideration of the Bill was postponed.


       Mr. McKay of N.C. moved that the House resolve itself into Committee of the Whole upon the state of the Union, which motion was agreed to. Mr. Cobb of Ga. was called to the Chair. Mr. McKay stated that in consequence of the increase of the rank and fate of the Army, it would be necessary to increase the appropriations for the rank and file some two millions of dollars.

       Mr. Sims of S.C. opposed the pending amendment to the Bill which was to increase the pay of soldiers in the ranks of the Army to ten dollars a month. Mr. S. also entered upon general defense of the Administration, and the laws of nations to prove that the Executive had been guilty of no improprieties in prosecuting a war with Mexico.

       Mr. Lumpkin of Georgia read a speech giving his views upon the war movements. They were warmly in defense of what had been done by the Executive, and an argument to show that the Executive was bound to do what had been done. The few members who had voted against the Bill to declare war were treated with the respect due to their opinions and sincerity awarded them, which is more than has been done by all the friends of the Administration.

       All of them had avowed their willingness to vote for supplies, though all were not ready to excuse the Administration and rally in support of it, which he thought ought to be done.

       Mr. Tombs of Ga. rose in reply, and with so much spirit and fervor that his speech at once commanded the undivided attention of the House. The bill passed by Congress was prefaced by a statement which was not true, and this misstatement of fact he denounced in warm language. The war declared was an aggression upon Mexico, a usurpation of power.

       The soil was never represented in the Texan Congress. They were Mexican people there, and did not rebel with the Texans or take part in the Texan Revolution. The President had violated the law of Congress and committed an act of usurpation by sending the Army to the Rio Grande. Mr. Tombs addressed the Committee briefly but with great force and effect.

       Mr. Chipman, of Mich., continued the debate in a violation speech abusive of the “Federal Whigs” and laudatory of Mr. Polk and the “Democracy.”

       Mr. Grider of Ky., denounced this war which had been produced by the Executive. He argued that peace might have been obtained, and our difficulties with Mexico settled in an amicable and honorable manner.

       The war was an Executive war, and he should speak of it as such, regardless of all that might be said by anybody. He should cease to be a freeman when he could not speak of him in a manner corresponding to his usurpations. The war that had been provoked he would prosecute with vigor, but the manner of the war he condemned.

       The soil between the Nueces and the Rio del Norte was at least doubtful, and ought not to have been invaded. With as earnest efforts to make peace as to prosecute war, peace might have been preserved, and all questions amicably settled.

       Mr. G. said he should not heed the denunciations against him. He spoke from his own convictions of right and in detestation of all usurpations of power.

       Mr. Tibbatts of Ky. Took the floor to reply, but gave way to a motion that the Committee rise, which prevailed.

       The Speaker laid before the House a communication from the Secretary of the Treasury.

       Mr. Hopkins of Va., said that as Chairman of the Committee on Post Offices and Post Roads, he had received a communication from one of the Texas Senators in reference to the mail routes, and complaining that the mail service was suspended.

       A Bill was then passes giving the Post Master General power to continue the mail service in Texas as when Texas was independent, The House then adjourned.

RW46v23i42p1c1, May 26, 1846: Thrilling News.

The Star­Spangled Banner Still Waving in Triumph!

The public pulse was made to beat high, and our citizens were relieved of an almost agonizing suspense, by the arrival of the Southern train on Saturday. The thrilling news from the seat of war was first indicated to the anxious expectants at the Depot, by the signal which floated in triumph as the cars reached the bridge over our noble James. The stars and stripes waved in triumphant beauty as all eyes turned upon them; and upon the breeze was wafted the soul­stirring news that our intrepid Taylor, with his gallant little army, had done his duty, in defending a country of which he and those under him have ample reason to be proud.

It will be seen, by our columns of to­day, that two engagements had taken place between a Mexican force of more than 5000 strong, and the American army, of only about two thousand men. Of the actual number killed and wounded on either side, it is a matter of perfect uncertainty to undertake to decide; but this much we are satisfied of, we have at least good reason, for regarding the action as having turned decidedly in favor of our own countrymen. We see it stated by the slips, we have before us, that a battle­­nay, two battles had been fought, and we also notice, that a large number of Mexicans were either killed, wounded, or taken prisoner, whilst but few Americans have been sacrificed. We have therefore, cause to rejoice at a victory over our enemies, yet we should nevertheless pause to mourn the loss of a Ringgold, a Brown, a McIntosh, and other gallant spirits, whose blood has been poured out in defence of their country. In the midst of all the excitement incident upon such an occasion, we cannot but deeply deplore the loss we have sustainedeven though it seems comparatively but small. The news likely to reach the city in a short time, may enable us to give a more accurate account of the killed and wounded on either side; and we devoutly hope that the loss from our ranks may be far less than has been heretofore stated. Should it be otherwise, however, we will still have abundant reason for congratulating the county upon a noble achievement.

By recent successful engagements of our little army with a much larger Mexican force, General Taylor has verified the prediction, that the American Flag would never be trampled upon while under his protection. He has met the enemy of our country under many disadvantages, yet how nobly has he vindicated himself and the objects for which his army contend! When the United States need a bright example to point out to other nations, let the triumphs of the 7th and 9th of May, be held forth as achievements which would reflect honor upon any soldiery.

In view of all now before us, notwithstanding the apparently determined spirit of the Mexicans to carry this matter still father, have we not a dependence in the skill and energy of Gen. Taylor­­with the aid of such a combined force as we have been informed has already gone to his rescue, have we not reason, we say, to regard the peace of the two countries as near at hand? If the Mexican Government, which has heretofore dealt so much in empty words, should continue to wage a war with the United States, it will be incumbent upon this Government to sustain our army, add to its strength and efficiency by accepting the services of such volunteers as have already tendered their lives and their fortunes in endeavoring to bring about a speedy settlement of our present difficulties with Mexico. We do not hesitate to say, that now we have embarked in this matter, it should be carried through. If the Mexicans will not come into terms willingly, without the fight, why, let us give it them; and who then can doubt our ability to place them in a condition in which they will be glad to sue for peace. We say again, let men and money be freely given; but above all, let us bring about as speedy a restoration of peace between the two countries, as it is possible to accomplish without further bloodshed.

RW46v23i42p1c2, May 26, 1846: Volunteers.

At a meeting of the Richmond Grays, held at the Military Hall, on the evening of the 22d May, 1846, pursuant to the order of the Captain thereof, the following preamble and resolution were unanimously adopted:

Whereas this Company has received information that a Requisition has been made by the President of the United States upon the Governor of Virginia for three Regiments of Infantry, who are to be equipped and armed, and to hold themselves in readiness for service; and whereas this Company is, and has been, at all times, ready to protect the interest and defend the honor and rights of their country, and deeming it now necessary to volunteer their services.

Therefore, be it Resolved, That the Captain of the Company tender to the Executive of Virginia the services of the Richmond Grays, with an earnest request to be enrolled in any Regiment that may be raised under the requisition aforesaid.

Captain of the Richmond Grays.

Louis J. Boissieux, Secretary.

At a meeting of the citizens of Richmond, held at the Odd Fellows' Hall, on the evening of the 21st instant, Gen. W. H. Lambert was called to the Chair, and Thos. T. T. Tabb appointed Secretary. The meeting was eloquently addressed by Capt. Carrington, Messrs. Wm. A Patteson, Thomas P. August, and John S. Caskie.

On motion of John S. Caskie, Esq., it was

Resolved, That the Committee of Five, appointed at a former meeting, for the purpose of collecting an amount sufficient to equip the Richmond Volunteers, be enlarged to nine, three from each Ward, and that the Chairman appoint the additional members of said Committee; whereupon, the following gentlemen were added to the Committee: John Wamble, Samuel D. Denoon, John H. Cooke, and Hay TaliaferroDr. Wm. A. Patteson, Col. T. B. Bigger, Jas. Winston, Col. George M. Carrington, and Jno. D. Munford, being the Committee before appointed. The meeting then adjourned.

WM. LAMBERT, Chairman,
Thos. T. T. Tabb, Secretary.

RW46v23i42p1c1, May 26, 1846: A Wise and Prudent Decision.

A Wise and Prudent Decision.

It will be recollected that, after the defeat of the resolution from the lower house of Congress, to give the “Notice” to Great Britain, the Senate passed a resolution which was to extend the jurisdiction of our laws over the Oregon Territory. This, at the time it was passed, was properly regarded as being even more offensive to the British Government, than the "Notice" itself; and, we must confess, we dreaded the result of its being carried into effect. The subject, in its original form, having been referred, by the Senate, to the Committee of Territories, has since come back to the body in which it originated, and the Committee ask to be excused from its further consideration.

The subjoined, taken from the Congress news of Thursday, will give the reader an idea of the conclusion to which the Senate's Committee have come on the subject:

"Mr. Westcott, from the Territorial Committee, to whom had been referred, the resolution relative to the expediency of the establishment of a Territorial Government in Oregon, reported that the committee did not deem it expedient to act upon the matter at this time.

The Oregon jurisdiction bill from the House, which had been referred to the same committee, was also reported back, with a motion that the committee be discharged from the further consideration of the bill, on the grounds that it is inexpedient to act upon it at present.

RW46v23i42p1c1, May 26, 1846: The Right Spirit abroad in the Land.

The Right Spirit abroad in the Land.

With what pride should we look upon the movements of our gallant countrymen, who are rallying from one extremity of the Union to the other, in behalf of a country alike dear to the heart of every American freeman! Each mail brings us evidence that the right spirit is abroad, and that Americans are determined to sustain their country, under its existing trials, whether right or wrong. Although a majority of our people must feel that their county has been placed in an unenviable position, by the duplicity, and, we might well say, imbecility of the powers that be, now at its head; yet, like true patriots, the generous, the proud, and the noble sons of liberty, have lost sight of the cause in seeking to avert the effect, which a war like that now existing between Mexico and their own Government is well calculated to produce.

RW46v23i42p1c5, May 26, 1846: England’s Warlike Preparations for America.

ENGLAND'S WARLIKE REPARATIONS FOR AMERICA. M. Dupin, in a recent debate n the Chamber of Deputies, said:

"Within the last 6 months a great war party has manifested itself in the U. S. England thinks that in the Oregon affair there is one of those questions of national honor which do not permit her to cede to imperous injunctions. She has feared, especially as the probable result of a war with the American Union, the loss of her immense possessions of Canada, New Scotland, New Brunswick, and other colonies on the continent to the north of the great Republic. To put herself in a position to meet all dangers, she has, without affectation, but without mystery, made the most formidable armament. It is as follows

Armament of England in the Atlantic and the Pacific oceans, ready to menace the United States on 1st January, 1846:

Vessels. Frigates.
6 vessels, 3 decks 7 frigates of 50 guns
6 " of 80 guns 5 " 42 to 44
2 " of 74 " 1 frigate 46
 
14 vessels 13 frigates and 14 corvettes

42 sailing vessels of war, commanded by post captains, and, moreover, 7 steam frigates and corvettes, disposable in the Atlantic and Pacific.

RW46v23i42p1c5, May 26, 1846: Congress.

SENATE­­Thursday, May 21.

Mr. Ashly, from the Committee on the Judiciary, reported a bill to change the time of holding the Spring Courts of the United States in Virginia and Tennessee.

Mr. Semple presented a remonstrance from citizens of the District of Columbia against the retrocession of any part of the District. Referred to the Committee on the District.

Mr. Yulee offered a resolution, which was adopted, instructing the Committee on Naval Affairs to inquire into the merits of Capt. R. F. Lopers' plan of building iron steamers.

On motion of Mr. Rusk, the Military Committee was instructed to inquire into the expediency of purchasing 200 of Colt's patent rifles.

The Committee on Territories to which the subject had been referred, reported that it was not expedient to move in the matter of a territorial government for Oregon at this session.

Also, that they had been unable to come to an agreement upon the various matters contained in the bill from the House for extending our laws over the territory of the U. S. lying west of the Rocky Mountains, and for other purposes, and asked to be discharged from its further consideration.

Mr. Wescott gave notice that when the report came up to­morrow, he should move to postpone the whole subject until the 1st Monday in December.

Mr. Benton. At what hour to­morrow does the Senator intend to make the motion?

Mr. Wescott. At 1 o'clock.

Mr. Benton. Perhaps I shall have a word or two to say then.

On motion of Mr. Johnson, of La., the Senate took up the bill to amend the act providing for the adjustment of land claims within the States of Missouri, Arkansas, and Louisiana, and parts of Mississippi and Alabama.

After some discussion and the adoption of sundry amendments, the bill was postponed until Monday next.

The French Spoliation Bill was then taken up, and after sundry amendments were offered to the bill, which were ordered to be printed.

Mr. J. M. Clayton addressed the Senate at some length in reply to the speeches of Mr. Dix and Mr. Colquitt, and after a short Executive session, the Senate adjourned.

RW46v23i42p2c1, May 26, 1846: From the Army.

We have been politely furnished with the following extract of a letter from an officer of the 8th Infantry, to his father in this city. That regiment participated prominently and honorably in the late triumphant battles between the American and Mexican forces on the frontier­­bearing, indeed, on one occasion, the brunt of the battle. We refer the reader to another column for an abstract of Gen. Taylor's official account of these engagements, and for other very interesting items of information copied from the last New Orleans papers:

"Camp, Near Matamoros, May 10, 1846.

"The Express is going in five minutesso I have time only to write two words. We have had two battles with the Mexicans. Our victory has been complete. All the officers, except myself, and one­third of the soldiers of my company have been either killed or wounded. I, by some miracle, have escaped. We took one battery, which fired grape­shot for a quarter of an hour upon us. My company was the first. The Mexican Army was cut to pieces. We were 1700they were 6800. Gen. La Vega is a prisoner, and it is from him we have their number. We have all their artillery, and all their munitions of war."

RW46v23i42p2c2, May 26, 1846: Virginia Volunteers.

A volunteer company has been organized in Fredericksburg, to aid in the defence of Texas. Joseph Robinson is Captain, Wm. S. Briggs 1st Lieutenant, Mural Willis 2d, William G. Coleman 3rd, Henry Knox 4th, and Robert B. Alexander Orderly Sergeant.

In Lynchburg, we learn from the Virginian, efforts are making to organize a company. Two meetings have been held, which were addressed by Messrs. Wm. D. Fair, Jno. Wm. Dudley, James B. Green, and others, with patriotic fervor.

RW46v23i42p2c3, May 26, 1846: Call upon Virginia!

It will be seen, by the Proclamation of the Governor of Virginia, in another column, that that officer is authorized to receive applications for a large number of volunteers, to be hereafter mustered into the service of the U. States, should the emergency require it. Of this, unless there should be unfortunately a war with England, we think there is now no much probability. Nevertheless, we hope the full number which may be required from Virginia will respond to the call.

RW46v23i42p2c3, May 26, 1846: No title.

The Editor of the St. Louis Republican, who has recently returned to that city from a visit to Nauvoo, states that the number of Mormons who have left that place on their way to California is about 1000, and others are making preparations to follow as rapidly as possible. The Nauvoo Eagle, however, manifests great uneasiness lest those who remain shall be attacked by the Anti­Mormons before they can make arrangements to depart.

RW46v23i42p2c3, May 26, 1846: No title.

The N. O. and other Southern papers continue to be filled with accounts of the organization and marching of corps of Volunteers for the Mexican campaign. We take it for granted that Mexico will now soon beg for peace, and that the services of but few of them will be required.

RW46v23i42p2c3, May 26, 1846: No title.

The present age presents various features in its moral and political character, differing materially from the age that preceded it; and while there is much that is praise worthy, and that deserves to be considered an improvement on the past, there are other matters deserving the severest censure, and that will meet with the decided condemnation of reflecting men of all parties in politics, and of every shade of difference in religious sentiment. Among the censurable and dark features in the character of the present age, bigotry, intolerance, and a spirit of detraction, hold a conspicuous place. The truth of this remark will be apparent to every man who will rid himself as far as possible of party prejudices, and retire to some quiet retreat, whence he may through a "loop hole" take a calm view of what is passing around him in the world.

These reflections have been induced by considering the position assumed by a portion of the political press in the United States towards another portion of the press, which is generally considered the organ of a large and highly respectable portion of our citizens, who happens not to possess optics keen enough to see that every thing done by the officers of the General Government is precisely right. For what they consider a candid and honest expression of opinion, they are denounced, in offensive language, as traitors to their country, who, under the profession of patriotism are virtually in league with her enemies. The writer proposes to furnish an example, which has very recently come under his observation. The following language deserves to be pondered well by all Editors of political papers. It is reasonable to suppose that the writer himself could not have considered with seriousness its import, otherwise he would have so modified it as to have shorn it of its offensive and intolerant features.

"We are extremely sorry to use party terms in connection with this Mexican War. We had hoped that such distinctions would be forgotten; and that all who claim the protection of our common flag would come to is rescue with a common flag would come to is rescue with a common alacrity and zeal. As far as the people are concerned, we are not disappointed. There is a strong and irrepressible instinct of republicanism and patriotism in the popular mind, which the ill­disguised toryism of self­constituted oracles can neither dampen nor corrupt. The great heart of the country is right, notwithstanding nearly every Whig paper which comes under our observation is pouring out its strong and foul current of modified treason. It is true their sympathies may not be steeled against our gallant brethren in arms on the Rio Grande; and it is true they decorate their columns in glowing words and startling capitals, when they have occasion to chronicle their successes;but it is also trueand here is the treason of itthey labor with 'horrid arts and execrable zeal' to place our country is the wrong before the world. This is the treason, and for it they deserve the execration of every honest man in Christendom."

It is not the writer's design to charge this illiberal, uncandid, and intolerant course exclusively upon the Democratic press. Much of it may doubtless be found in the presses of other parties, and it is deeply deplored by all who esteem it right to treat an opponent with that fairness and courtesy which we all wish to have extended to ourselves. It is time for the conductors of the press to discountenance all productions which are filled with offensive language, impugning the motives, honesty, and patriotism of all who are not their thorough­going partisans. When will all who write or speak learn to exercise moderation, candor, and courtesy? Can it be productive of good, or is it consistent with TRUTH, to charge an opponent with bad motives because he may be found advocating opinions or practices which we do not approve? MODERATION.

Fredericksburg, May 22d.

P.S.What does the word "people" in the foregoing extract mean? If it is intended to embrace the citizens of the U. States, of all parties, it is far from being correct to say that they are "right"if to be "right" means that they approve indiscriminately of the doings of the officers of the General Government: And if it is to be confined to the Democratic party, it is still incorrect, for a large number of both parties do not approve of the doings of President Polk; and without doubt there is patriotism in both parties.Who, then are the People? [Democratic Recorder, May 22nd.­

RW46v23i42p2c4, May 26, 1846: From the N.O. Bee, May 18. Official Dispatch to Gen. Gaines.

We have been politely favoured with a perusal of the official dispatch addressed by Gen. Taylor to Gen Gaines, dated from his camp on the field of battle, three miles from Matamoras, May 9th 1846. It does not differ materially from the accounts of the two engagements already laid before the public. On the 8th Gen. T. drove the enemy from their position, and occupied it during the night. The lost in this conflict was 12 killed and 39 wounded. On the 9th the army resumed its march until it encountered the enemy, protected, as stated in our extra, by a ravine, with artillery on its ravine. This battery was stormed by Capt. May's Company of Dragoons. The number of killed and wounded on our side could not be ascertained. Private accounts make the number something over one hundred.

In this second engagement Lieutenant Inge of the 2nd Dragoons, Lieutenant Cochrane of the 4th Infantry, and Lieutenant Chadbourne of the 8th Infantry were killed.Officers wounded: Lieutenant Cols. McIntosh and Payne, Captains Montgomery and Hove; Lieutenants Gaters, Maclay, Seldon, Burbank, Jordon and Fowler of the Infantry.

The dispatch states that the forces under General Taylor were two thousand three hundred men, and that they had to contend against 3,800 Mexicans of the regular army, and about 2000 irregular cavalry.

The fort opposite Matamoras has been nearly incessantly bombarded during one hundred and sixty hours, during which an immense number of shot and shells were thrown in it. No material damage has been sustained.

RW46v23i42p2c4, May 26, 1846: Affairs on the Frontier.


We published in Extras the substance of the interesting and important information brought by the Louisiana, the Col. Harney and the Galvestonthe latter being the last of the arrivals, and bringing the latest intelligence. We now subjoin, from a supplementary edition of the Galveston News and Civilian of the 15th, such additional particulars as we were able to crowd in our extras.

The following anecdote connected with the decisive battle of the 9th; is too good to be omitted:

"The battle commenced by heavy cannonading on both sides. Gen. Taylor, in passing his lines, accosted Captain May of the 2d dragoons, and told him'your regiment has never done anything yetyou must take that battery.' He said nothing but turned to the command and said'we must take that batteryfollow.' He made a charge with three companiesat least with the remainder of three companiessupported by the 5th and 8th regiments of infantry. They cleared the breast work, rode over the battery, wheeled and came through the enemy's line whilst the fire of the infantry was so deadly in its effects to carry all before it. Captain May made a cut at an officer as he charged throughon his return he found him standing between the wheels of a cannonfighting like a hero. He ordered him to surrender. He was asked if he was an officer? Captain May answered him in the affirmative, when he presented his sword remarking'You receive General Vega a prisoner of war? Captain May gave him in charge of one of his sergeants who had lost his horse in the charge, ordering him to conduct him to General Taylor out of the line."

In this charge Capt. Gage, a brave and gallant officer fell. A complete panic issued on the part of the enemy, and they fled in every direction, many being drowned in attempting to cross the river.

"Eight pieces of artillery fell into our hands, and innumerable quantity of small arms, munitions, baggage, camp equipage, military chest containing a large quantity of gold, Gen. Arista's carriage, baggage, port folio with all his official correspondence with the Government, with full plans of the campaign, and instructions from the Mexican Government, authorizing him to send Gen. Taylor and his army when taken to the city of Mexico; to treat Gen. Taylor and his officers with such care and attention as becomes the magnanimity of the great Mexican nation. Four or five hundred head of mules &c. with a large number of strands of colors.

The plan of the campaign and the instructions from his Government ordered him to take possession of Point Isabel, this was to be the brief act of hostility, he was to fortify it as strongly as possible. He was likewise ordered to take possession of the mouth of the river and fortify it at once.

Some 400 Mexicans were buried at the last accounts, but doubtless hundreds lie dead among the Chaperal.

Capt. May's attack is spoken of as being one of those splendid efforts which would have adorned the brightest feather of the plume of Murat, in the palmist days of his glory. It cost him 18 horses with a few of the gallant riders. The victory, says the Extra from which we copy entirely belongs to the U. S. Army. No volunteers having arrived in time to share in the honors of the day. It will convince our country, that West Point affords the material of exhibiting the courage and bravery of American soldier.

I trust we will hear no more of dismounting our gallant Dragoons, the affair of the 9th shows them to be the arteries of our defence.

That redoubtable hero, Gen. Ampudia, commanded the 2d Division of the Mexican army. It is said he was the first man to make good his escape to Matamoras, where he reported that Arista had betrayed the army. [N. O Bee.

RW46v23i42p2c4, May 26, 1846: General Vega.

GENERAL VEGA. In addition to the unprecedented excitement in our city yesterday, caused by the news of the glorious victory of General Taylor, and the war intelligence from Washington, the sensation was if possible increased by the landing of General Romilio Dias de la Vega as a prisoner of war, from on board the steamer Colonel Harney. This brave and experienced officer has a very prepossessing appearance; his is very little over the middle height, has a fine manly countenance of a swarthy hue, set off by full and well trimmed whiskers and mustachi es. On his landing from the steamer he was conducted to a private residence at the corner of Toulouse and Royal streets, where a vast concourse of people were gathered to catch a glimpse of a live Mexican General. The General appeared to be in excellent spirits. His conversation with several persons who were admitted to see him, was carried on by an interpretor in the Spanish language as he does not speak either the English or French. He expressed himself surprised at the wonderful extent of New Orleans and expatiated upon its immense amount of shipping, stating that he had no idea of the importance of the city. In speaking of the late battle, he was understood to say that the American artillery behaved with uncommon efficiency. Shortly after his arrival, General Gaines admitted him and the officers on parole, and they will, no doubt, take their quarters at the St. Charles Hotel.

RW46v23i42p1c4, May 26, 1846: From the New Orleans Tropic , May 10. Three Days Later From Mexico.

By the barque Mandarin, arrived this morning from Vera Cruz, which port she left on the 7th inst., we learn that the U. S. Squadron sailed from Vera Cruz on the 4th inst. On getting under way, the guns of the Castle were all manned, matches lighted ready to fire into them, if any disposition was made towards it. It was generally believed that as soon as it was ascertained that hostilities had commenced on the frontiers, Com. Conner would make an attack on the town and Castle; but a larger force would be required than was there.

When the Meridian sailed the U. S. Ship Falmouth was the only vessel in port. The Commodore, it was reported; had gone to the Brazos, to assist the army, if needed. Every preparation was making at Vera Cruz for its defence, and that of the Castle, heavy guns were being taken over every day. The weather had become very hot. The thermometer standing at 96 in the shade.

The Vomits had made its appearance.

RW46v23i42p2c5, May 26, 1846: Organization of Volunteer Corps for the United States Service.

With a view of obtaining the requisite information as to the government of this volunteer corps, now organizing under the late act of Congress, a letter was written a few days ago by major General Stewart to Washington, making all needful inquiries on the subject. The reply of the Secretary of War is annexed. It appears to contain every necessary direction, and, if extensively circulated, will save a vast deal of trouble to all parties interested. It will be observed by the accompaning memorandum that no provision is made for a company of artillery.

[Baltimore American.

WAR DEPARTMENT, May 19, 1846.

Sir: In reply to the inquiries contained in the letter of Major General Steuart, and in other communications, submitted by you to this Department, I have the honor to inform you that the rule adopted is to call for volunteers that are required from any particular State, through the Governor. This is an act of respect to the Executive of the State, due as well to his position, as to his generally superior knowledge of the character and efficiency of the volunteers throughout the State, the sections from which it is most advisable to take them, and which of them can, with the greatest facility and least expense, be embodied for the service for which they may be required. Circumstances may, however, occur to render it expedient to accept offers of service direct, without the intervention of the Governor, when an application to him might cause delay. Applications of companies, regiments, &c. to enter the service may therefore be made direct to this Department.

The law, a copy of which in enclosed, provides that the officers of volunteers shall be appointed by the proper State authority, in the manner prescribed by the State laws; and the accompanying memorandum shows the number of officers, non­commissioned officers and privates, and the organization of companies and regiments.

The law also requires that the volunteers furnish their own clothing, and, if cavalry their own horses and horse equipage. Such as are already uniformed need not change; such as are not, and contemplate uniforming, are at liberty to adopt such as they think proper; but it is advisable that all who may be called into the service adapt their dress, as nearly as circumstances will permit, to the nature of the service that may be required of them, and to the character of the country and climate where they may have to serve. Those that shall be accepted will be armed and equipped at the expense of the United States, and will be inspected and mustered into service by an officer of the army, or by one appointed by the Governor, at such times and places as will be specified when their services are called for.

Very respectfully your obedient serv't,
W. L. Marcy, Secretary of War.

Hon. Wm. F. Gilem,
House of Representatives U. S.


Memorandum of the Organization of Volunteer Corps,

under the act of 13th May, 1846.

A company of cavalry, or mounted men, will consist of

1 Captain,
1 First Lieutenant,
1 Second Lieutenant,
4 Sergeants,
4 Corporals,
2 Buglers,
1 Farrier and Blacksmith,
and 67 Privates, as established by order of the President.

A regiment of Cavalry, or mounted men, will consist of

Field & staff officers 1 Colonel

1 Lieutenant Colonel

1 Major

1 Adjutant, ( Lieutenant in addition to the Lieutenant of Corps.)
Non commissioned staff 1 Sergeant Major

1 Quartermaster Sergeant,

1 Principal Musician,

Chief Buglers, and

10 Companies, for the organization of which see above

A company of Infantry (or Riflemen) will consist of

1 Captain,
1 First Lieutenant,
1 Second Lieutenant,
4 Sergeants,
4 Corporals,
2 Musicians, and
64 Privates, as established by order of the President.

A Regiment of Infantry (or Riflemen) will consist of

Field and staff officers 1 Colonel,
1 Lieutenant Colonel,
  1 Major,
1 Adjutant, (a lieutenant of one of the companies, but not in addition.)
Non commissioned staff. 1 Sergeant Major,
  1 Quartermaster Sergeant,
  2 Principal Musicians, and
  10 Companies, for the organization of which see above.


RW46v23i42p2c6, May 26, 1846: By the Governor. A Proclamation.



The Congress of the United States having, by an act approved on the 13th May, 1946, declared that a state of War exists between the Republic of Mexico and that of the United States; and the President of the United States, being by said act authorized "to call for and accept the services of any number of Volunteers, not exceeding 50,000," "for the purpose of enabling the Government of the United States to prosecute said war to a speedy and successful termination," and having called upon the Executive of this State, under date of the 19th inst., "to cause to be enrolled and held in readiness for muster into the service of the United States, three Regiments of Infantry," to be composed of Volunteer corps.

Now, therefore, I, WILLIAM SMITH, Governor of Virginia, by virtue of the authority with which I am invested, do announce to my fellow citizens my readiness to receive, for the purpose aforesaid, a tender of the services of thirty companies of Volunteers to be formed into regiments when mustered into the service of the U. States. These companies must have the organization of the Army of the United States, and in their rank and file must consist of 64 men, not over 45, nor under 18 years of age, and of full "physical strength and vigor." Existing Volunteer Companies tendering their services, will be permitted to retain their existing uniform; but all new companies must strictly conform, in their uniform, to that prescribed by the general order of March 1824.

No officer of Militia, no matter what his grade, will forfeit his commission by entering into the proposed Volunteer service.

For the information of the public, the uniform before referred to, as well as the company organization of the Army of the United States, will be found in the subjoined general order.

The call to arms has, upon the generous and the brave, a magical effect. To the Virginian it has never been made in vain. Other States are rushing to fields of danger and of glory; and the sons of the cavaliers will not be outstripped in this noble race of patriotism and duty.

Given under my hand as Governor, and under the lesser

Seal of the Commonwealth, at Richmond, this 23d day of

May, in the year of our Lord eighteen hundred and forty­six, and of the Commonwealth the seventieth.

May 26th W. M. SMITH.


RW46v23i42p2c5, May 26, 1846: From the Washington Union , Military Arrangements.

The offers made to the President, and to the War Department, of the services of volunteers, the applications for appointment as officers, and the inquiries as to the strength, organization, &c., are so numerous, that it has become impossible to answer them with promptness. The following is therefore, published for general information.

The President has deemed it best to call for such volunteers as are required from particular States through their Governors─as, from their generally superior information, they can best judge of the relative efficiency of the different corps, and which of them can, with the greatest facility and the least expense, be embodied for the service for which they are needed. The President has no power to appoint officers of volunteers─the law requires that they be appointed by the proper authorities of the States in the manner prescribed by their laws. The offers of services, and the applications for appointments, should, therefore, be made to the Governors of the States and Territories.

Those who propose to tender their services should be first enrolled and organized into regiments, or battalions, where a battalion is designated in the quota called for from a State. When this is done, they will tender their services through the Governor of the State, who will give notice thereof to the President, or Secretary of War.─They will be duly informed of the acceptance of their offer by the President, and notified to be ready to be called into service when the public exigencies may require. Their pay will commence when actually called and mustered into service, and not before.

Volunteers are required by law to furnish their own clothing, and, if cavalry, their own horses, and horse equipments; but none under the rank of commissioned officer will be received into service who, in years, are under eighteen, or over forty­five; and no horses but such as are perfectly sound and in good condition to render effective service. No particular dress is prescribed for volunteers. They are at liberty to adopt such an uniform as they think proper; but it is advisable that those entering the service adapt their dress, as well as may be, to the nature of the service, and the character of the country and climate to which they may be called. When called into service, they are armed and equipped at the expense of the U. States.

RW46v23i42p2c6, May 26, 1846: General Orders.



Richmond, May 23d. 1846.

The following organization of Volunteer corps for service under the requisition of the President of the United States, will be observed:

Each company of Infantry will consist of

1 Captain,
1 1st. Lieutenant,
1 2d " ,
4 Sergeants,
4 Corporals,
2 Musicians, and
64 Privates.

Thirty Companies are required to constitute, when called into service, three Regimens of Infantry─each Regiment to consist of

1 Colonel,
1 Lt. Colonel,
1 Major, [addition]
1 Adjutant [a Lieutenant of one of the Companies, but not in]
1 Sergeant Major,
1 Quarter Master Sergeant,
2 Principal Musicians,
10 Companies, according to the organization above.

Volunteer Corps now in commission tendering their services, and all new corps which may be raised for this service, will send to this Department with the tender of service, a written engagement signed by all the members, to serve for twelve months after they shall have arrived at the place of rendezvous; or to the end of the war, unless sooner discharged,─according to their discretions.

Old corps will retain the uniform now worn by them; new corps will uniform according to the pattern prescribed.

No man under the rank of a commissioned officer will be received, who is in years apparently over 45 or under 18─or who is not in physical strength and vigor.

Commandants of regiments within which Volunteer corps for this service shall be raised, will superintend the enrollment, the elections of officers, inspect the Company, and certify the whole to this Department. Commissions for this special service will then be issued to the officers of all new corps. Existing corps will be inspected in like manner and sign the enrolment.

Companies when enrolled and commissioned will hold themselves in readiness for muster into the service of the United States when called for; but it is recommended to the members not to abandon their ordinary occupations in the mean time, further than to give such attention to training as may be convenient.

By command. WM. H. RICHARDSON, Adj. Gen'l.


We, the undersigned, do hereby engage to serve in a Volunteer Company of infantry to constitute a portion of three Regiments required for the service of the United States, according to the terms of an act of Congress "providing for the prosecution of the existing War between the United States and the Republic of Mexico," approved the 13th May, 1846,─and to hold ourselves in readiness for muster into the service of the United States, when called upon by the Governor of Virginia.



Coat─Dark blue cloth, single breasted, three rows of buttons on the breast, ten in each row at equal distances; the distance between the outer rows and the centre row to be four inches at top and two at bottom, measuring from the centre of eyes of the buttons; blind button holes of black twist or narrow black braid from the centre buttons to the corresponding buttons in the outer rows; stand­up collar, to meet in front with hooks and eyes, and rise no higher than to permit the free turning of the chin over it; to be edged all around with gold lace three quarters of an inch in width, with two straps of the same lace four and a half inches in length on each side, running back from the front, terminated by a button each.─Cuff, three inches deep, with four blind button holes of black twist or narrow braid extending from four buttons placed across on each, and two small buttons at the fastening. Skirts to reach to the bend of the knee with blue turn­backs, or turn­backs marked with cord; the bottom the skirts not less than three and a half; nor more than five inches broad, with a star of silver at the connecting point of the turn­backs on each skirt; two hip buttons to range with the lower buttons on the breast, two buttons at the opening of the pocket of each skirt; collar and cuffs of blue cloth, plain or embroidered at pleasure.

Buttons─Silver or plated, convex, with the arms of Virginia on them.

Sword and Scabbard─Straight sword, silver hilt and white gripe; Scabbard, steel or plated; Sword know, silver cord and tassel; Sword Belt, black leather, to be worn over the coat.

Sash─Scarlet silk net, with bullion fringe ends, sash to go twice round the waist, and to tie on the left hip; to be worn under the belt.


Hat─Cocked, without binding; fan or back part eleven inches; the front or cock nine inches, each corner six inches; black ribbons on the two front sides;─Loop and Cockade: Navy blue silk cockade, six inches diameter; Loop, silver, eleven inches long, ornamented with the arms of Virginia in silver.

Plume─White cock feathers falling from an upright stem eight inches long, in a silver socket.

Tassels silver, with worked hangers.

Cravat or Stick, black.

Trousers─From 1st October to 30th April, dark blue cloth or cassimere; from 1st May to 30th September, white linen or cotton.

Boots─Worn under the trousers.

Spurs─Silver or plated.

Gloves, white.


Coat─Dark blue cloth, single breasted, three rows of buttons on the breast, ten in each row, at equal distance; the distance between the outer rows and centre row to be 4 inches at top and 8 at bottom, measuring from the centre or eyes of the button; blind button holes of black twist or narrow black braid from the centre buttons to the corresponding buttons in the center rows, stand­ up collar to meet in front with hooks and eyes, and rise no higher than to permit the free turning of the chin over it; for officers, to be edged all round with silver lace three quarters of an inch wide, with 2 straps of the same lace 4 1/2 inches in length on each side, running back from the front, terminated by a button. Non­commissioned officers and privates to wear white worsted lace instead of silver; cuff 3 inch. deep with 4 blind button holes of black twist or narrow braid extending from 4 buttons, placed across on each, and 2 small buttons at the fastening; Skirts to reach no lower than the middle of the thigh, with 4 blind holes of black twist or narrow braid on the pocket flaps, to correspond with the buttons.

Trousers─From the 1st October to 30th April, dark blue cloth or cassimere─from 1st May to 30th September, white linen or cotton.

Cap─Black leather, round, with bell crown, plated or silver scales and eagle.

Pompoms─White, in silver or plated socket.

Buttons─Silver or plated, convex, seven­eighths of an inch diameter, the arms of Virginia.

Wings─Silver scales and bullion for officers; for non­commissioned officers, the same as for officers except the bullion; for privates, white metal scales; non­commissioned officers to wear white worsted lace instead of silver.

RW46v23i42p2c5, May 26, 1846: Captain Walker.

CAPTAIN WALKER.─ This brave soldier who acquitted himself with so much gallantry that if he gain no more renown, he deserves and must receive the most honorable praise from his countrymen. We learn that he once lived in this city a cabinet­maker. If he have to boast many more deeds of valor, he may, some day, in virtue of the military prestige so powerful in this country, be employed into a cabinet making of a different kind.


The above paragraph unless we are greatly mistaken is erroneous. Capt. WALKER, [Samuel H., as we suppose him to be] lately one of the Rangers operating on the Texan frontier under Colonel HAYS, is a native of Maryland, and was formerly a resident of Washington city, where he has many family connexions. He is a carpenter by trade, and is yet a young man. His first entry upon military life was as a volunteer in the company which left here for Florida in 1834; and after returning from that expedition, he resumed and pursued his occupation in this city for some time, until the spirit of adventure led him first to emigrate to Florida, and from thence to Texas. While here, as we are informed, he was a young man of strictly temperate habits and unassuming deportment, but of indomitable energy.
─[Nat. Int.

RW46v23i42p3c1, May 26, 1846: Last Evening’s Mail. Gen Scott.

The Baltimore Sun of yesterday says: “We understand in a special correspondent at Washington, that Gen. Scott will leave in a few days for the South.”

RW46v23i42p3c5, May 26, 1846: Dragoons Attention.

ATTEND a meeting of your Company at the Exchange Hotel on Tuesday next, the 26th inst. At 8 o'clock, P. M. By order of the Captain,

F. MARX, Orderly.

NOTICE. ─It is proper that the citizens generally, as well as the members of the

Troop, should be apprized that the above meeting is called with a view of proceeding forthwith, (if a sufficient number is added to the roll by the day appointed,) to organize the Company thoroughly and place it in a condition for active and efficient service─or, failing in this, to disband the corps at once, in order that its members may enroll themselves for duty in some other arm of the service.

May 20th dtd Captain R. L. Dragoons.


RW46v23i42p4c4, May 26, 1846: Montgomery Journal Extra, Tuesday Morning, May 19, 1846.

[By Express from Mobile] Latest From the Army.


By the Daily Picayune, and an Extra from the Mobile Advertiser of the 18th, we have news, the substance of which is contained in the following:

There have been two engagements between Gen. Taylor and the Mexican Troops, the first occurring on the 7th instant, when Gen. Taylor was returning from Point Isabel to his Camp, opposite Matamoras. In this the Mexicans, from 5000 to 7000 were repulsed, our army sleeping on the field of battle, on which next day were found 200 Mexicans dead, several pieces of artillery, stores, &c.─Major Ringgold died, subsequently, from wound in this action.

Of the second battle we can only give the following particulars from The Picayune .

The U. S. Steamer Col. Harney arrived this morning, just as our paper was going to press, from Brazos Santiago, having left on the 13th inst. Her news is glorious to our arms.

She brings official accounts of a second battle between the Mexican and American forces, which took place on 9th, commencing at half past 3 o'clock, P. M., within three miles of Camp Taylor. The action was upon the edge of a ravine, and one mile from the chaparral, which was here about twelve miles in width.

The Mexicans commenced the action with their artillery, which was posted as to sweep the narrow pass by which Gen. Taylor was advancing, there being a swamp on either hand. Gen. Taylor immediately ordered a charge in the teeth of the enemy's destructive fire, and the troops promptly responded, and carried the enemy's guns at the point of the bayonet.

So sudden and impetuous was the attack, and so successful, that Arista had not ti e to save his papers, which with all his correspondence, fell into the hands of Gen. Taylor.

The action lasted one hour and a half, in which time 600 Mexicans were either killed or wounded, and the Americans took 300 prisoners and eight pieces of artillery. The American loss in this action was but 62, killed and wounded.

Among the killed were Col. McIntosh, Lieut, Cochran, Col. Brown (by the bursting of a shell,) Lieut. Eng, and one or two others, whose names are not given. Colonel Payne, Lieuts. Gates, Burbank, Hooe, Luther and others were wounded.

We regret to say that Major Ringgold, who was so severely wounded in the action of the 8th, died on the 10th inst., and was buried next day with the honors of war.

The total loss of the Mexicans in the two actions of the 8th and 9th, was at least 1200. The Mexican force amounted to at least 6,000 men, while that of the Americans on the ground did not exceed 1600 men.

An exchange of prisoners took place between the two armies subsequent to the action, by which Capts. Thornton and Hardee and Lieut. Kane have been returned to the army. Lieut. Deas was not demanded and still remains a prisoner. Among the prisoners taken by Gen. Taylor was Gen. Veja. For him two American officers were offered in exchange, but it was declined to give him up, save in exchange for an American officer of equal rank, whenever one should be taken.

Gen. Vega and two Mexican Lieutenants were sent over by Gen. Taylor on the Col. Harney as prisoners of war.─Gen. Vega was allowed to be accompanied by one of his aides, a Lieutenant Colonel as a friend.

The Mexican army was so confident of victory that every preparation had been made to celebrate it; but all their preparations fell into the hands of the Americans. In their fight many of the Mexicans took the river, and were drowned in their attempts to swim it.

Gen Taylor reached his camp the afternoon of the action. Leaving there his whole force, he started the next morning for Point Isabel, and arrived there the evening of the 10th without molestation. The morning of the 11th he started back for his camp opposite Matamoras. We need not say that he and his army are in high spirits.

The steamer Dallas took off from this place (Montgomery) last night, the "Pintala Vanguards," numbering 70 hardy fellows; the Selma will take the "Blues" to­day, about 800 and to­morrow the "Rifles," about the same number, will leave for Mobile. Montgomery will have sent a battallion when all these have got off.

RW46v23i42p4c4, May 26, 1846: From the New Orleans Reformer. Late Intelligence from the Seat of WAR.

Arrival of the U. States sloop of war Flirt─The frigates Cumberland, Raritan and Potomac, brig Somers, and sloop John Adams, off the mouth of the Rio Grande─Departure of Gen. Taylor from Point Isabel─Engagement with the Enemy─Result not ascertained.

The sloop of war Flirt, captain Sinclair, arrived in the river late yesterday afternoon from Brasos St. Iago, which place she left about noon on the 8th inst.─two days only subsequently to the sailing of the New York, which arrived at this port on Sunday evening last.

The intelligence brought by the Flirt is of an important character, but it leaves us all in painful suspense. Unless the Mexican force under Arista was much greater than has been conjectured, or than Gen. Taylor himself estimated it from the best information he was able to procure, the American forces will escape capture.

Gen. Taylor left Point Isabel on his return to his encampment opposite Matamoras, with about 2,000 men, and taking with him a large quantity of supplies, late in the afternoon of the 7th. Soon after his departure, and when it was supposed Gen. Taylor had proceeded about 9 miles on his route, a heavy cannonading was heard, which continued for several hours.

On the morning of the 8th, the firing was renewed, and was still heard when the Flirt left. The sound becoming less distinct, an impression was entertained that Gen. Taylor was forcing the enemy before him. The firing was heard by the officers of the Flirt when quite out to sea.

The officers of the Flirt saw about dark a dense volume of smoke rising in the direction of Matamoras, and their conjecture was that the American forces had fired the town.

There had been no communication with the camp near Matamoros, since the arrival of captain Walker, bringing information to Gen. Taylor at Point Isabel of the attacks of the Mexicans, and their repulse, on the 3d May. Walker had immediately returned with 75 men, but it was not known when the Flirt sailed whether he reached major Brown's quarters in safety or not.

Gen. Taylor was fully prepared for an encounter with the enemy, and had made every necessary disposition of his troops to give them the best fight in his power.

No apprehension was entertained for the safety of the small detachment under major Brown, left at fort Taylor. The defences were ample toresist any force Gen. Arista had at his command.

The fleet from Vera Cruz consisting of the frigates Cumberland, Raritan and Potomac, brig Somers, and sloop John Adams arrived off Brasos St. Iago on the night of the 7th. The Flirt was detained several hours to bring important despatches from commodore Conner.

The Day and Telegraph, government transports, were passed on their way down about 200 miles west of the Balize.

Capt. Thornton was alive, and a prisoner at Matamoras.

Our consul and the American residents in Matamoras, had been sent into the interior.

RW46v23i42p4c4, May 26, 1846: The News Confirmed.

From the Mobile Advertiser Extra, May, 18.

General Taylor again Victorious!!

Route of the Mexican Army!!!

Per steamer Col. Harney at New Orleans.

[Correspondence N. O. Tropic .]


At the receipt of the news of the first battle I wrote you a short account, the result of the second is now on hand, and it is most decisive. It now appears that the Mexicans had only five thousand men in the field at the first battle, and four thousand stowed away in the chapparel near the battle ground. It was their intention to have made but a slight attack the first day, but being so closely pressed they were obliged to make good their retreat to where the four thousand were in the chapparel. In the first fight a general officer had his head shot off, it is not yet ascertained who he was, as his body was recognized by his dress as he lay upon the field.

Gen. Taylor advanced the morning of the first battle in to the chapparel, then sent 800 picked men under the charge of Captain McCall, to reconnoire, he advanced unmolested until near 3 P. M., (the army followed at a distance,) when Captain McCall sent word to Gen. Taylor, that he had received a charge of grape from the enemy, and lost two men.

The army was then deployed, and Captain May, 2d dragoons ordered to charge the battery that had thrown the grape, and to take it if he lost every man, he obeyed orders, took the battery of four guns and lost but one man. The battery was commanded by General de la Vega, who was taken prisoner.

Our little army of an army then rent the air with their huzzas, and rushing shouting upon the enemy, committing the most dreadful havoc among them, taking eight pieces of artillery, 155,000 rounds of cartridge, and 500 packed mules. General Arista's camp beadstead contained all his private and public baggage papers, which latter will be of great value, as we now not only have the key to the whole campaign, which will enable General Taylor to form his plans so as to entirely defeat their designs.

We took all and every thing they had, four hundred prisoners, and the army baggage. The enemy had between 8 and 9,000 troops in the two battles, but we with 1,800 troops completely routed them.

We exchanged prisoners, got Captain Thornton, Hardy and his little band. Our officers while prisoners were well treated, having lived with Ampudia ever since they were taken. Gen. Taylor would not exchange for Lieutenant Deas as a prisoner of war, as it would be sanctioning his crossing the river, which he did not, having reprobated his crossing in the severest manner.

In this second and glorious battle we lost about the same number of men as in the first, but had more officers wounded. Captain Walker with his heroic bank of Rangers, was the last that fired at the Mexicans, the army left him and his comrades on the bank of the river shooting them as they attempted to cross.

To­morrow General Taylor leaves here to make an attack on Matamoras, in connection with Com. Connor, who has sent a boat expedition up the river.

I forgot to mention that Gen. Taylor arrived here yesterday with all our wounded, between 50 and 60, with Gen Romulus De la Vega, one Mexican Capt. and two lieutenants, who go with this letter in the Col. Harney.

The Augusta from New Orleans arrived last evening.─The mules from Matamoras, some 500, were sent in to­day, as well as the Mexican wounded.

I should not forget to mention that all the shell, ball and grape shot of the Mexicans are made of brass or copper.─This letter I must close, with details of glory enough for one day.

RW46v23i42p4c4, May 26, 1846: Correspondence of the Tropic.

[Correspondence of the Tropic.]

Announcement of Coming of Volunteers─Unexpected arrival of Com. Connor at Brasos Santiago─Gen. Taylor starts for Matamoras─Com. Connor reinforces Point Isabel─Excitement─ News from the battle­field─Retreat─Capture of Artillery─Mexican officer shot by his own men─Capt. Page wounded─Louisiana Volunteers─Uncle Sam's Sailors on shore.


RW46v23i42p4c5, May 26, 1846: No title.

Since my last (not received) we have had two arrivals; the New York and brig Millaudon. The last brought the news that six steamboats with four thousand volunteers were about starting when she left. This news made us most cheerful, as we could not have then expected the result that has since taken place with our troops.

Despatches had been sent to Vera Cruz by General T., contents to us unknown, but rumor would have it that aforesaid Vera Cruz was to have been bombarded. Judge of our surprise then when at daylight on the morning of the 8th, after the whole squadron (Falmouth excepted) appeared off our harbor. The Commodore had not received the despatches from her, but was informed at Vera Cruz, that the Mexicans had marched 6 or 7,000 troops across by land to assist Gen. Arista in whipping Gen. Taylor.

Commodore C. therefore, thought very wisely that his presence here would do some good in the way of re­enforcements. Gladly was he welcomed, as Gen. Taylor had marched out the evening previous to meet and conquer the enemy, taking with him twenty­two hundred men, teamsters included, with two hundred and fifty teams loaded with ammunitions, provisions, &c., which the Mexicans were no doubt apprized of, as the teams had been loaded ever since Monday last, awaiting the orders for a march at a moment's warning.

Gen T. left Point Isabel with little over four hundred men to defend it. Major Monroe, commanding here, sent a requisition to Com. Connor for as many men as he could spare, as we heard firing about 2 P. M. of the 8th, which continued with but little intermission until dark. Com. C. sent ashore 250 men, and on the 9th 4 or 500 more, which makes this place strong enough to withstand an attack against 20,000 men.

Believe me when I say there was the greatest excitement here all the afternoon of the 8th, as we could plainly hear the cannonading from the field of battle.

On the evening of the 8th, Mr. Murray and Mr. Bacon volunteered to go and find out the result.

On the morning of the 9th, a black boy came into camp, gave a history of the fight, which was about true, but as he had run away and left his team, he was not believed.

At 3 P. M. on the 9th, Messrs. M. and B. returned, and stated that they got to Gen. T.'s present camp, 16 miles from here, at 3 A. M. and learned that the army marched until about 16 miles from here, when they saw the Mexicans drawn up in battle array across his road, he immediately gave his orders for the teams to halt until the 2d Brigade had passed. The Mexicans were on the prairie near the edge of the chapparel. When Taylor got within ¼ of a mile they opened upon him with their flying artillery. Gen. Taylor arrived with Capt. Duncan and Maj. Ringgold's companies, and at it they went until about sunset, when the Mexicans had retreated to the edge of the chapparel, and ceased firing.

After which, Gen. Taylor fired ten or fifteen guns at them and set to work throwing up two breast­works. At daylight, the Mexicans were in the edge of the Chapparel. A Council of war was held by Gen. Taylor, and it was agreed that one Brigade should advance up to the Chapparel in hopes to draw the Mexicans into a renewal of the fight, but the more the troops advanced upon them, the more they want there─the Mexicans having retreated leaving three pieces of artilery, any quantity of amunition─from FOUR to SIX HUNDRED DEAD upon the field, and God only knows how many wounded they took away. One Mexican, who was stationed at one of their batteries, says every body but himself at the batteries was killed─says the guns beat any thing they ever dreamed of, they were so quick. One of the Mexican officers in trying to rally his men, found he could not and commenced to cut them with his sword, when his troops shot him dead. We had 11 killed, and about 10 mortally wounded.

Captain Page of the 3d, had all the lower part of his face shot off with a cannon ball─it is thought he will re­cover, though horribly mutilated. Major Ringold had the fleshy part of his legs shot through, and horse killed─none of his bones broken, which is wonderful. Our informant says the field of battle was strewed with the dead, and they could hear the groans of the Mexicans wounded all night at Gen. T's camp. The Mexicans were commanded by General Majia. There is no doubt they have retreated across the river. When the volunteers arrive you may depend you will hear of them "reveling in the hills of the Montezumas," or peace and good will, will be whipped into those bombastic Mexicans. It is a matter of surprise that so few were lost on our side.

The monotony of this place has been relieved the last two days by the drilling of "Uncle Samuel's" "web­feet" or "barnacle backs" that came here from the Squadron. You would be surprised to see with what dexterity and precision they go through their evolutions with muskets, and no one could resist a laugh to hear some of their sayings. One old salt said this morning, "Damn and blast my eyes! here is a ship ashore, and poor jack on his beam ends." This speech was addressed to himself when looking on the tent that had been pitched, and was of sufficient dimensions to hold about fifty­two.

One­third of the whole number of men from the squadron are Marines, the balance Tars. I should picture to myself a soldier, riding horseback or a cow as soon as that I should see four or five hundred sailors going into war with muskets on their shoulders, but you could not restrain them going against the Mexicans with only a knife and fork, if you would only show them a chance, for they are all eager for the fray. Yours, &c.

In the decisive battle Gen. Taylor lost about sixty killed and wounded, among whom there were three officers, viz: Lt. Inges, of the Dragoons; Lt Cochran, of the 4th Infantry, and Lt Chadburn, of the 8th Infantry. Among the wounded are Col. McIntosh, of the 5th Infantry; Lt. Col. Payne, 4th Artillery, and Capt. Hooe, 5th Infantry─most of them slightly, and none supposed mortally.

Major Ringgold, well known as the commander of the Flying Artillery, also died on the 11th, from wounds received in the action of the 8th.

Capt. Page, who was wounded in the same engagement, we are happy to state, is rapidly recovering. Lieut. Luther, also slightly wounded, in convalescent.

RW46v23i42p4c5, May 26, 1846: From the New Orleans Tropic ­Third Edition, 1 P.M. Still Later From the Army.

THE GALVESTON ARRIVED!!─The Galveston is just in, having left Brasos Santiago on the evening of the 13th. We hasten to lay the news by her before our readers.

From the Galveston Civilian of the 15th.

On the morning of the 13th, Gen. Taylor and his staff, with the guard that had brought down the train, &c. started for the camp. He was met by an express a few miles from Point Isabel, informing him that 8000 fresh troops had arrived in Matamoras, 2000 of which had crossed over, and 1100 more had crossed the Rio Grande at Barrita, near the Bocachica, not more than 8 miles from Point Isabel. Gen. Taylor returned to Point Isabel at once, and made preparations to leave next day with such forces as were arriving.─The steamship Galveston landed four hundred and fifty Infantry. [Regulars and Volunteers;] the Augusta landed about 250; Capt. Price arrived via Padre Island from Corpus Christi, with his company of 70 mounted Rangers. They all reached the point on the 13th. The Telegraph and James L. Day will doubtless land their troops, amounting to upwards of 800, at Point Isabel on the 14th. Great credit is due to Capt. Smith, of the steamship Cincinnati, and Capt. R. McBaker, of the Monmouth, for the skill, energy and promptness, shown in transporting troops and supplies across the Bay at the Brasos Santiago.

Gen Paredes is at the head of 15,000 troops, on his way to Matamoros. It may possibly be that the fresh troops arrived at Matamoros, is the advance division of his army. No doubt the enemy were fully advised that Gen'l Taylor had left for Point Isabel, and their plan is to try and capture him on his return, whilst a strong force crossing above, is to come down upon his army. Gen. Taylor appeared highly pleased with the intelligence; for since the war has opened and no mistake, the excitement and activity attending operations, opens a new era to his vigorous achievments, and all have remarked how much better he looks than when confined to the "masterly inactivity" of the Corpus Christi campaign.

RW46v23i42p4c5, May 26, 1846: The Fort.

The Mexicans have continued their firing into the Fort opposite Matamoras, nearly ever since General Taylor left the works.

The brave and gallant Major Brown died on ───, from a wound received in his thigh by the explosion of one of the enemy's shells. His wound was not considered dangerous, but as he was placed in one of the bomb proof burrows, mortification ensued, from the want of fresh air. His death is deeply deplored by the army; his intrepid conduct in foiling every attempt of the enemy to reduce the Fort prepared them in a measure to anticipate the result of these conflicts with our brave army. The strength of the fort and skill with which it is defended, is incomprehensible to the Mexicans, and indeed well it might be, for they have thrown upwards of 1400 shot and shell into the works, and every morning they present the same appearance; our loss has only been two or three in the Fort. The constant practice the enemy have had in firing at it, has taught them the proper bearing to give to their guns, and almost every shot falls within the works. The Fort is never idle, and the ramparts and dwellings of Matamoras exhibit ruins as plainly as those of a hundred Centuries when gaping forth their lamentation of lo! and behold what desolation is here.

The sloop­of­war St. Mary's, arrived from Pensacola on the 10th; the steamer Mississippi on the 12th from Vera Cruz. The Bainbridge is off the Rio Grande, enforcing the blockade. The schooner Flirt sailed for New Orleans on the 7th.

It is stated that an expedition is to be sent by boats of the squadron to take the town of Barita, 16 miles from the mouth of the river, where there is a military force.

General Vega is the Col. Vega that was captured by the Texan forces at the Slaughter of San Jacinto. He was also at the Fall of the Alamo, and is a brave and accomplished officer.

RW46v23i43p1c1, May 29, 1846: Course of the Whigs.

The ungenerous assaults so frequently made upon the Whigs, in connection with the Mexican War, by Journals devoted to the Administration, which seem to regard every unfriendly criticism upon the conduct of the President as synonymous with a want of attachment to the country