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Richmond Whig and Advertiser
Vol. 22, July-December 1845


January-June 1845 July-December 1845 January-June 1846 July-December 1846
January-June 1847 July-December 1847 January-June 1848 July-December 1848


Index
Volume/issue/page/column/date

July 1845

July 1, 1845 RW45v22n52c2­3p1 Oregon Meeting In Illinois
Meeting by Illinois government officials to put a resolution that would set a definite boundary on the disputed Oregon territory.

July 1, 1845 RW45v22n52c5p1 The Wheeling Times and Oregon
A political article covering the RW's earlier articles about internal disagreements.

July 1, 1845 RW45v22n52c2p2 Naval Information
The George M. Bibb left for Mexico the first U.S. ship to be sent for military purposes.

July 1, 1845 RW45v22n52c6p Good
A Tennessee man as reported by the American Rep. about his stay in the military. 3

July 4, 1845 RW45v22n53c1p1 Last Words
Whigs are objecting to some statements supposedly stated by the late Andrew Jackson concerning Great Britain.

July 4, 1845 RW45v22n53c4p2 Significant!
A editorial piece by a Whig contributor criticizing Polk and his interest in obtaining the territories in the west.

July 4, 1845 RW45v22n53c4p3 Letters of Distinguished Men
A group of letters addressed to President Polk discussing his relation with G.B. and his unsuccessful attempts to find an Ambassador.

July 4, 1845 RW45v22n53c5p3 My Very Dear Sir
A letter addressed to President Polk by Beau Hickman concerning his criticism of Polk and his disdain for his policies.

July 4, 1845 RW45v22n53c2p4 To the Editors of the Union
An editorial article written by Branch T. Archer who states proof that Texas was opposed to annexation and raises concerns that the administration was malevolently involved in a scheme to bring Texas into U.S. hands.

July 4, 1845 RW45v22n53c5p4 Marine Intelligence
Information regarding port arrivals and departures at the Richmond port.

July 8, 1845 RW45v22n54c2p1 From Europe (From the New York Sun)
News from G.B. mainly stating that there was no new news from England concerning Oregon or California.

July 8, 1845 RW45v22n54c3­4p1 Governor Shannon and Mexico
A piece concerning the former minister from Texas views on how Mexico would react to U.S. actions as well as how G.B. would act.

July 8, 1845 RW45v22n54c5p1 Texas Annexed
News concerning the annexation being accepted and the assimilation of Texas into the U.S.

July 8, 1845 RW45v22n54c5p1 Important and Glorious News (From the Washington Union)
The article describes the acceptance of annexation terms by the Texans and the switchover of authority that was underway.

July 8, 1845 RW45v22n54c5 and 6p1 News Extra ­President Jones' Message &c.
Article concerning the Chief Executive of Texas addressing the members of Congress about Texas's intentions to join the Union.

July 8, 1845 RW45v22n54c6p1 Joint Resolution
Legal proposal agreeing that both sides are in amicable terms and that recognition will be granted to Texas by Mexico.

July 8, 1845 RW45v22n54c6p1 From Mexico
News out of Mexico concerning the outbreak of yellow fever, as well as a military coup that overthrew the government that would in most likelihood place Santa Anna back into Mexican rule.

July 11, 1845 RW45v22n55c3p1 The Mexican Indemnity
Letter addressed to James Buchanan concerning Wilson Shannon and his disappointment about the administrations lack of committal to work out terms with Mexico.

July 11, 1845 RW45v22n55c4p1 Oregon
Information about the continuing negotiations between the U.S. and G.B. addressing the Oregon territory issue and states that the negotiations will occur in the U.S.

July 11, 1845 RW45v22n55c6p2 Oregon
The Whig's response to the territory conflict with G.B. and their summation that in the end Americans will not allow the British to establish their flag in the Northwest.

July 11, 1845 RW45v22n55c4p3 Marine Intelligence
Information pertaining the arrivals and departures out of the Richmond port.

July 11, 1845 RW45v22n55c3p4 Correspondence of the Whig
Editorial article written by Hudson that expresses that a war with Mexico is looming and that behind it all is sectional differences between North and South.

July 15, 1845 RW45v22n56c1­2p1 Hear the Green Mountain Whigs
A decree about the illegitimacy of the annexation as an illegal violation of the federal constitution.

July 15, 1845 RW45v22n56c3p2 Oregon
A correspondent's report about the proposed boundary settlement of the Oregon territory, and in his view an impossible situation since he believes the U.S. to only agree to total control of the region.

July 15, 1845 RW45v22n56c4p2 Marine Intelligence
Information pertaining the arrivals and departures out of the Richmond port.

July 1x, 1845 RW45v22n57c2p1 Future Advantages
An opinion article addressing the issue of taken on the Texas debt and the Whigs opinion that President Polk had lied about the amount of debt and that the cost of annexation would far outweigh any benefits.

July 1x, 1845 RW45v22n57c1p2 The Debt of Texas ­ Mr. Polk's Position
Another attack on President Polk on his decision to offer Texas admission to the Union and the Whigs consternation about the consequence of such an action.

July 1x, 1845 RW45v22n57c3p2 Late from Texas, "So look out for a War with Mexico"
Reports from Norfolk about the Mexican reaction to the Texas situation and the expected declaration of War most people were expecting from Mexico.

July 1x, 1845 RW45v22n57c5p3 Marine Intelligence
Information pertaining the arrivals and departures out of the Richmond port.

July 23, 1845 RW45v22n58 No relevant articles located

July 25, 1845 RW45v22n59 Official. Navy Department ­ Orders & c.
Public announcement of orders pertaining to possible assignment to service in Mexico.

July 25, 1845 RW45v22n59c5p2 Late from Texas
A report from the newspapers of the new state of Texas containing sentiment about the anticipated conflict as well as harsh treatment of the elected officials.

July 25, 1845 RW45v22n59c4p3 Marine Intelligence
Information pertaining the arrivals and departures out of the Richmond port.

July 29, 1845 RW45v22n60c4p1 To the Editors of the Whig
A letter addressed to the Whig editors from Q in the Corner concerning his belief that the Oregon­California­Mexico issue is one of more importance than say the state issue.

July 29, 1845 RW45v22n60c7p1 Mexico
News report that schooners were being repositioned and that Mexican newspapers and the populace were calling for a declaration of war.

July 29, 1845 RW45v22n60c5­6p2 Debt of Texas upwards of Ten Millions
Another article criticizing the purchase of Texas and the economic difficulties that would be put upon the U.S.

July 29, 1845 RW45v22n60c4p3 Marine Intelligence
Information pertaining the arrivals and departures out of the Richmond port.

July 29, 1845 RW45v22n60c3p4 Interesting From Texas (From the New Orleans Tropic)
Article relaying information about the state of affairs in Texas. Described how the Texans had voted for annexation and the role the Great Britain played in relaying messages.

July 29, 1845 RW45v22n60c4p4 General Taylor
Information about the arrival of General Taylor into the Galveston area.

August

RWv22n August 12, 1845: Texas Twins!
More talks on Bringing Texas as two states.

RWv22n August 12, 1845: From Texas
Official Dispatch from the Texas Convention.

RWv22n August 15, 1845: A War Coming!
Taken from New Orleans that Mexico and the United States would engage to war.

RWv22n August 15, 1845:  War Come at Last
Hostile movements of the Mexicans­preparations of the American Troops.

RWv22n August 15, 1845: Mexico
Declaration of War.

RWv22n August 15, 1845: Late and Important from Mexico
News from Tabasco Mexico.

RWv22n August 22, 1845:  Letter from secretary of Convention

RWv22n August 22, 1845: Texas and Mexico
Important movement of Troops.

RWv22n August 22, 1845: Items
Name of Ships of the Coast of Mexico

RWv22n August 22, 1845: Caution to Merchant Men
Warning to American Merchants going towards Mexico

RWv22n August 22, 1845: The Administration­The War­and The Tariff
Notes from the Editor.

RWv22n August 22, 1845: War with Mexico
Mexico declaring War and how wrong they are for doing so.

RWv22n August 22, 1845: The Tariff and War
If war with Mexico ensues, it will increase the annual expenses of the Government.

RWv22n August 22, 1845: Mexico and The United States
Several days have elapsed since news of the Declaration of War.

RWv22n August 22, 1845: Texas
Special committees­one for Finance and the other for education

RWv22n August 25, 1845: Latest from Mexico
Three days later from Vera Cruz: No War Yet!

RWv22n August 25, 1845: Oregon Independent
A letter from an emigrant to Oregon.

RWv22n August 26, 1845: Later from Mexico
Still no clear declaration of war.

RWv22n August 26, 1845: Very Late From Vera Cruz
10,000 Mexican Troops on their way to Texas

RWv22n August 26, 1845: Still Later from Texas
The cutter Woodburry, which left Arkansas, has just arrived.

RWv22n August 26, 1845: News from Mexico
The long expected Water Witch has arrived last night from Vera Cruz

RWv22n August 29, 1845: Later from Texas
Arrivial of Ships from Texas

RWv22n August 29, 1845: Still Later
Arrival of ships from Texas and Mexico

September

RWv22n70p1c2, September 2, 1845: THE MEXICAN WAR AND INVASION OF TEXAS
Commentary on Mexico's invasion of Texas and War

RWv22n70p1c5, September 2, 1845: DEPARTURE OF VOLUNTEERS
Information on volunteers going to Mexico

RWv22n70p1c5, September 2, 1845: MEXICAN INDEMNITY
Reparations and money between Mexico and the United States

RWv22n70p1c5, September 2, 1845: FURTHER FROM MEXICO
Information about Bustamente, the leader of Mexican forces and a 15 million dollar loan that was authorized

RWv22n70p1c6, September 2, 1845: FROM THE YUCATAN
Information about the Yucatan and Mexico

RWv22n70p2c1, September 2, 1845: RICHMOND FAYETTE ARTILLERY
Local militaries preparations for the war

RWv22n70p2c1, September 2, 1845: REQUISTION FOR MEN
Polk's call for volunteers

RWv22n70p2c1, September 2, 1845: REPORTS
Reports from General Taylor's camp

RWv22n70p2c3, September 2, 1845: LATEST FROM TEXAS
Information from Texas

RWv22n71p1c1, September 5, 1845: THE WAR WITH MEXICO
About conflicts arising with Mexico

RWv22n71p1c2, September 5, 1845: POLICY OF MAKING WAR
How the United States will go about making war with Mexico

RWv22n71p1c4, September 5, 1845: LATER FROM TEXAS
Provisions of Texas being admitted to the Union

RWv22n71p1c5, September 5, 1845: GRIM VISAGED WAR
About the Enquirer's view of the war

RWv22n71p2c3, September 5, 1845: MILITARY
Gen. Taylor's troop movements

RWv22n72p1c1, September 9, 1845: DEBT OF TEXAS
About the happenings in Texas

RWv22n72p1c5, September 9, 1845: THE ARMY­PROMPT MOVEMENT
Military movements in Texas

RWv22n72p2c1, September 9, 1845: FROM TEXAS
Military specifics from Texas

RWv22n72p2c3, September 9, 1845: FROM TEXAS LATE
Correspondence from Texas

RWv22n72p2c3, September 9, 1845: THE THEATRE OF ACTION
Gen. Taylor's forces in Texas

RWv22n72p4c2, September 9, 1845: THE LATEST FROM TEXAS

RWv22n74c, September 16, 1845: LATER FROM TEXAS
Fomr Corpus Christi, numbers from Texas

RWv22n74p1c2, September 16, 1845: LATER FROM TEXAS
News from Corpus Christi from the New Orleans Tropic

RWv22n74p1c5, September 16, 1845: THE ARMY OF OBSERVATION
Its position, its officers, its spirit

October

Poor microfilm, seems to have imposed layers on other papers, first two pages of each issue virtually impossible to read.

RWv22i79p2c4 October 3,1845: Ten Days Later from Texas
Call for 1,000 volunteers and other information about Gen. Taylor's army. [reprint from the N.O. Picayune]

RWv22i80p2c1 October 7,1845: Affairs in Mexico
News about Mexico and Texas. How England views the Mexico­U.S. dispute

RWv22i81p1c6 October 10,1845: The Texas Debt
Issues about the U.S. assuming the Texas national debt.

RWv22i82p1c3 October 14,1845: Fradulent Claims made by President Houston
Article saying that a contract between President Houston and Gen. C.F. Mercer to grant huge tracts of Texas land is a fraud.

RWv22i83p2c3 October 17,1845: From Texas
News from Texas. Accuses Mexico of wanting to incite a slave uprising so slaves will fight for Mexican government if war breaks out. [reprint from N.O. Tropic]

RWv22i85p1c1 October 24,1845: Later from Texas
News about Gen. Taylor's activities. [reprint from N.O. Tropic]

RWv22i87p2c3 October 31,1845: Oregon and the Oregon Question
Long article that talks about Oregon. Can only make out the 2nd half of the article. Has excerpts from several different papers.

November

RW45v22n88p1c3 Monday, November 3, 1845 New York Elections

RW45v22n91p2c1 Tuesday, November 11, 1845 Prospect of War

RW45v22n93p2c3 Thursday, November 18, 1845 From Mexico

RW45v22n94p2c2 Friday, November 21, 1845 Gen. Jackson


December

December 5, 1845 RW45v22n8p1  President’s Message

December 5, 1845 RW45v22n8p1 President’s Message

December 5, 1845 RW45v22n8p2 Commentary, The President’s Message

December 5, 1845 RW45v22n8p1 War Preparations in England

December 9, 1845 RW45v22n9p Oregon

December 9, 1845 RW45v22n9p1 Oregon Question

December 9, 1845 RW45v22n9p1 ENVOY TO MEXICO

December 12, 1845 RW45v22n12p1 Polk and War

December 12, 1845 RW45v22n12p1 HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES

December 12, 1845 RW45v22n12p1 Letter

December 17, 1845 RW45v22n13p1 Increasing Probability of War

December 17, 1845 RW45v22n13p1 War Message

December 17, 1845 RW45v22n13p2 Mexican Indemnity

December 17, 1845 RW45v22n13p1 Symptoms of War

December 17, 1845 v22n13p4 HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES

December 23, 1845 RW45v22n14p1 CALIFORNIA

December 23, 1845 v22n14p1 OREGON TERRITORY

December 23, 1845 RW45v22n14p1 War Panic

December 23, 1845 RW45v22n14p1 Congress

December 23, 1845 RW45v22n14p2 Douglas Resolution, Oregon

December 23, 1845 RW45v22n14p2 Winthrop Resolution, Oregon

December 23, 1845 RW45v22n14p2 COST OF WAR

December 23, 1845 RW45v22n14p2 Oregon

December 23, 1845 RW45v22n14p2 Cuba

December 23, 1845 RW45v22n14p2 Oregon question

December 30, 1845 RW45v22n15p1 OREGON AND WAR

December 30, 1845 RW45v22n15p1 Birtish and Oregon

December 30, 1845 RW45v22n15p2 FRANCE AND THE U. STATES

December 30, 1845 RW45v22n15p2 France and Oregon

December 30, 1845 RW45v22n15p2 Oregon Negotiation

December 30, 1845 RW45v22n15p2 Oregon Bill in Congress

December 30, 1845 RW45v22n15p2 Clay in New Orleans


July

RW45v22i52p3c3 July 1, 1845: Oregon Meeting In Illinois

A large meeting for Oregon has recently been held at Springfield, the seat of government for Illinois, at which, Governor Ford very indecently (it would be thought here) presided. These Illinois boys, are we imagine, the very choicest specimens of “Progressive Democracy” any where to be found. Carrying away the palm even from New Hampshire, and the Empire Club! They adopted at this meeting the following resolutions, which it will be observed, modestly claim all the Northwest, up to the 54th deg. of latitude; all that is incontroversy, they decide by a scrape of the pen to be our own, or rather their own, for we hope no Virginian adopt their wise and enlightened resolutions as the course of the Government, would be to slam the door in the face of the all negotiation, an tantamount to an immediate declaration of war against England:

“Friday Evening, June 6. The meeting having again organized; Gov. Ford in the chair—Mr. Calhoun modified his resolutions to read as follows:

Resolved, That the title of the United States to the Oregon Territory, the north latitude of 54 degrees and 40 minutes, is clear and indisputable; and is so recognised by all the people of all parties in the United States. Resolved, That it is the duty of the United States Government to assert this right, without delay, by building forts, and placing troops on the route to the Pacific, for the protection of emigrants, and by extending our laws over the country.

Resolve, That the American right to the Oregon country being clear and indisputable, we unwilling to hazard our rights by submitting the dispute with England, to the arbitrament of any foreign power. Resolved, That independent of all questions of title by discovery or treaty, this republic ought not to permit any new colony to be established in any unsettled portion of this continent, by any foreign prince or potentate.

Resolve, That this principle requires that we should not permit Great Britain to possess any portion of the Oregon. And although we are adverse to war, if war can be honorably avoided, yet we are ready, willing, and anxious, if necessary, to maintain the American title to the whole country by an appeal to arms.

The question on the above was, on motion of Mr. McFarland taken on each separately; and they were unanimously adopted. The Hon. E.D. Baker the offered the following;

Resolved, That we are in favor of the termination of the joint occupation of the Oregon, and desire that necessary steps should be taken to accomplish that object, in accordance with existing treaty stipulations.

The question put on the above resolution it was unanimously adopted. On motion of Maj. Baker, the Secretaries of the meeting were instructed to furnish the President of the United States with a copy of the resolutions adopted by this meeting. It was then resolved, that the officers of the meeting sign the proceedings, and that the editors of all newspapers friendly to the objects of the meeting, be requested to publish the same.
[MSM2]


RW45v22i53 p2c2 July 1, 1845 The Wheeling Times and Oregon

The Wheeling Times takes more to hear than we had intended an expression which we used perhaps somewhat inconsiderately—“Heaven save the country from such Whigs”(as that paper.) The Times has been ever true and faithful to the Whig cause, and we regret if we have used any expression which asserts or implies any doubt of its fidelity. This concession to the personal merits of the Times we cheerfully make; but while we disclaim any wish or inclination of “unwhigging” it, we raise our voice now and will raise it ever against the Oregon doctrines preached by that paper as utterly repulsive to the moderate and conservative principle which characterize the Whig party, as regardless of the right real or at least believed in, of others; as rapacious and in truth little short of piratical, and subversive of the recognized laws of nations. The Times would have the Government seize upon by military force the whole of the North West Territory and, demands a suspension of all negotiation with Great Britain. It would disregard our Treaty with England by which that Power is entitled for the present, to a joint occupation with us; it would overlook or despise the English pretension founded as alledged on prior discovery, and certainly on prior occupation, to a portion of the N. West Coast; and it would heedlessly plunge into a war for a barren Territory 3000 miles distant which if we could wrest from Great Britain, we could not possibly retain in the face of her naval superiority, or which retaining it, would be of farther practical use than a whaling station! This appears to us not merely hallucination but stark, staring madness! It out­Herods, it out­Cambyses’ Gov. Steele of N. Hampshire, the Illinois “Progressive Democrats,” the Texas scrip­holders, and the Empire Club.

We confess our astonishment that such wild and irrational views should have emanated from a Whig source of intelligence, and if we withdraw the adjuration to “save the country from such Whigs” so far as that the Wheeling Times is personally concerned (if we may so say) we renew it and reiterate it with fresh emphasis against opinions which we deem unlawful in principle and destructive in tendency. And upon what foundation does the Times place these erratic notions and from what source of Right derive the American claim to take summary possession of Oregon, regardless of Treaties, regardless of rival claims heretofore acknowledged by our government to be entitled to consideration, regardless of instant and prolonged war? Why if we understand it, which perhaps we do not, upon some vague and fanciful hypothesis, that if we have not the right of priority of discovery and occupancy, we ought to have it, because we should fit that country with better institutions than Europe could give her; that in short the superiority of our form of government gives us a title to extend it over all unoccupied countries. If we misinterpret our contemporary undesignedly we are sorry for it; if correctly, we feel confident that the enlightened Whigs of the northwest will concur with us in saying that these are not Whig doctrines, but the worst doctrines of the worst portion of the self­styled “Democracy.”

The Times advances another and a yet more selfish reason for acquiescing in all the frantic designs of the ultra Democracy who propose the immediate occupation by force if necessary (as forces and a large force would be necessary) of all Oregon from the frontiers of California to the Russian Colony. That reason is that the Northwestern States desire it and will have it, and that is useless to incur the defeat and party injury which must ensue from a collision with the popular humor! Noble ethics these! Noble motives to address to a nation of enlightened freemen and Christians, to submit to and acquiesce in the perpetration of wrong, outrage and calamity, because forsooth a virtuous resistance might prove unavailing! As Whigs we denounce and reprobate such doctrines. For one we are ready to incur eternal party defeat, in preference to achieving success by means which would overwhelm the Whig party with self reproach, and justly forfeit the glory which none can take from it, of combating for principle and on principle.
[MSM2]


RW45v22i52p3c5 Untitled

The iron steam revenue cutter “George M. Bibb” left Pittsburg on Tuesday last for the Gulf of Mexico. This vessel is propelled by submerged horizontal wheels, on the plan of Lieut. Hunter. She is the first Government Vessel, intended for offensive and defensive purposes, which ever left Pittsburg within two or three years. The “Hunter,” another iron steamer, built for the private account of Captain McLaughlin, was expected to sail from Pittsburg in a day or two.—Nat. Int.
[MSM2]


RW45v22i52p3c6 July 1, 1845 Good

A Tennessean—a full six­feeter­­presented himself to the sergeant at recruiting quarters, Old Levee street, yesterday, and offered his services to Uncle Sam for the next 4 years. The sergeant rejoiced, to meet with such a excellent material for a dragoon, slapped him accordingly on the shoulder, slapped half a dollar in his fist as an earnest on future favors, and complimented him on the prospects of glory that were opening to him and to all “enterprising young men” who joined the service, both in Mexico and Oregon. “It speaks trumpet tongued,” he added, “for the patriotism of all such young men as you are, to see them come in at a time like the present, when we are threatened with war from two opposite quarters, and enroll themselves in the standing army of the country.” “Hold on stranger,” said the Tennessean, “did you say standin’ army?” “Certainly I did,” said the sergeant, “and what more honorable service is there?” “Honorable h—ll!” said the Tennessean—“do you think I came all the way from Cocke County to jine your stay at home standin’ army? No! tell me what I can find a marchin’ army—an army marching to the ‘halls of the Montezumas,’ as old Sam used to say—or a fightin’ army, and I am thar, certain. D—n your standing armies—they’re no account—and I’ll jine none on ‘em. Good bye, stranger,” and saying this the Tennessean soped.—Amer. Rep.
[MSM2]


RW45v22i53p1c1 July 4, 1845 Last Words

Some of the Democratic prints represent Gen. Jackson’s last words to have been, “no compromise (with England) but at the cannon’s mouth!” When Jefferson died, some spluttering expression was put in his mouth too—we believe it was, “call the Committee on Public Safety together!” These in our opinion are pure inventions, one and all of them, or at best the ravings of distemper and therefore of no signification. They are pious frauds intended by the inventors to set off the dying Hero or Sage, and to represent him in the agonies of dissolution as still superior to the fear of Death, and as still absorbed in solicitude for his county’s honour and welfare! We have no faith in this super­human fortitude, and reject all such statements as fabulous. He who is grappling with death thinks not beyond his immediate state or the dear friends whom he is about to resign, or that awful Being to whom he is about to account. He has not time for fine or Heroic speeches. We object to this last moribund Humbug concerning Gen. Jackson particularly, because it is calculated and was no doubt intended to foster the war spirit which already prevails among the “Progressive Democracy.”
[MSM2]


RW45v22i53 p2c4 July 4, 1845 Significant!

(From the Charleston Mercury—Calhoun) “We never dreamed that, under the circumstances which places Mr. Calhoun in the State Department—called by the voice of all parties to its high duties—he could be removed by Mr. Polk much less that he could be displaced in the midst of Oregon negotiation, and with the tender of a commercial treaty from England to us. But the same blindness that led to this result seems to have haunted Mr. Polk in regard to our foreign relations themselves. His inaugural declaration that our title to Oregon was “clear and unquestionable,” was a terrible mistake. Construed as every plain man would construe if, it put an end to negotiation. “Clear and unquestionable,” rights cannot be put into the compromising crucible of negotiation without dishonor. “Great Britain very naturally, I think, took the declaration as an assertion our completer right to the whole territory in dispute, and our determination to maintain it. She accordingly prepares for war. But did the President mean it as the announcement of war? Certainly not, for he goes on negotiating. Does he wish a war? I believe him to be a good man, therefore he cannot desire the desolations of such a conflict. I suppose the truth to be, that the President was only thinking very innocently of winning additional popularity in the Wes, and that I never occurred to him that he was erecting an almost insuperable barrier to the peaceful settlement, or even peacefully attempt to settle the question, unless by arbitration. It is indisputable that before this declaration Great Britain would have accepted terms of compromise that might well be considered satisfactory to this country. National pride and jealousy now fully aroused, and the unanimous pledges of all parties to sustain the British Minister may meet us in opposition to any concession of the extreme claims of England. Mr. Calhoun, it is understood, declined last winter the proposal of Great Britain to refer the matter to arbitration. If he had been retained in the State Department, we may be sure that all chance of settlement by negotiation would never thus have been impaired by the needless boast of the inaugural. And no, Mr. Editor, if we in South Carolina shall be dragged into a war for one of the most worthless countries in the world in proportion to its extent, and of no earthly present use but as an enormous drain from the United States Treasury into the West, what a glorious consummation will it be to our patriotic efforts in President making! It does seem to me that this game to us is very like the game of coppers among boys—“heads I win, and tails you lose”! I am sorry to confess it, but I feel much like—‘A Humbugged Man.’
[MSM2]


RW45v22i53p3c4 July 4, 1845 Letters of Distinguished Men

The English Mission—The “Town” makes itself merry over the ludicrous way in which the honor of representing the Union at St. James’s has been going a begging through the land’ and gives several of the replies received by Mr. Polk to his overtures to the different personages, who (the Town says) have had the offer made to them.—They are certainly very characteristic.

Chapel Hill, May­­. My dear Mr. Polk:­­I am perfectly aware that the party have driven you into a mighty narrow place; but you will get used to such things, as I have, before your next term. I have learnt by experience that there are always scrapes for green ones to get into.—You should not have suffered the party to get your nose to the grind stone, unless you meant to suffer some. AS to taking the mission to St. James’s I’ll see you d—d first.

Yours respectfully, Thomas H. Benton.

  Lindenwold, May­­. Most Excellent Sir:­­Yours, offering me the place of Minister to England, is duly received. My opinions on this subject are, I trust, definitely understood. By the way, have noticed in the papers how sadly we want rain in the North? Garden vegetables, will, I fear, suffer immensely. The appointment of my son John as Attorney General of this State must, I think, have afforded you much pleasure, and have been perfectly satisfactory to General Jackson. I believe that the United States Bank was a curse to the this country, and that a proper regard for interest of the Union does not demand that a new name for the confederacy should be adopted; although I am free to confess that banks under proper regulations, may be very useful, and that, should the public sentiment require it, I should be the first to glory in the name of Alleghania.

Your, with great respect. Martin Van Buren

Washington May­­, Sir:­­ My engagements with Mr. Morse will not permit me to accept your very flattering offer of the mission to England. Another reason is that it has been a cardinal principle with me to accept only offices of profit, and as the mission alluded to would probably pay a loss of $10,000 per annum, it wouldn’t answer my purpose at all. If the party will guarantee to make up the loss and pay me a bonus for breaking with Mr. Morse, I am open to propositions. Failing in this, I respectfully offer the use of the Magnetic Telegraph to government to communicate with Mr. McLane.

Very Respectfully,
Amos Kendall.

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RW45v22i53p3c5 July 4, 1845 My Very Dear Sir

My arrival the seat of Government seems to have passed not altogether unnoticed, since it has been your Excellency’s pleasure to prefer me, through your private and confidential Secretary, so distinguished an honor as that of representing this vast and growing country, as “Minister Plenipotentiary and Ambassador Extraordinary” at the Court of St. James. In your very kind not you have been pleased to bestow not a few unmerited compliments upon my ability to settle, in a diplomatic capacity, the serious difficulties growing out of the thoughtless expression in you Inaugural relative to Oregon. I cannot be confess to you my serious apprehensions upon reading that part of your address, which I thought at the time, would cause John Bull to bristle up. You say, too, in your kind favor of this morning, that you have been exceedingly at a loss for some proper person upon whom to throw the “Harness” of Embassy, and that now I am “in town” that difficulty no longer exists. It would seem from this that you regard me as peculiarly fit to ring in upon the nobility of England. I am truly sensible of my capacity in that particular and must say without the fear of being thought egotistical, that the shape and talent, of which it has ever been my fortune to boast, ought to seem, in the eyes of the world, to point me out as the very person who could figure in the “Marble Halls” of Old England.

By the war, sir, speaking of marble halls; did you ever “dream” of dwelling in them until after had actually found yourself in the White House?  I put not this question to you in any other sense than merely to mark the difference in the luck of distinguished men—like you and myself. I have “dreamt that I dwelt in marble halls,” so often that it at last puzzled me to believe my senses, upon waking up and finding myself still Red River Retreat. While you, I am led to believe, never in all your fancies “laid such a flattering unction to your soul.” But see the difference, there you are now occupying as “Young Hickory” the place of your illustrious predecessor “Old Hickory,” whilst I, like a Rover as I am, enjoy the broad canopy of Heaven for a bedspread. You have intimated thought, if I mistake not, your (indecipherable). Beau Hickman  P.S. Since writing the above it has occurred to me that with all my qualifications for flourishing as Ambassador Extraordinary. I would be become willing to preside over the Treasury Department which would put just in my element, among the Finances. The duties of such a post would not be strange to me, as many distinguished men upon whom I have in can testify.

As Above, Yours& C. Beau

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RW45v22i53p4c2 July 4, 1845 To the Editors of the Union

Dear Sir: In your paper of the 5th inst., you have quoted largely from the N.O. Republican, and a letter from Gen. Jackson, the effect of which quotation is to identify your paper and the administration with Gen. Samuel Houston. You do not know Houston as I know him. And as the tendency of your remarks and of the extracts which you have quoted is to perpetrate a fraud upon the people of this country, a fraud deeply injurious to the interests of Texas. I claim the privilege of replying to them, and setting the public right as to Gen. Houston’s character and purposes. The published letter of the British minister in Texas, proves that Gen. Houston and Dr. Jones pledged themselves to the British government that they were opposed is notorious in Texas: and if it had not been so before, the late developments of Jones’ diplomatic intrigues with the British minister are conclusive. For it is folly to attempt to separate Jones and Houston. They are identical, as is further known by the fact that having reached Galveston on his way to the United States, he there ascertained that the public sentiment of Texas had reached a crisis which threatened destruction to him and his faction if he did not move with the current; and therefore he hastened to Washington, and induced Jones to issue his proclamation calling a convention to meet on the 4th of July. Finding that he could not arrest the torrent of public opinion, he resolved, if possible to put himself at the head of the movement.

But, Sir, that was not all. His policy has been to array Western Texas against Eastern Texas that he might put himself at the head of the stronger against the weaker interest, and he has gone so far as to induce Jones to usurp the right o apportion the representatives in the convention to meet on the 4th of July, because he feared to leave that question with Congress, because he hoped by this usurpation, to give to the eastern counties larger representation in the State Legislature than he could otherwise do, hoping thereby to increase his chances of getting to the Senate. He has not only refused to give that protection to the West which it was his duty, as the President of the Republic, to give, but he has done all that could do to arrest emigration to the Wes, and by dividing the Republic on sectional questions, the seat of Government and Census question, and arraying himself with what he conceived to be the strongest interests, to keep a personal popularity at the expense of the republic. He has done more than this.

By a contract made with Charles Fenton Mercer, without authority of law, he has endeavored to so locate the emigration coming into the republic, as to strengthen his personal and political influence, by fraudulently granting to Mr. Mercer and his British abolition associates, the right to colonise a large district of the finest and best lands in Texas, said to contain near twelve millions of acres. A grant made as I repeat , without authority of law, and closing the land office to those who had right claims and military bounty warrants, and which illegally deprived the old settlers who had conquered the country, of their just rights, and granting millions of their best lands to Mr. Mercer and British abolitionists. In this Gen. Houston has overdone his part. The fraud has excited a feeling of indignation against him, which manifest itself in the proceedings in every part of the republic, and gave a deeper feeling to the demand for annexation. One of the inducement to which was a desire to redeem the country from the corrupt men into whose hands the corrupt intrigues of Houston had betrayed it. We are at no loss for the object of his visit to the Hermitage. Houston sees in the annexation of Texas, an opportunity of transferring his intrigues to another theatre. He is (we are told) already a candidate for the Presidency of the United States; and we who know the excess of his vanity, and the former success of his duplicity and cunning, can easily credit the report. To attain this preferment, he seeks first to reach the Senate of the United States, and he wished to obtain the endorsement of General Jackson, and of the administration at Washington, that he is to be the channel through which the patronage at Washington is to be dispensed. Hence although it is notorious that he was drunk during the greater part of the time that he was at Washington, during the late session of the late Texan Congress, he now comes to New Orleans to make temperance speeches; and hence he has the indelicacy to drag in his wife’s name, and his wife’s religion as constituting one element of his claims to popular favor.

But above all, sir, permit me to call your attention to General Houston’s own confession, made to a late public meeting held in the city of New Orleans. Did he not there acknowledge that he had as President of the Republic of Texas, been guilty of insincerity and deception, duplicity and cunning, in treating with high minded honorable gentlemen representing two governments, (England and France) notorious for their strict honor and rigid observance of good faith in all matters in which they may have been concerned—two nations that had at an early period of Texan difficulties recognised the independence of her government, and in good faith sent accredited agents to conduct an honorable interchange of mutual obligations and duties between the parties.

What, may I ask, will be the feelings of the honorable gentlemen who have been duped by the infidelity and falsehood of General Houston? And what the indignation of their respective governments, when they find that they have treating with a nation confiding their national character to the keeping of such a man as General Samuel Houston? The government of Algiers, Tunis, Tripoli, or even Mexico, in their most reckless contempt of national obligation and good faith would not have made an acknowledgment so humiliating to their countries; and yet General Houston, later President of Texas, gives to his falsehoods the softer name of “coquetry.” What unblushing guilt has marked this man’s whole career! I will not trouble you with details, connected with the moral turpitude of his nature. Though, be assured, if there was one redeeming trait in his character, I would hail it as a green spot in the waste of morals. I deem it my duty, as a citizen of Texas, knowing Gen. Sam. Houston well, and that he has at all times been a withering blight upon her destinies to protest against your identifying your paper, or the administration, with him or his corrupt and hypocritical proceeding. I sign my own proper name to this letter, because its character is such as to require that I alone be held responsible for it.

Most respectfully, Your friend and servant.
Branch T. Archer

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RW45v22i53p4c5 July 4, 1845 Marine Intelligence

Port of Richmond. Arrived, Schr.Jon Simmon, Small, Boston, sundries; Eliza Meserole, Progmore, Mew York, ballast; George Klots, Rogers, Fall River, ballast; Wm Thompson, Baker, Fall River, ballast; Rival, Caroon, N. Carolina, shingles and wheat; Hero, Hooper, Fredericksburg, sundries; Stmr Curtis Peck, Davis, Norfolk, passengers; Sloop Sail Ann White, Gwathney Smithfield, sundries. Sailed, Schr Roscoe, Eaton, Boston, coal. New York, July 2—Cleared, S. Rockbill, Predmore, Richmond, N.L. McCready; Saied, bark Steven Brewer, Richmond
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RW45v22i54p1c2 July 8, 1845 From Europe (From the New York Sun)

The Acadia has arrived, bringing dates to June 19 from Liverpool. She arrived in Boston Wednesday night, after a passage of thirteen and a half days, although detained by icebergs and head winds. The Britannia went out in twelve days.

A most terrible revolution has broken out in the Holy Land between the Druses and Christians, who were slaughtering each other, the Turks encouraging these hostilities. Many thousands have been killed and many churches burnt. A crisis is about taking place in Syria.

Cotton was looking well—a great demand and large sales. In the Share market there is still much business doing, and speculation has been busy in the lines which still occupy the attention of Parliament. In the manufacturing districts there has been much activity apparent, and the superior descriptions of printing cloths have experienced a slight improvement.

The weather during the last week has been such as to raise the most sanguine expectations respecting the new crops. The cold and bleak winds gave way to heat and sunshine, and finer days have rarely beamed from the heavens than those of the past week. There has been an extensive demand for Cotton during the last week, the sales having reached the respectable quantity of 43,870 bales. Surats have declined1/8 d per lb., but American closed with the quotations of the previous week.

The Iron trade has recovered from the temporary depression under which it labored. In Staffordshire forged pigs an improvement to the extent of 5s to 10s, per ton has taken place.

Nothing is said about Oregon or Texas, and the best feelings seem to be entertained towards this country.

Messrs. Bering have accepted the agency of New Granada, an arrangement which has thrown an increased respectability around its stock, as may be inferred from the fact of the bonds having improved to the extent of one percent.

The Diet of Sweden has closed, after having passed many important measures calculated to be beneficial to the moss of the people. Great efforts are being made to cultivate cotton in British India. The Bombay Chamber of Commerce has published a report on this subject, showing the rapid progress already made.

We will allude to it hereafter. The steam ship Great Britain is to spend a week at Dublin before coming to New York. She made fourteen miles an hour on a recent course. The screw principle, we hear, will shortly be adopted for a new line of steamers between Liverpool and Dublin.
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RW45v22i54p1c3­4 July 8, 1845 Governor Shannon and Mexico

We had the pleasure of a most agreeable and interesting interview with Gov. Shannon today. We had never seen him before. He gave us a very minute account of the state of parties in Mexico—the character of Santa Ana, and of her present rulers—the tone of the army, and its direction to the North—and the British influence, which appears to be in the ascendant in her public councils. He is of opinion that the largest proportion of her people are in favor of a federative system. The authentic accounts which we have on paper from another quarter, and which we lay before our reader, incline to the opinion that that spirit of Mexico is less military than has been supposed, and that, at all events, she will take no decided measure towards the United States, until the elevation of a new President has been made in August. Governor Shannon is incline to believe that unprepared as Mexico is for war—destitute, indeed, of almost all resources for carrying it on, upon her own hook—and willing as her present rulers may be to decline hostilities, yet that the excited spirit of the army and of her people may compel the government to declare war against the United States. England may prevent it. But will she? Mexico cannot do us much serious injury, without the indirect and underhanded co­operation of England may prevent it. But will she lend to it? Will she consent to plunge Mexico into a war, the flames of which may extend to herself, and which must place in our hands the territory of California, upon which she herself casts so many, “longing, lingering looks?­Union.

In this “most agreeable and interesting interview” with the Ex­Minister, why did not our contemporary of the Union get that distinguished diplomatist, Gov. Shannon, to unravel the mystery that has been so long hanging about the Mexican Indemnity? We should have thought the Organ to be the first to be let into the secret, that it might herald if forth to the country. Is this vexed question never to be settled? Are the badly treated claimants, whose hopes have been excited by the fact that this indemnity had been paid to some Agent of the United States, never to receive, or hear anything about their just claims? Why does not the Administration demand a faithful account from those who were representing this Government at the time this indemnity is said to have been paid? If such a demand be made, on the part of the Government, the people will soon see who are culpable in this matter. But, perhaps the Editor of the Union, at the time of his interesting conversation with Mr. Shannon, had his thoughts on the indemnity, likely to grow out of Annexation, the holders of Texas scrip, lands, &c., and did not think of so paltry a matter as the few hundred thousands demanded by the claimants, of Mexico.

In allusion to the prospects of war with Mexico, which the ex­Minister has given the Union to understand must come, if Texas be annexed, we find the Editor of that paper holding out a fore warner to England, lest she might, in coming to the aid of a weaker power like Mexico, involve herself in a difficulty, by which the United States would come possessed of the “territory of California, upon which (England) herself casts so many longing lingering looks?” We should really like to know if Mr. Ritchie has never, in all his vagaries upon these annexation questions, allowed his thoughts to light upon a fancy for this same California? We should think so certainly, for how has it happened that he lit upon California and holds it as a kind of peace offering to England! Does he not think, or has he not dreamt, like the rest of those who favor’d annexation in the broadest sense, that no pent up Utica contracts his powers? It would be truly interesting if by consulting the “dream book” such a thing could be found out. But for our parts, we don’t profess to see so deep, as to penetrate the bosom of the Union.
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RW45v22i54p1c5 July 8, 1845 Texas Annexed

The “long agony is over,” and Texas has been annexed to the United States. As anything we might say could not undo what has been done, we copy from the Union of the 4th , the latest news from the no longer “lone” Star. Let those that can rejoice do so, but take care their rejoicings do no turn to sorrow.
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RW45v22i54p1c5­6 July 8, 1845 Important and Glorious News (From the Washington Union)

On the eve of the great day which is consecrated to the independence of our country, we hail the re­union of Texas with the United States. We will now tread the road of freedom and greatness together. This news comes to us by the Princeton steamer, which arrived at Annapolis today at 2 o’clock. Dr. Wright brings the dispatches from Annapolis. He left Washington, Texas, on the 21st June, and arrived at Galveston on the 23rd —on which day the Princeton left that place. We are favored by the Doctor with following memoranda:

“The United States ship Princeton, Commodore Stockton arrived at Annapolis, from Galveston, Texas, after the short passage of nine days, having consumed only 93 tons coal. She steamed against head winds, with the exception of only 36 hour, when she was assisted by her sails. No atlantic steamer has ever made so good an hourly average, with the same economy of fuel; and considering all the circumstances, it may be regarded as an unprecedented passage.

The news brought by the Princeton is of the most interesting character. Both houses of the Texan Congress have unanimously consented to the terms of the joint resolution of the United States. The Senate had rejected the treaty with Mexican by a unanimous cote. Capt. Wagaman had arrived at Washington, Texas, to select posts to be occupied by the United States troops, and to provide for their subsistence. A resolution was introduced into both houses of Congress, requiring the Executive to surrender all posts, navy­yards, barracks, &c., to the proper authorities of the U. States. The joint resolutions were introduced into both houses of Congress on the same day, and were almost identical in their tenor. The resolutions passed the Senate on the 18th of June, and were sent to the House; the House laid them on the table, and passed their own resolutions unanimously, and sent them to the Senate on the next day. In the mean time, considerable jealously arose as to which branch should claim the honor of the paternity of the resolutions; and it was finally settled that the House should take up the resolutions of the Senate, and amend them in the third section, The House then passed them in their present form, and sent them back to the Senate, which body concurred in the amendment. The President is pledged to give full and immediate effect to the will of Congress, so far as depends upon himself.”

This important intelligence has just reached the President of the United States, [this evening, half past 8] Dr. Wright brings copious dispatches from our able charge Major Donelson; but they are written prior to the adoption of resolutions of the Congress of Texas. He also brings newspapers, embracing the “National Register,” printed at Washington, of the 19th June, three days after Congress assembled. We must confine ourselves principally to the contents of the Galveston “News Extra” of the 23rd June. The “Nation Register” contains the correspondence between Major Donelson and the Government of Texas, from March 31, 1845, down to June 11th , accompanying President Jones’ message to Congress.
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RW45v22i54p1c6 July 8, 1845 News Extra –President Jones’ Message &c.

We are indebted to Mr. Briggs for the following interesting documents, which we hasten to give our readers. Verbally we learn from Mr. Briggs, that the propositions for our independence have been submitted to the Senate. They are not yet made public; but it is understood that they are highly objectionable, and will be promptly rejected.

Executive Department. Washington, June 16, 1845.

Gentlemen of the Senate and of the House of Representatives: I am happy to meet you, on this interesting occasion, as the representatives of the people, again assembled in the discharge of your high and important duties. The call of an extraordinary session of Congress at the early day, but the Executive, was not made without the most mature, deliberation, and a due deference to the great crisis which has arisen since your late adjournment, in the affairs of Texas as well as the almost unanimous expression of public will which took place throughout the country in regard to the same.

The Executive has now the pleasure to transmit to the honorable Congress, for such action as the may deem suitable, the propositions which have been made on the part of the United States to this Government, for the annexation of Texas, and its incorporation, as a State, into that great and kindred Confederacy, together with the correspondence between the two Governments, which has arisen out of the same. This correspondence, entering, as it does, very fully into the views and sentiments of the Governments in question, renders in unnecessary for the Executive to add [for the information or consideration of Congress] but little thereto in reference to the proposed union, render those terms much more acceptable than they would otherwise have been. The state of public opinion, and the great anxiety of the people to act definitely upon the subject of annexation, by a convention of deputies, as prescribed in the resolutions of the United States Congress, induce the Executive to issue his proclamation on the 5th of May, ultimo recommending an election for sixty one deputies, to be held in the several counties throughout the republic, on the 4th of the present month, and to assemble in convention, at the city of Austin, on the 4th of July next.

This recommendation has met the sanction of the citizens of Texas generally, and the deputies in the several counties; so far as heard from , having been elected upon the basis proposed, it is confidently expected the convention will assemble at the time and place fixed upon. To this convention, the question of annexation, and the adoption of a State constitution, will probably belong; and they will determine the great question of annexation, and they will determine the great question of the nationality of Texas, as to them shall seem most conductive to the interest, happiness, and prosperity of the people whom they will represent.

It is important that the “consent of the existing Government” should be given to their exercising the powers which have been delegated to them, in order to comply with a requirement to that effect in the resolutions on the subject of annexation, passed by the American Congress. For this purpose, the present extraordinary session of the Congress of the Republic of Texas has been convoked, and to its wisdom, as a co­ordinate department, the Executive now submits the determination of the matter. The services to be performed by the Convention will be arduous and will probably engage it for a considerable period of time and the Executive would respectfully recommend to Congress the propriety of making a suitable appropriation for the payment of its members, as well as the officers it may find occasion to employ.

The Executive has the pleasure in addition to presenting Congress the proposition concerning annexation, to inform them that certain conditions, preliminary to a treaty of peace, upon the basis of a recognition of the independence of Texas by Mexico, were signed on the part of the latter, at the city of Mexico, on the 12th of May last, and were transmitted to this Government of the 2d instant, by the Baron Alleye de Cyprey, minister plenipotentiary of his Majesty the King of the French, at that court by the hands of Capt. Elliott, her Britannic Majesty’s Charge d’ Affairs near this Government. In consequence of the signing of these preliminaries, the Executive believing it to be his duty, in the recess of Congress, to make the fact known to the people of Texas, and to declare and proclaim a cessation of hostilities between Texas and Mexico, until the same could be communicated to, and acted upon, by Congress and the Convention about to assemble. A proclamation for this purpose was consequently issued on the 4th instant, a copy of which is herewith transmitted. The preliminaries being in the nature of a treaty, will, with all the correspondence in relation thereto, be forthwith communicated to the honorable Senate, for its constitutional advice, and such action as, to its wisdom, the same shall seem to require.

The alternative of annexation or independence will thus be placed before the people of Texas, and their free, sovereign and unbiased voice will determine the all important issue’ and so far as it shall depend upon the Executive to act, he will give immediate and full effect to the expression of their will. His situation in regard to the important subjects now communicated to Congress, has, since their late adjournment, been one of great delicacy and embarrassment. Questions of much difficulty have been presented for this determination, upon which the fate and welfare of the country depended’ and. Without precedent or constitutional guide for his governance, he has been obliged to assume, in consequence, great and severe responsibilities. He trusts, however, that Congress will approve the course he has adopted, and, by their enlightened counsels, relieve and direct him in the course hereafter to be pursued in relation to those questions.

The Executive is happy to announce to Congress, that Texas is at peace with the world; that with all foreign powers with whom we have had intercourse, friendly relations are maintained. The different tribes on Indians on our borders, with whom treaties exist, have continued to observe the same with good faith; and within the last dew days, information has been received, that the only band of Comanches within our limits, who had maintained until then a hostile attitude towards Texas, have sued for peace, and expressed a wish to be permitted come to Bexar celebrate a treaty of friendship, which, on the part of this Government has been complied with. The arrangement made your regular session, for additional companies of rangers to be mustered into service, have been carried into full effect, and have afforded adequate and very efficient protection to our frontiers. The receipts into the treasury have been sufficient to meet various expenditures of the government.

A specie currency has been maintained without difficulty; and all the exchequer bills which were in circulation at the period of your late adjournment, have been redeemed and withdrawn from circulation; and the Executive is happy to congratulate the Congress and the country upon a state of peace, happiness, and prosperity, never before experienced by Texas, and rarely, if ever, equaled by so young a nation. It only remains for the Executive to express an assured confidence in your individual wishes to sustain the best interest of Texas, and the fervent hope the He, who holds the destinies of me and nations in his hand, may crown your deliberations with his richest blessings.

Anson Jones

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RW45v22i54p1c6 July 8, 1845 Joint Resolution

Giving the consent of the existing government to the annexation of Texas to the United States. Whereas, the government of the United States hath proposed the following terms, guarantees, and conditions, on which the people and territory of the Republic of Texas may be erected into a new State, to be called the State of Texas, and admitted as one of the States of the American Union, to wit: [Here follow the resolutions of the United States Congress] And, whereas, by said terms the consent of the existing government of Texas is required: Therefore,

Sec. 1. Be it Resolved by the Senate and House of Representatives of the Republic of Texas in Congress assembled. That the Government of Texas doth consent that the people and territory of the Republic of Texas may be erected into a new State, to be called the State of Texas, with a Republican form of Government, to be adopted by the people of said Republic, by deputies in convention assembled, order that the same may be admitted as one of the States of the American Union; and said consent is given on the terms, guarantees and conditions set forth in the preamble to this joint resolution.

Sec. 2. Be it further Resolved, That the proclamation of the President of the Republic of Texas, bearing date May 5th , 1845, and the election of deputies to sit in Convention at Austin on the 4th day of July next, for the adoption of a Constitution for the State of Texas, had in accordance therewith, hereby receive the consent of the existing Government of Texas.

Sec. 3. Be it further Resolved, That the President of Texas is hereby requested immediately to furnish the Government of the United States, through their accredited Minister near this Government, with a copy of this joint resolution; also to furnish the Convention to assemble at Austin of the 4th of July next, with a copy of the same; and the same shall take effect from and after its passage. The above is a copy of the resolutions as the passed the two Houses, and which will, we suppose, receive the sanction of the President.

They passed unanimously.

Tod Robinson.

We are favored by Dr. Wright with the following memoranda, in MS, takes by himself at Washington, Texas, just before he left it for Galveston:

Memoranda of the conditions preliminary to a treaty of peace, as agreed upon by Ashbel Smith, on the part of Texas, and Mr. Cuevas, on the part of Mexico, and the accompanying papers, as substituted to the Senate by President Jones.

I Message of President Jones, transmitting the treaty and papers to the Senate.

II Letter from Baron Alleye de Cyprey, transmitting to the Executive of Texas the conditions signed by Ashbel Smith, and the agreement on the part of Mexico to accede to them as the basis of a formal treaty.

III Conditions preliminary to a treaty of peace.

1. Mexico consents to acknowledge the independence of Texas.
2. Texas engages that she will stipulate in the treaty not to annex herself, or become subject to any country whatever.
3. Limits and other arrangements to be matters of agreement in the final treaty.
4. Texas to be willing to refer the disputed points with regard to territory, and other matter, to the arbitration of umpires.
Done at Washington, (on the Brazos,) on the 27th of March, 1845.

(Signed) Ashbel Smith, Secretary of State—Certified copy of the original, present by Captain Elliston (Signed) Alley De Cyprey, Bankhead. Mexico, 20th of May.

IV. Acknowledgement by Cuevas of the receipt of these preliminaries, through the intervention of Baron Alley de Cyprey; and declares that the national Congress having consented that Mexico will accede to the preliminaries proposed by Texas, as the basis of a formal Treaty, May 19th , 1845.

V. Addition declaration Cuevas. If this negotiation is not realized on account of circumstances, or because Texas, influenced by the law of the United States on annexation, consents thereto, either directly or indirectly, then the answer which is given under this date to Texas,, shall be considered null and void. May 19th .

VI. Letter from President Jones to Baron Alley de Cyprey, acknowledging his kind offices in bringing about the negotiation, &c., &c. We also learn from Dr. S., that H.B.M. man­of­war vessel Eurydice, Captain Elliott, put into Pensacola for water the day before yesterday. She was received with all due courtesy by Com. Conner, and served with water from the city by the Commodore’s own boats. The Eurydice has been some time cruising in the gulf.
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RW45v22i54p1c6 July 8, 1845 From Mexico

We are indebted to the courtesy of Dr. Saunders of the N. Orleans Bee, who arrived here yesterday from Pensacola, for the following items of news:

The United States West Indian or Gulf Squadron, under the command of Com. Connor, namely, the frigate Potomac, flag­ship; the ship Falmouth, and the brigs Somers and Lawrence, arrived at Pensacola on Tuesday, the 24th instant, having sailed from Sacrificios the man­of­war anchorage at Vera Cruz, on the 12th inst. The officers and crews of these vessels were all well. The squadron visits Pensacola for the purpose of getting supplies of provisions and water, having been for some time on rather short allowance. The only foreign vessel of war off Sacrificios, at the time of the sailing of our squadron, were the French brigs Mercurio and Griffon. The vomito or yellow fever was prevailing to a considerable extent in Vera Cruz.

Another revolution broke out in the City of Mexico on the 7th inst. It was led on by a General whose name the Mexican papers do not mention. It commenced with one of the Regiments of Grenadiers, who entered the palace and made prisoners of the President and three of his Ministers. The rebellion, however, was soon quelled and order restored—the citizens, by rallying promptly to the rescue, evincing their firm adherence to the new Government. The General in command of the revokers made his escape; but the Colonel of the Regiment and forty of his men were instantly tried and shot.

In connection with this revolt, it is mentioned that previous to the departure of Santa Ana from Mexico, the troops stationed at Vera Cruz were marched several leagues below the city, in order to prevent all hampering between the friends of the fallen tyrant, and the officers and privates of the army. This was done in consequence of a rumor, that another revolution was in embryo in the city of Mexico, the object of which was to reinstate Santa Ana in power. The steamer that conveyed him away from his country, we also learn, took him on board at a place called Perote Landing, several leagues this side of Vera Cruz, and connected with Castle Perote by a separate road from that leading to Vera Cruz. Gomez Farias has been elected Senator in place of Don Sebastian Camacho

The Government of Mexico was raising an army of 2,000 men, ostensibly for the purpose of being sent to the Californias; but it is the belief of several intelligent American citizens that, that this force is destined to march secretly to the frontier of Texas. Mobile Advertiser, June 27.
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RW45v22i55p1c3 July 11, 1845 The Mexican Indemnity

Gov. Shannon appears to have freed himself from all blame in the strange matter of the Mexican indemnity—His official letter to the Secretary of State, follows;

Washington, July 2, 1845. Sir—Since my arrival in the United States, I have noticed that at least a portion of the public are laboring under incorrect views with regard to the payment of the fourth and fifth installments due our citizens from Mexico, under the treaty of the 31st January, 1843; and also that some unjust reflections have been cast upon me, as well as others, in reference to the manner in which the business had been transacted. I deem it not out of place for me to communicate to you the facts in relation to the two installments in question, so far as the are within my knowledge, with the view not only of putting you in possession of the true state of the case, but of acting myself right in this matter. This I should have done at an earlier period, had I been aware that there was any difficulty on the subject, or that there was any doubt in any quarter as is the facts to the case. The fourth installment fell due on the 30th April, 1844 and the fifth on the 30th of the following July; and I did not arrive in Mexico until the evening of the 26th of the following August. On my arrival in Mexico, the fourth installment had been due near four months, and the fifth near one month, and the date of Mr. Voss’s receipt, closing the matter with the Mexican government, I understand, is the 27th August.

It will be perceived from these dates that the agreement that was made with the Mexican government by Mr. Voss. Soon after my arrival in Mexico, on inquiry of Mr. Voss, our agent who had been appointed to receive the money, as to the payment of the two installments in question, he informed me he had in vain sought to obtain the money from the national treasury in Mexico:  that he had failed on all his efforts to do so, for the reason, that, as fast as the money came into the national treasury, it was absorbed for the purpose of the army, and by Mexican claimants, whose influence with the government was such as to enable them to obtain the preference over the American claimants;  that finding all efforts to obtain payment in Mexico had failed, he prevailed on the government to give him drafts on the local treasuries  for an amount sufficiently large to cover the principle and interest due on the two installments, and the cost of collecting the same, and transmitting the money to Vera Cruz.

He also advised me that the English house of Tayleur, Jamison & Co., i.e. Mexico, had claims on the Mexican government and that they had taken drafts of a similar character, and were about to collect them; and that he had handed over the drafts which he had received to that house, for collection at the same time. The house of Tayleur, Jamison & Co., it is proper I should remark, is one of undoubted responsibility. The contributions that had been levied, in order to raise the tour millions voted by Congress, and placed at the disposal of the government, were in a rapid course of collection at the time, and no doubts were entertained but the drafts would be prompt met and paid. He stated that under these circumstances, he considered the drafts as cash, or the same as cash, and that he had receipted to the Mexican government accordingly, and that I might consider the installments in question as paid’ that there would be no other difficulty about the matter than a delay of a few weeks in transmitting the money to the United States.

On the day after I had been presented to the President—that is, on the second of September—I received a note from Mr. Rejon, the Mexican Secretary of State, a copy of which has heretofore been communicated to your department, in which he states that he had been advised by the Secretary of the Treasury, under date of the twenty seventh August, that the two installments had been paid. On the twelfth of September, I had an interview with President Santa Ana in relation to the release of the Texan prisoners and the unadjusted claims of our citizens on the government of Mexico in which he took occasion to speak of the payment of the two installments above name, and the difficulties the government had to encounter to meet them; and assuring me, a t the same time, that he had caused arrangement to be made, which would enable the government to meet the future installments promptly as the fell due. All this put my mind to rest on the subject of these indemnities; and it was upon this state of facts that I felt myself authorized to make the communication had to Mr. Calhoun, in relation thereto, in September last.

I did not at the time, nor until after the revolution broke out, which terminated in the overthrow of President Santa Ana and his party, anticipate the difficulty in relation the  payment of the drafts in question. When the revolution broke out, the money intended to meet these drafts was invested from that purpose by the government of Mexico, and applied to its own purposes. When it had become thus certain that there would beat least some considerable delay in the payments of these drafts, I ceded on Mr. Voss to report to me in writing all the facts of the case, so that I might be able to put my government in possession of them. I was taken sick shortly after and confined to my room for two months, and was thus prevented from doing so. Up to the time of my departure from Mexico, which was on the 11th of May last, these drafts had been paid, or any part of them. No doubt, however, was promoted by Mr. Voss or Mr. Jameson but that these deals would be paid, as soon as the Mexican government could command the means. That government does not claim that any way released from the payment of these drafts; but the state of the Mexican treasury, growing out of the late revolution, has heretofore prevented the government from discharging them.

It is proper I should state, that I have no doubt Mr. Voss has acted throughout with the most perfect good faith and integrity, and that he did what be believed to be the best for the claimants at the time; that, upon a statement of the facts and reasons on which he acted, I concurred with him in the opinion, and so expressed myself to him at the time, that the course he had adopted was the best , under all the circumstances of the case, that could have been adopted in order to secure the money for the claimants. While it may be expect that these drafts will be paid by Mexico so soon as her financial abilities will enable her to do so, without regard to the future relations of the two countries. I don not feel justified in giving any assurances that the remaining installments will be paid until the difficulties existing between the two countries are finally adjusted, or our government shall adopt strong measures in order to coerce Mexico into a compliance with her treaty stipulations. I have the honor to be, very respectfully your obedient servant.

Wilson Shannon

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RW45v22i55p1c4 July 11, 1845 Oregon

We learn from the Union that the principal negotiation in relation the this country, is still to be confined the this side of the Atlantic, and will not therefore be put in change of Mr. McLane; “but (it says) collateral questions may incidentally arise in London, in the discussion of this important question, which may shed no inconsiderable influence on the final arrangement.” Wee do not perceive what these collateral questions are to be, nor how they are likely to arise, and wish sincerely the whole negotiation had been entrusted to Mr. McLane, in whose talents, experience and moderation all have confidence, and who deserves it more if possible for another quality not possessed by any member of the administration; superiority for popular clamor.

We greatly mistake the signs of the times, or there will be need of this quality to preserve the peace of the country, unless England makes a total surrender of her claims to Oregon, an event not very probable. There has been a rumor in circulation that the outlines of a treaty had been agreed upon at Washington, and the 49th parallel of latitude, which is an extension of the northern boundary of the United States on the east side of the Rocky Mountains, adopted as the boundary between Our Oregon and the English Oregon. This we had always hoped would be the basis of the compromise, and this Mr. Calhoun, while Secretary of State; was understood to have approved. But no such moderation is agreeable to that rage for acquisition which has seized upon so many of the American People!

Although the territory north of 49º is barren and inhospitable; although we can have no possible use for it, until our population reaches there by the natural progress of population; and although when it does in this manner reach there the country must be ours—these views by no means suit the grasping cupidity and swollen vanity of our countrymen. They want Oregon now; they want it all; they want it in defiance of consequences, and in contempt of the claims of others! That there will be a strong attempt made to defeat any compromise, and to reject any treaty founded upon compromise, we do not in the least doubt, and that, as in the case of Texas, the sound sense of the country may be overpowered by mobocratic clamor, we hold to be full probable.

The truth is, there are immense and increasing multitudes in this country who desire war with England, and to whom (that event would be welcome with or without provocation.) Even the New York Sun, a neutral and an enlightened print gives partially into these lamentable sentiments. It requires England to recede to the parallel of 52º (6º North of the mouth of Columbia) not upon any argument that our claim North of the Columbia is superior to hers, but simply because it is expedient we should have certain harbors, and that the country will be more profitable to us than to her!
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RW45v22i55p2c6 July 11, 1845 Oregon

We find some reflections which we advanced yesterday on the subject of Oregon, and the probable fate of the treaty said to have been agree upon at Washing, strongly confirmed by the correspondent of the Charleston Mercury, generally accurate and apparently having access to authentic sources of information. From the spirit of the West irrespective of party, and the time of the ultra Democratic press throughout the Union, there is great reason to fear the defeat of any Oregon compromise with England, and that affairs in that quarter will result in a national determination to exclude England from that quarter of the Continent.

A new and hateful spirit has manifested itself  in the American People, and there need be no surprise at any pretensions it may act up (as it is already setting the pretension to all Oregon and California) or to any extravagance it may act. The feeble hand of Tyler set a stone rolling which it may defy the honesty and wisdom of the country to arrest.

The correspondent of the Mercury says: “There is, however, a rumor in circulation among a few persons here which is of very great importance, and if it be true, it may exercise a very material and important influence on the final consummation of the measure of annexation. I have not yet had time or opportunity to inform my self as satisfactorily as I could wish on the point of its , but I hear it in such a quarter and from such authority, that I am inclined to believe that there is some truth to it –if it be not true in all its parts. The report is a . . . to the effect that negotiations between Mr. Buchanan, the Secretary of State, and Mr. Packenham, the British Minister, are progressing upon the basis of the 49th degreed of north latitude as the boundary between the two Governments. It is said that this line has been proposed by Mr. Packenham on the part of the British Government—that is has been accepted by Mr. Buchanan on the part of the American Government, and that the terms of the Treaty are now being canvassed and arranged between the two negotiators.

If these statements be true, some most important questions arise, which may not be very easily or satisfactorily answered. The first question is—will the Senate of the U. States ratify a treaty founded on such a basis? ON first thought and without consideration one would be tempted reply “yes.” There are, however, various reasons which would lead me to suppose the contrary. The 49th degree will not be satisfactory to the West. That is a settle question. The whole West goes for the Russian line as our boundary.

Mr. All and other Western Senators will not agree to the 49th degree. Will Mr. Benton? Has he forgotten his defeat of the Texas question? And his narrow escape from expulsion from the Democratic ranks? Has he gratified his hatred against the illustrious statesmen who framed, or reduced the shape the Treaty of annexation, and whose masterly arguments on that subject pronounced so great and effect? Or has he become reconciled to the manner in which he was compelled to vote for the passage of the annexation resolutions? Let the course of events show. And if a Treaty be negotiated on the basis of the 49th degree—see it Mr. Benton do not put himself at the head of an opposition to its ratification, and if the whole West will not go with him, and see if they do not couple with the acts for the completion of the annexation of Texas—a condition that the Southern Boundary of Russia shall be the Northern Boundary of the United States?

It will, however, perhaps be supposed by many that the Whig Senators will vote for the ratification of such a treaty. This may prove in the event to be so, but such a consummation cannot be relied upon. Distinguished Whig Legislators and Statesmen from the West have said that they hold themselves not bound to any such conclusion. True, they admit, that Mr. Adams offered the 49th degree as a boundary he was willing to accept, but that was refused, and they hold themselves now at perfect liberty to refuse it if offered or agreed to by Great Britain. From these and various other reasons I am induced to believe that if the 49th degree have been agreed upon—and if the Treaty be so framed and sent into the Senate fro ratification, it will be a very doubtful matter whether it can be ratified.”
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RW45v22i55p3c4 July 11, 1845 Marine Intelligence

Port of Richmond. Arrived, Schr Galena, Leeds, Troy, lumber; Schr Sara Jane, Ricketts, Newark, ballast; Schr Margaret Ann, Ward, Sandwich, Mass.; Schr Thomas H. Thompson, Wixon, Plymouth, Mass. Coal; Schr Ann, Lattiret, coal. Sailed, Brig Caucassian, Watts, Boston, coal; Schr Potomac; Duncan, Boston, coal; Cleared for Liverpool, Barque Parthian, Capt. Geo. W. Allen, with tobacco and cotton, by Henry Ludlam & Co. Port Walthall, July 9 Arrived, Steamer Chesapeake, Capt. Z.C. Gifford, having in tow three square rigged vessels, viz; Barque Euononitts, Mansfield, from New York, with cargo and ballast, to Haxall, Brother & Co.; Ship Louisiana, Detthurst, from New York, in ballast, to Warwick & Barksdale; July 10­Sailed, Barque Caroline, Volkmans, for Breman, with tobacco and cotton, from E.W. De Voss; Boston, July 7—Arrived brig Ellen, (of Portland) Radcliff, Richmond; schr Extio, Robinson, do. Philadelphia, July 9­Arrived, schrs Mirror, Avery, 4 days from Richmond; Union, Hughes, 4 days from do; Cleared, Catherine Amanda, Teal, do.
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RWv22n55c3p4 July 11, 1845 Correspondence of the Whig
New York, July 5th , 1845. The Editor of the Union and a correspondent who lives in Washington (who no doubt is an office holder, and who may very well understand the measures and policy of J. K. Polk’s administration) are attempting, through the “Union” toward off the blow against the “powers that be,” from leaning to either the Northern or Southern flack of the Democracy, under the command of Maj. Generals Calhoun and Wright. They call on the New York correspondent of the Charleston Mercury and his friends of Mr. Calhoun, to “hold on a bit” and not to be quite so “fussy,” that Jim, won’t be President any more after his term has expired, will show all the segments of the great Democratic family, how sincere and fraternal his feeling and partialities are for their mutual welfare and harmony.

This will be a work much more difficult than the Editor of the Union, his correspondent and Mr. Polk himself are aware of, to show. The few persons alluded to, in the North, such as Rantoul and one or two others, the administration were forced to give office to. There was no escape from these appointments. And they would be turned out of office tomorrow, if it could be done without raising a regular row and riot, and bringing round the eyes and face of Mr. Polk a nest of hornets. Mr. Woodbury “lies in his throat” if he says he is satisfied with the appointments made by Mr. Polk, or with the removal of unoffending persons who, are subordinates in office have turned out, and the men they have appointed to fill their places.

I can tell Mr. Polk and Mr. Ritchie that more than one personal friend of Mr. Calhoun have authentic documents to be prove this statement untrue, and at the proper time will let him and Mr. Polk know it too. I say they have got documents, and I speak advisedly. The troubles in the White House from the ever varying blasts make Polk most earnest and diligent for harmony.­­­

“In this calling he is prompt and watchful more than ordinary men, Hence he has learned the meaning of all winds, Or blasts of ever tone; and ottenumes, When others heed not, he hears the South make subterraneous music.” But this Administration owes me nothing, and I shall ask it for nothing, but simply to be “host and true” and if it does not act so, I shall owe it uncompromising hostile and legitimate war to overthrow it. So far as I am personally concerned, I care not who it turns out of office or who it puts in. I am a small man with moderate pretensions in life, but I am too high and too independent, even on any condition, to hold office under such a soulless creature as James K. Polk. He unworthily obtained his high position, and unworthily conducts the treat confided to his hands. He deceived the South of the North in his letter to Kane, and if dares not now urge the reduction of the Tariff, he will betray the South, and if he odes, he will betray the North.

If he acts either way, the miserable creature of circumstance must have the scorn and contempt of the party deceived, for lying so notoriously to them. He pledged himself in this speech at Nashville, soon after his election, that no one should be proscribed for his opinions, and yet no sooner is he installed in office, than he attempts to wreak his vengeance right and left upon every officer whom God had endowed with a better soul, and who could not, without lying think as he did. No wonder Capt. Rynders and his band were at home in the White House and the new President of the Republic should give the President of the Empire Club a lucrative office in the New York Custom House.

We have had abundance of rain for a week past, and the crops begin to look up. The corn crops especially will be benefited by it. The weather, though has been unusually cold for this season of the year. The thermometer on Monday last down at 58. In fact, warm weather came in a hurry and went off so. Yesterday and today, however have been every way pleasant over head and under foot. The Fourth of July, yesterday, was celebrated with considerable life.

The steamboats in the Hudson and East River were paddling about all day with parties of pleasure visiting Hoboken, Staten Island, Long Island, &c. &c. The Military were out in full strength to march to the soul stirring chorus. They marched fro the Park to the Battery; where they were reviewed by Gen. Sanford, who by the bye is a time officer, and a good Whig. The American Museum was crowded all day, and at night it, with Theatres, was filled “jam up.” The day’s recreation and amusement were concluded by a grand display of Fire Works in the Park, front of the City Hall. A good many youth were injured, and some badly so, by the firing off of pop crackers, pistols and guns. The least calculation there was consumed from 7 to $8000 worth of Powder by the Military, City and Council, and the many others who used it yesterday.

We have the news of Texas having annexed herself to this country this morning, and that Mexico would certainly declare war with the United States if she did. So I suppose will have to go to war and spill blood. Let Mr. Ritchie, who is so anxious to drive the young men of this country into a war, agree to go along and fight too. Any man can grow patriotic and daring out of danger. Let us see who has the most pluck. I see no necessity of my replying to the article in the New York Morning News. So long as it admitted that what I stated is true, I have gained my point and now quit the subject with no ill will to them. It was not my purpose to distort that statement or anything else, and do not wish to hear that character. Hudson
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RWv22i56p1c1­2 July 15, 1845 Hear the Green Mountain Whigs

The good Whigs and true, of Vermont, held a State convention on the 2d of July, to make their nominations for Governor &c. As an evidence of the true American spirit, which animates the bosoms of the Vermonters, we here copy some of the resolutions , will be read with interest by the Whigs of this Union, and echoed back to the Green Mountains in one universal shout of approbation. Here they are;

“Resolved, That the Whigs of Vermont maintain, as their great principles, a Tariff for Revenue to defray the necessary expenditures of the Government, discriminating with special reference to the protection of the domestic enterprise and labor of our country—a well­regulated national currency—a Distribution of the Proceeds of the Sales of the Public Lands among the States—a Single Term for the Presidency—a Reform of Executive Usurpation—and, generally, an administration of the Federal Government that shall be national and constant in its politics, and efficient and Economical in its execution.

Resolved, That the unfortunate result of the last Presidential election gives no cause of despondency and inactivity to the Whigs, on the contrary, impels every patriotic citizen to firmer resolution and more watchful vigilance; and in reviewing the contest, we are proud of the principles we professed, and of the manner in which Vermont sustained them.

Resolved, That the threatened reduction of the Tariff, by the official organ of the administration, is a striking commentary on the hollow professions of attachment to the Tariff by the Loco Foco party, and should call forth the strong rebuke of the Northern States, at this repeated attempt to prevent any settled and permanent policy of our Government.

Resolved, That a Tariff with discrimination for revenue, is decidedly opposed to protection, and that all the pretenses of our political opponents, that they are in favor of discriminating duties, are calculate to deceive and mislead.

Resolved, That the joint resolutions passed by the Congress of the U.S. at its last session, providing for the annexation of Texas to the Union are a palpable violation of the Federal Constitution, and are not binding upon the country, and should meet the continued and united opposition of the Whig party throughout the Union.

Resolved, That we confidently recommend to the freemen of Vermont the State Ticket this day nominated, as composed of men of tried and eminent ability and faithfulness.

Resolved, That the Whigs of Vermont will ever hold in grateful remembrance the patriotic services of Henry Clay; that their confidence in his talents and virtues is unshaken by the assaults of his enemies, and should be again be presented by the Whig party for that office, which he is so well fitted to adorn, the Star that never sets” shall shed around him its brightest beams.”
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RWv22i56p2c3 July 15, 1845 Oregon

The correspondent of the Charleston Mercury whom we quoted the other day as authority that the 48th degree of Latitude had been agreed upon at Washington as the boundary, now takes back that opinion and says:

“Washington City, July 8, 1845. I have ascertained from authority on which I can place the utmost reliance; that there is no truth whatever in the report which I informed you was in circulation in this City, repeating the 49th deg. Having been definitely settled as our Northern Boundary, with reference to the claims of G. Britain on the North Western Territory. No such arrangement has been made with Great Britain, and I have equally good authority for saying that no such proposition will be agreed upon by the present Administration.

I have a so good reasons for giving expression to the belief that the Cabinet do no intend to compromise this matter at all but mean to maintain our title to the whole territory up to the Southern Boundary of the Russian possessions. The leading Democrats in the City of all shades of party, were unanimous in their condemnation of the supposed basis upon which negotiations were said to be pending, and many of them I heard openly express the opinion that if such course were adopted by the Administration, it would prove the political damnation of the parties to it on the American side.”

Per Contra—The correspondent of the N. Y. Herald 2 days later: “Washington, July 10, 1845, The 49th parallel—yes, sir, the 49th parallel has actually been under serious consideration by Mr. Buchanan as the Oregon compromise line. A compromise on Oregon, where they should be “no compromise but at the cannon’s mouth! Mr. Buchanan now says that he does not know that our title is so clear as might be beyond the 49th parallel; and this in the face of his speech in the senate during the session of ’43 ‘4, that he held our title indisputably clear to the latitude of 50 40.”
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RWv22i56p2c4 July 15, 1845 Marine Intelligence

Port of Richmond, Arrived, Stmr Columbus, Parris Baltimore, sundries; Stmr Jewess, Sutton, Norfolk; Schr Olympia, Hubbard, below, corn to W. Anderson; Schr Independence, Eerwan, Baltimore, sundries; Schr Bartlett Chandler, Dezier, New York, sundries; Schr Lenity, Smith, Boston, plaster; Brig Nancy Jane, Godfrey, New York, salt, to Davenport & Allen; Brig Josephine, Robinson, Boston, plaster, Baskins & Libby; Schr W Mowry, Hoffman, New York, ballast Sailed, Schr Susan Ludwig, Curling, Boston; Schr Ellen Ann, Tyler, Erkton. New York, July 12—Arrived, schr Elmira Rogers, Saltar, Richmont, Platt& Pearson. Boston, July 11—Arrived, schr Wave, Berry, Richmond.
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RWv22i57p1c2 July 18, 1845 Future Advantages

In an article yesterday, we alluded to the debt of Texas, and the promises of Mr. Polk. The subject is one which ought to attract more of the public attention. It may be deemed absurd, in this age of usurpation, to ask by what authority of law or Constitution, the President of the United States, through the “representative of the country” in Texas made “promises” of “future advantages” to be extended to the “Lone Star,” if she consented to the proposed union with the United States. We find such offer gravely alluded to by President Jones in his Message to the Texan Congress, and actually made in one of Maj. Donelson’s letters. We shall wait with no little degree of curiosity for an explanation of this matter by some of the ’98 men—some of the sticklers for strict construction—especially the “Calvary.”

In the Tyler Treaty, as it was called, the public lands of Texas, and all other property, were to be ceded to the United States—the latter agreeing to pay ten millions of the Texan debt. Everybody believed that this amount was far short of the real debt, and that the United States would be bound to shoulder all the responsibilities of the defunct Republic—whatever they might prove to be. In the act of Annexation passed by Congress it was stipulated that all the lands of Texas should be ceded to the United States and no provision was made for the payment of the debt of the “lone Star.” This omission, doubtless, is what Maj, Donelson has undertaken to call an “accidental” affair—and he, therefore, under the authority of President Polk, undertakes to intimate that this little matter, of probably fifty millions of dollars, will all be provided for, if the Texans will only come into our embraces, without any further parley—and, accordingly, they submit most graciously, without a dissenting voice.

It will be a matter worth future observation, to watch how complacently the Anti­Assumption men will introduce and defend the payment of the Texas debt, in the course of the coming year. How plausibly they will present the difference between paying the debt of Pennsylvania and that of Texas! How conclusively they will show hat this outrageous policy of State Assumption, a little while since pertinaciously attributed to the Whigs, and denounced as Federalism,­­is perfectly within the powers of the Constitution, or at least of the doctrines of ’98!

We invite the reader to note the progress of this affair, which has no higher claims than the interest the scrip­holders and land speculators, whose wishes first engendered the scheme, and for whom the straight­laced doctrines of the Democracy are to be outraged. Maryland may struggle on—Pennsylvania may wring from her people enough to pay the interest of her debts only—Illinois, Indiana, and Mississippi, may continue to hear the food stain of Repudiation, but the debt of Texas must be paid by the General Government! The patriots “who left their country for their country’s good,” and seized the territory of a country with whom we pretended to be at peace, must be “cared for,” no matter what the Constitution may prohibit—and no matter how often the “Democracy” may be compelled to repudiate their own doctrines.[MSM}


RWv22i57p2c1 July 18, 1845 The Debt of Texas­ Mr. Polk’s Position

Mr. Polk’s promises. We all know that one of the most striking features in the bill which was at first presented to Congress for the Annexation of Texas to the U. States, was that this Government should assume all the liabilities of the little Republic, and take the unappropriated Public Lands. These, it was thought, were the only grounds upon which Texas would be willing to annex herself to Uncle Sam and, from what was then said by the friends of annexation, we were somewhat certain that they never would consent to any other terms. Finding, however, that Uncle Sam, at that time, had so many public lands of his own, and as many branches of his family, whose debts were unpaid, as were desirable, that feature of the Texas bill was stricken out entirely. This, it was thought by those who suspected the motives of the Annexationists, would have forever quieted the application for the “lone Star” to be numbered among the 26 United States but, all at once.

We see Texas changing position, and at last adopting the views of Col. Johnson, of whom it was said, that if he couldn’t get the nomination for the highest office, he willing to take a nomination for anything. So it was with Texas: if she couldn’t be admitted on her own terms, she was willing to in any how! But to the sequel of this change in the notions of Texas. We recollect that just about the time the late bill for annexation was to ass we were conversing with a high functionary of Texas, and asked him if the people for his Republic would consent to be annexed without the United States would assume their debts? To this interrogatory, he gave us to understand he could say yea; and he has been sustained in that supposition by the late action of the Texan Congress.

We thought, and indeed remarked at the time to our friend, that we took it for granted, if Texas consented to be annexed at all, it would be with the expectation of some day having all her responsibilities saddled upon Uncle Sam; and so it would seem from what follows. President Polk, it appears, has had a finger in the pie; and has proved himself not only magnanimous to the little Republic, but faithful to his trust as the head of this Government: “President Jones’s Message to the two houses of the Texas Congress, in calling their attention to the propositions from the Unites States, says—“The Executive has much satisfaction in observing, what no doubt  will forcibly arrest the attention of the Congress, that, although the terms embraced in the resolutions of the United States Congress may at first have appeared less favorable than was desirable for Texas, the very liberal and magnanimous views entertained by the President of the United States towards Texas, and the promises made through the representative of that country, in regard to the future advantages to be extended to her if she consent to the proposed union, render those terms much more acceptable than they would otherwise have bee.”

This is a paragraph pregnant with meaning, and is of a nature to arrest public attention in all the States, particularly in the no dividend paying States. It, no doubt, means that promises have been made to assume the debt of Texas! We are now prepared to hear the “democracy,” particularly the “democracy of ’98 and of “the Jeffersonian school,” contend that it is quite “constitutional” to assume the debt of a foreign State, but quite as “unconstitutional” to assume the debt of Indiana or Illinois. As to promises, what right has any representative or any office of the Government to make such promises for, and in behalf of the people of the United States? These promises, however, will be converted by Texas, when a member of this Union, into claims; and upon them will be founded loud appeals to the people of the United States. Meanwhile, as the Texas Stock Jobbers are thus managing their cards, they are disposing of their public lands as fast as possible. When we get the $20,000,000 debt of Texas saddled as a fund to provide for it. If there be any simple minded of “the democracy” in the North, who have not foreseen all this jobbing and scheming, we can only pity their miserable gullibility.”
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RWv22i57p2c3 July 18, 1845 Late from Texas “So look out for a War with Mexico”

By the Norfolk papers of yesterday, we find the arrival of the U.S. Mail Schr. Onkshyee announced. It seems, from the opinions of the Naval Offices, that we are certainly to have a war with Mexico. Here is what we glean from the Norfolk Herald:

“Naval. The U.S. mail schr. Onkshyee, Lieut. Com’t Sinclair, arrived at this port yesterday from Chagrev, via Carthagean, Vera Cruz and Havana, 6 days from the latter. Left Vera Cruz on the 21st June. All was anxiety there to hear from Texas; and in the meantime the public opinion was made up that a declaration war by Mexico would follow immediately on the announcement of annexation; and the U.S. Consul at Vera Cruz stated to Lieut. Sinclair, that such was his decided belief. So look out for a war with Mexico by the next advices. Business at Havana was uncommonly dull. There were very few American or other shipping in port, and commerce was almost at a stand. The Onkshyee has proved herself, in spite of the disadvantages under which she made the voyage, a superior sailor, having made under favorable circumstances between 11 and 12 knots an hour—and 9 knots when running within four points of the wind. Some necessary alteration to her spare (which are too heavy) and her trim, will make her the fleetest craft in the navy.”
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RWv22i57p3c5 July 18, 1845 Marine Intelligence

Port of Richmond. Arrived at Bermuda Hundreds, Barque Alabama, Merrit, from Baltimore, in ballast, to Chas. Palmer; Below, Ship Marathon, Brown, from Europe, to C. Palmer. Arrived, Stmr Curtis Peck, Davis, Norfolk; Schr Catherine Martha, Dazy, York river, corn to Jones & Winston; Schr Santa Maria, Keane, below, wheat to Gallego Mills.; Schr Heroine, Hollingshead, Havye de Grace, coal.; Schr May, Hubbard, Baltimore, sundries.; Sailed, Schr Rich’d Thompson, Townsend, West Point.; Schr Evelinia, Peterson, Sandwich.
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RWv22i58 July 23,1845 No record found.
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RWv22i59p1c3 July 25, 1845 Official. Navy Department – Orders &c.

July 19, Surgeon L. B. Hunter ordered to the steamship Princeton. Com. James Renshaw detached from Charleston (S.C.) station, and waiting orders. Master’s mate John W. Palmer detached from the Naval Asylum, Philadelphia, and leave of absence three months. Midshipman Fredrick A. Hallett detached from sloop Marion, and waiting orders. Chief Engineer Wm. P. Williamson detached from the navy yard, Norfolk, and ordered to the steamship Princeton. First Assistant Engineer James Atkinson detached from the steamer Col. Harney, and ordered to the navy yard, Norfolk. Third Assistant Engineer Robert Danby detached from steamship Princeton, and waiting orders.
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RWv22i59p2c5 July 25, 1845 Late from Texas

Since the consummation of the annexation question, in Texas, we have been looking out for some news from that quarter, without knowing exactly what we were expecting. The latest accounts, however, bring us but little news of interest, and such as it is, we give below. It will be seen that some of the papers in the State of Texas, for we suppose we can call it nothing else, have been peppering the late President of the Republic pretty severely. Here is a specimen: From the N.O. Tropic:

Texas. The schooner Atlantis arrived yesterday from Galveston, bringing the Weekly News of the 5th . There is nothing particularly new or interesting. The News is filled with the correspondence between that Government and Mexico relative to the recognition of Texan Independence. The funeral solemnities in honor of General Jackson were celebrated on the 4th . The morning was ushered in by a National salute of 29 guns, and during the day the “Stars and Stripes” were seen floating from several Consular offices in the city. At 10 o’clock, a procession marched to the Episcopal Church, where an effective discourse was pronounced by Rev. Mr. Eaton. In the afternoon, an oration was delivered, appropriate to the Anniversary of American Independence.

The News publishes a list of 63 Delegates to the Convention which met at Austin on the 4th . Eight of the present members of Congress are members. Col. Samuel B. Marshall, who died at Galveston, on his way to this Government with dispatches, was attended to his grave by the Masonic Fraternity. The following, from the Houston Telegraph, is some what savage: “We did not receive a copy of the propositions made by our Secretary of State to the Mexican Government, until Thursday morning. We bitterly regret to say that they are more disgraceful and dishonorable to Texas than we had anticipated. Although they are dated at Washington on the Brazos, we still hope, for the credit of out Government, that they were concluded at Galveston, and that the Executive and Cabinet knew nothing of them until a copy was sent by Dr. Smith to Washington. Better would it have been if the band that signed them had been paralyzed, ere the disgraceful act was consummated.”

The following resolution was introduced in the Texan Congress on the last day of the session, but it seems that the House, after various motions, adjourned without acting upon the question:

Resolved by the House of Representatives. That the course of the Executive in relation to the question of Annexation, has been unpatriotic and unwise attempting to thwart the people in their well know wish, to reunite themselves to the great political family of the United States, and throw them afloat again upon the troubled sea of a separate existence, to be the sport of a policy hostile to Liberty in both Hemispheres; and that he may not be enabled to throw further obstacle in the way of this great measure, and ultimately effect its defeat, we recommend to the Convention of the people of Texas to establish a Government ad interim, until the Constitution of the State of Texas shall go into effect, as being the most certain, effectual and economical mode of securing our Annexation to the United States.
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RWv22i59p3c4 July 25, 1845 Marine Intelligence

Port of Richmond. Arrived, Stmr Curtis Peck, Davis, Norfolk; Schr Union, Hughes, Philadelphia, sundries. Nassau, Mathias, New York, sundries; Harriet, Chase, Boston, sundries; Lady Clinton, Cramer, New York, ballast; Constitution, Melton, Fall River, ballast; Manavaski, Blen, Boston, plaster; W D Borden, Funnell, New York, ballast. New York, July 23—Arrived, schr R.S. Thompson, Corson, 5 days from Richmond. Boston, July 21—Arrived, schr Wm. W. Wyer, Adams, Richmond [MSM2]


RWv22i60p1c4 July 28, 1845 To the Editors of the Whig

Washington, 22d July, 1845.

Gentlemen—Your correspondents here will have informed you of the clouds that darken the horizon of Loco­Focoism at the Metropolis. I believe there is no doubt of the truth of the statement, that the Administration is in trouble about something. I am inclined to believe there are intestine dissension about the spoils, in hand and in future,­­looking towards the succession, rather than on any great State questions,­­The Tariff, Oregon, or Mexican controversies. During the late hot weather, a friend in New York wrote to an office holder here under Mr. Polk, as follows: “If we can’t breathe, with Collar Frees, And necks that spurns the yoke, With you, Poor Slaves, how must it be, Who swelter under Polk! Search earth unto its utmost bound, Sound ocean to its depths profound, Throughout the race of animated nature, The vilest and the most unsound. With evil doth some good compound; Except this Loathsome Creature!” Some of Gen. Jackson’s eleventh hour, devoted friends, are getting enough of his interesting letters. For his last, you need not search the columns of the Union! Is it not enough to make Father Ritchie “curse” again? Q in the Corner [MSM2]


RWv22i60p1c7 July 28, 1845 Mexico

The schooner Sarah Ann, Capt. Davidson, left Tampico on the 1st of July and arrived at Philadelphia on Thursday. Such was the fear of so immediate embargo being laid on all the American shipping in the ports of Mexico, that the departure of the S. A. was hastened. By this arrival we have copies of the “Gegen,” published at Tampico, in which  are editorial articles, strongly urging the immediate declaration of war on the part of Mexico against the United States, as the last and only appeal to be made by that Government in the situation in which she is placed by the consummation of Texas Annexation. On the 26th of June a small vessel from New Orleans arrived at the Bar, below Tampico, and sent up to the city a sealed package, supposed to contain dispatches, which was immediately forwarded to General Arista. The vessel forthwith proceeded to Vera Cruz.­Balt. Pat.
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RWv22i60p2c5­6 July 28, 1845 Debt of Texas upwards of Ten Millions!

Like our contemporary of the New York Tribune, we are satisfied that correct information in regard to the liabilities for the now State, about to come into our confederacy, is hard to get at; and it is only, therefore, our duty to lay before the country such light on the subject as is at hand. No one can pretend to deny that the people of Texas expect, one day or other, to have their responsibilities saddled upon the United States. If it well, therefore, the people upon whom this Annexation has been forced, should know what is likely to be the result in a financial point.

The following from the Tribune may open their eyes on the subject of the debt of Texas:

“Direct information with regard to this rather interesting matter is obtained with difficulty, so we are glad to pick up any incidental tiding of it. We find the following in a pro­Texas letter from New Orleans to the Herald.

I am truly sorry to see that your New Orleans correspondent of the 16th June, has committed some errors in his communication, which are likely to mislead the community with regard to the Texas money and bonds. It is true Texas lands are in demand, particularly those held by Mexican titles, but Texas Treasury notes and bonds have not advance, not is there any thing doing to them at any price—they are quoted thus in New Orleans; Ted Back, 13 a 14 cents on the dollar, Interest Notes, 15 a 16: Bonds, Backs are 8 per cent. 19 a 20; Bonds, 10 per cent. 20 a 21. The Backs are notes first issued by the Government, and they bear no interest; they began to depreciate, and notes beating interest of ten per cent were next issued to prevent depreciation, and a law was enacted allowing holders of the first issue to fund their notes and take bonds drawing ten per cent interest. The next year the law was changed, and only eight per cent was allowed. The various issues of the Government may be safely estimated at ten millions of dollars. Nor is it true that this debt will be paid by Texas immediately on it Annexation to the United States. These promissory notes and bonds are the last thing that will be paid. There are very many individual claims which will be promptly paid by Government , to suppliers for the army, money advanced, personal services, & c. These stand as debts against the Government, nor have they been liquidated by bills or bond.

The Government will in all probability never pay more than ten cents on the dollar on these bonds and bill, and that too for the reason that the Government and people never received even that mount for them. They are chiefly held by brokers and speculators in New Orleans, who wrung them from the oppressed Government and its poor people for the amount of from three to eight cents per dollar, and the Government will doubtless pay what they justly owe, and no more.  Is it right or just they should? The brokers have tried many ways to secure their Texas claims to the full amount on the face of them, but they will never succeed. It is now a conceded point that some persons were bribed by certain persons by an offer of thirty per cent on the amount of the debt if they would cause it to be stipulated in the articles of annexation that the United States should pay the Texas debt. One treaty was drawn up for this purpose but it was not ratified. Persons then commence negotiations elsewhere, and thought they could lull the people of Texas by offering them another boon, but it would not do; the people discovered their schemes.

In Texas a national debt is truly and practically a national blessing, and I will demonstrate it. About nine­tenths of the people have not as yet received from the General Land Office the titles to their lands. The land office expenses will amount to an average of about fifty dollars each. These old notes and bonds are received at par value—fifty dollars of them can be bought with seven dollars par money—so that the person while he is only paying seven dollars in par money is really paying fifty dollars of the Government debt, but if any other nation was to assume the debt it would raise the money to par value, and the citizen would have to pay fifty dollars in par money, and instead of the Government getting any benefit from the remaining forty three dollars, it would go to brokers and bond holders, and the government would get no more than if it was only ten cents per dollar. It is not true that each dollar is good for one acre of land—it is true that you can enter land at two dollars per acre, but then you must pay for location surveying, &c., in good money; it is not here as in the United States; here the government pays for no surveying or any other expense—all is paid by the locator.” It here appears that “the various issues of the[Texas] Government may be safely estimated at ten millions of dollars.”  But the eight and ten per cent interest for several is evidently not included in this, and there is a farther, liberal sum due for “supplies for the Army, money advanced, personal services, &c.”

Then there is the Army and Navy to pay off, with ever so much arrears (?), and these will have to be paid in full, even though the Funded Debt is paid at ten cents on the dollar. There is manifestly a very liberal bill here for somebody to pay. Shall Uncle Sam volunteer to foot it, ‘unsight, unseen?’ We submit that when the respectable gentleman does that thing it will afford a very strong presumption that he is getting in years and hasn’t as much gumption as he used to have. This business of paying off notes of hand at eight or ten cents on the dollar, because the maker saw fit to dispose of the at that rate, is one that we can’t quite see the honesty of.

The buyers took the very serious risk of the continued independence, the solvency and honesty of Texas, on account of which risk the seller agreed to submit to such a discount. Now when pay­day approaches, the debtor says, “Sir Creditor! I will pay you just what money I received from you.” “Why, friend,” remonstrates the creditor, “what did you mean by agreeing to pay a much larger sum in case you were ever able to pay anything?” “Mean,” responds Texas. “I meant to get your money, which I wanted wright badly; but I am out of my troubles now so take what I offer you and clear out.” This may be a very nice boldness, but we do hope Uncle Sam will keep entirely clear of it. He has some character to lose in spite of his recent hankering after loose company.”
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RWv22i60p3c4 July 28, 1845 Marine Intelligence

Port of Richmond. Arrived, Stmr Columbus, Parrish, Baltimore, sundries; Stmr Jewess, Sutton, Nosk; Schr Fontaise, Willisby, Norfolk, light; Cecil, Travers, Baltimore, tobacco, to S. Winfree; Pastory, Creighton, Itimore, tobacco, to S Winfree; H Ingrim, Phillips, btw, wheat, to Gallego Mills; J R Dunbar, Powers, below, wheat, to Gallego Mills; Stoop Mary Miller, York ver, corn and wheat, to Worthaso, McGruder & Co.; Schr Providence, Kerwun, Baltimore, sundries; Navigator, Pointer, New York, sundries; Vermadela, Welsh, Itimore, sundries; Augusta, Godfrey, Boston, plaster; J H Urquhart, Burrum York River, corn, to Royal & Morgan; Sailed, Schr J W Smith, Parker, New York; Brig Josephine, Robinson, Boston; Schr W Mowry, Albertson, Greenwich; J Rosters, Lewis, Sanwich; Aid, Vinal, Boston.
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RWv22i60p4c3 July 28, 1845 Interesting From Texas (From the New Orleans Tropic)

By the arrival of the fast sailing brig Hope Howes, from Galveston, we received intelligence of the unanimous assent of the Convention, to the terms of Annexation, proposed by the U.S. Government.

The Convention assembled at Austin, on the 4th instant, and elected General Rusk as its President. A Committee was then appointed, who immediately afterwards reported an Ordinance, assenting on behalf of the people of Texas, to the terms of annexation, and it was adopted at one o’clock of the same day, with  one dissenting votes, that of Major Bache of Galveston, who, it is reported afterwards signed the Ordinance.

We received Galveston papers to the 12th instant, but they contain very little news.

Our neighbors of the Picayune, received a very interesting letter from the Correspondent at Austin, from which we learn, that after assenting to the terms of annexation, a resolution was passed in Convention, “that the member wear crape on their left arms for one month, as a testimony of regret for the decease of Gen Jackson,” and then adjourned for that day. On the next day Committees were appointed to report on the various subjects submitted, and at latest dates the Convention was busily engaged in the work of framing a State Constitution.  The writer says that so anxious are the Texans to free the subject of annexation from further agitation, in the U.S. that [con] conditions whatever will be annexed to the Constitution, differing from the resolutions passed by the U.S. Congress.”

Despatches from our Government, in relation to the occupation of the Frontier by U.S. troops, were received, and Major Donelson, who had been detained by indisposition at Washington, arrived at Austin on the 5th .

A resolution was passed in Convention on the 7 th , requesting the President, of the U.S., in behalf of the people of Texas, to send troops forthwith to the Frontier. This resolution was intended as a sanction by the Texans, of the movement noted above. The writer also states that Dr. Ashbel Smith has written home, that Lord Aberdeen has avowed to him that the British Government will not interfere any further in reference to annexation. Apprehensions were felt for the safety of General Tarrant, delegate from Fanin, and Mr. Howard, delegate from San Antonio, who had failed to arrive to attend the Convention. It was feared they might have fallen in with some of the Indians on the Frontier, who have committed several murders lately.

From our papers we learn that Ashbel Smith has been recalled from England, and that President Jones has appointed Hon. Ebenezer Allen, Secretary of State, Hon. W. B. Ochiltree, Attorney General, and Ho,. J.A. Grear, Secretary of the Treasury. The Hon. K. L. Anderson, Vice President of the Republic died at Feathrope’s, Montgomery county, on the 4th inst of fever. Col Wm. G. Cooke, Secretary of War, had gone to Bexar to effect a treaty with the portion of the tribe of Comanches known as the party of Santa Anna, a noted marauder, numbering about 50 Indians detached from the main tribe. Their depredations have chiefly been on the Rio Grande frontier.

It is stated by the National Register that a general council at the Comanche tribe will be held in September about Torrey’s trading house, for the purpose of celebrating a general treaty of peace. The Register, in speaking of Dr. Ashbel Smith’s arrival in England, and of the tenor of the advices from that country, says: If the more moderate tone held in England in regard to Annexation, be in any manner the result of this gentleman’s mission, it has not been in vain. We believe its principal purpose was to set the British Government right in regard to the wishes and feelings of our people, and to induce the continuance of those friendly relations hitherto maintained. England is now fully informed of the desires and sentiments of the people of Texas, of the determination of this Government to give them full effect, and there can be no playing at cross purposes. We think Dr. Smith’s mission was necessary in view of our existing relations with England, we believe it will contribute to the prevention of difficulties resulting from our Annexation the United States.

The Indians are still committing depredations in the vicinity of Corpus Christi. On the 21st ult. They killed a young man named Kinney, within a mile of the Ranch, and on the night following they stole sixty horses from an enclosure near the Ranch, and escaped without detection.

The Civilian of the 12th says the general health of Galveston was never better, and no apprehensions of sickness are entertained the present season. The accounts of the crops from every section of the country are said to be highly favorable. “Grain of every description is out of all danger, and has succeeded beyond all precedent. The prospect for Cotton has lost none of its promise.” The British brig Persian had arrived at Galveston from Vera Cruz. She is said to have brought dispatches fro the Government. Of their tenor or from when they came, nothing was known.
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RWv22i60p4c4 July 28, 1845 General Taylor

General Taylor, commanding the U.S. Troops destined for Texas, with his staff, arrived in this city yesterday, on board the steamer Yazoo, from Fort Jessup.—N.O. Bee July 17
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August

Tuesday, August 12, 1845 RW45p1c3 230 words

Texas Twins!

The friends of Annexation, in the United States, were not aware, perhaps, that bringing Texas into the Union, they would be introducing two new States instead of one. It appears from the following, taken from the New York Tribune, that the people of Texas have fixed on a division of their state:

“Twins­ We are assured that a private letter was received in this city yesterday from one of the most popular and influential members of the Texas Convention, stating that it is in actual contemplation among the leading spirits in that body to divide Texas into two States, making the Brazos the dividing line; the State west of that river to called Austin, and that on the east to retain the name of Texas.­N. Y. Tribune, Aug.6”

            That’s right, sister!  You are altogether too delicious a morsel to be swallowed whole. True, your population may be thought too small by some to furnish four members of the U.S. Senate, but where the quality is so fine, it’s not worth while to stand for trifles. Cut yourself in twain, by all means!  Such blessings as you are, should never come single!­[Tribune.

            If the result above alluded to is to be brought about, Vice President Dallas ought to know it, that he might have four new seats arranged in the Senate Chamber for Senators from Texas, instead of only two.
[JM]


Tuesday, August 12, 1845 RW45p3c3 172 words

From Texas­The Washington Union contains official dispatches received by special messenger, from Major Donaldson, in which are included the authenticated documents relative to the proceedings of the Texas Convention. We published yesterday from New Orleans papers the news of the ratification by the annexation resolutions. This having been communicated to Major Donaldson, he replies as follows:­Balt. Pat.

Legation of The United States,
Austin, Texas, July 6, 1845,

Sirs; The undersigned, charge d’affairs of the U. States, has the honor to acknowledge the receipt of your note on the 5th …transmitting a certified copy of the ordinance adopted by the convention of Texas, accepting the proposals, conditions, and guarantees contained in the first and second sections of the joint resolutions of the Congress of the United States for admission of Texas as a State of the Union.

            This ordinance shall be immediately forwarded by a special message to the President of the United States, who will receive it with the gratification its dignity and importance are so well calculated to produce every part…
[JM]


Friday, August 15, 1845 RW45p2c2  267 words

A War Coming!

Those who are advocates of war, will see by the following indication, taken from the N. Orleans papers, that the United States is likely to be embroiled in a difficulty with Mexico, on account of the new member of Uncle Sam’s household, which he has consented to receive without the acquiescence of Mexico.

“Rumor had it yesterday ( says the N.O. Picayune of Thursday) that the Mexican Consul, Senor Arrangoiz, was to leave for Vera Cruz in a day or two, and that his departure is to be the signal for the passages of a non intercourses act or law. Of truth of this we are not prepared to decide.”

“The Bee, of the same date, says: ‘We were informed yesterday that an importing house in our city had applied to the Mexican Consul to know whether he could clear a vessel for one of the Mexican ports on Thursday next, and that the reply of the Consul was that after Wednesday he would be unable to attend to any such businesses. AS the duty of the Consul in such cases is to ….manifest, his refusal looks as if there were some truth in the rumors of war, now so prevalent.’”

In confirmation of the above, we take the following from the New Orleans Bee of a late date:

            “Mexican Consulate­It has been…in the papers of yesterday, Mr .Arrangoiz, the Mexican Consul for the city, intended closing his official business here today. We can state positively, that such is the fact. Persons having business with the Consulate will therefore have to bring it to a close during the day.”
[JM]


Friday, August 15, 1845 RW45p4c1 819 words

War Come At Last!

Hostile Movements of the Mexicans­Preparations of the American Troops.

            The Much talked of, and long expected, has come at last and the two nations which ought to be at peace, are to be arrayed against each other in all the forms of hostility. Mexico, as will be seen by the news of yesterday, from New Orleans, has declared war against the United States, and the intercourse between the two Governments is of course at an end.

            How desirable such an event may be to some turbulent spirits, we do not undertake to say, but sure it is, our Government had no right to expect any other result to grow out of the annexation of Texas, after the manner and mode in which it was brought about. Now, that the country is to be embroiled in a difficulty with Mexico, and perchance, England, who should be the sufferers, but those who were instrumental in producing the difficulty?  We will see now, how the advocates of Annexation will act, when the emergency stares them in the face­whether they will stand up to defend that little Republic, which has caused the difficulty, or whether they will skulk, and leave the fighting to be done by others. We shall certainly be able to find out, after the Mexicans and Americans have had a brush or two, whether these people who cried aloud for annexation, in violation of the treaty­making power, will show the stronger love for Texas or for themselves.

            The Annexationist must undoubtedly expect to defend Texas, now that they have forced the people of the U.States to make the “Lone Star” under their wing; and however insignificant these gentlemen may have regarded the Mexicans heretofore, they will find them at least capable of resenting an insult.

            This declaration on the part of Mexico, doubtless required a great deal of nice consideration, were the step was taken; and we can hardly think that government blind enough to suppose that, now, it has declared war, the Mexican people will be able to stand up against the forces of the United States, without the aid of some foreign power. What then are we suppose?  That England will come to the aid of that weak nation, or that Mexico relies on France, to rescue her from the destruction which must sooner or later be visited upon her by the United States?  While we are free to think that France will not interfere in this difficulty, yet we are not entirely sure that England will not give a helping hand to Mexico.

            Where is the money­$12,000,000­ to come from, that Mexico found it necessary to raise previous to making an open declaration of War?  It is well known that negotiations were in contemplation, between Great Britain and Mexico, in regard to this very matter of Finance; and it is to be supposed, if the loan has been made, that England will look to the protection of her money, if she finds it endangered. We have here, then, not only the prospect of war with little Mexico, whose inability to contend with us should protect that Nation­but we have strong probabilities of having to encounter another Nation, which while it may not be able to conquer us, will, at least, annoy the United States very considerably. In anticipation of these things, we are glad to find that the Administration has been making some little preparation for the emergency, by ordering the United States soldiery in all quarters to hold themselves in readiness. The Flying Artillery, as the Northern papers have it, have already embarked for the Frontier, and the Troops formerly in that quarter are also in a state of preparation for a conflict when it comes.

            But to the action of Mr. Polk in the further prosecution of this matter. Will he undertake himself, the whole management of the conflict, by heading an army of Annexationist; and meeting the enemy, or will he at once convene an extra Session of Congress?  It is incumbent on His Excellency to do one or the other, and that quickly. However, as he will receive the official notice of hostilities, in a short time, we will expect him to do his duty­ his whole duty, and nothing but his duty.

            We must confess, that we are not a little anxious to see what game those very disinterested patriots will play, who went all for Texas, and nothing for themselves, in their untiring efforts to bring about annexation. Would we be expecting too much, if we were to call upon the Editor of the Union to convert his pen into a more dangerous instrument of warfare and head of an army of “Texas Men” to go and fight the Mexicans?  Surely, any one who has made so many professions of sympathy for the citizens of Texas, ought to show by his actions and deeds that he was sincere. But “Nous Verrons.”
[JM]


Friday, August 15, 1845 RW45p4c3 701 words

Declaration of War!

The Schooner Relampago, which recently arrived at the Balize, from Vera Cruz, came up to the City in Tuesday evening. Our previous accounts by this vessel, were very limited, based as they were, upon verbal statements, and a short extract form one of the few letters which reached the city in company with the dispatches for the State Department. It was not until a late hour yesterday, that we received the letter, an extract from which follows, containing the official communications, a translation of which is subjoined. The letter is from a friend and correspondent in Vera Cruz, and enclosed the communications, which are from the Minister of War against this country, have assumed a positive and determined shape. No simple act of non­intercourse, it appears, will give sufficient vent to the pent­up indignation of our Mexican neighbors. Nothing short of a war­a war of invasion too­that contemplates among the least of its triumphs, the reconquest of Texas­will appease their belligerent feelings, and heal their wounded honor. Well, if it is to be, we must prepare ourselves for the struggle.   We hope by this time, that our fleet is in the Gulf­ we know that our little army is at its post. The Water Witch, which may be looked for everyday will bring us full particulars.

            We have reason to believe that the dispatches to the Department of State at Washington, brought by the Relampago, communicated the fact of War having been declared by the Mexican Government.

            In a still closer view of war with Mexico, we take occasion to repeat what we said the other day, as the course which should be pursed in such an event. If we are to be embroiled in a conflict with Mexico, we hope that the scale upon which the contest will be prosecuted by us will bear some relation to the power and dignity of this nation. Let the assertion of our might as well as of our right be so complete, that among the other results of a brilliant campaign, no vestige of European influence will remain in Mexico to tempt her into a repetition of the fatuity of going to war with us.

            The following is the letter and document referred to:

Vera Cruz, July 21, 1845

            Dear Sir:

           I have only one moment’s time to hand you the enclosed, to which I refer you. We are momentarily expecting to receive the declaration of war against the United States, from Mexico. Every one is making preparations to leave this place and move into the interior. The Water Witch will sail for your port on the 28th or 29th inst.

Office of War and Marine.
Section of operations.

            Circular­The United States have consummated the perfidy against Mexico, by sanctioning the decree which declares the annexation of the department of Texas to that Republic. The injustice of that usurpation is apparent, and Mexico cannot tolerate such a grave injury without making an effort to prove to the United States, the possibility disposition, has been interpreted into an acknowledged impossibility on our part, to carry on a successful war.

            Such an error on the part of the U. States, will be advantageous to Mexico, because, suddenly abandoning its pacific attitude, it will to­morrow communicate to Congress the declaration of war, and excite the patriotism of its citizens to sustain the dignity of the nation, and the integrity of its territory, now treacherously attacked, in utter disregard of all guarantees reconised in this enlightened age.

            You will readily appreciate the importance of this subject and the necessity of preparing the troops under your command, to march towards any point which may require protection against these unjust aggressors. I am directed by the provincial President to enjoin upon you, as general­in­chief of your division, and as a citizen of this Republic, to hold yourself in readiness to repel those who seek the ruin of Mexico. The government is occupied in covering the different points in the frontiers, and in collecting those whose glory it will be to defend the sacred rights of their country.

            I have the honor to communicate for your intelligence, and to direct your conduct.

            God and Liberty­Mexico, July 16, 1845.

Garcia Conde.

[JM]


Friday, August 15, 1845 RW45p4c4 166 words

Late and Important from Mexico

We have been favored with the perusal of a letter which is addressed to a gentleman of respectability, at present in the city of Washington, from a highly respectable source. We have politely authorized to make an extract form the same. The correspondent has recently returned from Tobasco, in Mexico, and gives us the following information, which may be relied on:

            “Very little, if anything commercially, is now doing in Tobasco. The Mexicans have taken all the guns and soldiers from the fort at the mouth of the river, for safe keeping. But the captain of the steamboat, in attempting to land the same let all the cannon roll in the river, where I think they will remain. There is great excitement against the Americans, and they are going to whip us without much effort!  General Ampudia has made all his plans for the campaign, by which, with ten thousand Mexican veterans he can subdue and effectually conquer the United States.
[JM]


Friday, August 22, 1845 RW45p3c3 97 words

Letter from secretary of Convention

Resolution relative to the introduction of the United States forces into Texas.

            Be it resolved by the Deputies of the People in Convention assembled, That the President of the United States of America is hereby authorized and requested to occupy and establish posts without delay upon the frontier and exposed positions of this republic, and to introduce for such purpose and defence of the territory and people of Texas, such forces as my be necessary and advisable for the same. Adopted in Convention, at the city of Austin, Republic of Texas, July 7th , 1845.

Thos.J Rusk, President.

[JM]


Friday, August 22, 1845 RW45p3c3 159  words

Texas and Mexico

About 11 o’clock yesterday forenoon business took us out of our office; and as we went down Camp, and on to the Post Office, we saw citizens grouped together at every corner, talking intently about­we then knew not what. They seemed…It was at the time we speak of, publicly and very generally known that the veteran, Gen. Gaines, commanding the Southern military division of the United States, had made a demand on Gov.Mor(illegible) on for one thousand men or more for the national service and the Governor promptly made a requistion on Gen. Lewis, commanding the first division of the Louisiana militia, for the required force..two regiments of volunteers, of ten companies each one of them to consist of musketeers and one of riflemen, and tow companies of artillery with eight field…It was the knowledge of this fact that caused the excitement amongst the citizens which we have attempted to describe;­it was that made them seem as it…(highly illegible).
[JM]


Friday, August 22, 1845 RW45p3c3 79 words

Items

U.S. Squadron in the Gulf of Mexico (Under command of the Commodore Conner)

            Frigate Potomac, Commodore Conner­Steamers Mississippi and Princeton­Sloops Saratoga, Falmouth, John Adams and St. Mary’s­Brigs Somers, Lawrence and Porpoise­Schooner On­ka­hy­ee.

            On the Pacific Coast of Mexico­(commanded by Com. Sl oat.)

Frigate Savannah, Com. Sloat­Sloops of War, Warren, Portsmouth, Levant, and Cyane­Schooner Shark. East India Squadron, about to be relieved, and destined as supposed to the Mexican Pacific coast. (Commanded by Captain Parker of the Brandywine) Frigate Brandywine­Frigate Constitution, Capt. Percival­Sloop St. Louis­Brig Perry.

[JM]


Friday, August 22, 1845 RW45 343 words

Caution to Merchant­Men

That American Commerce may dread Mexican depredation, or rather that of the pirates of all countries under the Mexican flag, is agreed on all hands. We observe the following in the New York Herald of Saturday.

            “Symptoms of War­Preparations for Depredations from Havre, arrived at this port on Wednesday last during the voyage, a very extraordinary incident occurred, and the interests and importance of which our readers will easily judge when we recite the details.

            When  in latitude of forty­four and a half, and just as she was about to approach the south east bank off Newfoundland the captain of the St. Nicholas observed to windward two brigs sailing directly across his course, which was from east to west. These brigs were evidently new…The wind was from the south east, blowing moderately and as favorable as possible to any vessel bound either for Europe or any port on the American continent. But here were these brigs making due north, a course they be bound!”

            “What were they?” these were the questions asked with no little interest on board the St. Nicholas, and the suspicions which had been awakened by the appearance of the brigs was not at all diminished when as the wind shifted towards the west of St .Nicholas diverged somewhat from her former course, the brigs came within hailing distance, crossed each other’s bows, evidently for the purpose of exchanging communications. Shortly after this, a large square rigged merchant vessel appeared in the western horizon, and bore down towards the St. Nicholas. Again the brigs came within speaking distance of each other, and now seriously alarmed, the St. Nicolas crowded on her canvass; and aided by the wind and the darkness of the night made her escape.

            “The captain and intelligent passengers of St .Nicholas are firm in the belief that those suspicious looking brigs were Mexican cruisers carrying letters of marque and reprisal. Circumstances certainly justify in great degree such a conjecture. What object could such a vessel have had, close reefed and evidently cruising about, consistent with the character of peaceful merchant craft?
[JM]


Friday, August 22, 1845 RW45p4c1  583 words

The Administration­The War­The Tariff

In the present aspect of affairs with the probability of a war with Mexico, and an avowed determination to make war upon the Tariff, we are rather inclined to think that the present Administration is in a quandary.

            The President and his Cabinet must know, as every school­boy knows, that if the United States engage in a war with Mexico, insignificant as some may regard the latter Government, we shall need a certain means of supporting our Army and Navy. What then, are we to rely on as the resources of this Government, if the Polk Administration should see fit, by the aid of demagogues to repeal the Tariff?

            Mr. Walker, the Secretary of the Treasury, has been tinkering away, for the last two or three months, upon some scheme of reducing the present Tariff to a “revenue standard.”  Does he mean to reduce this wholesome measure, to a standard by which the mere expenses of the Government can be met?  Or will that gentleman increase the height of his standard, by laying such duties on foreign imports, as will enable the people of the United States to keep off direct taxation?  Here now, in the emergency of a war, we can give the Anti­Tariffites an opportunity of displaying their ingenuity, by calling upon them to know if they really intend to reduce the Tariff to such a low standard as to compel the Democracy to put their hands into breeches pockets and make good the deficit in the revenue, necessary to carry on a war which has been brought about by the Stock Jobbers and Land Speculators of the U.States

            We should like really to see the first draught of Secretary Walker’s in regard to his reduction to a revenue standard; and then ask his permission to look over his shoulder, when he finds it necessary to shape his ends differently. If we mistake not, the great Financier of the Treasury and Tariff department will yet it incumbent on this Government to keep up such a standard as will not only brace the manufacturing interests of this country, but also give strength to the soldiery of the United States. If this same little, “weak” and outraged Government of Mexico requires Twelve Millions of Dollars to sustain herself in a War, how much will the United States require to support her vast army and navy?

            When the “revenue standard” men can answer this question, then perhaps, Mr. Walker will let this question, then perhaps, Mr. Walker will let the world know what he means when he says that the Tariff must be re­enacted, and suited to such a purpose as the Democracy demand.

            But, we may be doing the Annexationists an…injury, when we undertake to say that Uncle Sam must rely on solely on the proceeds of the Tariffs to carry him through in this war?­We should have recollected that in annexing the little Republic, we also annexed a vast domain of Texas lands, which, we suppose, the owners will at once convert into available means, sufficient to carry on the war, without having to depend upon any resources so uncertain as the duties on foreign goods. Or, perhaps as we before have intimated, Mr.Polk and his army of Annexation men, or any of her allies, without the need of funds. We shall patiently await the movements of his excellency in this matter­ supposing, of course, that none but Polk, Dallas, and Texas men, will be allowed to fire even one musket at the poor Mexicans.
[JM]


Friday, August 22, 1845 RW45p4c1  264 words

War with Mexico

        That Mexico would declare war against the U. States, if her power were adequate to the wrong she has received, or to her resentment of that wrong, we have not doubted from the beginning: That she will do so, regarding the relative strength and position of the two countries, is what we shall be slow to believe until it is done; and if it should be done, we shall be prepared more to it should be done, we shall be prepared more to admire her spirit, than approve of her wisdom.

        Nothing can be imagined more entirely hopeless and unequal, than a contest between the U. States and Mexico: It would indeed be so much so, that the brave man would almost be ashamed to draw his sword against Mexico: He would feel as if he was attacking a woman, or a professed non­combatant, where victory if possible would be more disgraceful than defeat. Mexico in a contest with the United States, would have the same chance and no greater, than Montezuma and his subjects three hundred years ago, had against effeminacy; of knowledge against ignorance; pf discipline against rabble; of energy against effeminacy; of knowledge against ignorance; of the Caucasian and Anglo Saxon, pure white blood, against a mixed and mongrel race, composed of Indians, negroes and Spaniards, all three degenerated by the admixture of blood and colors, debased by superstition, and enfeebled by faction and intestine feuds. No laurels can be gained in such a war. Plunder there might be, and to some this might prove an equally powerful incentive with Glory.
[JM]


Friday, August 22, 1845 RW45p4c2 140 words

The Tariff and War

If a war with Mexico ensues, it will increase the annual expenses of the Government not less certainly, than 20 millions of dollars. Already we may anticipate an immense augmentation of expenditures, in preparation, in the creation and transmission of munitions of troops, and in the new direction given to the Naval operations.

            What, under these new circumstances, will the Anti­Tariff party proposed to do?  They profess to be willing to support a Revenue Tariff­one which shall provide for the wants of government, and nothing beyond­a principle, in which, on different principles, we perfectly coincide with them: But, if instead of 20 millions of Revenue, 30 millions are necessary, what will they propose then we to do?  Increase the Tariff to the Revenue standard!  W should be glad to hear from that party in the present prospects of the country.
[JM]


Friday August 22, 1845 RW45p4c3  217 words

Mexico and the United States

Several days  have elapsed since the news of the Declaration of War, from belligerent Mexico, reached the American government at Washington, and yet, doubtless from some informality in the proceedings of the former, the latter, beyond the profiler of some preliminary advice, has manifested nothing definitive as to its ulterior designs. Our soldiery, in the meantime, as in crises past are instinctively burnishing their death­dispensing blades; and the…so much dreaded for their effective arms. While Texas, “the head and front of our offending”­ the “beautiful but unfortunate” Texas, is eying with deep solicitude, the vapourings or the unnecessarily outraged… of her neighbor. We say unnecessarily outraged because, in the honest conviction of our minds, we have province to be superior to those of any other Nation acknowledging  her in a like respective relation; or we have rather the more willingly, coincided with others better informed in the matter than ourselves, who have advocated the “ let alone” policy, trusting to the rapid growth of her power and population as a means of establishing her importance in the scale of Nations, and by an affirmation of American policy so weaning herself, in place, Annexation in the bounds of honourable adjustment­such as should have characterized the diplomacy of a Nation with whom she had ever acted in good faith.
[JM]


Friday, August 22, 1845 RW45p4c4 146 words

Texas

By the arrival of the Texan steamship McKim, we have received our files of Texas papers on the 5th inst; there is however nothing important in them. Of the proceedings of the convention we learn but little from the papers we have received, the only notice of it..the reports of two special committees­one on Finance and the other on Education.

            The McKim reports the arrival at Galveston on the 7th instant, of the sloop Olive Branch, from Corpus Christi, which vessel reports the United States revenue cutter Woodbury, at Port Cavallo, awaiting the arrival of Major Donaldson, when she would proceed to New Orleans. The United States troops were on St. Joseph’s Island. The steamer Dayton left Galveston on the 6th under charter, for Corpus Christi, to convey the troops to the main land. The United States ship St.Mary’s, arrived at Galveston on the 7th instant.
[JM]


Monday, August 25, 1845 RW45p2c1 111 words

Latest From Mexico

The N.O. Tropic of the 14th contains the following:

“Three day later from Vera Cruz, no war yet!”

            The only important intelligence brought by the French brig of war, Mercure, which sailed from Vera Cruz on the 27th . Mexico had not declared war, but that she probably would do so very soon. We understand that the Mercure brought no mail, and the only verbal information that could be gathered from her offices went to show a general belief among the citizens of Vera Cruz that war or non­intercourse was inevitable. We learn nothing from the Water Witch, though it is hardly probable that she sailed until some time in this month.
[JM]


Monday, August 25, 1845 RW45p2c3 107 words

Oregon Independent!

A letter from an emigrant to Oregon thus discourses:

            “An Independent Government in Oregon­ a letter from a citizen of Oregon, Peter H. Bennett, who appears to be the man of note among settlers, is published in the Platte Arges of the 2nd inst. “Ere this reaches you,” says Mr.Bennett, “ perhaps you will have successful operation in Oregon. When I first reached this region, about a year ago, I thought any attempt at organization might be premature. I had not, however been her long before it was conceived that a government of some kind was inevitable. It grew out of…inevitable [. . . illegible . . . ]
[JM]


Tuesday, August 26, 1845 RW45p3c3 36 words

Later from Mexico

The Water Witch from Vera Cruz to the 5th inst. And the Revenue Cutter Woodbury, from Galveston to the 10th , bring down Mexican accounts to latest possible dates. We should have received it but did not.
[JM]


Tuesday, August 26, 1845 RW45p3c3 71 words

Very Late From Vera Cruz

Arrival of Water Witch­No Declarations of War­10,000 Mexican Troops on their march to Texas!  Important Correspondence.

            We hasten to lay before the readers of the Tropic the latest news from Mexico. The Water Witch, Capt.Trennis, left Vera Cruz on the 5th instant and arrived here between 5 and 6 o’clock this morning. It seems that after all the gasconading dispatches of the Mexican Minister, a Declaration of War is now doubtful.
[JM]


Tuesday, August 26, 1845 RW45p3c3 107 words

Still Later From Texas

The Cutter Woodbury, Capt. Foster, which left Arkansas on the 6th and Galveston on the 10th , has just arrived. Major Donelson came passengers in the Woodbury. The ships Victoria and Suviah were to leave Arkansas on the 8th .

            The United States steamer Monmouth had arrived at Arkansas in a leaky condition, so bad that the pumps were going continually to keep her afloat.

            We have received the Galveston News of the evening of the 8th . The sloop of war St. Mary arrived at Galveston on the 7th from Corpus Christi. The are 1000 troops at St. Joseph’s island where they are comfortably situated.
[JM]


Tuesday, August 26, 1845 RW45p3c3  157 words

News from Mexico

The long expected schooner Water Witch, Capt. Trennis, arrived at this port yesterday morning from Vera Cruz, whence she sailed on the 5th inst. She brings letters and papers as late as due: from the city of Mexico our files come down to the 31st of July, just twelve days later than were received by the Relampago.

            Mexico has not yet declared war against the United States although she received; by the British brig. of war Persian…Texas upon the propositions made to her for examinations made to her for annexation, and some rumors of active military movements on the part of the United States.

            Not only had there been no declaration of war, or even of commercial non­intercourse, but we can find not one word in our ample files to show that any military operations have yet been resolved upon in Mexico. The story of 10,000 men moving towards Texas is just a rumor.
[JM]


Friday August 29, 1845 RW45p4c2  94 words

Later from Texas

We had three arrivals yesterday from Texas. The schooner Mary left Matagorda on the 13th inst. And reports that the schooner Two Friends from this port, bound to Aransas took a pilot on the 12th inst.

            The brig hope Howes left Laguna on the 6th inst and reports that a Mexican schooner arrived at Campeachy on the 5th , with a requisition upon the Yucatan Government for troops. The Yucatan government told them, that if war did come, they would have to provide their own troops, and that the Yucatan government would not provide any.
[JM]


Friday August 29, 1845 RW45p4c2 46 words

Still Later

The ship Queen Victoria, Capt. Ranlott, arrived last night from Aransas bay.

            The U.S. Ship of War Falmouth arrived with dispatches at the same time and has not yet arrived. U.S. brig Lawrence, Capt. Jarvis also left in company and has not yet arrived.
[JM]


September

RW22n70p1c2, September 2, 1845: THE MEXICAN WAR AND INVASION OF TEXAS

            The opinion is now strongly prevailing with all classes, as far as we can learn, that the manifestoes of Senor Garcia Conde, Secondary of War, were either apocryphal altogether, or unauthorized––that there will be no war, and no invasion of Texas­ if there is––and that Gen. Gaines has acted both illegally and grannyishly in calling for Volunteers. Some men cannot resist any opportunity of rendering themselves conspicuous, though the temporary notoriety be purchased at the expense of the permanent discredit of their understandings.

            The Alexandria Gazette of yesterday says:

            “It appears that Gen. Gaines, is indeed, on his high horse. A letter from New Orleans states that in addition to his requisition upon the Governor of Louisiana, he called on the Governor of Arkansas, Mississippi, Tennessee, and Kentucky to hold their volunteers in readiness. He does not do all this under any direct authority or orders from Washington, but considers himself authorized under his general instructions, acting discretionary. No one knows what information he may possess, that, in his opinion, renders such a step necessary. From the published accounts, and from the tenor of numerous private letters both from Mexico and Texas, no sufficient cause exists for throwing that whole district of country into a high state of excitement, by calling young men and citizens from their ordinary avocations and business to unnecessary exposure under burning tropical sun, attended with consequent sickness and loss of life. Gen Gaines is an alarmist of the first water, and may “catch it” from, the War Department for the present proceeding. If his call be acceded to, Uncle Sam will have a pretty bill of expenses to foot, or, what is more probable, will refuse to have any thing to do with it, on the ground that the whole proceeding was unauthorized and unnecessary.”

            The Baltimore Patriot of the same date says:

            “MEXICO AND TEXAS.–– We stated in our paper of yesterday, on the authority of a letter from Matamoras, that General Paredes was on his march to Monterey, with four or five thousand men. The New Orleans Courier says:  “If it be true that Paredes is going to California with five thousand men, it is hardly possible that the Government of Mexico contemplates an invasion of Texas, for which object she would want every man and musket she could muster.”  The National Intelligencer of this morning says, "it is evident that the Editor of the Courier has fallen into the error contained in the above remark, by supposing that the Monterey to which Gen. Paredes is advancing is the city of that name on the Pacific, in upper California, instead of being, as is undoubtedly the case, Monterey, in New Leon, and sixty miles directly west from Matamoras, and forty­five southwest from Mier, both of which latter places are on the Rio Grande. In fact, all the information we have, if we could rely upon its authenticity, would lead to the inference that the forces under Generals Arista, Paredes, Gaona, and Bustamente were marching to take up position on the Rio Grande––we will not say preparatory to the passage of this river, but undoubtedly with a  view to such a location as might render operation practicable, at more points than one, with the least possible delay and difficulty. We ought to add, however, that we have no reason to rely upon the late news from New Orleans press, the apparent absence of any information on the subject Gen. Taylor, and our New Orleans correspondence, all go to confirm the impression that the report of these warlike movements on the part of Mexico is most probably premature.”
[BRM]


RW22n70p1c5, September 2, 1845: DEPARTURE OF VOLUNTEERS

From the New Orleans Courier, Aug. 22.

DEPARTURE OF VOLUNTEERS

            Yesterday afternoon, the company of artillery, who volunteered under Major Gally, marched from the Public Square, under a salute of twenty­eight guns, to the United States Barracks, three miles below the city. The fine, capacious steamship Alabama was lying in front of the barracks, with Captain Forno’s company on board. Notwithstanding the heat and dust, a vast crowd accompanied the march of the company from the square, increasing the great concourse of people already at the barracks; among the spectators was a considerable number of the fair sex, who had come to take a parting adieu and last look of brothers, husbands, and sons, leaving their homes to encounter the enemies of their country. There never was a nobler body of young men collected together for such a purpose. The greater part of them are under twenty­five years of age, and few are over thirty. The company, without halting, marched on board the steamer which is to convey them to Texas, the veteran Gally moving at their head. A little before ten o’clock in the night the steamer got under weigh with the companies above mentioned and five companies, comprising about 200 men and the 7th United States Infantry, the whole under the command of Major Gally.

The number of troops embarked is as follows:  
Major Gally’s artillery 106
Captain Forno’s do 83
Seventh Infantry 214

403

            The U.S. infantry that embarked are as fine, hardly, athletic fellows as we ever saw––all young, at least under the middle age, and looking as if they could effect anything that can reasonable be required of human daring and physical strength. This is a very efficient reinforcement for General Taylor, if he should be found in a situation of difficulty. The two volunteer companies carry with them eight field pieces, with fixed ammunition and accoutrements complete, with officers of skill and bravery to direct the exertions of the gallant young soldiers who are to manage them. The detachment of infantry, as we just observed is as efficient as one could desire to be associated with on the field of fame. Four hundred of such men, so commanded, are sufficient to change the aspect of campaign where the numbers on either side are not more than a few thousand.
[BRM]


RW22n70p1c5, September 2, 1845: MEXICAN INDEMNITY

            From a private letter, says the New York Express, dated Mexico, July 26th , 1845, received by a gentleman in New York, we derive information that on the 31st inst., a motion was made in Congress to call on the Secretary of the Treasury for written report on the subject of the payment of the two missing installments of indemnity, which produced a very animated and lengthy discussion. Mr. Trigueros, the late Secretary of the Treasury, and Mr. Vose, the Agent of the United States, were handled most unceremoniously; and the Ex­Minister of the United States, Mr. Shannon, was likewise subjected to some critical remark. The motion was finally carried by a vote of 27 to 26, and we are now likely to get possession of all the leading facts in this mysterious affair. At copy of the report will be forwarded to us as soon as practicable after it is made public in Mexico.––Bal. Pat.
[BRM]


RW22n70p1c5, September 2, 1845: FURTHER FROM MEXICO

From the New York Express, Aug. 29.

LATER FROM MEXICO.

BUSTAMENTE, Commander of the Forces against Texas––The Fifteen Millions­Loss authorized.

The bark Ann Louisa, Captain Marshall, arrived last evening from Vera Cruz. She sailed on the 3d inst.

            Previous and up to the departure of the bark Ann Lousia from Vera Cruz, the Mexican Government were making great preparations for war. They had taken all the guss and munitions of war out of the Castle of St. Juan de Ulloa, fearing, in the event of an attack, they would fall into the hands of the Americans.

            A large number of troops had marched for the frontier of Texas. The whole force, when assembled, were to be under the command of Gen. Bustamente. The Mexicans, Capt M. states, say the United States are sending troops into Texas, and they, the Mexicans, will march through Texas on the road to the Capitol at Washington, without declaring War!

            Congress have passed the bill permitting the Government to borrow $15,000,000 to carry on the War. This amount they confidentially expect to raise in England.

            The American squadron had not arrived at Vera Cruz, that Almonte would be elected President, in the [illegible] which they say war will be inevitable.

            The Ann Eliza brings only $19,798 in specie.”
[BRM]


RW22n70p1c6, September 2, 1845: FROM THE YUCATAN

            The position of Yucatan towards Mexico is like to prove troublesome. The central Government demands men and money, to prosecute a war against the United States, and the response is, “not one cent.”  You may have both for the defence of Mexico, if invaded, but no aid, whatever, from us to prosecute a war against the United States. As Yucatan is one of the most independent of the Provinces of Mexico, and therefore, the least likely to be trampled upon, it is not probable that she will yield. Mexico has not the courage, or the means to enforce submission at her hands; and she is likely, therefore, to maintain her ground. Yucatan has before been in rebellion against those who now seek to burden her with taxes, to prosecute a war she is opposed to. She opposed centralism and Santa Ana together, and she once united with Texas to resist Mexico. The people of Yucatan are a better educated people that most of the subjects of Mexico, and will soon have a government of their own, and one wholly independent of Mexico.–––N. Y. Express
[BRM]


RW22n70p2c1, September 2, 1845: RICHMOND FAYETTE ARTILLERY

MARCH TO MEXICO!

            We find in the “Union,”(Mr. Polk’s organ) or Saturday, the following warlike correspondence.

            The spirit thus manifested by the Artillery, we have little question would be that of the whole country was really considered in any danger by a singly human being. But as it is, we can scarcely believe that any rational man regards the ‘attitude’ of Mexico, whatever gasconade her Governors may employ, or the national habits of that people familiarly resort to, as implying the slightest danger to any Anglo American thing of life, from a man to a musquetoe!  And talking of musquetoes, we regard them at present, and we believe the ladies of Richmond most heartily concur with us in opinion, as far more annoying and troublesome than the Mexicans, whom those ladies, if need were, flog themselves. They (the musquetoes) worry the children of nights, and the ladies themselves, terribly. We should look upon it as a most patriotic achievement, and quite as safe as the proposed onslaught against the Mexicans, if the Artillery would give this subtle and nocturnal for a, few broad sides before their departure for Mexico. We think it would be quite as easy to get the musquetoes to assemble on the Capitol Square, and consent to ‘stand fire,’ as to induce the Mexicans to stand the same operation. For the ‘glory,’ we feel satisfied that the ladies, whose bright smiles and brighter eyes are, in very truth, the only ‘glory’ that men care far, would pay more (at this particular time when they are ‘slapping’ all night to try to kill a stray musquetoe) for a musquetoe’s scalp for a Mexican’s.

            The correspondence follows:

OFFICIAL

––

WAR OFFICE

            We are favored with the following copy of the correspondence which has passed between the Richmond “Fayette Artillery” Company and the Secretary of War. It breathes the true spirit:

RICHMOND, VIRGINIA,

August 27, 1845.

            SIR––In pursuance of a Resolution which I have now the honor to communicate to you, I beg leave to offer your department the services of the “Richmond Fayette Artillery” for any duty you may be pleased to assign to us.

            This corps, being one of volunteers, has been in commission more than twenty­three years. It has now on its rolls fifty­two members. With the exception of three commissioned officers, and two company officers, it is composed exclusively of mechanics. We are well uniformed, well equipped with swords, pistols, and hour beautiful six pounder brass guns; and could assemble for duty upon short notice. The strength of the Company might, with readiness, be increased to the complement of a full company, according to regulation.

            In making this offer, we are actuated, as our resolution expresses, by the threatening attitude of Mexico towards our country. We are not uninformed of many wrongs our fellow citizens have suffered at the hands of Mexico––her refusal to render justice in many yet unadjusted cases––and the violation of right which she would commit by now invading Texas. We do not desire war; but as volunteers, in view of the position she has assumed, we feel that we are in the proper discharge of our duty when we offer ourselves for war­service.

            Should there be, in the opinion of your department, necessity for draught from the volunteers of Virginia, I beg to say, for myself and my corps, that I should feel greatly honored by being included among them.

I am, sir, with great respect, your obedient servant,

THOMAS H. ELLIS,

Captain Richmond Fayette Artillery.

Hon. William L. Marcy,

            Secretary of War, Washington City.

––

            At a meeting of the ‘Richmond Fayette Artillery,” at Military Hall, Tuesday night, August 26th , 1845, after drill––Captain Ellis in the chair,

            Lieutenant Nimmo offered the following preamble and resolution:

            “Whereas, in the present state of affairs, a strong probability exists that Mexico will declare war against the United States; and feeling this to be an occasion when our volunteers should be prompt in tendering their services for the defence of their country.

            “Be it therefore resolved, That the captain be, and is hereby, requested to offer the services of the ‘Richmond Fayette Artillery’ to the Secretary of War of the United States, for any duty he may think proper to assign us.”

            Lieutenant Rawlings seconded the same, with remarks.

            After remarks from the captain, Lieut. Brown, Sergeant Hatcher, and Surgeon Brown, the preamble and resolution as proposed were adopted, with but one dissenting voice.––

            An abstract from the minutes.

THOMAS H. ELLIS,

Captain Richmond Fayette Artillery.

[REPLY]

WAR DEPARTMENT,

August 29, 1845.

SIR: Your letter of the 27th inst. Has been received, offering, by resolution the whole corps, the services of the Richmond Fayette Artillery volunteer company under your command, “for any service that may be required by this department, for the defence or their country, in case Mexico shall declare war against the United States.”

            Should the President be authorized to take into the service of the United States volunteers, and should the public exigency warrant the acceptance of your offer, the President will most readily avail himself of it.

            The President and this department fully appreciated the public spirited and patriotic motives which prompt your offer, which will be entered on the list of candidates for military service.

Very respectfully, your obedient servant,

(Signed)
W. L. MARCY,
Secretary of War

CAPT. THOMAS H. ELLIS
of Richmond Fayette Artillery,
Richmond Virginia.
[BRM]


RW22n70p2c1, September 2, 1845: REQUISTION FOR MEN

            The “Union” Mr. Polk’s organ, of Friday evening, says:

            “The ‘New Orleans Bulletin,’ of the 22d instant, quotes an article from the ‘Vicksburg Whig,’ of the 12th , which states that ‘a gentleman, who has just arrived from Jackson, informs us that the Secretary of War, under the direction of the President, has required Governor Brown to make a draught of men, and have them ready for further order.––Our informant did not know what number the Governor was required to cal out.’  This is a mistake. No such requisition had been made. General Taylor is authorized, if necessary, to call for men from Mississippi, as well as from Louisiana, &c. But it is certain that no such call was made at the time specified, in any form whatsoever.”

            The “Union” thus denies that the power of calling for militia by the Federal Executive, when there is no war, insurrection, or invasion, has been exercised by Mr. Polk; but it quite as distinctly affirm, that Mr. Polk has clothed Gen. Taylor with this unconstitutional power, to be exercised at his discretion. What is the difference?  Why this simply, to plain understandings: the first would be a positive and overt infraction of law, (making requisitions without the authority of Congress;) the other is the intention, the readiness and determination to do it. There is a very shadowy line of moral and political demarcation between the two:  Between a man’s doing a wrong thing, and his firm purpose of doing it the first opportunity, there is no difference at all in his moral accountability.

            Mr. Polk’s errors committed, and in the way to be committed, have all grown out of his sensitive, repugnance to an extra session of Congress:  Yet as Congress is the War­making and the War­providing power in our system, nothing is or can be clearer, than that Congress ought to be in session when war is to be denounced by this country, or against this country.
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RW22n70p2c1, September 2, 1845: REPORTS

            We have had in the last two or three days, very bloody reports form Texas, circulating in the streets, but not even the retailers able to tell from whom they received them. The principal of these was, that Gen. Taylor, with 2000 men, had been cut off by the Mexicans!

            Such a repot will be true when apples grow on oaks and figs on briars: And if it could be true––if 2000 Anglo Americans could allow themselves to be cut off by that effeminate race of Hybrids, not a tear ought to be shed for their fall, nor a funeral gun to illustrate the last ceremonies.
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RW22n70p2c3, September 2, 1845: LATEST FROM TEXAS

            The National Intelligencer of yesterday contains the following items, which are the latest of authenticity which met our eye from the seat of war! (Qu. Of humbug and putting up prices for Uncle Sam?)

            The conduct of Gen. Gaines, in making requisitions for militia without the authority of the executive, which could itself have no such authority without that of Congress, is admitted to be illegal by the “Organ,” the “Union”: that paper while it concedes (as we do) the purity of his motives, says his motives “cannot exempt him from the censure of the Executive”!

“LATEST FROM TEXAS, &c.

            Advice from an Officer of the Army, dated at Corpus Christi on the 15th August, communicate the important intelligence that so far there is no sign of hostilities on the part of the Mexicans. It is stated that a courier who had been despatched by Gen. Taylor to Matamoras, had returned and reported that there were only four hundred Mexican troops in our near that place. Our troops under the command of General Taylor, had all left St. Joseph’s Island, and were encamped on the main land. They had a pleasant camping ground, with a delightful breeze continually prevailing, and were in fine health and spirits, with no enemy near them, and no sign of expectation of any.

            A letter from an Officer of the Second Dragoons, dated at Nacogdotches on the 31st July, states that the seven companies of that regiment arrived there on that day, after a six days’ march from Fort Jessup. They were to leave on the next day for the Trinity, and thence fro San Antonio. The writer says that the command stood the march very well.

            A latter from Aransas Bay, dated on the 14th August, given an account of the loss of the schooner Swallow on the 12th , as she was going over the Aransas Bar. She was chartered by Government, and had on board a cargo of coal and a quantity of stores, and clothing belonging to the Third Infantry.

            The New Orleans Bee of the 23d informs us that a company of one hundred and fifty volunteers, styling themselves the Mississippi Riflemen, were expected to arrive in New Orleans on the 24th , destined for the Mexican frontier. It was their intention to join the Louisiana volunteers.

The Pensacola correspondent of the Tropic writes as follows, under date of the 20th August:

            “Presuming it would be interesting to hear a little bit of news about the doings of our squadron, I take the liberty to address you a few lines on the subject. As I am writing, the St. Mary’s and Saratoga are coming in under heavy canvass, and no doubt we shall some exciting news, both from Texas and Mexico.

            “The Princeton and the steamer Mississippi arrived here yesterday––the former Philadelphia, and the letter from Boston. The sloop John Adams and brig Porpoise anchored the day previous in front of the Navy Yard. So you will perceive that we have no a very decent show to make in the Gulf.

            “To recapitulate, our squadron now consist of the following men of war:  the sloop Falmouth  mounting twenty guns; the brig Lawrence, ten guns––now in the Gulf, supposed to be at Vera Cruz; steamer Mississippi, ten 64 pound carronade; sloop John Adams, twenty guns; frigate Potomac, forty four guns.

            “The above named vessels, with the exception of the two first ones, which are in Vera Cruz, are now all lying at anchor at the Navy Yard, under command Commodore Conner, and will leave for the Gulf [supposed to be for Vera Cruz] on Saturday; the leak on board the Potomac not having been discovered yet, it is presumed that Commodore will leave her here and shift his broad pennant on board of the Mississippi. Capt. Ingram arrived here by this day’s mail to relieve Captain Gerry of the brig. Somers––I presume you are already aware of the troops now at Forte McRae and Pickens having been also ordered to Texas.”
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RW22n71p1c1, September 5, 1845: THE WAR WITH MEXICO

            There is a great disposition on the part of the general public, to laugh the Mexican war machine attempt into contempt. We must confess that we consider the disposition natural and authorized. The battle of San Jacinto, which established Texas Independence, was fought in 1836, nine years ago: threatening, and bullying all the time since, Mexico has not since, even attempted an invasion of Texas, a revolted Province.

            That, when she felt herself unequal to conquer Texas, or to cope with her arms, she should  declare war against the U. States of the North, whatever her provocation for doing so may have been, is too absurd to be believed:  The idea seems, and sounds, perfectly ridiculous to the community. All men we think, concede that Mexico is willing to declare war, and that she only lacks the strength to induce her to do it. Our own decided belief is, that there will be no war, unless from the Oregon questions. England determines on war, when Mexico will be looked to by her as an Ally, and stimulated to take steps which of her own accord, she never will never durst take.
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RW22n71p1c2, September 5, 1845: POLICY OF MAKING WAR

            A Correspondent of the N. Y. Herald at Washington, writes that paper as follow:

            “It surely cannot be the object of our government to commence the war. If war is to come, let Mexico begin it, and then let her look out for the blow that will follow. Gen Taylor is undoubtedly told that he must not be the aggressor. He has a difficult duty to perform. He is in a wild county, with Mexicans on one side and Texans on the other. He must make roads, establish posts, and build forts on our new frontier. While he is preparing to repel a blow from the one, it is equally his duty to see that there is no improper interference on the part of the other. If war is to come, it will not be proclaimed from the capital of Mexico; but it, will be commenced on the banks of the Rio Grande. It becomes the duty of the American General, then, to prevent all lawless depredation––to restrain all lawless bands––to allow no crossing of the line by unauthorized desperadoes, no burning of houses, no stealing of horses, no cutting of throats, no hanging. For the performance of so difficult a duty our government has, it is said, selected one of its ablest generals––an officer of judgment, courage and experience. They are placing at his disposal the flower of our army, and are surrounding him by those choice spirits, which are every where to be found among our educated and gallant young officers. They are stripping our coast of troops, leaving only here and there, an old jogy with a few young officers and the skeleton of a company, to act as a sort of police guard about our fortification. Let them now authorize the General in the field, in case of emergency, to call for volunteers and militia from Texas, and all will be well. If volunteers and militia are required, let them come from Texas first, and, if necessary, from the Mississippi valley afterwards. Let them be called for by the General who conducts the campaign, and not by an old alarmist in the city of New Orleans. It will never do to trust to the discretion of General Gaines. He is too much like Father Ritchie, “ardent as a southern sun can make him.”  He is one of your hair trigger old gentlemen, who, whenever there is the least excitement, goes off half cocked, as a matter of course!  Like an old dragoon charger, he hears war in every bugle note––he snuffs it in the breeze from afar––pricking up his ears, gives a snort, and, with head and tail erect, sets out to join in the distant ranks, and hopes to make yet another charge!  He has ever had the disposition to defend his country––he was once, no doubt, a gallant and valuable officer; but that was “a long time ago.”  He ought now to seek that quiet and repose so necessary to age and the decline of life. It is now too late for him to mingle in the strife of contending armies, and to lead on those daring spirits, whose prowess must, in the last resort decide the fate of nations. Cannot the Executive hold him in check, and prevent his doing mischief. This is all that the people can expect. The country certainly will not look to him, at this late day, as the leader of its armies––it has younger men. Would it not be well for our legislators to provide something like a pension or retired list for our old and worn out officers who have done the state of good service?  Would it not be well to provide some arrangement which would enable them to retire in comfort, leave their places to be filled by young efficient men. A single injudicious and unnecessary call for militia would cost the county more money than would support Gen. Gaines and all his old associates, on a retired list, during the remainder of their lives. Besides, it would do the country no good to have our young men drawn from their business pursuits by such ill­timed calls.”
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RW22n71p1c4, September 5, 1845: LATER FROM TEXAS

            By the arrival yesterday morning of the steamer Undine, Capt. Grice, from Corpus Christi via Aransas Bay and Galveston, we have received our files of papers Saturday last, 23d inst. The Undine left Corpus Christi on the 18th . All was quiet at the U.S. Encampment. General Taylor had succeeded in removing all the troops belonging to the 3d and 4th Regiments of U.S. Infantry, and established his Head Quarters at Corpus Christi. Good health prevailed in the Camp.

            The Undine left Aransas Bay on the 21st inst. The schooner Rusella, Shipman was to leave in a few days; the schooner Floridian, Arnet, with coal, &c. for the U. S. troops, had just arrived. Steamer Monmouth was repairing. Schooner Swallow which had been wrecked on the Bar, had been stripped on her masts, sails, rigging, &c. Some of her cargo was saved.

            The steamer McKim, at Galveston, was to leave at 3 o’clock on the 23d inst.

            The Galveston News states that the Mexican army at Matamoras is said to be 8,000 strong, and are engaged in fortifying that city. Per contra the Civilian declares that from the best information, the number of troops at Matamoras does not exceed 1,500––that they are sadly supported, and not more efficient than Mexican soldiers usually are.

            The accounts from the Convention are meager and unsatisfactory. Nothing further had been done relative to the project of attempting to establish a Provisional Government and annulling the present Constitution, prior to the completion of the Constitution of the State. The plan had been strongly opposed by Messrs. Henderson, Van Zandt, and other leading members, and discountenanced by Major Donelson

            The following resolutions, introduced by Gov. Runnels, were adopted by the Convention on the 29th ult:

            “Resolved. That the committee on the General Provisions of the Constitution be instructed to enquire into the expediency and propriety of incorporating in the Constitution, the following provisions:

SLAVES.

            1st . The Legislature shall have no power to pass laws for the emancipation of slaves; without the consent of their owners, or without paying their owners previous to such emancipation, a full equivalent for the slaves emancipated. They shall have no power to prevent immigrants to this State from bringing them such persons as are deemed slaves by the laws of any one of the United States so long as any person of the same age and description shall be continued in slavery by the laws of this State; provided that such person or slave be the bona fide property of such emigrants; and provided also, that laws may be passed to it prohibit the introduction into this State of slaves who have committed high crimes in other States or Territories. They shall have full power to oblige the owners of slaves to treat them with humanity, to provide for them necessary food and clothing, to abstain from all cruelties to them; and incase of their neglect or refusal to comply with the requisitions of such laws, to provide, by law, for the sale of such slave or slaves, for the benefit of the owner or owners.

            2d. In the prosecution of slaves for crimes of higher grade that petit larceny, the Legislature shall have no power to deprive them of an Impartial trial by a petit jury.

            3d. Any person who shall maliciously dismember or deprive a slave of life, shall suffer such punishment as would be inflicted in case the like offence had been committed on a free white person, and on the like proof, except in case of insurrection of such slave.”

            On of the provisions passed by the Convention prohibits the creation, renewal or extension of any corporate body with banking or discounting power. Another section prohibits the Legislature from contracting debts above one hundred thousand dollars, except in case of war, or to repel invasion or insurrection.

            The Houston Telegraph of the 21st instant, says that a party of about 70 Mexican soldiers approached within 16 miles of Castroville, about a fortnight ago. Captain Hays received information of their movements, and went out to attack them; but they were apprised of his approach by other of their spies, and hastily decamped. It is supposed that they intended to attack Castroville for the purpose of capturing a quantity of goods that had been deposited there by some Mexican traders. The traders reported that they were under the command of a man by the name of Platina; that they belonged to a detachment of Cartradores, that has recently been stationed at Presidio.
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RW22n71p1c5, September 5, 1845: GRIM VISAGED WAR

–––––––teterrima casa belli.

Our neighbours of the Enquirer go into a long editorial, in their paper of yesterday, to establish the inconsistency of the Whig on the war­question and the unkindness of what was intended as a mere piece of fun, our article on the bellicose demonstration of the Fayette Artillery. We do not think it worth our while to vindicate the Whig from the first charge, no is it all necessary that we should say anything with reference to the last. But the Enquirer (one of whose Editors is a gay Lieutenant of the veteran corps in question) seems determined to misinterpret our meaning and to draw from it an innuendo against their courage and patriotism. Now no such thing was intended. Nobody though of asserting that the Richmond Fayette Artillery was not spirited and gallant company. So far from it we are willing to consider that this recent emeule proves incontestably that they are the most determined and soldierly and intrepid body of volunteers that ever dragged cannon in the service of freedom.

            In view of the (very) “threatening attitude of Mexico,” they had a perfect right to offer their services to the Secretary of War, and if Gov. Marcy had thought proper to accept them, we should not have urged a single objection to their embarking, together with all who would accompany them, not even excluding the Chepachet Invincibles of Thomas W. Dorr.

            It is certainly very amusing to see a company and a company of Virginians, as ardent as a southern sun can make them, so eager for a fray as to resolve themselves into a standing army of 56 men and pant to rush desperately (two thousand miles) upon a foe, composed of effeminate, half­fed, ill­clothed, disaffected Mexicans, not as yet in the field and little disposed for attack. It was this much ado about nothing that diverted us––this belligerent spirit with no occasion for its exercise––this over­hasty and premature intrepidity which snuffs the battle from afar, which would carry the Artillery to Mexico and bring them back unthinned but by fever, resembling nothing so much as those dreadful preparations, when

“The King of France with forty thousand men,

Marched up the Hill and then marched down again.”

            In this state of affairs and not wishing the Artillery’s patriotism to evaporate, we ventured to suggest that they might win domestic laurels by doing something to exterminate the mosquitoes, which always attend the exodus of summer. So great have become the ravages of these pests that we were about begging some public spirited city father to introduce a bill (we do not intend a pun) into the Common Council to grant us a riddance. But if the military (which is more potent than the civil force) would take it up and demonstrate that truth of the poet­philosopher, Peace has its’ victories as well as war, what blessings would not attend them!  What abundant reward would they not reap in the smiles of the fair, to which we know the Artillery are not insensible! For to make two blades of grass grow where one grew before, to follow industriously the ordinary avocations of life, to ride the community of insects that prey upon them during slumber, we submit,

Are ways to benefit mankind as true,
Perhaps, as shooting them at Waterloo.

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RW22n71p2c3, September 5, 1845, MILITARY

            We learn from the Pensacola Gazette of Saturday that the following named officers of the Staff have been ordered to report to General Taylor, in Texas:––Captain Ramsay, Ordinance department; Captain Crain, Topographical Engineers; Captain Sanders, Corps of Engineers; 1st Lieut. Scarrit, do; 2d Lieut. Kingsbury, Ordinance, and Bvt. Lieut. Word, Topographical Engineers.

            The Gazette says––“We learn that three companies of the 7th Infantry now stationed at the Barancas, are to leave here in a day or two for Texas.”

            The steamboat Creole arrived at Pensacola on Monday, took in military stores at Barancas, and left the same day for Aransas Bay.

            The St. Augustine Herald publishes the following information in relation to the removal of the United States troops from the State:

            The 8th Regiment, stationed at this post, Fort Brooks [Tampa Bay,] and Key West, received orders by the last mail to proceed to Aransas Bay, Texas Companies A––Gwynn’s; E––McKavitt’s; G––Worth’s and I­­––Hill's are already embarked and sail to­day for their destination. Gen. Worth proceeds across the country to Tampa, at which point the Regiment is to rendezvous and embark in Transport ordered from the North.

            The officers who embark at this post, are Capts. Worth, McKavitt and Hill; Lieut. Gates, Smith, Lee, Sheppard, Jordan, Longstreet and Wood.–––N.O. Tropic.
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RW22n72p1c1, September 9, 1845: DEBT OF TEXAS

            It is stated in a New York paper that a proposition will be submitted at the next session of Congress to advance some millions to Texas, on condition that she transfer her public lands to the United States.

            We never doubted, but that this annexation project––which originated in a speculating, gambling spirit, contemplated the saddling Uncle Sam with the debts of Texas. The zeal with which the scheme was supported by certain individuals could only be accounted for the supposition, that they were stimulated by interested considerations. The original scheme proposed in so many words the assumption of ten millions of debt; but this was so barefaced, that this feature was stricken out, and by the articles as finally agreed upon, Texas was left to pay her own debts. To get around this stipulation, and to return to the original plan, in effect, will now be the object to be accomplished. It is by this means only that the flaming patriots can realize to the full extent the immense profits anticipated from Texas scrip, &c.

            We have seen no estimate to be relied upon of the amount of the Texas debt; but this is of no consequence. A matter of higher moment, is the principle involved. Is Texas the only State whose debts are to assumed by the Federal Government?  Is she the only one worthy of this distinguished honour and signal favour?  Why should not Indiana, Mississippi, Florida––and the rest of the States, whose credit has been tarnished, and who are embarrassed heavily, receive a like assistance from the Federal Treasury?  Why, indeed, should not all the States come in for an equal and just distribution?  On what principle of justice is it that Virginia, for instance, which contributed her millions of acres to the Union, shall be excluded, while this new State is to be overwhelmed by Federal bounty?

            Can any other reason be assigned for such a proceeding, than the sinister influence, which the land jobbers and scrip speculators exert over the present Administration?  If the Texas debt is assumed, several individuals, who are not overstocked with money to­day, may be millionaires to­morrow––but no such partial and magical result would follow from Virginia’s receiving her just proportion of the Land Fund. Hence it is, that the noisy affairs at Washington, are so particularly intent on aggrandizing Texas––it is their own aggrandizement.
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RW22n72p1c5, September 9, 1845: THE ARMY­PROMPT MOVEMENT

            Observing several commendatory notices in the papers, of the promptness with which the Lexington was made ready for sea, after receiving orders from the Navy Department, it may not be improper to say that equal praise is due to the officers of the army, for promptly executing their orders to assemble and prepare for embarkation of troops sent out in the Lexington to Texas, which sailed on the 2d inst.

Orders were despatched from the War Department on the afternoon of the 23d of August, for the concentration of seven companies of artillery at Fort Columbus, New York harbor, thence to be embarked in the United States ship Lexington, for the army of Texas. Five of the companies were drawn from Frankford arsenal, Pennsylvania, Boston; Portsmouth, New Hampshire; and Portland, Maine. The detachment from the most distant station (Portland) reached New York on the morning of the 30th , when the whole command of 408 officers and men, under Major J. Erving, 2d regiment of artillery, with all their supplies and equipments for service, were in perfect readiness to embark.

The promptitude with which the orders of the War Department were executed, is highly creditable to the service.––Union.
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RW22n72p2c1, September 9, 1845: FROM TEXAS

            LIEUT. LAY, of the Army, mention in the New Orleans papers, passed through Richmond on Sunday, on his way to Washington, with despatches from Gen. Taylor. He considers, we understand, the prospect of a brush with the Mexicans as rather feeble. The latter were entrenching themselves, (not exceeding 3300 strong,) and seemed to be more in the attitude of defence than of attack. Their chance of doing mischief to Gen. Taylor’s command has passed by, probably forever.
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RW22n72p2c3, September 9, 1845: FROM TEXAS LATE

            The steamer Alabama, Capt. Windle, arrived this morning about 5 o’clock from Aransas bay, whence she departed Aug, 27. Yesterday wicked reports were circulated of an accident and disaster of the most dreadful kind having befallen the Alabama. It was said she was taken by Indians and 45 of the volunteers from New Orleans massacred––another rumor gave out she was sunk and all on board perished!  The baseness of the motives in which these reports were invented may be imagined, when it is recollected that on board the Alabama were about 200 regular troops with their officers, and about the same number of volunteers raised in this city––many of them young men belonging to respectable families, a considerable number of them having wives and children of their own. Any one who could joke over the fancied loss in such a mode of such men as Major Gally, Captain Forno, their youthful and gallant volunteers, and so fine a detachment of American regulars must be lost to the feelings of humanity.––We can tell the author or authors of these reports that if we were now in a state of actual war, the laws would hold them responsible for circulating false intelligence, and they would pay dear for their miserable pleasantry.

            We give the following details on the authority of letters from officers of the volunteers and the extra Picayune––one of the editors of which journal came passengers in the Alabama.

             Lieutenant Lay of the army also arrived in the Alabama, with despatches from General Taylor.

            The Alabama, after passing through some rough weather in the Gulf arrived safely at Aransas Bay on Sunday last, and the next day off St. Joseph’s Island, where the volunteers and regulars were landed without difficulty by means of the steamer Monmouth, which was on the spot waiting for the Alabama. On Tuesday the artillery embarked for Corpus Christ 35 miles distant, in the steamer Dayton, and joined General Taylor the same evening.

            The volunteers enjoyed perfect health, and were impatient to come in contact with the Mexicans––but their wishes were not likely to be soon gratified. There was no movement on the other side of the Rio Grande that indicated any prospect of a fight, and Gen. Taylor anticipates no such event.

            Arista, with 2000 men, was entrenching himself at Matamoras, and knows that Gen. Taylor is in his neighborhood. The army at corpus Christi numbers about 2000 men, and is constantly receiving reinforcements. It is equal to a much larger member of Mexicans. The country between Corpus Christi and the Rio Grande is almost wholly destitute of water, and otherwise is little better than a desert.

            The Troops left on St. Joseph’s Island were preparing to move to Corpus Christi on the 27th when the Alabama departed. The Monmouth and Dayton were transporting the stores.

            The brig William Ivy arrived hence at Aransas Bay on the 24th with two companies of the 4th infantry. On the passage out she was thrown on her beam ends by a squall, but righted in a few minutes with no damage. Before the squall a soldier jumped overboard in a fit of delirium tremens, but was picked up by a boat after some resistance, brought on board and tied. When the squall was struck toe brig he was released in order that he might swim––but he leaped into the sea and was lost.

            The brig sailed on the 26th for Matagorda.

            The Edward S. Lambden with stores arrived at St. Josephs in the morning of the 25th . The loss of the brig. Swallow, mentioned some days ago in the Courier, is confirmed.

            On the 26th U. States brig Lawrence, Com. Jones, arrived off St. Josephs, all well––was to sail on the 29th for Pensacola.

            Schooner Mary Wilkes, hence, arrived at Aransas on the 27th with Col. Whistler, Major Stanniford, stores, horses, &c.

            Mr. Ringold, who passed through this city some short time ago with despatches for Texas, arrived at Aransas from Galveston on the 24th with despatches from Gen. Taylor, and came passenger in the Alabama.

            On the 25th news arrived of the 2d regiment of dragoons under Col. Twiggs being within four miles of Gen. Taylor’s camp, which they were to join on the 28th . They lost not a single horse in their long and sultry march––there were two or three discretions. No sign of the Mexicans on the route.

            Near San Antonio there were about 300 Comanche Indians, some of whom visited Col. Twiggs. They appeared delighted at they news of war between the United States and Mexico. They said they were going towards the border to carry on hostilities against the Mexicans. They admired the dragoon horses, and asked Col. Twiggs if they might steal some of them. The Col told them if they did so he would hang them. They then asked if they might steal horses from the Mexicans––to which the Col. Replied they might steal any thing from them, but if they stole from the Americans he would hand them.

            Some days ago, a soldier went from the camp at St. Joseph’s to hunt, and was no more head of––supposed to have been bitten by a snake or to have lost his way in a cane brake––and he is said to be a very trusty man. A tent was struck by lightning at Corpus Christ, and a valuable servant belonging to Lieut. Bragg was killed, and some other persons were stunned.

            The regulars and volunteers enjoyed perfect health and the finest spirits. Gen. Taylor intends to throw forward detachments of the dragoons towards the Rio Grande, so that no enemy can approach him without his being previously apprised of their intentions.

            The cannon that went out with Major Gally, are of great utility in giving strength to the position of the army. They are two twelves and six sixes. The defences set the Mexicans at defiance.
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RW22n72p2c3, September 9, 1845: THE THEATRE OF ACTION

            We learn from the Annapolis Republican that the Company of U.S. Artillery, which has been stationed at FORT SEVERN for several years past, under the command of Major Gardiner, took its departure in on of the Bay Steamers on Wednesday evening last for Fort Monroe, Old Point Comfort, Va.

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The Theatre of Action

The New Orleans Tropic contains a letter from Corpus Christi, now the theatre of military operation in the South West. It gives an account of Col. Kinney’s interview with three of the most distinguished chiefs of the Camache Indians, who now five friendly intimations. The letter says:––

            “General Taylor of the U.S. forces here, returned to the Ranche yesterday, from an excursion up the Nueces, whither he went for the purpose of seeing the country and meeting the Dragoons; now hourly expected at this place. He is much pleased with Corpus Christi, and the country he has seen adjacent to it. The camp is located immediately above town, on the bank of the bay, in a very pleasant, airy place, where a good supply of water is to be had by digging only some five or six feet deep. The steamer Dayton, from Galveston, is plying daily between this place and St. Joseph’s Island, together with some twelve or fifteen small sail vessels. The trade of our town continues to be lively, and it is to be hoped that the commanding officer here will continue to be, as he now is, disposed to sustain the people of the place in keeping it up. So far, through the influence of Col. K., and other residing here, the impression made upon the traders has been such as to establish perfect confidence in them, with regard to any thing of hostile nature on our part. As an evidence of this fact, within the last ten days three large parties have left here laden with goods for the West, and from these parties many of the officers have provided themselves with strong, fleet horses, which being natives of the country, and of a hardy nature, are much more valuable to them than other animals would be from abroad.”
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RW22n72p4c2, September 9, 1845: THE LATEST FROM TEXAS

            The “New Orleans Tropic” of the 27th furnishes the following extracts from the Texas papers, which will be found of no inconsiderable interest to our readers:

            “The ‘Brasos Planter’ says the conventions has fixed the seat of government at the city of Austin until the year 1850. Thirty­six votes were given in favor of Austin, and a scattering vote for other places.

            “An important document from the land office at Austin has been laid before the convention. From it, we learn that the superficial extent of Texas, as comprised within the limits defined by statute of the 1st Texan Congress, comprises, is round numbers, 397,000 square miles, or 254,284,166 acres; that the total amount of land issued by the various boards of land commissioners is 43,543,970 acres; that the total amount of the above, recommended as good and lawful claims, is 19,212,206 acres; issued by the department of war, as bounty and donation claims, 6,300,000 acres; land scrip sold by the Texas government, three hundred and sixty­eight thousand seven hundred and eighty­seven acres; amount of legal claims to lands issued by Texas, 25,880,993 acres; amount issued, and supposed to be fraudulent, 24,331,760 acres; issued by the authorities of Mexico, a portion of which is supposed to be invalid, 22,000,000 acres, and that the total amount of the public domain subject to location and unsurveyed, is 181,991,403 acres. The officer of the land office, in communicating the above statement, says that he has no means of knowing the whole amount of scrip that has been issued by the Texan government, but thinks the amount yet out it about one­eighth of that shows to be in his office, and that the same is the case with reference to bounty lands.”

            Whilst we are printing this sheet, the United States dragoons, commanded by Col. Twiggs, are passing through town, amid the roar of artillery. Welcome visitors, indeed. God speed their march, and success attend their arms.––[Lugrange Intelligencer.

            The last Galveston “Civilian” states, that the “United States troops under command of Gen. Taylor were busily engaged in fortifying their position near Corpus Christi west of the Nueces. The rest information from Matamoras is, that there were about 1,500 Mexican troops there, fortifying. They are represented to be badly supported, and not more efficient than Mexican soldiers usually are.”
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RW22n74p1c2, September 16, 1845: LATER FROM TEXAS

            “Three companies of Mexican traders arrived at Corpus Christi [illegible] the 26th ult., and had purchased largely of goods. They reported that a regiment of Mexican troops had started from Tampico about six weeks ago, for Matamoras, about 700 in number, 400 of whom has deserted or died for want of food and water. They were also deserting from every post throughout Mexico. General PAREDES was at Monterey with from 800 to 1,400 men, and found it impossible to keep his men from deserting.” [N.O. BEE]
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RW22n74p1c2, September 16, 1845: LATER FROM TEXAS

From the N.O. Tropic  Sep’t 5.

LATER FROM TEXAS.

The steamer Creole arrived at Mobile the morning of the 3d inst. From Aransas Bay. We receive by her our own correspondence from Corpus Christi, and are indebted tom some gentleman who came passenger upon her for some verbal terms of information.

            The [illegible] from Corpus Christy are up to the evening of the 31st ult., and from Aransas to that of the following day, when the [illegible] left for Mobile. Gen. Taylor still remained in his Camp, awaiting further developments of the designs of Mexicans, and orders from his own Government. The [illegible]d Regiment of Dragoons, under Col. Twiggs, arrived at Corpus Christy on the 26th ult. All were in fine health and spirits. Every thing about the camp was perfectly quiet.         

            At about the same time as the Dragoons, three companies of Mexican traders arrived at Gen. Taylor’s camp with a goodly number of reports, but upon which little reliance could be placed. One of these reports was, that a regiment of Mexican troops, about 700 strong, left Tampico six weeks previous to Matamoras, but their numbers has been reduced to 300 [illegible] sickness and desertion on the march, induced by the war of food and water. At almost every military post in the North Eastern part of Mexico desertions were extremely frequent. Arista had been seriously all at Matamoras, but [illegible] so far recovered as to resume the duties of his command. Gen. Paredes was reported to be still at Monterey, but with less than 1500 troops, who were continually deserting. The reader must receives reports strictly as reporting Mexican news, received through Mexican trader, is proverbially uncertain.

            The Creole left outside the bar at Aransas, the U.S. brig Lawrence;––all well on board. She also left, at anchor inside of the bar, the schooners Mary Wilkes, Enterprise, and E.L. Lamdin on the 2d inst., at o’clock, P.M., she met the steam propeller Augusta [illegible], as was supposed; for Aransas, loaded with horses, &c. The Creole made the passage from Aransas Bay to the [Illegible] Pass in 47 hours.
[BRM]


RW22n74p1c5, September 16, 1845: THE ARMY OF OBSERVATION

THE ARMY OF OBSERVATION­­––Its Position––its Officers––its Spirit,

            The following sketch, from the New Orleans Picayune, gives a lively and interesting account of Gen. Taylor’s army and its prospects. It will be seen that it is composed of materials that have bee tried, and that are keen for another trial of their prowess. We think it probable the Mexican imbecility will scarcely furnish them “foemen worthy of their steel.”

            CORPUS CHRIST, August 30, 1845.

            The position taken by Gen. Taylor is one of extreme beauty; and when the eye first rests upon his Camp, clustered with a thousand spotless white tents, along the shelly margin of the shore of Corpus Christi Bat, irresistible bursts of admiration follow!  It is a position of security as well as beauty.

            His tents are pitched on a piece of table land that reaches about a quarter of a mile to a range of hills; at has stationed, as an out­guard, a force of one hundred and twenty hardy and well tried Texans, to whose fidelity is entrusted this otherwise assailable point.––May. Gally, commanding the volunteers from New Orleans, is entrusted with guarding the extreme left, while the extreme right is safely guarded by Colonel Twiggs, commanding the 2d Dragoons. The center is composed of the 3d, 4th , and 7th Reg’ts of Infantry.

            It is probably one of the healthiest and pleasantest spots in the world. From the earliest dawn refreshing breezes invigorate the body, dissipate the intensity of the heat, and nerve the system to a healthful action. The cool nights incite the weariness to repose, disturbed neither by the promenading flies, nor the buzzing musquito.

            The only drawback to continuing this encampment is the scarcity of wood and water––the former, the troops haul three miles, and the latter is quite brackish––though I believe there are one or two small wells in camp which supply a very fair beverage.

            The officers appear to enjoy themselves amazingly––considering they were supposed to be all cut up!  They purchase Mexican ponies at from $10 to $30, and excellent nags they are to ride, too. The waters abound with fist and oysters, both of superior kind, and the prairies adjacent with rich flavored venison. Large and fat beeves are slaughtered daily for the use of troops, all which, with the liberal supplies of Uncle Sam, these occupiers of an independent nation’s soil can get along mighty well with.

            There is a rumor in camp, to which the utmost credit is given, that fifteen hundred Mexicans have recently marched to Matamoras for its additional security. This is all the news about the movements of the enemy known here.

            It is supposed Gen. Taylor will act [illegible phrase]. Wait for two months in his present position, to know what the Mexicans will do. If they do nothing, our government will send a Commissioner to Mexico to lay down the boundary of the two countries. If Mexico refuses to receive the Commissioner, and blindly turns away from a peaceable settlement, then our forces will immediately occupy the mouth and borders of the Rio Grande, and establish that as the boundary, whether or no.

            Gen. Taylor is the very man the Government should have selected for the delicate and responsible duty of conduction an “Army of Occupation.”  His judgment is ripened by a long life of military experience, and his clear, practical views, the result of a common sense way of looking at things. His courage is undoubted, as his patriotism is unsullied and pure. In a few words, he is a Soult for industry, and a Fabius for caution; but they do say he is a Jackson for stubbornness. With his excellent good sense, however, this is no deficit in his character. The honor of the country is safe in his hands.

            Gen. Worth, the Ney of the army, will ere long join, with his Regiment (the 8th Infantry) the troops stationed here. He will be a great addition, and every officer feels a prouder glow at the prospect of being under his immediate command.

            Col. Twiggs, with his stalwart frame and high military bearing, is the very beau ideal of a veteran cavalry officer. If an opportunity is offered, he will lead his gallant and well mounted corps, consisting of as bold a set of officers and men as can be found anywhere, to the thickest of the fight.

            Col. Whistler is in command of the 4th Infantry. To give you a correct idea of the Colonel’s daring. I will tell you an anecdote of him, which occurred during the last war, on the Northern frontier. In sight of the American and English armies, prepared for battle, an Indian Chief committed a most insulting reproach to the former. Col. W., then a Lieutenant, rushed at him, out of his lines, and the two armies witnessed a terrible conflict. Both were in the flower of their youth, strength and courage, and fought for life––for honor!  The Saxon blood gained the victory; he laid his savage foe low upon the ground, and, undisturbed by the enemy, returned to his lines, to receive a severe reprimand for such a reckless exposure of his life. Under such a leader, the officers and men of the Fourth may be sure of being led into the thickest of the fight.

            Col. Hitchcock commands the 3d Infantry, a complete scholar, gentleman and soldier. In his valor end steady firmness and officers of his Regiment place the most implicit reliance. It would seem as if this Regiment was determined to win all the honor and trophies of war. However, the officers cannot have a higher estimate of their leader’s gallantry than the Government places on it.

            Maj. Brown commands the 7th Infantry. This is the Regiment that distinguished itself at the battle of New Orleans. The Major is a matter of fact solider, and says, though he likes his comfort as well as the next man, “there are two campaigns still in him.”  With such a sentiment as this on his lips, does he not embody the idea of a true soldier?  He has under him the most gallant, noble hearted fellows that ever seeing an sword on a soldier’s thigh!––From the next command down to the lat Brevet, there is not a heart but leaps with joy for the fray. They have come for war, and can’t bear disappointment any more than you can, that man with the “white hat” which you used to make yourself merry about. By the by there is a “white hat” in camp. Had your “white hat” a pair of boots under it?  And such a pair, the God’s defend us!  Why the Alabama chartered?  Col. Hunt could never have seen those boots!

            The army is now ready for action. It is well appointed in every respect––1900 strong––every man able to do duty, and every heart a tower of strength! Under the broad fields of the Stars and Stripes, that loveliest of flags, this little army will become Hotspurs all. They are prepared and eager for the fray.

            I send you this by the Creole. Light blow the winds smooth be the seas, on her homeward track.

Adieu,
HARRY THIN.

[BRM]


October

Tuesday, October 7, 1845  RW45v22i80p2c1 Untitled words: 2,805

Affairs in Mexico and Texas­ How the proceedings of the United States are viewed in England­ California, Oregon, etc.

            The three articles which follow and which we find grouped in the Courier and Enquirer of Saturday, more distinctly perhaps that anything we have seen, portray the opinions, apprehensions and alarm which the annexation of Texas has excited in England, and point to the inferences from that event, drawn by Europe at large.

            No circumstances since the close of Napoleon’s career has probably made a deeper impression on the English mind, connected as it is in that mind with the speedy appropriation by the United States of California, Oregon, if not Mexico and the Canadas too, revolutions which we believe the European world confidently anticipate from the gigantic power, the enormous growth in population and resources, and as the conceive the unbounded and unscrupulous ambition of the American People than the Annexation of Texas! If his judgment revolts against these conclusions as unjust to the national character of his country, an American citizen may be pardoned for exulting in the changed tone of England especially towards his country! When speaking of the United States the press and Statesmen of England, no longer speak in terms on contemptuous derision­ of her “renegade and runaway” population­ of her few “fir built frigates, with a piece of striped bunting at the mast head!” They now salute us as a “great power!” When they speak of our navy they speak of fleets and not of single frigates! When they speak of the astounding advances if this country in production, in the development of he illimitable resources, in the cultivation of the arts, in all the elements of power and greatness, and above all when they speak of her far stretching Empire and of its probable still farther increase from “Democratic ambition,” it is with ill suppressed dislike, but still with profound respect, may with something like admiration and awe!

            And it well may be so­ for the United States has but to keep banded 50 years longer to exhibit the greatest power the world ever witnessed! In truth, no imagination could ever supposition of the continued union of the States, pretend to assign a limit to their power or to their influence over the fortunes and destinies of the world!

            The three articles are these: 1. A commentary from the London Times on “Annexation:” 2nd . A reply from an American citizen: 3rd . “ A letter from the Mexican correspondent of the “Times.”

            As showing the state of feeling at present, and as foreshadowing the probable future, these articles will be read with unusual and even intense interest.

            “The affairs of Mexico form the topic of a long and able Editorial in the Times of Sept. 10. The excessive folly of that country, in refusing to treat with Texas when it might have done so with good hope of success, and the complete failure of all attempts to prevent annexation are first, remarked: ­ and the disposition of Mexico for war, as demanded by the people and indeed by the very existence of the nation, next referred to. “The difficulty of raising money sufficient to carry on the war is held to amount almost to an impossibility. A loan to bring into the treasury $15,000,000, must create it is said more than $45,000,000 of stock even at its present low prices; and this, for a state without a Government, without a dollar in the Treasury, without military means of covering its frontier, of occupying its provinces and resisting the aggressions of its neighbors, and with its disposable revenue already pledged to pay former loans, is deemed impossible. Mexico is adjudged to be in a state of dissolution, and it is declared that her weakness alone has encouraged the United States to carry forward, with so much steadiness and determination, their project of annexation. War, therefore, is held to be improbable, and Mexico, unable to hold Texas as a province, is manifestly powerless, it is conceded, to “reconquer Texas”, annexed to one of the most “powerful States in the world.” The Times proceeds.

            But if the termination of this affair be pacific, it establishes in the most patent and indubitable manner, the superiority of the Anglo American race, and of the United State Government over their neighbors. These advantages the Americans will as infallibly assert. It is not proved that no consideration of prudence, justice, or good faith can restrain them from seizing or acquiring the possessions of contiguous states. Thus much may be foreseen – that these excesses and encroachments will only be limited by opportunity and public caprice, until it become the interest of some great European Power to oppose them. But what is not foreseen either by the Americans or by ourselves, is the effect of these acts of violence or fraud, leading to immense extension of territory, upon their own political and social condition. Thus much only we do venture confidently to predict­ that these changes involve the creation of such conflicting interests, the existence of such opposite characters and designs, the prevalence of such formidable passions, and the growth of such an enormous and incongruous people, that the feeble Federal Government of America will eventually forfeit its precarious authority, and the contests which the neighboring states to the south of the Union are too weak to wage, will at least break out in its own bosom. We, of our time, have seen the gigantic growth of the American democracy, as rapid and enormous it its internal corruption and its external crimes as in the progress of its population and its productive powers; but, unless the eternal laws of public morality and of history be suspended, these same phenomena announce the certain approach of a period of anarchy and retribution. It is not more possible that such a system should be carried on without leading to disastrous consequences, than that society should continue to subsist without government or law; and the reaction of the same principles which have now been allowed to assail Mexico and appropriate Texas will one day be felt in the heart of the Union.

            The Times proceeds to say that the United States will undoubtedly insist upon the Rio Grand as the Southwestern boundary, inasmuch as “there is no rule to go by but greediness of one party and the feebleness of the other;” and says that, notwithstanding the undoubted willingness of the United States to include Upper California, they will probably be prevented by the physical difficulties of such an enterprise, inasmuch as California is divided even from Mexico by vast tracts of uninhabited country; and the difficulties which a detachment of troops would have to encounter in crossing the deserts and prairies that intervene between the Mississippi and the Pacific Ocean, will probably be insurmountable for the next half century. The Times concludes thus:

            With reference to California, we adhere to the opinion we have had occasion to express with reference to the Oregon territory. Little is to be apprehended from invading land as long as the coast is open and the country protected by sea. The interests which may hereafter extend colonist enterprise to the shores of the Pacific are inseparable from the commerce of the east and the navigation of the ocean. Great Britain is for all practical purpose nearer to those coasts than the Atlantic states, and we have no apprehensions that the American Government will commit itself to sets of violence, which must lead to the total destruction of its fisheries and commerce in the South Seas. They will observe a certain discretion, even in their invasion of all rights, and ,however we may lament the deplorable state to which Mexico is found to be reduces in this emergency, we cannot but rejoice that the peace of the world is likely to be preserved.

            In the Times on the 11th , is a communication signed “An American Citizen,” in reply to these wholesale aspersions of the United States and in vindication of the policy of Annexation; not upon grounds of expediency, but as a question of “honor and good faith.” The writer denies that there was ever any plans in the United States to wrest Texas from Mexico, ­ says that Texas was fairly settled by foreigners and invited thither by Mexico, that the land was subdued and many thousand families settled there under the guarantee of free institutions from Mexico, that a revolution established a despotism there, that the people rebelled, ­ as Englishmen would have done under similar circumstances, and secured their independence. Having maintained this independence for eight years, finding herself in debt, with an expensive machinery of government, regarding Mexico as for her defunct, Texas yielded to the policy of annexation. The writer concludes his article thus:

            In the Times on the 19th , we find another very long and interesting letter from its Mexican correspondent. He gives­ first a sketch of the proceedings of the Mexican Government on first receiving an intimation that annexation had been consummated, and represents the Ministry as constantly and arduously contending against the haste and impetuosity of the war party, and finally succeeding, by the measures already well known. He says that a demand of a loan of $15,000,000 as a condition, was of itself sufficient to destroy the whole war project, inasmuch as at least $50,000,000 would be required to bring that amount into the treasury. The government receives but 13 percent on all the duties and customs, the remainder being mortgaged to various creditors. He says that the United States are playing a sure game of aggression on Mexico, and repeats what he said before, that “England must either interfere or be prepared to see the mining districts and California, before many years, under American rule.” The following passage, from his letter, we transfer at length: it is worthy of attention:

               Can the United States be allowed to send in settlers to the unoccupied lands of their neighbors, and then take possession of the departments by the voice of those settlers? And what chance has Upper California, which, in my opinion, is a vital point for British interests, when there are already 1,300 American settlers on the banks of the river Sacramento, discharging itself into the Bay of San Francisco, the finest port in the world, who may next year vote in favor of annexation? The plans of the United States are most insidious; by demanding the Rio Bravo as the Texas frontier, instead of the old limit of the Nueces, they cut immense slices from four departments of Mexico. They get the opposite bank of the river Matamoras, the Mexican port of the north, as it is called, they take in on half of Tamaulipas, the department of the Gulf, a good share of Coahuila, a good portion of Chihuahua, and nearly the whole of New Mexico, with the capital Santa Fe. The territory thus laid hold of is larger than Texas, and the northern part of it , Santa Fe, is most important, as already through it all the contraband of the United States is introduced; so much so, that the supply of the whole north of Mexico is in the hands of American smugglers. From all these points excursions are not difficult into the neighboring Mexican departments, and these states, languishing under a central government, without physical or moral force, will, one by one, submit to American influence, until the mining districts are laid hold of, and the secret object of Yankee policy be finally obtained. This result is evident,­ as Russian encroachment on the Turkish empire,­ to those who are on the spot and have an interest in studying the question; but I fear it will not be deemed equally clear by those in Europe who have so many other pressing on their attention. Let me, therefore, call your notice to the coast of the Pacific, and to those maritime stations whence, if Mexico can rival England in manufactures suited to the Chinese market, she can send supplies four weeks sooner than we can by our most expeditious conveyance. I allude more particularly to Upper California and to the Bay of San Francisco­ as the soil of the former is fertile beyond expression, the climate excellent, and the harbor of the latter is capable of containing all the fleets of all the nations of the world. This province is much discontented with the central Government. It has been more than once in open revolt, and so powerless is the Government, that an expedition of 2000 men destined to secure it from United States aggression, though prepared several moths back, is unable to move from want of money to buy soldiers rations. The Americans are assiduously getting possession of that territory; they already command the banks of the leading river, the Sacramento; they are buying titles from the hungry governors, and as I said before they have 1300 settlers in a district where only 40 British subjects are to be found. Mexico owes 5,000,000 dollars of unsettles claims, beside 1,000,000 of admitted claims, to the United States, and its is just possible that the enlarged Texan frontier and Upper California might be taken in payment of these claims if a sum of money be not added sufficient to relive the Government of its embarrassments. As the United States have shown us the example, and as they have discovered a new mode of conquest unknown to the old world, I do not see why England is to continue to be the dupe, and why we should not purchase from Mexico such portions of Upper California as may be necessary to protect our Indian trade. We let France take possession of Algiers, and she has now 300 leagues of the Mediterranean coasts. Let us suffer Jonathan to get footing in California, and we shall be left without a resting place on the coast north of Mazatlan. Recollect that the lands of California are mortgaged to the English bankholder; but so are those of Texas; and if the United States be suffered to eat up the latter without any remonstrance on our part, can they not pick and chose in California with the same impunity? I have heard persons complain, that while this Texas affair was going on we had no fleet in the Gulf of Mexico; but our interests in the Gulf are uncertain while those on the coast of the Pacific are notorious. In this writing I represent the opinion of all the British community in this quarter, and I do believe that an anti­United States demonstration in California will be most popular at home as well as in Mexico.

            The same writer adds, that capitalists in Mexico, who get their pay, reap a fine harvest; as for about $1,500,000 advanced a few days since, the whole tobacco duties are abandoned, a quality of paper is received and the Contractors realize 43 percent in one year. The Government tried to raise $12,000,000 on Church property, but were entirely unsuccessful. It is still embarrassed by the departments of Zacatecas and Tamaulipas, asking for the reestablishment of Federalism, which is doing legally what Tabasco has done illegally. The writer says:

            It is hoped that the Mexican Government will be dissuaded from declaring war, in order that the United States may have no right to conquer any part of their territory, and retain it by right or conquest. Mexico has been shamefully treated by the United States and by Texas, but she must put up with the loss. She may past a Non intercourse Act, and remain on the defensive; but if she declare war or make one step in advance, the United States will take possession of California­ I am told they have a large fleet in the Pacific­ and improve its position with reference to the mining districts.

            He adds that the Mexican Government had resolved to issue no declaration of war, but to take up a defensive position on the Rio Grande. The writer says he hears that the United States are scarcely making offers of compensation, in order to prevent British interference. The English merchants are greatly alarmed lest the Gulf be blockaded. The writer ads the following­

            One of the first houses here in connection with London capitalists has offered the Government to make a railroad from Vera Cruz to Mexico, with power to continue it to a port on the Pacific, near Acapulco. The arrangement is in a forward state, the privileges desired are to be granted, and the contractors are sanguine as to the result. The line embraces several considerable towns, and though the elevation of Mexico is considerable, it is imagined that on the atmosphere pressure principle, or by the stationary engines, as in the Untied States, all difficulties will be surmounted.
[JKM]


Tuesday, October 7, 1845   RW45v22i80p2c2    The Foreign News     words: 162

The Foreign News by the Cambria is of less interest than usual. The political items are scarce worth noticing. The most important are the speculations of the French and English Press upon American, Mexican and Texas Affairs. It cannot be conceded that the immerse present and rapidly augmenting consequence of the United States in the eyes of Europe, is such as to gratify American vanity to the utmost, and to justify American Gasconade upon the subject, if anything can justify vaunting. It was supposed currently that war had actually ensued between the United States and Mexico, and in anticipation of it, that many European ships with Mexican letters of commission, would be let loose upon our commerce: But of this we believe not much.

            The Queen’s progress of the Continent, had evidently excited disgust in England, and among the signs of the times as denoting the growth of Republican feeling, is the popular mooting of the question, “Shall Cromwell have a statue?”
[JKM]


Friday, October 10, 1845   RW45v22i81p1c6    The Texas Debt  words: 385

We have never doubted that early and vigorous efforts would be made to induce the United States to assume the national debt of Texas­ that they would be persevering, and that they would finally be successful. Nor did we ever question that to convert Texas liabilities, worth then, we believe, not ten dollars in the hundreds, into American Gold, was the grand but secret main spring of the whole Texas movement.

            The Baltimore American says:

            “ The Texas Debt Assumption.­ We alluded some time ago to the probability, which is almost a certainty, that some measure will be brought forward at the next session of Congress, to advance a sum of money to Texas, on condition that she transfer her public lands to the United States.

            The Charleston Mercury objects, in advance, to any such measure. It argues that the assumption of the debt of Texas might have been made one of the conditions of annexation; for the power to annex new States to the Union must evidently include the power to fix and settle the terms of annexation. The agreement in such cases would bear some analogy to a treaty between independent Governments, by which either might stipulate to pay any specified sum to secure some valuable advantage. But when once a State is admitted into the Union without any condition precedent of an assumption of its debts, it is contended that the General Government has no power to undertake such an assumption. “It is clear,” says the Mercury, “that if Congress can assume the debts of Texas under these circumstances, it can assume the debts of all the other States. It is indeed alleged that there is a difference in the case of Texas that places it by itself­ inasmuch as she will pay for the assumption of her debts by an equivalent in her public lands. This may be admitted, as a question of value, but it does not alter the case. The value of lands, or anything else, is just what the buyer pleases to give for them. The power to make a bargain implies the power to make a bad as well as a good one, and the power to traffic with the States for their land, implies also the power to traffic them for all kinds of public property.”
[JKM]


Tuesday, October, 14, 1845    RW45v22i82p4c2   Untitled   words: 2,196

The Alexandria Gazette of the 12th ult. contains a communication from Gen. C.F. Mercer purporting to be a vindication of the contract made with him by Gen. Samuel Houston, as President of the Republic of Texas, granting him the privilege of colonizing a large tract of country in Texas, which contract I sometime since declared to be fraudulent. He sets out by saying that the Union refused to publish my letter making that charge; thus attempting to array the influence and authority of your press in support of his own fraudulent contract, and in furtherance of the equally fraudulent, political machinations of his patron, Gen. Samuel Houston.

            This makes it proper that I should desire to use your columns to expose both of their frauds; and first as to Gen. Samuel Houston. It is my misfortune to have borne a personal relation to him, and to his official acts that compelled me to know, and understand the motives. His misgovernment has been a withering blight upon the fairest portion of Texas. His conduct has been such as to create a strong current against him. Having done all that he could to defeat annexation, and finding that the procedure would be carried by an overwhelming majority, he fled from the public indignation of Texas, and come to the United States, hoping to get an endorsement from Gen. Jackson and the President, that would enable him to practice further frauds upon the people of Texas, and this Union. Himself, a disgusting drunkard, he gave the people of New Orleans a temperance harangue. Himself, opposed to annexation, he there made a speech in favor of it.

            Knowing that his purpose was to recruit his political influence by creating an impression here, that he was the master spirit who controls the public will of Texas, and thus get up demonstrations to be paraded through the press, for the purpose of creating a belief in Texas that the beast means of finding favor with President Polk is, to become a partisan of Sam Houston; believing that his purpose in visiting Gen. Jackson was to practice a political fraud upon him and the public, and that he would come on to Washington to consummate that fraud, thus getting up the show of confidence and friendly intercourse with the President to react on the people of Texas; I resolve to check his progress by a bold, unequivocal and authentic denunciation.

            You had published letters written for the purpose of giving éclat to his progress, and I therefore addressed to you my letter denouncing the proceedings, and explaining their object.

            Unwilling to open your paper, to what you were apprehensive might become a personal controversy, you declined to publish it. I then sent it to the New York Herald; this circumstance has been used by Houston’s partisans in Texas, to show that he is so great a favorite with the Executive; that whilst you publish letters commending him to public favor, and attributing to him an influence which he does no possess; you will not permit me under my own name to expose his public character, or to comment on his official acts.

            I knew the man, and as soon as I saw that the convention were to meet in Austin I foretold that he would not venture to attend it. I knew the man, and I foretold that my letter would arrest his progress; that instead of coming to Washington, or going to Austin, he would hide himself; and instead of playing out his game boldly by denying the truth of the charges I hade made, and of others which he knew I am prepared to make and to prove, he would change his tactics, and to accomplish his objects, seek by subordinate agents, what he could not do in person. What I foretold has come to pass. He retreated to the interior of Tennessee­ he put his machinery in motion, got up a public dinner and endeavored to throw himself into the popular current, by a speech manufactured for the purpose, and a laudatory letter published in the Union.

            When he had thus paved the way he dispatched to Washington one of his instruments, a man whom he had himself disgraced as unworthy of a petty office, a salary of five hundred dollars per annum, and who was again taken into favor when he found that by appointing him to a subordinate clerkship he could prevent his disclosing to a committee of Congress the manner in which he had applied a large sum of money entrusted to him, for the public service. I learn that he gave letters commending this man to the confidence of the President. I learn also that this man boasted that he had obtained the confidence of the President and has gone back to Texas freighted with pledges, the purpose of which is to recruit an army of hungry office hunters and dependants, whose compensation is to depend on their activity in placing the new government of Texas in the hands of Houston and Jones, and sending such persons from Texas to the Senate and House of Representatives as will use their influence to sustain Sam Houston.

            So far this game has been adroitly played. Unable to defeat annexation, Houston and Jones, and a few corrupt associates, now seek to make an impression that they are to control the federal patronage as a means of acting on the elections in Texas.

            These remarks are made, by way of showing that your press has been used [without your knowledge of the fraud;] as one of the means of practicing a fraud upon the public; and to show that in what I have said, and what I am now about to say of Mr. Mercer’s contract, relates to a public matter, proper to be discussed through the public press, and that the circumstances are such as to make it your duty to publish this as a comment intended to counteract the effect of the publications you have heretofore made.

            I now come to speak of the contract. I have pronounced it fraudulent. It is due to the public, to Mr. Mercer, and to myself, to state why I have so pronounced it. I proceed to that statement. Not having the law before me I write from recollection. The facts are such that I am sure that I do not mistake them.

            After the Mexican authorities had been driven from Texas, a controversy arose with certain Indians, residing within our limits; a war ensued and the frontier settlements were much annoyed. Persons residing in Texas at the declaration of Independence, and others having performed military service had grants for land which they could not locate in consequence of the hostility of the Indians. It therefore became a part of the defensive policy of the government to encourage the colonization of the frontier, and a law was passed authorizing Carroll, Peters, and others, to colonize that tract know as the Cross Timbers. But the act authorizing the contract expressly provides that the colony should be located above the existing settlements, and that one­third of the colonists should be introduced during the first year. By A subsequent act the President was authorized to make further modifications of the contract with Carroll, Peters, and their associates; but no authority whatever was given to relax the conditions of the contracts he was authorized to make with others.

            Such was the law when Mr. Mercer appeared at the seat of the Texas government in the year ’44 as the Representative [ as I credibly informed the name of the gentlemen so informing, if desired will be giver] of Carroll, Peters, and their associates, asking further modifications of their contract­ and as such he appeared before Congress. He was heard, and instead of granting his request, Congress repealed all laws authorizing the President to make colonization contracts. The President had the constitutional power to keep possession of the bill for five days, and during the time he had the bill in his possession, as is now alleged, he made this fraudulent contract with Mr. Mercer, and returned the bill with his Veto. Congress passed the bill by an almost unanimous vote. The right to make any contract was repealed in despite of the Veto.

            Here was a flagrant disregard of the will of Congress, and shows that Sam Houston and Anson Jones, whose duty it was as Secretary of State, to prepare the contract, must have had a strong inducement to do so. It was made not only in defiance of the will of Congress, but without the knowledge as I believe, of every member of that body except one, and he, it seems, was taken into the contract as a partner, because he selected the tract, and gave the local information necessary to define the limits of the grant.

            But it is not on this account alone that I denounce the contract as a fraud. I denounce it because Sam Houston had no authority to make such a contract. The law authorizing him to make colonization contracts, required that the colony should be located above the settlements; the object being to compensate the privations and risks by a grant of land on the extreme frontier to new settlers, who, by their position, would be exposed to Indian depredations. The chief inducement to the passage of the law was, that by thus giving protection to the frontier, the old settlers who had head rights, and bounty warrants, might locate them from danger, or disturbance by the Indians. Now Mr. Mercer’s contract, instead of being above the settlements where, by the law, he could only locate, to give protection to the frontier, so as to enable the old settlers to locate their head rights and bounty warrants, has been made to embrace one of the finest and most valuable districts in Texas­ BELOW, instead of above, the settlements, protected from, instead of being exposed to, Indian depredations, and covering the very district of country in which the old settlers wished, and intended to locate their head rights and bounty warrants. The first notice the public had of the contract was a notice issued after the adjournment of these head rights and bounty warrants, and reserving a tract of the country more that sufficient to pay the whole debt contracted by Texas for the benefit of Mr. Charles Fenton Mercer, and his associates. “He now denies that any of his associates are British Abolitionists.” I cannot know who his associates are; but I do know that it was given out in Texas that he was associated with British Abolitionists, and that he had made arrangements for a large amount of British capital. And when we compare and combine the circumstances, and the parties of his contract, it serves to cast some light on the active efforts of Mr. Mercer to defeat the election of President Polk and the artful and diplomatic efforts of Houston and Jones to defeat annexation. It is know that Houston and Jones made the contract with Mercer.

            But Mr. Mercer says that his contract was made solely with a view of providing for the debts of Texas. Who can believe this? Was it providing for the debts of Texas when Houston gave away, without money and without price, so many millions of public land? He, Mr. Mercer, also quotes the title of the Act smuggled thought the Congress during the winter cession of 1844 and 1845, which at the time, was represented to be a resolution, to defeat his contract, but which from the use now made of it, was intended as a legislative sanction of it. Showing that the parties implicated endeavored to legalize one fraud, by practicing a fraud upon the Legislature. I speak thus strongly because it is known that an effort to obtain a judicial examination of the contract was defeated by Executive influence action on the Senate at the last moment of the session.

            In further proof of what I have said, I refer to the proceedings of the Convention held to organize a state government. One of the general provisions of the constitution, annuls and vacates all colonizing contracts made by President Houston; securing the right to actual settlers, and opening the courts to the contractors: who are to sure the State for the indemnity for the loss of their contracts. This general position indicates two clearly the impression of the Texas Convention in relation to Houston’s contracts. And I have no doubt that the provision was adopted, as the shortest and best way to get ride of Mr. Mercer and his contract, and compel him and his associates to look to a Texas jury “instead of British abolitionists,” for the consummation of their speculation.

            I have been thus particular in stating the law, and facts, connected with Mr. Mercer and his contract, and I now appeal upon the law, and facts, to the good sense and moral sentiment of the public,­ whether the transaction does not bare on its face and front, resistless evidence of fraudulent character.

Most respectfully
BRANCH T. ARCHER

            City of Washington, Sept. 17th , 1845
[JKM]


Friday, October 17, 1845   RW45v22i83p2c3   From Texas       words: 676

From the New Orleans Tropic

FROM TEXAS

            The steamship Cincinnati, from Arkansas, arrived yesterday. We are indebted to Captain Smith and a passenger on board, for Galveston papers on the 4th , Houston of the 30th ult., and Washington on the 30th ult. We also receive our regular files by mail.

            The Houston Morning Star says that, amount the items of news recently received from Mexico, is one that the Mexican Government has sent seven emissaries to Texas, to excite and insurrection among the slaves, and to induce them to act in concert with the Mexican troops, if war should be declared by Mexico against the United States. In one of the letters received from Mexico, it is mentioned that one of these emissaries had returned, and reported that he had been successful. To what extent he had succeeded does not appear, not from the Mexican journals. We copy the articles from the Star at length.

            For some months past, the slaves at several points on the Colorado have discovered a very refractory disposition. Several have run away, and some have been engaged in thefts, and committed other outrages. In instances Mexicans have been seen with the runaway Negroes. About three months since, two Negroes ran away from a plantation near Legrange, and stole several horses. They were subsequently recaptured, and they stated that they had been enticed away by two Mexicans, who promised that if they would steal some good horses, and accompany them to Mexico, that they should be made free, and be treated by the Mexicans as equals. The Mexicans however, when they found themselves pursued, took the horses and fled, leaving the poor Negroes on foot, and they consequently fell into the hands of the pursuers. Shortly after this event, a gang of Negroes, with (it is supposed,) some Mexican accomplices, broke open a store of Webber’s Prairie, near Austin, and stole a considerable quantity of goods. They also broke into the dwelling house of Mr. Glassock, about fifteen miles below Austin, and stole a few articles. These, or another gang, were soon after discovered near Columbus, but they retreated into the woods, and have not been captured. On the 18th September a small party of Negroes suddenly fired a volley of balls and buckshot upon three men who were sitting in the evening of the gallery of the house of Col. J. Caldwell, of Bastrop County. Each of these three men received several wounds from the buckshot, but none of the wounds is considered mortal. When the Negroes found that they had killed neither of their intended victims, they fled precipitately to the woods. Two of the persons thus wounded were Mr. Cooke, of Austin, and Mr. Upchurch. The name of them we have not ascertained. Col. Caldwell was absent with his family on a visit to a relation. The overseer of Col. C thought that he recognized a yellow boy belonging to the Colonel among the Negroes. It is supposed that the villains intended to murder the white men at the house, then plunder it. A party of citizens of Bastrop are now in pursuit of them. The people of that section have been long suspicious that some Mexicans were engaged in exciting sedition among the slaves, and they have made several efforts to detect them. Now that they have authentic evidence from the city of Mexico that emissaries have been sent to Texas for the express purpose of enticing the slaves to engage in an insurrection, some prompt and energetic measures should be adopted to prevent the impending evil. We have no fears that seven, or even seventy times seven Mexican emissaries could excite a general insurrection among the slaves of Texas; for the settlements are so disconnected, and the plantations are generally so distant from each other, that it would be impossible for the Negroes to form extensive combinations; but seditions may be excited in insulated settlements, or on a few plantations, and the lives of some of the most valuable citizens may pay the forfeit, if these emissaries are not ferreted out in due season.
[JKM]


Friday October, 24, 1845   RW45v22i84p1c1   Later from Texas    words: 171

From the New Orleans Tropic

LATER FROM TEXAS

            The schooner Florinda, Capt. Arnet, arrived yesterday from Galveston, which place she left on the 10th inst. We are indebted to a passenger for the Civilian of the 8th .

            The brig Galveston arrived there on the 6th , in 16days from New York, with arms and ammunition belonging to the U.S. Government. They consist of ten 18 pounders with seacoast carriages complete; 18 truck carriages, seven hundred 18 pound balls, with boxes, barrels, and ordnance stores.

            The splendid packet ship Star Republic, to have sailed from New York on the 1rst inst. as also the steamship New York, were expected soon. The big Empire, Baxter, was advertised as the first packet for New York, to sail in November.

            The crops are favorable. We take the following from the Courier.

            It is states that General Taylor arrested several Mexicans as spies, and although he had strong evidence against them yet he permitted them to go at large, under the impression that their reports of the condition of his camp would do no harm.
[JKM]


Friday, October 31, 1845   RW45v22i85p2c3 The Oregon Question  words: 2028

Since Mr. Polk’s intemperate inaugural, and Sir Robert Peel’s no less intemperate response, each having a tendency to exclude negotiations and cut off compromise, we have anticipated consequences from the Oregon Question: Both these representatives of their respective nations have been rebuked by the good sense and moderation of the two Countries. But we fear that the effect of their intemperance has been still to shut the door upon compromise, and to render a collision probable. If the United States claim the whole of Oregon, as the “progressive Democracy” insist as their right, from the frontiers of California to the Russian colonies, embracing all the English claims and settlements, it is hardly to be expected that the pride of that power will submit to the pretension. If the United States decline to accept the 49th parallel of latitude as a compromise, of which there is the strongest indication, there is just apprehension that England will refuse any further concession.

            It appears from the following quotation from the Correspondent of the Charleston Mercury, that the negotiation at Washington is at a stand still:

            “I learn that no progress whatsoever has been made by Mr. Buchanan and Mr. Packenham, in the adjustment of the Oregon Territorial question. Mr. Packenham has submitted a proposition to Mr. Buchanan, to refer the question to a third power to have it settled by arbitration. Mr. Calhoun, when secretary of state, had the same proposition made to him, but he rejected it, on the grounds which it is said will be sustained by the whole nation, whenever that are made public. Mr. Buchanan on the contrary, was desirous of acceding to this proposition, and advised President Polk to accept it, or at least to introduce the subject into his message to Congress, and to recommend that mode of settling the dispute. This the President has declined doing, on the grounds as I am informed, that it would not be satisfactory to the West. There the matter rests at present. I learn that Mr. Packenham is very desirous that the administration should accede to this proposition, and that Mr. Buchanan has used his best endeavors to that end.”

            In connection, we present an article of interest on this very important subject, from the Pennsylvania Inquirer of Monday:

            “More of the Oregon Troubles­ Our Relations with Great Britain: The Oregon question, we perceive, is exciting more and more attention. Everywhere throughout the country the journalists are expressing their views. The recent intelligence from Washington, to the effect that President Polk has rejected the offer of Mr. Packenham to refer the difficulty of the arbitration of a third power, will impact additional interest to the subject, and the more so, because of the rumored willingness of Mr. Buchanan to accept of the proposition referred to. The American Secretary of State enjoys in a high degree of confidence of his own political friends, especially in Pennsylvania. It is thought, moreover, that in the Oregon matter, he will go quite far enough, and that hence his views and suggestions should be treated with great respect. If, however, Mr. Buchanan be willing to refer the matter to a third party, he must feel satisfaction from a thorough examination of the subject, and from interviews with Mr. Packenham, that such a course, all the circumstances considered, would be judicious, proper, national, honorable, and patriotic. But, so the story goes, Mr. Polk, influenced by the opinions of the West, has rejected the arbitration. What next? What will he say in his Message to Congress? The Washington Union has given several articles upon the subject of late, to which we may refer with propriety. The official editor closes one thus:

            “ In another article, we may take occasion to say something of the “abstract right in the soil of Oregon,” which the “Times” is inclined to set up against the rights of the inclinations of the population whose dwelling place it is hereafter to be. Let it be understood that it is on the “clear and unquestionable right” we have to the country that we rest our claim, and are prepared to assert it. England has in more than one respect, set us an example which it is time for us to imitate. She has now established laws for the British population there, and secured the means of administering them. We, too, must establish a territorial authority over our emigrants, and prepare to block­house at least to the Rocky Mountains, to protect our emigrants, and give them confidence to emigrate to Oregon, free from all unnecessary fears of interruption from the Indians of the intermediate country. John Bull has no right to complain of this movement, as the most material measure of the series has for several year been adopted by British policy.”

            The London Times also contains an article upon this vexed and important question, from which we copy this passage:

            “Really, it is almost tedious to describe, in the way of an Oregon prophecy, what has already occurred in Texas. The monotony is, however, in the facts. There is the sameness of a deep and determined policy. There are vast territories, over some of which “we have rights,” as the Premier said while Mexico retains, and is at present admitted, to have, still more absolute rights over other more southern and desirable regions. The Union condescends to dispute and negotiate with the more powerful of the two possessors; but that is not all. The negotiation lengthens and lengthens, as if, to use the sailor’s expression, its end has been cut off. The boundary line perpetually recedes. The pleas are continually amended. While the diplomatists are at work, crowds of settlers are encouraged, escorted, protected, and even deluded and entrapped, into the debatable land. Instinct with the indigenous policy of the Union, they from independent organizations. Of course, they know they are safe enough. As soon as they are many enough and strong enough to reduce the original inhabitants, the Mexican natives, or the British fellow colonists, to a minority in numbers and physical force, they will forthwith give vent to their noble aspiration for union with the States; and it will not be long before their spontaneous advances are gratefully acknowledged. Were it a walled town, and not half a continent, which was in question, there would be no dispute as to the character of the stratagem. The classical reader is acquainted with many such instances on a small scale. While the besiegers were parleying, or perhaps, in a time of profound peace, a group of peasants would straggle up to the city gate with faggots, or fruit, or wine. They casually muster, throw off their rustic guise, draw swords, disarm the guard, and admit the approaching body of their comrades. This was once a stale trick. Magnitude will now give it the appearance of novelty. The colonists of Oregon and California will muster and form, eventually draw their swords, to open a way for the main body of the Union.”

            The Union also contains a long letter from its London correspondent, in which the Oregon question is treated in detail. The writer is no doubt an individual of much ability, and quite familiar with European affairs. He contends that it is the interest of Great Britain to prevent a war between Mexico and the United States and adds:

            “Neither need we apprehend that the British Government will assist Mexico with money. The very idea is preposterous. England has sufficient demands on her own treasury. SHE MUST PREPARE FOR THE DEATH OF LOUIS PHILLIPPE; for a change in dynasty, or a revolution in Europe, would inevitably lead to an interruption of the present relation between Great Britain and France. As to the bankers lending Mexico money for the purpose of carrying on a war, I can only say they are not quite so moonstruck as all that. The only chance of Mexico ever paying her old debt is the maintenance of peace. A new loan would increase the indebtedness of the state, and, at the same time, diminish her means of payment. As to the absurd notion that England will take a mortgage on California, it scarcely merits a serious refutation. England would, by that means, acquire no further title in California that she has, except that she might claim payment of that debt from any power which may afterwards take possession of it. Neither would it justify her assisting Mexico to maintain possession of that province further that she has already a right to do so, as her friend and ally. Any loan, therefore, which either the government or individuals might make to Mexico, on such a mortgage, would establish no new title, and only impugn the honesty of England­ of which she is so particularly desirous of furnishing new proofs, since the world has shown itself dissatisfied with the old ones.”

            Turning then to the Oregon Question, he expresses the opinion, that the declaration of Sir Robert Peel about the Oregon Territory; followed as it was immediately by the disparagement of that territory in the ministered journals, “was intended mainly to obtain from America better commercial terms­ perhaps an offer to settle the Oregon question by the new tariff. The British government is evidently prepared for it, and the influential portion of the community, still more so­ as it conceded by all the respectable journals of the country. Sir Robert Peel’s political sins are only pardoned by the majority of his own party on account of the healthy financial condition to which his administration has restored the country, and which his measures thus far tend to secure in the future. It is therefore most probable the Sir Robert Peel will eagerly seize upon any propositions to settle the Oregon question, or any other question that may be pending between America and England by a compromise which shall benefit commerce, and by that means, at least indirectly, the British treasury.”

            In corroboration of this view, the correspondent of the Union quotes from the London Economist, an advocate of the Anti­Corn Law and free Trade League, which holds this language.

            “Our present object, however, is more particularly to call attention to the commercial relations of the two countries, and to the means by which the best and permanent interests of both may be advanced. And this subject derives an additional importance at the present moment, as offering, by far, the most likely means of rendering practicable and easy settlement of all other questions in dispute. The commercial intercourse between Great Britain and the United States, even as it now is, but far more as it might be, involves the deepest and largest interests of both countries­ greater than the settlement or occupation of Oregon, which, in a very few years, will be practically occupied and possessed by citizens of the United States.”

            To sum up the mater, therefore, we may briefly state that this country claims the whole of Oregon, while Great Britain is equally zealous in urging her claim to part of the Territory. The subject has been under negotiation for a long period, without arriving at any satisfactory conclusion. The intelligence from Washington is, that finding it impossible to agree upon the compromise, one of the parties has, through her Minister; proposed to refer the dispute to the arbitration of a third party; and that this proposition has been rejected by the President of the United States, because of the opinions of the West, the London letter writer above quoted.

            Had we the privilege of wielding the power of two countries for a season, we would settle the Oregon Question thus, guided by the results which have already occurred there, and by this reasoning: Whether owned and settled by the United States or by England, the Oregon Country, and Empire in extent, will be independent of both in 20 years! It will be too powerful for a British dependency, and too remote to form an integral part of the American Union. Let each nation then abandon its spurious claims, for the claims of both are spurious; let those who will colonize the country, and let them set up for themselves!
[JKM]


November




December

RW Tuesday December 5, 1845 RW45v22n8p1  President’s Message

Our columns are monopolized by this document. We cannot in justice to the public omit it , or in justice to ourselves, publish it, without the greatest inconvenience. There is no greater bore than these long documents, to editors and readers! Yet what can be done but to publish them? If the Press generally, would agree to publish no document greater than a column in length, it would teach public men better manners and better taste. We have space but to allude to the Message of the President. The two great topics of course, are the Tariff and Oregon: as to the Tariff, Mr. Polk’s principals seem right enough but his inductions wrong: He recommends, if we understand him, a horizontal, ad valorem, discriminating Tariff – that is a protecting Tariff without Protection! In other words he has set his traps to catch the fish going up the river and coming down! All the Presidents since Mr. Adams, have as rank demagogues as ever harassed a country. The danger of the Oregon question will suggest itself from the Message, to every intelligent reader.
[TCS]


RW Tuesday December 5, 1845 RW45v22n8p1 President’s Message

For a complete archive of State of the Union addresses see: http://www.presidency.ucsb.edu/site/docset/sou.htm

Fellow­Citizens of the Senate and of the House of Representatives:

It is to me a source of unaffected satisfaction to meet the representatives of the States and the people in Congress assembled, as it will be to receive the aid of their combined wisdom in the administration of public affairs. In performing for the first time the duty imposed on me by the Constitution of giving to you information of the state of the Union and recommending to your consideration such measures as in my judgment are necessary and expedient, I am happy that I can congratulate you on the continued prosperity of our country. Under the blessings of Divine Providence and the benign influence of our free institutions, it stands before the world a spectacle of national happiness.

With our unexampled advancement in all the elements of national greatness, the affection of the people is confirmed for the Union of the States and for the doctrines of popular liberty which lie at the foundation of our Government.

It becomes us in humility to make our devout acknowledgments to the Supreme Ruler of the Universe for the inestimable civil and religious blessings with which we are favored.

In calling the attention of Congress to our relations with foreign powers, I am gratified to be able to state that though with some of them there have existed since your last session serious causes of irritation and misunderstanding, yet no actual hostilities have taken place. Adopting the maxim in the conduct of our foreign affairs "to ask nothing that is not right and submit to nothing that is wrong," it has been my anxious desire to preserve peace with all nations, but at the same time to be prepared to resist aggression and maintain all our just rights.

In pursuance of the joint resolution of Congress "for annexing Texas to the United States," my predecessor, on the 3d day of March, 1845, elected to submit the first and second sections of that resolution to the Republic of Texas as an overture on the part of the United States for her admission as a State into our Union. This election I approved, and accordingly the charge' d'affaires of the United States in Texas, under instructions of the 10th of March, 1845, presented these sections of the resolution for the acceptance of that Republic. The executive government, the Congress, and the people of Texas in convention have successively complied with all the terms and conditions of the joint resolution. A constitution for the government of the State of Texas, formed by a convention of deputies, is herewith laid before Congress. It is well known, also, that the people of Texas at the polls have accepted the terms of annexation and ratified the constitution. I communicate to Congress the correspondence between the Secretary of State and our charge' d'affaires in Texas, and also the correspondence of the latter with the authorities of Texas, together with the official documents transmitted by him to his own Government. The terms of annexation which were offered by the United States having been accepted by Texas, the public faith of both parties is solemnly pledged to the compact of their union. Nothing remains to consummate the event but the passage of an act by Congress to admit the State of Texas into the Union upon an equal footing with the original States. Strong reasons exist why this should be done at an early period of the session. It will be observed that by the constitution of Texas the existing government is only continued temporarily till Congress can act, and that the third Monday of the present month is the day appointed for holding the first general election. On that day a governor, a lieutenant­governor, and both branches of the legislature will be chosen by the people. The President of Texas is required, immediately after the receipt of official information that the new State has been admitted into our Union by Congress, to convene the legislature, and upon its meeting the existing government will be superseded and the State government organized. Questions deeply interesting to Texas, in common with the other States, the extension of our revenue laws and judicial system over her people and territory, as well as measures of a local character, will claim the early attention of Congress, and therefore upon every principle of republican government she ought to be represented in that body without unnecessary delay. I can not too earnestly recommend prompt action on this important subject. As soon as the act to admit Texas as a State shall be passed the union of the two Republics will be consummated by their own voluntary consent.

This accession to our territory has been a bloodless achievement. No arm of force has been raised to produce the result. The sword has had no part in the victory. We have not sought to extend our territorial possessions by conquest, or our republican institutions over a reluctant people. It was the deliberate homage of each people to the great principle of our federative union. If we consider the extent of territory involved in the annexation, its prospective influence on America, the means by which it has been accomplished, springing purely from the choice of the people themselves to share the blessings of our union, the history of the world may be challenged to furnish a parallel. The jurisdiction of the United States, which at the formation of the Federal Constitution was bounded by the St. Marys on the Atlantic, has passed the capes of Florida and been peacefully extended to the Del Norte. In contemplating the grandeur of this event it is not to be forgotten that the result was achieved in despite of the diplomatic interference of European monarchies. Even France, the country which had been our ancient ally, the country which has a common interest with us in maintaining the freedom of the seas, the country which, by the cession of Louisiana, first opened to us access to the Gulf of Mexico, the country with which we have been every year drawing more and more closely the bonds of successful commerce, most unexpectedly, and to our unfeigned regret, took part in an effort to prevent annexation and to impose on Texas, as a condition of the recognition of her independence by Mexico, that she would never join herself to the United States. We may rejoice that the tranquil and pervading influence of the American principle of self­government was sufficient to defeat the purposes of British and French interference, and that the almost unanimous voice of the people of Texas has given to that interference a peaceful and effective rebuke. From this example European Governments may learn how vain diplomatic arts and intrigues must ever prove upon this continent against that system of self­government which seems natural to our soil, and which will ever resist foreign interference.

Toward Texas I do not doubt that a liberal and generous spirit will actuate Congress in all that concerns her interests and prosperity, and that she will never have cause to regret that she has united her "lone star" to our glorious constellation.

I regret to inform you that our relations with Mexico since your last session have not been of the amicable character which it is our desire to cultivate with all foreign nations. On the 6th day of March last the Mexican envoy extraordinary and minister plenipotentiary to the United States made a formal protest in the name of his Government against the joint resolution passed by Congress "for the annexation of Texas to the United States," which he chose to regard as a violation of the rights of Mexico, and in consequence of it he demanded his passports. He was informed that the Government of the United States did not consider this joint resolution as a violation of any of the rights of Mexico, or that it afforded any just cause of offense to his Government; that the Republic of Texas was an independent power, owing no allegiance to Mexico and constituting no part of her territory or rightful sovereignty and jurisdiction. He was also assured that it was the sincere desire of this Government to maintain with that of Mexico relations of peace and good understanding. That functionary, however, notwithstanding these representations and assurances, abruptly terminated his mission and shortly afterwards left the country. Our envoy extraordinary and minister plenipotentiary to Mexico was refused all official intercourse with that Government, and, after remaining several months, by the permission of his own Government he returned to the United States. Thus, by the acts of Mexico, all diplomatic intercourse between the two countries was suspended.

Since that time Mexico has until recently occupied an attitude of hostility toward the United States­­has been marshaling and organizing armies, issuing proclamations, and avowing the intention to make war on the United States, either by an open declaration or by invading Texas. Both the Congress and convention of the people of Texas invited this Government to send an army into that territory to protect and defend them against the menaced attack. The moment the terms of annexation offered by the United States were accepted by Texas the latter became so far a part of our own country as to make it our duty to afford such protection and defense. I therefore deemed it proper, as a precautionary measure, to order a strong squadron to the coasts of Mexico and to concentrate an efficient military force on the western frontier of Texas. Our Army was ordered to take position in the country between the Nueces and the Del Norte, and to repel any invasion of the Texan territory which might be attempted by the Mexican forces. Our squadron in the Gulf was ordered to cooperate with the Army. But though our Army and Navy were placed in a position to defend our own and the rights of Texas, they were ordered to commit no act of hostility against Mexico unless she declared war or was herself the aggressor by striking the first blow. The result has been that Mexico has made no aggressive movement, and our military and naval commanders have executed their orders with such discretion that the peace of the two Republics has not been disturbed. Texas had declared her independence and maintained it by her arms for more than nine years. She has had an organized government in successful operation during that period. Her separate existence as an independent state had been recognized by the United States and the principal powers of Europe. Treaties of commerce and navigation had been concluded with her by different nations, and it had become manifest to the whole world that any further attempt on the part of Mexico to conquer her or overthrow her Government would be vain. Even Mexico herself had become satisfied of this fact, and whilst the question of annexation was pending before the people of Texas during the past summer the Government of Mexico, by a formal act, agreed to recognize the independence of Texas on condition that she would not annex herself to any other power. The agreement to acknowledge the independence of Texas, whether with or without this condition, is conclusive against Mexico. The independence of Texas is a fact conceded by Mexico herself, and she had no right or authority to prescribe restrictions as to the form of government which Texas might afeard choose to assume. But though Mexico can not complain of the United States on account of the annexation of Texas, it is to be regretted that serious causes of misunderstanding between the two countries continue to exist, growing out of unredressed injuries inflicted by the Mexican authorities and people on the persons and property of citizens of the United States through a long series of years. Mexico has admitted these injuries, but has neglected and refused to repair them. Such was the character of the wrongs and such the insults repeatedly offered to American citizens and the American flag by Mexico, in palpable violation of the laws of nations and the treaty between the two countries of the 5th of April, 1831, that they have been repeatedly brought to the notice of Congress by my predecessors. As early as the 6th of February, 1837, the President of the United States declared in a message to Congress that—

The length of time since some of the injuries have been committed, the repeated and unavailing applications for redress, the wanton character of some of the outrages upon the property and persons of our citizens, upon the officers and flag of the United States, independent of recent insults to this Government and people by the late extraordinary Mexican minister, would justify in the eyes of all nations immediate war.

He did not, however, recommend an immediate resort to this extreme measure, which, he declared, "should not be used by just and generous nations, confiding in their strength for injuries committed, if it can be honorably avoided," but, in a spirit of forbearance, proposed that another demand be made on Mexico for that redress which had been so long and unjustly withheld. In these views committees of the two Houses of Congress, in reports made to their respective bodies, concurred. Since these proceedings more than eight years have elapsed, during which, in addition to the wrongs then complained of, others of an aggravated character have been committed on the persons and property of our citizens. A special agent was sent to Mexico in the summer of 1838 with full authority to make another and final demand for redress. The demand was made; the Mexican Government promised to repair the wrongs of which we complained, and after much delay a treaty of indemnity with that view was concluded between the two powers on the 11th of April, 1839, and was duly ratified by both Governments. By this treaty a joint commission was created to adjudicate and decide on the claims of American citizens on the Government of Mexico. The commission was organized at Washington on the 25th day of August, 1840. Their time was limited to eighteen months, at the expiration of which they had adjudicated and decided claims amounting to $2,026,139.68 in favor of citizens of the United States against the Mexican Government, leaving a large amount of claims undecided. Of the latter the American commissioners had decided in favor of our citizens claims amounting to $928,627.88, which were left unacted on by the umpire authorized by the treaty. Still further claims, amounting to between three and four millions of dollars, were submitted to the board too late to be considered, and were left undisposed of. The sum of $2,026,139.68, decided by the board, was a liquidated and ascertained debt due by Mexico to the claimants, and there was no justifiable reason for delaying its payment according to the terms of the treaty. It was not, however, paid. Mexico applied for further indulgence, and, in that spirit of liberality and forbearance which has ever marked the policy of the United States toward that Republic, the request was granted, and on the 30th of January, 1843, a new treaty was concluded. By this treaty it was provided that the interest due on the awards in favor of claimants under the convention of the 11th of April, 1839, should be paid out the 30th of April, 1843, and that—

The principal of the said awards and the interest accruing thereon shall be paid in five years, in equal installments every three months, the said term of five years to commence on the 30th day of April, 1843, aforesaid.

The interest due on the 30th day of April, 1843, and the three first of the twenty installments have been paid. Seventeen of these installments, remain unpaid, seven of which are now due.

The claims which were left undecided by the joint commission, amounting to more than $3,000,000, together with other claims for spoliations on the property of our citizens, were subsequently presented to the Mexican Government for payment, and were so far recognized that a treaty providing for their examination and settlement by a joint commission was concluded and signed at Mexico on the 20th day of November, 1843. This treaty was ratified by the United States with certain amendments to which no just exception could have been taken, but it has not yet received the ratification of the Mexican Government. In the meantime our citizens, who suffered great losses­­and some of whom have been reduced from affluence to bankruptcy­­are without remedy unless their rights be enforced by their Government. Such a continued and unprovoked series of wrongs could never have been tolerated by the United States had they been committed by one of the principal nations of Europe. Mexico was, however, a neighboring sister republic, which, following our example, had achieved her independence, and for whose success and prosperity all our sympathies were early enlisted. The United States were the first to recognize her independence and to receive her into the family of nations, and have ever been desirous of cultivating with her a good understanding. We have therefore borne the repeated wrongs she has committed with great patience, in the hope that a returning sense of justice would ultimately guide her councils and that we might, if possible, honorably avoid any hostile collision with her. Without the previous authority of Congress the Executive possessed no power to adopt or enforce adequate remedies for the injuries we had suffered, or to do more than to be prepared to repel the threatened aggression on the part of Mexico. After our Army and Navy had remained on the frontier and coasts of Mexico for many weeks without any hostile movement on her part, though her menaces were continued, I deemed it important to put an end, if possible, to this state of things. With this view I caused steps to be taken in the month of September last to ascertain distinctly and in an authentic form what the designs of the Mexican Government were­­whether it was their intention to declare war, or invade Texas, or whether they were disposed to adjust and settle in an amicable manner the pending differences between the two countries. On the 9th of November an official answer was received that the Mexican Government consented to renew the diplomatic relations which had been suspended in March last, and for that purpose were willing to accredit a minister from the United States. With a sincere desire to preserve peace and restore relations of good understanding between the two Republics, I waived all ceremony as to the manner of renewing diplomatic intercourse between them, and, assuming the initiative, on the 10th of November a distinguished citizen of Louisiana was appointed envoy extraordinary and minister plenipotentiary to Mexico, clothed with full powers to adjust and definitively settle all pending differences between the two countries, including those of boundary between Mexico and the State of Texas. The minister appointed has set out on his mission and is probably by this time near the Mexican capital. He has been instructed to bring the negotiation with which he is charged to a conclusion at the earliest practicable period, which it is expected will be in time to enable me to communicate the result to Congress during the present session. Until that result is known I forbear to recommend to Congress such ulterior measures of redress for the wrongs and injuries we have so long borne as it would have been proper to make had no such negotiation been instituted.

Congress appropriated at the last session the sum of $275,000 for the payment of the April and July installments of the Mexican indemnities for the year 1844:

Provided it shall be ascertained to the satisfaction of the American Government that said installments have been paid by the Mexican Government to the agent appointed by the United States to receive the same in such manner as to discharge all claim on the Mexican Government, and said agent to be delinquent in remitting the money to the United States.

The unsettled state of our relations with Mexico has involved this subject in much mystery. The first information in an authentic form from the agent of the United States, appointed under the Administration of my predecessor, was received at the State Department on the 9th of November last. This is contained in a letter, dated the 17th of October, addressed by him to one of our citizens then in Mexico with a view of having it communicated to that Department. From this it appears that the agent on the 20th of September, 1844, gave a receipt to the treasury of Mexico for the amount of the April and July installments of the indemnity. In the same communication, however, he asserts that he had not received a single dollar in cash, but that he holds such securities as warranted him at the time in giving the receipt, and entertains no doubt but that he will eventually obtain the money. As these installments appear never to have been actually paid by the Government of Mexico to the agent, and as that Government has not, therefore, been released so as to discharge the claim, I do not feel myself warranted in directing payment to be made to the claimants out of the Treasury without further legislation. Their case is undoubtedly one of much hardship, and it remains for Congress to decide whether any, and what, relief ought to be granted to them. Our minister to Mexico has been instructed to ascertain the facts of the case from the Mexican Government in an authentic and official form and report the result with as little delay as possible.

My attention was early directed to the negotiation which on the 4th of March last I found pending at Washington between the United States and Great Britain on the subject of the Oregon Territory. Three several attempts had been previously made to settle the questions in dispute between the two countries by negotiation upon the principle of compromise, but each had proved unsuccessful. These negotiations took place at London in the years 1818, 1824, and 1826­­the two first under the Administration of Mr. Monroe and the last under that of Mr. Adams. The negotiation of 1818, having failed to accomplish its object, resulted in the convention of the 20th of October of that year.

By the third article of that convention it was—

Agreed that any country that may be claimed by either party on the northwest coast of America westward of the Stony Mountains shall, together with its harbors, bays, and creeks, and the navigation of all rivers within the same, be free and open for the term of ten years from the date of the signature of the present convention to the vessels, citizens, and subjects of the two powers; it being well understood that this agreement is not to be construed to the prejudice of any claim which either of the two high contracting parties may have to any part of the said country, nor shall it be taken to affect the claims of any other power or state to any part of the said country, the only object of the high contracting parties in that respect being to prevent disputes and differences amongst themselves.

The negotiation of 1824 was productive of no result, and the convention of 1818 was left unchanged.

The negotiation of 1826, having also failed to effect an adjustment by compromise, resulted in the convention of August 6, 1827, by which it was agreed to continue in force for an indefinite period the provisions of the third article of the convention of the 20th of October, 1818; and it was further provided that—

It shall be competent, however, to either of the contracting parties, in case either should think fit, at any time after the 20th of October, 1828, on giving due notice of twelve months to the other contracting party, to annul and abrogate this convention; and it shall in such case be accordingly entirely annulled and abrogated after the expiration of the said term of notice.

In these attempts to adjust the controversy the parallel of the forty­ninth degree of north latitude had been offered by the United States to Great Britain, and in those of 1818 and 1826, with a further concession of the free navigation of the Columbia River south of that latitude. The parallel of the forty­ninth degree from the Rocky Mountains to its intersection with the north easternmost branch of the Columbia, and thence down the channel of that river to the sea, had been offered by Great Britain, with an addition of a small detached territory north of the Columbia. Each of these propositions had been rejected by the parties respectively. In October, 1843, the envoy extraordinary and minister plenipotentiary of the United States in London was authorized to make a similar offer to those made in 1818 and 1826. Thus stood the question when the negotiation was shortly afterwards transferred to Washington, and on the 23d of August, 1844, was formally opened under the direction of my immediate predecessor. Like all the previous negotiations, it was based upon principles of "compromise," and the avowed purpose of the parties was "to treat of the respective claims of the two countries to the Oregon Territory with the view to establish a permanent boundary between them westward of the Rocky Mountains to the Pacific Ocean."

Accordingly, on the 26th of August, 1844, the British plenipotentiary offered to divide the Oregon Territory by the forty­ninth parallel of north latitude from the Rocky Mountains to the point of its intersection with the north easternmost branch of the Columbia River, and thence down that river to the sea, leaving the free navigation of the river to be enjoyed in common by both parties, the country south of this line to belong to the United States and that north of it to Great Britain. At the same time he proposed in addition to yield to the United States a detached territory north of the Columbia extending along the Pacific and the Straits of Fuca from Bulfinchs Harbor, inclusive, to Hoods Canal, and to make free to the United States any port or ports south of latitude 49° which they might desire, either on the mainland or on Quadra and Vancouvers Island. With the exception of the free ports, this was the same offer which had been made by the British and rejected by the American Government in the negotiation of 1826. This proposition was properly rejected by the American plenipotentiary on the day it was submitted. This was the only proposition of compromise offered by the British plenipotentiary. The proposition on the part of Great Britain having been rejected, the British plenipotentiary requested that a proposal should be made by the United States for "an equitable adjustment of the question." When I came into office I found this to be the state of the negotiation. Though entertaining the settled conviction that the British pretensions of title could not be maintained to any portion of the Oregon Territory upon any principle of public law recognized by nations, yet in deference to what had been done by my predecessors, and especially in consideration that propositions of compromise had been thrice made by two preceding Administrations to adjust the question on the parallel of 49°, and in two of them yielding to Great Britain the free navigation of the Columbia, and that the pending negotiation had been commenced on the basis of compromise, I deemed it to be my duty not abruptly to break it off. In consideration, too, that under the conventions of 1818 and 1827 the citizens and subjects of the two powers held a joint occupancy of the country, I was induced to make another effort to settle this long­pending controversy in the spirit of moderation which had given birth to the renewed discussion. A proposition was accordingly made, which was rejected by the British plenipotentiary, who, without submitting any other proposition, suffered the negotiation on his part to drop, expressing his trust that the United States would offer what he saw fit to call "some further proposal for the settlement of the Oregon question more consistent with fairness and equity and with the reasonable expectations of the British Government." The proposition thus offered and rejected repeated the offer of the parallel of 49° of north latitude, which had been made by two preceding Administrations, but without proposing to surrender to Great Britain, as they had done, the free navigation of the Columbia River. The right of any foreign power to the free navigation of any of our rivers through the heart of our country was one which I was unwilling to concede. It also embraced a provision to make free to Great Britain any port or ports on the cap of Quadra and Vancouvers Island south of this parallel. Had this been a new question, coming under discussion for the first time, this proposition would not have been made. The extraordinary and wholly inadmissible demands of the British Government and the rejection of the proposition made in deference alone to what had been done by my predecessors and the implied obligation which their acts seemed to impose afford satisfactory evidence that no compromise which the United States ought to accept can be effected. With this conviction the proposition of compromise which had been made and rejected was by my direction subsequently withdrawn and our title to the whole Oregon Territory asserted, and, as is believed, maintained by irrefragable facts and arguments.

The civilized world will see in these proceedings a spirit of liberal concession on the part of the United States, and this Government will be relieved from all responsibility which may follow the failure to settle the controversy.

All attempts at compromise having failed, it becomes the duty of Congress to consider what measures it may be proper to adopt for the security and protection of our citizens now inhabiting or who may hereafter inhabit Oregon, and for the maintenance of our just title to that Territory. In adopting measures for this purpose care should be taken that nothing be done to violate the stipulations of the convention of 1827, which is still in force. The faith of treaties, in their letter and spirit, has ever been, and, I trust, will ever be, scrupulously observed by the United States. Under that convention a year's notice is required to be given by either party to the other before the joint occupancy shall terminate and before either can rightfully assert or exercise exclusive jurisdiction over any portion of the territory. This notice it would, in my judgment, be proper to give, and I recommend that provision be made by law for giving it accordingly, and terminating in this manner the convention of the 6th of August, 1827.

It will become proper for Congress to determine what legislation they can in the meantime adopt without violating this convention. Beyond all question the protection of our laws and our jurisdiction, civil and criminal, ought to be immediately extended over our citizens in Oregon. They have had just cause to complain of our long neglect in this particular, and have in consequence been compelled for their own security and protection to establish a provisional government for themselves. Strong in their allegiance and ardent in their attachment to the United States, they have been thus cast upon their own resources. They are anxious that our laws should be extended over them, and I recommend that this be done by Congress with as little delay as possible in the full extent to which the British Parliament have proceeded in regard to British subjects in that Territory by their act of July 2, 1821, "for regulating the fur trade and establishing a criminal and civil jurisdiction within certain parts of North America." By this act Great Britain extended her laws and jurisdiction, civil and criminal, over her subjects engaged in the fur trade in that Territory. By it the courts of the Province of Upper Canada were empowered to take cognizance of causes civil and criminal. Justices of the peace and other judicial officers were authorized to be appointed in Oregon with power to execute all process issuing from the courts of that Province, and to "sit and hold courts of record for the trial of criminal offenses and misdemeanors" not made the subject of capital punishment, and also of civil eases where the cause of action shall not "exceed in value the amount or sum of lbs. 200."

Subsequent to the date of this act of Parliament a grant was made from the "British Crown" to the Hudsons Bay Company of the exclusive trade with the Indian tribes in the Oregon Territory, subject to a reservation that it shall not operate to the exclusion "of the subjects of any foreign states who, under or by force of any convention for the time being between us and such foreign states, respectively, may be entitled to and shall be engaged in the said trade." It is much to be regretted that while under this act British subjects have enjoyed the protection of British laws and British judicial tribunals throughout the whole of Oregon, American citizens in the same Territory have enjoyed no such protection from their Government. At the same time, the result illustrates the character of our people and their institutions. In spite of this neglect they have multiplied, and their number is rapidly increasing in that Territory. They have made no appeal to arms, but have peacefully fortified themselves in their new homes by the adoption of republican institutions for themselves, furnishing another example of the truth that self­government is inherent in the American breast and must prevail. It is due to them that they should be embraced and protected by our laws. It is deemed important that our laws regulating trade and intercourse with the Indian tribes east of the Rocky Mountains should be extended to such tribes as dwell beyond them. The increasing emigration to Oregon and the care and protection which is due from the Government to its citizens in that distant region make it our duty, as it is our interest, to cultivate amicable relations with the Indian tribes of that Territory. For this purpose I recommend that provision be made for establishing an Indian agency and such subagencies as may be deemed necessary beyond the Rocky Mountains.

For the protection of emigrants whilst on their way to Oregon against the attacks of the Indian tribes occupying the country through which they pass, I recommend that a suitable number of stockades and blockhouse forts be erected along the usual route between our frontier settlements on the Missouri and the Rocky Mountains, and that an adequate force of mounted riflemen be raised to guard and protect them on their journey. The immediate adoption of these recommendations by Congress will not violate the provisions of the existing treaty. It will be doing nothing more for American citizens than British laws have long since done for British subjects in the same territory.

It requires several months to perform the voyage by sea from the Atlantic States to Oregon, and although we have a large number of whale ships in the Pacific, but few of them afford an opportunity of interchanging intelligence without great delay between our settlements in that distant region and the United States. An overland mail is believed to be entirely practicable, and the importance of establishing such a mail at least once a month is submitted to the favorable consideration of Congress.

It is submitted to the wisdom of Congress to determine whether at their present session, and until after the expiration of the year's notice, any other measures may be adopted consistently with the convention of 1827 for the security of our rights and the government and protection of our citizens in Oregon. That it will ultimately be wise and proper to make liberal grants of land to the patriotic pioneers who amidst privations and dangers lead the way through savage tribes inhabiting the vast wilderness intervening between our frontier settlements and Oregon, and who cultivate and are ever ready to defend the soil, I am fully satisfied. To doubt whether they will obtain such grants as soon as the convention between the United States and Great Britain shall have ceased to exist would be to doubt the justice of Congress; but, pending the year's notice, it is worthy of consideration whether a stipulation to this effect may be made consistently with the spirit of that convention.

The recommendations which I have made as to the best manner of securing our rights in Oregon are submitted to Congress with great deference. Should they in their wisdom devise any other mode better calculated to accomplish the same object, it shall meet with my hearty concurrence.

At the end of the year's notice, should Congress think it proper to make provision for giving that notice, we shall have reached a period when the national rights in Oregon must either be abandoned or firmly maintained. That they can not be abandoned without a sacrifice of both national honor and interest is too clear to admit of doubt.

Oregon is a part of the North American continent, to which, it is confidently affirmed, the title of the United States is the best now in existence. For the grounds on which that title rests I refer you to the correspondence of the late and present Secretary of State with the British plenipotentiary during the negotiation. The British proposition of compromise, which would make the Columbia the line south of 49°, with a trifling addition of detached territory to the United States north of that river, and would leave on the British side two­thirds of the whole Oregon Territory, including the free navigation of the Columbia and all the valuable harbors on the Pacific, can never for a moment be entertained by the United States without an abandonment of their just and dear territorial rights, their own self­respect, and the national honor. For the information of Congress, I communicate herewith the correspondence which took place between the two Governments during the late negotiation.

The rapid extension of our settlements over our territories heretofore unoccupied, the addition of new States to our Confederacy, the expansion of free principles, and our rising greatness as a nation are attracting the attention of the powers of Europe, and lately the doctrine has been broached in some of them of a "balance of power" on this continent to check our advancement. The United States, sincerely desirous of preserving relations of good understanding with all nations, can not in silence permit any European interference on the North American continent, and should any such interference be attempted will be ready to resist it at any and all hazards.

It is well known to the American people and to all nations that this Government has never interfered with the relations subsisting between other governments. We have never made ourselves parties to their wars or their alliances; we have not sought their territories by conquest; we have not mingled with parties in their domestic struggles; and believing our own form of government to be the best, we have never attempted to propagate it by intrigues, by diplomacy, or by force. We may claim on this continent a like exemption from European interference. The nations of America are equally sovereign and independent with those of Europe. They possess the same rights, independent of all foreign interposition, to make war, to conclude peace, and to regulate their internal affairs. The people of the United States can not, therefore, view with indifference attempts of European powers to interfere with the independent action of the nations on this continent. The American system of government is entirely different from that of Europe. Jealousy among the different sovereigns of Europe, lest any one of them might become too powerful for the rest, has caused them anxiously to desire the establishment of what they term the "balance of power." It can not be permitted to have any application on the North American continent, and especially to the United States. We must ever maintain the principle that the people of this continent alone have the right to decide their own destiny. Should any portion of them, constituting an independent state, propose to unite themselves with our Confederacy, this will be a question for them and us to determine without any foreign interposition. We can never consent that European powers shall interfere to prevent such a union because it might disturb the "balance of power" which they may desire to maintain upon this continent. Near a quarter of a century ago the principle was distinctly announced to the world, in the annual message of one of my predecessors, that—

The American continents, by the free and independent condition which they have assumed and maintain, are henceforth not to be considered as subjects for colonization by any European powers.

This principle will apply with greatly increased force should any European power attempt to establish any new colony in North America. In the existing circumstances of the world the present is deemed a proper occasion to reiterate and reaffirm the principle avowed by Mr. Monroe and to state my cordial concurrence in its wisdom and sound policy. The reassertion of this principle, especially in reference to North America, is at this day but the promulgation of a policy which no European power should cherish the disposition to resist. Existing rights of every European nation should be respected, but it is due alike to our safety and our interests that the efficient protection of our laws should be extended over our whole territorial limits, and that it should be distinctly announced to the world as our settled policy that no future European colony or dominion shall with our consent be planted or established on any part of the North American continent.

A question has recently arisen under the tenth article of the subsisting treaty between the United States and Prussia. By this article the consuls of the two countries have the right to sit as judges and arbitrators "in such differences as may arise between the captains and crews of the vessels belonging to the nation whose interests are committed to their charge without the interference of the local authorities, unless the conduct of the crews or of the captain should disturb the order or tranquility of the country, or the said consuls should require their assistance to cause their decisions to be carried into effect or supported."

The Prussian consul at New Bedford in June, 1844, applied to Mr. Justice Story to carry into effect a decision made by him between the captain and crew of the Prussian ship Borussia, but the request was refused on the ground that without previous legislation by Congress the judiciary did not possess the power to give effect to this article of the treaty. The Prussian Government, through their minister here, have complained of this violation of the treaty, and have asked the Government of the United States to adopt the necessary measures to prevent similar violations hereafter. Good faith to Prussia, as well as to other nations with whom we have similar treaty stipulations, requires that these should be faithfully observed. I have deemed it proper, therefore, to lay the subject before Congress and to recommend such legislation as may be necessary to give effect to these treaty obligations.

By virtue of an arrangement made between the Spanish Government and that of the United States in December, 1831, American vessels, since the 29th of April, 1832, have been admitted to entry in the ports of Spain, including those of the Balearic and Canary islands, on payment of the same tonnage duty of 5 cents per ton, as though they had been Spanish vessels; and this whether our vessels arrive in Spain directly from the United States or indirectly from any other country. When Congress, by the act of 13th July, 1832, gave effect to this arrangement between the two Governments, they confined the reduction of tonnage duty merely to Spanish vessels "coming from a port in Spain," leaving the former discriminating duty to remain against such vessels coming from a port in any other country. It is manifestly unjust that whilst American vessels arriving in the ports of Spain from other countries pay no more duty than Spanish vessels, Spanish vessels arriving in the ports of the United States from other countries should be subjected to heavy discriminating tonnage duties. This is neither equality nor reciprocity, and is in violation of the arrangement concluded in December, 1831, between the two countries. The Spanish Government have made repeated and earnest remonstrances against this inequality, and the favorable attention of Congress has been several times invoked to the subject by my predecessors. I recommend, as an act of justice to Spain, that this inequality be removed by Congress and that the discriminating duties which have been levied under the act of the 13th of July, 1832, on Spanish vessels coming to the United States from any other foreign country be refunded. This recommendation does not embrace Spanish vessels arriving in the United States from Cuba and Porto Rico, which will still remain subject to the provisions of the act of June 30, 1834, concerning tonnage duty on such vessels. By the act of the 14th of July, 1832, coffee was exempted from duty altogether. This exemption was universal, without reference to the country where it was produced or the national character of the vessel in which it was imported. By the tariff act of the 30th of August, 1842, this exemption from duty was restricted to coffee imported in American vessels from the place of its production, whilst coffee imported under all other circumstances was subjected to a duty of 20 per cent ad valorem. Under this act and our existing treaty with the King of the Netherlands Java coffee imported from the European ports of that Kingdom into the United States, whether in Dutch or American vessels, now pays this rate of duty. The Government of the Netherlands complains that such a discriminating duty should have been imposed on coffee the production of one of its colonies, and which is chiefly brought from Java to the ports of that Kingdom and exported from thence to foreign countries. Our trade with the Netherlands is highly beneficial to both countries and our relations with them have ever been of the most friendly character. Under all the circumstances of the case, I recommend that this discrimination should be abolished and that the coffee of Java imported from the Netherlands be placed upon the same footing with that imported directly from Brazil and other countries where it is produced.

Under the eighth section of the tariff act of the 30th of August, 1842, a duty of 15 cents per gallon was imposed on port wine in casks, while on the red wines of several other countries, when imported in casks, a duty of only 6 cents per gallon was imposed. This discrimination, so far as regarded the port wine of Portugal, was deemed a violation of our treaty with that power, which provides that—

No higher or other duties shall be imposed on the importation into the United States of America of any article the growth, produce, or manufacture of the Kingdom and possessions of Portugal than such as are or shall be payable on the like article being the growth, produce, or manufacture of any other foreign country.

Accordingly, to give effect to the treaty as well as to the intention of Congress, expressed in a proviso to the tariff act itself, that nothing therein contained should be so construed as to interfere with subsisting treaties with foreign nations, a Treasury circular was issued on the 16th of July, 1844, which, among other things, declared the duty on the port wine of Portugal, in casks, under the existing laws and treaty to be 6 cents per gallon, and directed that the excess of duties which had been collected on such wine should be refunded. By virtue of another clause in the same section of the act it is provided that all imitations of port or any other wines "shall be subject to the duty provided for the genuine article." Imitations of port wine, the production of France, are imported to some extent into the United States, and the Government of that country now claims that under a correct construction of the act these imitations ought not to pay a higher duty than that imposed upon the original port wine of Portugal. It appears to me to be unequal and unjust that French imitations of port wine should be subjected to a duty of 15 cents, while the more valuable article from Portugal should pay a duty of 6 cents only per gallon. I therefore recommend to Congress such legislation as may be necessary to correct the inequality.

The late President, in his annual message of December last, recommended an appropriation to satisfy the claims of the Texan Government against the United States, which had been previously adjusted so far as the powers of the Executive extend. These claims arose out of the act of disarming a body of Texan troops under the command of Major Snively by an officer in the service of the United States, acting under the orders of our Government, and the forcible entry into the custom­house at Bryarlys Landing, on Red River, by certain citizens of the United States and taking away therefrom the goods seized by the collector of the customs as forfeited under the laws of Texas. This was a liquidated debt ascertained to be due to Texas when an independent state. Her acceptance of the terms of annexation proposed by the United States does not discharge or invalidate the claim. I recommend that provision be made for its payment.

The commissioner appointed to China during the special session of the Senate in March last shortly afteards set out on his mission in the United States ship Columbus. On arriving at Rio de Janeiro on his passage the state of his health had become so critical that by the advice of his medical attendants he returned to the United States early in the month of October last. Commodore Biddle, commanding the East India Squadron, proceeded on his voyage in the Columbus, and was charged by the commissioner with the duty of exchanging with the proper authorities the ratifications of the treaty lately concluded with the Emperor of China. Since the return of the commissioner to the United States his health has been much improved, and he entertains the confident belief that he will soon be able to proceed on his mission.

Unfortunately, differences continue to exist among some of the nations of South America which, following our example, have established their independence, while in others internal dissensions prevail. It is natural that our sympathies should be warmly enlisted for their welfare; that we should desire that all controversies between them should be amicably adjusted and their Governments administered in a manner to protect the rights and promote the prosperity of their people. It is contrary, however, to our settled policy to interfere in their controversies, whether external or internal.

I have thus adverted to all the subjects connected with our foreign relations to which I deem it necessary to call your attention. Our policy is not only peace with all, but good will toward all the powers of the earth. While we are just to all, we require that all shall be just to us. Excepting the differences with Mexico and Great Britain, our relations with all civilized nations are of the most satisfactory character. It is hoped that in this enlightened age these differences may be amicably adjusted.

The Secretary of the Treasury in his annual report to Congress will communicate a full statement of the condition of our finances. The imports for the fiscal year ending on the 30th of June last were of the value of $117,254,564, of which the amount exported was $15,346,830, leaving a balance of $101,907,734 for domestic consumption. The exports for the same year were of the value of $114,646,606, of which the amount of domestic articles was $99,299,776. The receipts into the Treasury during the same year were $29,769,133.56, of which there were derived from customs $27,528,122.70, from sales of public lands $2,077,022.30, and from incidental and miscellaneous sources $163,998.56. The expenditures for the same period were $29,968,206.98, of which $8,588,157.62 were applied to the payment of the public debt. The balance in the Treasury on the 1st of July last was $7,658,306.22. The amount of the public debt remaining unpaid on the 1st of October last was $17,075,445.52. Further payments of the public debt would have been made, in anticipation of the period of its reimbursement under the authority conferred upon the Secretary of the Treasury by the acts of July 21, 1841, and of April 15, 1842, and March 3, 1843, had not the unsettled state of our relations with Mexico menaced hostile collision with that power. In view of such a contingency it was deemed prudent to retain in the Treasury an amount unusually large for ordinary purposes.

A few years ago our whole national debt growing out of the Revolution and the War of 1812 with Great Britain was extinguished, and we presented to the world the rare and noble spectacle of a great and growing people who had fully discharged every obligation. Since that time the existing debt has been contracted, and, small as it is in comparison with the similar burdens of most other nations, it should be extinguished at the earliest practicable period. Should the state of the country permit, and especially if our foreign relations interpose no obstacle, it is contemplated to apply all the moneys in the Treasury as they accrue, beyond what is required for the appropriations by Congress, to its liquidation. I cherish the hope of soon being able to congratulate the country on its recovering once more the lofty position which it so recently occupied. Our country, which exhibits to the world the benefits of self­government, in developing all the sources of national prosperity owes to mankind the permanent example of a nation free from the blighting influence of a public debt.

The attention of Congress is invited to the importance of making suitable modifications and reductions of the rates of duty imposed by our present tariff laws. The object of imposing duties on imports should be to raise revenue to pay the necessary expenses of Government. Congress may undoubtedly, in the exercise of a sound discretion, discriminate in arranging the rates of duty on different articles, but the discriminations should be within the revenue standard and be made with the view to raise money for the support of Government.

It becomes important to understand distinctly what is meant by a revenue standard the maximum of which should not be exceeded in the rates of duty imposed. It is conceded, and experience proves, that duties may be laid so high as to diminish or prohibit altogether the importation of any given article, and thereby lessen or destroy the revenue which at lower rates would be derived from its importation. Such duties exceed the revenue rates and are not imposed to raise money for the support of Government. If Congress levy a duty for revenue of 1 per cent on a given article, it will produce a given amount of money to the Treasury and will incidentally and necessarily afford protection or advantage to the amount of 1 per cent to the home manufacturer of a similar or like article over the importer. If the duty be raised to 10 per cent, it will produce a greater amount of money and afford greater protection. If it be still raised to 20, 25, or 30 per cent, and if as it is raised the revenue derived from it is found to be increased, the protection or advantage will also be increased; but if it be raised to 31 per cent, and it is found that the revenue produced at that rate is less than at 30 per cent, it ceases to be a revenue duty. The precise point in the ascending scale of duties at which it is ascertained from experience that the revenue is greatest is the maximum rate of duty which can be laid for the bona fide purpose of collecting money for the support of Government. To raise the duties higher than that point, and thereby diminish the amount collected, is to levy them for protection merely, and not for revenue. As long, then, as Congress may gradually increase the rate of duty on a given article, and the revenue is increased by such increase of duty, they are within the revenue standard. When they go beyond that point, and as they increase the duties, the revenue is diminished or destroyed; the act ceases to have for its object the raising of money to support Government, but is for protection merely. It does not follow that Congress should levy the highest duty on all articles of import which they will bear within the revenue standard, for such rates would probably produce a much larger amount than the economical administration of the Government would require. Nor does it follow that the duties on all articles should be at the same or a horizontal rate. Some articles will bear a much higher revenue duty than others. Below the maximum of the revenue standard Congress may and ought to discriminate in the rates imposed, taking care so to adjust them on different articles as to produce in the aggregate the amount which, when added to the proceeds of the sales of public lands, may be needed to pay the economical expenses of the Government.

In levying a tariff of duties Congress exercise the taxing power, and for purposes of revenue may select the objects of taxation. They may exempt certain articles altogether and permit their importation free of duty. On others they may impose low duties. In these classes should be embraced such articles of necessity as are in general use, and especially such as are consumed by the laborer and poor as well as by the wealthy citizen. Care should be taken that all the great interests of the country, including manufactures, agriculture, commerce, navigation, and the mechanic arts, should, as far as may be practicable, derive equal advantages from the incidental protection which a just system of revenue duties may afford. Taxation, direct or indirect, is a burden, and it should be so imposed as to operate as equally as may be on all classes in the proportion of their ability to bear it. To make the taxing power an actual benefit to one class necessarily increases the burden of the others beyond their proportion, and would be manifestly unjust. The terms "to domestic industry" are of popular import, but they should apply under a just system to all the various branches of industry in our country. The farmer or planter who toils yearly in his fields is engaged in "domestic industry," and is as much entitled to have his labor "protected" as the manufacturer, the man of commerce, the navigator, or the mechanic, who are engaged also in "domestic industry" in their different pursuits. The joint labors of all these classes constitute the aggregate of the "domestic industry" of the nation, and they are equally entitled to the nation's "protection." No one of them can justly claim to be the exclusive recipient of "protection," which can only be afforded by increasing burdens on the "domestic industry" of the others.

If these views be correct, it remains to inquire how far the tariff act of 1842 is consistent with them. That many of the provisions of that act are in violation of the cardinal principles here laid down all must concede. The rates of duty imposed by it on some articles are prohibitory and on others so high as greatly to diminish importations and to produce a less amount of revenue than would be derived from lower rates. They operate as "protection merely" to one branch of "domestic industry" by taxing other branches.

By the introduction of minimums, or assumed and false values, and by the imposition of specific duties the injustice and inequality of the act of 1842 in its practical operations on different classes and pursuits are seen and felt. Many of the oppressive duties imposed by it under the operation of these principles range from 1 per cent to more than 200 per cent. They are prohibitory on some articles and partially so on others, and bear most heavily on articles of common necessity and but lightly on articles of luxury. It is so framed that much the greatest burden which it imposes is thrown on labor and the poorer classes, who are least able to bear it, while it protects capital and exempts the rich from paying their just proportion of the taxation required for the support of Government. While it protects the capital of the wealthy manufacturer and increases his profits, it does not benefit the operatives or laborers in his employment, whose wages have not been increased by it. Articles of prime necessity or of coarse quality and low price, used by the masses of the people, are in many instances subjected by it to heavy taxes, while articles of finer quality and higher price, or of luxury, which can be used only by the opulent, are lightly taxed. It imposes heavy and unjust burdens on the farmer, the planter, the commercial man, and those of all other pursuits except the capitalist who has made his investments in manufactures. All the great interests of the country are not as nearly as may be practicable equally protected by it.

The Government in theory knows no distinction of persons or classes, and should not bestow upon some favors and privileges which all others may not enjoy. It was the purpose of its illustrious founders to base the institutions which they reared upon the great and unchanging principles of justice and equity, conscious that if administered in the spirit in which they were conceived they would be felt only by the benefits which they diffused, and would secure for themselves a defense in the hearts of the people more powerful than standing armies and all the means and appliances invented to sustain governments founded in injustice and oppression.

The well­known fact that the tariff act of 1842 was passed by a majority of one vote in the Senate and two in the House of Representatives, and that some of those who felt themselves constrained, under the peculiar circumstances existing at the time, to vote in its favor, proclaimed its defects and expressed their determination to aid in its modification on the first opportunity, affords strong and conclusive evidence that it was not intended to be permanent, and of the expediency and necessity of its thorough revision.

In recommending to Congress a reduction of the present rates of duty and a revision and modification of the act of 1842, I am far from entertaining opinions unfriendly to the manufacturers. On the contrary, I desire to see them prosperous as far as they can be so without imposing unequal burdens on other interests. The advantage under any system of indirect taxation, even within the revenue standard, must be in favor of the manufacturing interest, and of this no other interest will complain.

I recommend to Congress the abolition of the minimum principle, or assumed, arbitrary, and false values, and of specific duties, and the substitution in their place of ad valorem duties as the fairest and most equitable indirect tax which can be imposed. By the ad valorem principle all articles are taxed according to their cost or value, and those which are of inferior quality or of small cost bear only the just proportion of the tax with those which are of superior quality or greater cost. The articles consumed by all are taxed at the same rate. A system of ad valorem revenue duties, with proper discriminations and proper guards against frauds in collecting them, it is not doubted will afford ample incidental advantages to the manufacturers and enable them to derive as great profits as can be derived from any other regular business. It is believed that such a system strictly within the revenue standard will place the manufacturing interests on a stable footing and inure to their permanent advantage, while it will as nearly as may be practicable extend to all the great interests of the country the incidental protection which can be afforded by our revenue laws. Such a system, when once firmly established, would be permanent, and not be subject to the constant complaints, agitations, and changes which must ever occur when duties are not laid for revenue, but for the "protection merely" of a favored interest.

In the deliberations of Congress on this subject it is hoped that a spirit of mutual concession and compromise between conflicting interests may prevail, and that the result of their labors may be crowned with the happiest consequences.

By the Constitution of the United States it is provided that "no money shall be drawn from the Treasury but in consequence of appropriations made by law." A public treasury was undoubtedly contemplated and intended to be created, in which the public money should be kept from the period of collection until needed for public uses. In the collection and disbursement of the public money no agencies have ever been employed by law except such as were appointed by the Government, directly responsible to it and under its control. The safe­keeping of the public money should be confided to a public treasury created by law and under like responsibility and control. It is not to be imagined that the framers of the Constitution could have intended that a treasury should be created as a place of deposit and safe­keeping of the public money which was irresponsible to the Government. The first Congress under the Constitution, by the act of the 2d of September, 1789, "to establish the Treasury Department," provided for the appointment of a Treasurer, and made it his duty "to receive and keep the moneys of the United States" and "at all times to submit to the Secretary of the Treasury and the Comptroller, or either of them, the inspection of the moneys in his hands."

That banks, national or State, could not have been intended to be used as a substitute for the Treasury spoken of in the Constitution as keepers of the public money is manifest from the fact that at that time there was no national bank, and but three or four State banks, of limited Capital, existed in the country. Their employment as depositories was at first resorted to to a limited extent, but with no avowed intention of continuing them permanently in place of the Treasury of the Constitution. When they were afteards from time to time employed, it was from motives of supposed convenience. Our experience has shown that when banking corporations have been the keepers of the public money, and been thereby made in effect the Treasury, the Government can have no guaranty that it can command the use of its own money for public purposes. The late Bank of the United States proved to be faithless. The State banks which were afteards employed were faithless. But a few years ago, with millions of public money in their keeping, the Government was brought almost to bankruptcy and the public credit seriously impaired because of their inability or indisposition to pay on demand to the public creditors in the only currency recognized by the Constitution. Their failure occurred in a period of peace, and great inconvenience and loss were suffered by the public from it. Had the country been involved in a foreign war, that inconvenience and loss would have been much greater, and might have resulted in extreme public calamity. The public money should not be mingled with the private funds of banks or individuals or be used for private purposes. When it is placed in banks for safe­keeping, it is in effect loaned to them without interest, and is loaned by them upon interest to the borrowers from them. The public money is converted into banking capital, and is used and loaned out for the private profit of bank stockholders, and when called for, as was the case in 1837, it may be in the pockets of the borrowers from the banks instead of being in the public Treasury contemplated by the Constitution. The framers of the Constitution could never have intended that the money paid into the Treasury should be thus converted to private use and placed beyond the control of the Government.

Banks which hold the public money are often tempted by a desire of gain to extend their loans, increase their circulation, and thus stimulate, if not produce, a spirit of speculation and extravagance which sooner or later must result in ruin to thousands. If the public money be not permitted to be thus used, but be kept in the Treasure and paid out to the public creditors in gold and silver, the temptation afforded by its deposit with banks to an undue expansion of their business would be checked, while the amount of the constitutional currency left in circulation would be enlarged by its employment in the public collections and disbursements, and the banks themselves would in consequence be found in a safer and sounder condition. At present State banks are employed as depositories, but without adequate regulation of law whereby the public money can be secured against the casualties and excesses, revulsions, suspensions, and defalcations to which from overissues, overtrading, an inordinate desire for gain, or other causes they are constantly exposed. The Secretary of the Treasury has in all cases when it was practicable taken collateral security for the amount which they hold, by the pledge of stocks of the United States or such of the States as were in good credit. Some of the deposit banks have given this description of security and others have declined to do so.

Entertaining the opinion that "the separation of the moneys of the Government from banking institutions is indispensable for the safety of the funds of the Government and the rights of the people," I recommend to Congress that provision be made by law for such separation, and that a constitutional treasury be created for the safe­keeping of the public money. The constitutional treasury recommended is designed as a secure depository for the public money, without any power to make loans or discounts or to issue any paper whatever as a currency or circulation. I can not doubt that such a treasury as was contemplated by the Constitution should be independent of all banking corporations. The money of the people should be kept in the Treasury of the people created by law, and be in the custody of agents of the people chosen by themselves according to the forms of the Constitution­­agents who are directly responsible to the Government, who are under adequate bonds and oaths, and who are subject to severe punishments for any embezzlement, private use, or misapplication of the public funds, and for any failure in other respects to perform their duties. To say that the people or their Government are incompetent or not to be trusted with the custody of their own money in their own Treasury, provided by themselves, but must rely on the presidents, cashiers, and stockholders of banking corporations, not appointed by them nor responsible to them, would be to concede that they are incompetent for self­government.

In recommending the establishment of a constitutional treasury in which the public money shall be kept, I desire that adequate provision be made by law for its safety and that all Executive discretion or control over it shall be removed, except such as may be necessary in directing its disbursement in pursuance of appropriations made by law.

Under our present land system, limiting the minimum price at which the public lands can be entered to $1.25 per acre, large quantities of lands of inferior quality remain unsold because they will not command that price. From the records of the General Land Office it appears that of the public lands remaining unsold in the several States and Territories in which they are situated, 39,105,577 acres have been in the market subject to entry more than twenty years, 49,638,644 acres for more than fifteen years, 73,074,600 acres for more than ten years, and 106,176,961 acres for more than five years. Much the largest portion of these lands will continue to be unsalable at the minimum price at which they are permitted to be sold so long as large territories of lands from which the more valuable portions have not been selected are annually brought into market by the Government. With the view to the sale and settlement of these inferior lands, I recommend that the price be graduated and reduced below the present minimum rate, confining the sales at the reduced prices to settlers and cultivators, in limited quantities. If graduated and reduced in price for a limited term to $1 per acre, and after the expiration of that period for a second and third term to lower rates, a large portion of these lands would be purchased, and many worthy citizens who are unable to pay higher rates could purchase homes for themselves and their families. By adopting the policy of graduation and reduction of price these inferior lands will be sold for their real value, while the States in which they lie will be freed from the inconvenience, if not injustice, to which they are subjected in consequence of the United States continuing to own large quantities of the public lands within their borders not liable to taxation for the support of their local governments.

I recommend the continuance of the policy of granting preemptions in its most liberal extent to all those who have settled or may hereafter settle on the public lands, whether surveyed or unsurveyed, to which the Indian title may have been extinguished at the time of settlement. It has been found by experience that in consequence of combinations of purchasers and other causes a very small quantity of the public lands, when sold at public auction, commands a higher price than the minimum rates established by law. The settlers on the public lands are, however, but rarely able to secure their homes and improvements at the public sales at that rate, because these combinations, by means of the capital they command and their superior ability to purchase, render it impossible for the settler to compete with them in the market. By putting down all competition these combinations of capitalists and speculators are usually enabled to purchase the lands, including the improvements of the settlers, at the minimum price of the Government, and either turn them out of their homes or extort from them, according to their ability to pay, double or quadruple the amount paid for them to the Government. It is to the enterprise and perseverance of the hardy pioneers of the West, who penetrate the wilderness with their families, suffer the dangers, the privations, and hardships attending the settlement of a new country, and prepare the way for the body of emigrants who in the course of a few years usually follow them, that we are in a great degree indebted for the rapid extension and aggrandizement of our country.

Experience has proved that no portion of our population are more patriotic than the hardy and brave men of the frontier, or more ready to obey the call of their country and to defend her rights and her honor whenever and by whatever enemy assailed. They should be protected from the grasping speculator and secured, at the minimum price of the public lands, in the humble homes which they have improved by their labor. With this end in view, all vexatious or unnecessary restrictions imposed upon them by the existing preemption laws should be repealed or modified. It is the true policy of the Government to afford facilities to its citizens to become the owners of small portions of our vast public domain at low and moderate rates.

The present system of managing the mineral lands of the United States is believed to be radically defective. More than 1,000,000 acres of the public lands, supposed to contain lead and other minerals, have been reserved from sale, and numerous leases upon them have been granted to individuals upon a stipulated rent. The system of granting leases has proved to be not only unprofitable to the Government, but unsatisfactory to the citizens who have gone upon the lands, and must, if continued, lay the foundation of much future difficulty between the Government and the lessees. According to the official records, the amount of rents received by the Government for the years 1841, 1842, 1843, and 1844 was $6,354.74, while the expenses of the system during the same period, including salaries of superintendents, agents, clerks, and incidental expenses, were $26,111.11, the income being less than one­fourth of the expenses. To this pecuniary loss may be added the injury sustained by the public in consequence of the destruction of timber and the careless and wasteful manner of working the mines. The system has given rise to much litigation between the United States and individual citizens, producing irritation and excitement in the mineral region, and involving the Government in heavy additional expenditures. It is believed that similar losses and embarrassments will continue to occur while the present System of leasing these lands remains unchanged. These lands are now under the superintendence and care of the War Department, with the ordinary duties of which they have no proper or natural connection. I recommend the repeal of the present system, and that these lands be placed under the superintendence and management of the General Land Office, as other public lands, and be brought into market and sold upon such terms as Congress in their wisdom may prescribe, reserving to the Government an equitable percentage of the gross amount of mineral product, and that the preemption principle be extended to resident miners and settlers upon them at the minimum price which may be established by Congress.

I refer you to the accompanying report of the Secretary of War for information respecting the present situation of the Army and its operations during the past year, the state of our defenses, the condition of the public works, and our relations with the various Indian tribes within our limits or upon our borders. I invite your attention to the suggestions contained in that report in relation to these prominent objects of national interest. When orders were given during the past summer for concentrating a military force on the western frontier of Texas, our troops were widely dispersed and in small detachments, occupying posts remote from each other. The prompt and expeditious manner in which an army embracing more than half our peace establishment was drawn together on an emergency so sudden reflects great credit on the officers who were intrusted with the execution of these orders, as well as upon the discipline of the Army itself. To be in strength to protect and defend the people and territory of Texas in the event Mexico should commence hostilities or invade her territories with a large army, which she threatened, I authorized the general assigned to the command of the army of occupation to make requisitions for additional forces from several of the States nearest the Texan territory, and which could most expeditiously furnish them, if in his opinion a larger force than that under his command and the auxiliary aid which under like circumstances he was authorized to receive from Texas should be required. The contingency upon which the exercise of this authority depended has not occurred. The circumstances under which two companies of State artillery from the city of New Orleans were sent into Texas and mustered into the service of the United States are fully stated in the report of the Secretary of War. I recommend to Congress that provision be made for the payment of these troops, as well as a small number of Texan volunteers whom the commanding general thought it necessary to receive or muster into our service.

During the last summer the First Regiment of Dragoons made extensive excursions through the Indian country on our borders, a part of them advancing nearly to the possessions of the Hudsons Bay Company in the north, and a part as far as the South Pass of the Rocky Mountains and the head waters of the tributary streams of the Colorado of the West. The exhibition of this military force among the Indian tribes in those distant regions and the councils held with them by the commanders of the expeditions, it is believed, will have a salutary influence in restraining them from hostilities among themselves and maintaining friendly relations between them and the United States. An interesting account of one of these excursions accompanies the report of the Secretary of War. Under the directions of the War Department Brevet Captain Fremont, of the Corps of Topographical Engineers, has been employed since 1842 in exploring the country west of the Mississippi and beyond the Rocky Mountains. Two expeditions have already been brought to a close, and the reports of that scientific and enterprising officer have furnished much interesting and valuable information. He is now engaged in a third expedition, but it is not expected that this arduous service will be completed in season to enable me to communicate the result to Congress at the present session.

Our relations with the Indian tribes are of a favorable character. The policy of removing them to a country designed for their permanent residence west of the Mississippi, and without the limits of the organized States and Territories, is better appreciated by them than it was a few years ago, while education is now attended to and the habits of civilized life are gaining ground among them.

Serious difficulties of long standing continue to distract the several parties into which the Cherokees are unhappily divided. The efforts of the Government to adjust the difficulties between them have heretofore proved unsuccessful, and there remains no probability that this desirable object can be accomplished without the aid of further legislation by Congress. I will at an early period of your session present the subject for your consideration, accompanied with an exposition of the complaints and claims of the several parties into which the nation is divided, with a view to the adoption of such measures by Congress as may enable the Executive to do justice to them, respectively, and to put an end, if possible, to the dissensions which have long prevailed and still prevail among them.

I refer you to the report of the Secretary of the Navy for the present condition of that branch of the national defense and for grave suggestions having for their object the increase of its efficiency and a greater economy in its management. During the past year the officers and men have performed their duty in a satisfactory manner. The orders which have been given have been executed with promptness and fidelity. A larger force than has often formed one squadron under our flag was readily concentrated in the Gulf of Mexico, and apparently without unusual effort. It is especially to be observed that notwithstanding the union of so considerable a force, no act was committed that even the jealousy of an irritated power could construe as an act of aggression, and that the commander of the squadron and his officers, in strict conformity with their instructions, holding themselves ever ready for the most active duty, have achieved the still purer glory of contributing to the preservation of peace. It is believed that at all our foreign stations the honor of our flag has been maintained and that generally our ships of war have been distinguished for their good discipline and order. I am happy to add that the display of maritime force which was required by the events of the summer has been made wholly within the usual appropriations for the service of the year, so that no additional appropriations are required.

The commerce of the United States, and with it the navigating interests, have steadily and rapidly increased since the organization of our Government, until, it is believed, we are now second to but one power in the world, and at no distant day we shall probably be inferior to none. Exposed as they must be, it has been a wise policy to afford to these important interests protection with our ships of war distributed in the great highways of trade throughout the world. For more than thirty years appropriations have been made and annually expended for the gradual increase of our naval forces. In peace our Navy performs the important duty of protecting our commerce, and in the event of war will be, as it has been, a most efficient means of defense.

The successful use of steam navigation on the ocean has been followed by the introduction of war steamers in great and increasing numbers into the navies of the principal maritime powers of the world. A due regard to our own safety and to an efficient protection to our large and increasing commerce demands a corresponding increase on our part. No country has greater facilities for the construction of vessels of this description than ours, or can promise itself greater advantages from their employment. They are admirably adapted to the protection of our commerce, to the rapid transmission of intelligence, and to the coast defense. In pursuance of the wise policy of a gradual increase of our Navy, large supplies of live­oak timber and other materials for shipbuilding have been collected and are now under shelter and in a state of good preservation, while iron steamers can be built with great facility in various parts of the Union. The use of iron as a material, especially in the construction of steamers which can enter with safety many of the harbors along our coast now inaccessible to vessels of greater draft, and the practicability of constructing them in the interior, strongly recommend that liberal appropriations should be made for this important object. Whatever may have been our policy in the earlier stages of the Government, when the nation was in its infancy, our shipping interests and commerce comparatively small, our resources limited, our population sparse and scarcely extending beyond the limits of the original thirteen States, that policy must be essentially different now that we have grown from three to more than twenty millions of people, that our commerce, carried in our own ships, is found in every sea, and that our territorial boundaries and settlements have been so greatly expanded. Neither our commerce nor our long line of coast on the ocean and on the Lakes can be successfully defended against foreign aggression by means of fortifications alone. These are essential at important commercial and military points, but our chief reliance for this object must be on a well­organized, efficient navy. The benefits resulting from such a navy are not confined to the Atlantic States. The productions of the interior which seek a market abroad are directly dependent on the safety and freedom of our commerce. The occupation of the Balize below New Orleans by a hostile force would embarrass, if not stagnate, the whole export trade of the Mississippi and affect the value of the agricultural products of the entire valley of that mighty river and its tributaries.

It has never been our policy to maintain large standing armies in time of peace. They are contrary to the genius of our free institutions, would impose heavy burdens on the people and be dangerous to public liberty. Our reliance for protection and defense on the land must be mainly on our citizen soldiers, who will be ever ready, as they ever have been ready in times past, to rush with alacrity, at the call of their country, to her defense. This description of force, however, can not defend our coast, harbors, and inland seas, nor protect our commerce on the ocean or the Lakes. These must be protected by our Navy.

Considering an increased naval force, and especially of steam vessels, corresponding with our growth and importance as a nation, and proportioned to the increased and increasing naval power of other nations, of vast importance as regards our safety, and the great and growing interests to be protected by it, I recommend the subject to the favorable consideration of Congress.

The report of the Postmaster­General herewith communicated contains a detailed statement of the operations of his Department during the pass year. It will be seen that the income from postages will fall short of the expenditures for the year between $1,000,000 and $2,000,000. This deficiency has been caused by the reduction of the rates of postage, which was made by the act of the 3d of March last. No principle has been more generally acquiesced in by the people than that this Department should sustain itself by limiting its expenditures to its income. Congress has never sought to make it a source of revenue for general purposes except for a short period during the last war with Great Britain, nor should it ever become a charge on the general Treasury. If Congress shall adhere to this principle, as I think they ought, it will be necessary either to curtail the present mail service so as to reduce the expenditures, or so to modify the act of the 3d of March last as to improve its revenues. The extension of the mail service and the additional facilities which will be demanded by the rapid extension and increase of population on our western frontier will not admit of such curtailment as will materially reduce the present expenditures. In the adjustment of the tariff of postages the interests of the people demand that the lowest rates be adopted which will produce the necessary revenue to meet the expenditures of the Department. I invite the attention of Congress to the suggestions of the Postmaster­General on this subject, under the belief that such a modification of the late law may be made as will yield sufficient revenue without further calls on the Treasury, and with very little change in the present rates of postage. Proper measures have been taken in pursuance of the act of the 3d of March last for the establishment of lines of mail steamers between this and foreign countries. The importance of this service commends itself strongly to favorable consideration.

With the growth of our country the public business which devolves on the heads of the several Executive Departments has greatly increased. In some respects the distribution of duties among them seems to be incongruous, and many of these might be transferred from one to another with advantage to the public interests. A more auspicious time for the consideration of this subject by Congress, with a view to system in the organization of the several Departments and a more appropriate division of the public business, will not probably occur.

The most important duties of the State Department relate to our foreign affairs. By the great enlargement of the family of nations, the increase of our commerce, and the corresponding extension of our consular system the business of this Department has been greatly increased. In its present organization many duties of a domestic nature and consisting of details are devolved on the Secretary of State, which do not appropriately belong to the foreign department of the Government and may properly be transferred to some other Department. One of these grows out of the present state of the law concerning the Patent Office, which a few years since was a subordinate clerkship, but has become a distinct bureau of great importance. With an excellent internal organization, it is still connected with the State Department. In the transaction of its business questions of much importance to inventors and to the community frequently arise, which by existing laws are referred for decision to a board of which the Secretary of State is a member. These questions are legal, and the connection which now exists between the State Department and the Patent Office may with great propriety and advantage be transferred to the Attorney­General.

In his last annual message to Congress Mr. Madison invited attention to a proper provision for the Attorney­General as "an important improvement in the executive establishment." This recommendation was repeated by some of his successors. The official duties of the Attorney­General have been much increased within a few years, and his office has become one of great importance. His duties may be still further increased with advantage to the public interests. As an executive officer his residence and constant attention at the seat of Government are required. Legal questions involving important principles and large amounts of public money are constantly referred to him by the President and Executive Departments for his examination and decision. The public business under his official management before the judiciary has been so augmented by the extension of our territory and the acts of Congress authorizing suits against the United States for large bodies of valuable public lands as greatly to increase his labors and responsibilities. I therefore recommend that the Attorney­General be placed on the same footing with the heads of the other Executive Departments, with such subordinate officers provided by law for his Department as may be required to discharge the additional duties which have been or may be devolved upon him.

Congress possess the power of exclusive legislation over the District of Columbia, and I commend the interests of its inhabitants to your favorable consideration. The people of this District have no legislative body of their own, and must confide their local as well as their general interests to representatives in whose election they have no voice and over whose official conduct they have no control. Each member of the National Legislature should consider himself as their immediate representative, and should be the more ready to give attention to their interests and wants because he is not responsible to them. I recommend that a liberal and generous spirit may characterize your measures in relation to them. I shall be ever disposed to show a proper regard for their wishes and, within constitutional limits, shall at all times cheerfully cooperate with you for the advancement of their welfare.

I trust it may not be deemed inappropriate to the occasion for me to dwell for a moment on the memory of the most eminent citizen of our country who during the summer that is gone by has descended to the tomb. The enjoyment of contemplating, at the advanced age of near fourscore years, the happy condition of his country cheered the last hours of Andrew Jackson, who departed this life in the tranquil hope of a blessed immortality. His death was happy, as his life had been eminently useful. He had an unfaltering confidence in the virtue and capacity of the people and in the permanence of that free Government which he had largely contributed to establish and defend. His great deeds had secured to him the affections of his fellow­citizens, and it was his happiness to witness the growth and glory of his country, which he loved so well. He departed amidst the benedictions of millions of free­men. The nation paid its tribute to his memory at his tomb. Coming generations will learn from his example the love of country and the rights of man. In his language on a similar occasion to the present, "I now commend you, fellow­citizens, to the guidance of Almighty God, with a full reliance on His merciful providence for the maintenance of our free institutions, and with an earnest supplication that whatever errors it may be my lot to commit in discharging the arduous duties which have devolved on me will find a remedy in the harmony and wisdom of your counsels."

JAMES K. POLK

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RW Tuesday December 5, 1845 RW45v22n8p2 Commentary, The President’s Message

With the multifarious details and the minute reasoning of this document, it is neither our province or our inclination to have anything to do. Our task, as we think is limited to a survey of its general scope and policy, not either because the principles avowed and opinions expressed, are those of James K. Polk, intrinsically a very small man, but because circumstances have placed Mr. Polk at the head of affairs in this great nation, because he is the Official head of the dominant party in it, and because, from the existing rigor of party discipline, the will of a party President, is almost certain to be the will of the party which elected him! These things ought not to be so [there] ought to be more independence, more devotion to the public good and interests. But they are so, have always been so, and will continue to be so until the end of time, or until man’s nature is radically modified by his creator.

To return, then, to the subject – a strict perusal of Mr. Polk’s message satisfies us of its demagogue character and design, and we now predict, what before we really did not believe, that he will be a candidate for re­election in1848.

With his views on the Oregon question we should be pleased, but for his proposition to give England the notice required by the treaty of 1827. That amounts, as things are, to very little short of a denunciation of war – that the practical enforcement of the idea would produce war, there can be no doubt at all.

We have been forced in thinking of these matters, to admire, to venerate, more and more, the wisdom of our old American Statesman[:] Was there ever a happier idea than that of “joint” occupation of Oregon! A more philosophic, a more humane, a more republican and enlightened conception! It says in effect, this country, claimed by both, but belonging in truth to neither, shall be kept open to both for colonization, for settlement trade and commerce! And the article in the treaty might have added, “it is of no real value to either.” Let all go there who choose, and take up their habitation, and in the fullness of time, let them establish a Government for themselves and choose their own institutions!

There could not have been, as we think, a happier condition of affairs, and we blame Mr. Polk, and the deliberate thought of the country cannot fail to blame him, for terminating it, for slamming the door of compromise in the face of England, and for hazarding a war, millions of money, and rivers of blood, for that which, when it is obtained, is not of the smallest value. Show us cause to justify it to God and conscience, and we will shrink as citizens, from no war with any Power, or with all Powers: But do let us have something tangible and intelligible to fight about, either in the shape of interest or honor.

Who can fail to see that Oregon is ours, is obliged to be ours, by waiting without shedding a drop of blood! In ten years our people will fill that country, an all the world cannot divest them of it.

We could have asked nothing better than the treaty of joint occupation.
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RW Tuesday December 5, 1845 RW45v22n8p1 War Preparations in England

The New York Courier & Enquirer publishes the following letter:

LONDON, 17th November 1845.

Never since the time of Napoleon have such immense – such extraordinary military and naval preparations been making in this country at the present time, and for many months past. Fully six months ago was my attention first attracted to this subject. The activity prevailing at [Deptford], Woolwhich, (particularly for guns and steamers at this vast establishment,) Shearness, Chatham, Portsmouth, Plymouth, and Pembroke, is really wonderful. Not only in the Government dock yard are ships and steamers being prepared with the utmost expedition, but also in private ship building yards are iron war steamers being constructed not only on the Thames, but also at Liverpool and Glasgow. Form my enquires I have every reason to believe these extraordinary war like preparations are made in reference to our country. The people and government are excessively jealous at the high tone and successful termination of the Texas annexation, and are exceedingly angry at the President’s reference to Oregon in his inaugural 4th of March address. Nothing ever roused and united all classes of people in this country so much as what was then said by our Magistrate, and if he indulges in the same strain at the opening of Congress on the 1st December next, I fear immediate war will be the result; and the war steamers now preparing with such energy and promptitude will make a dash upon Portland, Portsmouth, Boston, New York, Philadelphia, Baltimore, Charleston, &c, simultaneously, without giving us time to prepare and resist this sudden incursion. But I trust that both governments will act in such a way as to preserve the blessings of peace, for nothing can be so utterly absurd, insane and in all points of view so inexpedient as war between our two countries.
Yours &c.
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RW Tuesday December 9, 1845 v 22n9p1 Oregon

OREGON!

This is and must be the question of the day, as the one involving the “issues of Peace and War.”

That the President and the Government have taken it up in an electioneering, party spirit, we fear is much to be apprehended: that, if Congress treat it in the same spirit, it will lead to War, is not a moment doubtful, if we reflect that England is not a power to be bullied, or which we ought to try to bully! We may bully Mexico from her weakness, and did, but we cannot bully England, who is as ready to fight as we are, and as ready as her own Hotspur, ready to concede to reason and right, but never pretension and arrogance. There should be no war between two People, the same in blood and essentially the same socially and politically, for so slight a cause as a desolate territory thousands of miles removed from both, and which neither wants for and practical purpose.
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RW Tuesday December 9, 1845 v22n9p1 Oregon Question
The correspondent of the Baltimore Patriot of Wednesday says:

“The Oregon question is next introduced, and a very full detail given of the past negotiations, and the present state of the matter.

It will occur to every one, in reading over this portion of the message, that the Government of the United States has not been unmindful of its duty, to do all that it could to settle the question, and thereby to preserve the peace between itself and Great Britain. – Three several times – in 1818 and 1824, under Mr. Monroe’s administration, and in 1826, under that of Mr. Adams – an offer of compromise was made by the United States. It was proposed, on those occasions, to make the parallel of the 49th degree the boundary, and in 1818 and 1826, it was further proposed to concede to great Britain the free navigation of the Columbia river, south of that latitude. In 1843 the offer of 1818 and 1824 was renewed, and, like former propositions, was rejected.

The negotiation was then removed to Washington, and in August 1844, was formerly opened between Mr. Calhoun, the Secretary of State, and Mr. Pakenham, the British Minister. On the 26th of that month Mr. Pakenham renewed a proposition which had before been offered by Great Britain, “to divide the Oregon territory by the 49th parallel of N. latitude, from the Rocky mountains to the point of its intersection with the north easternmost branch of the Columbia river, and thence down that river to the sea; leaving the free navigation of the river to be enjoyed in common by both parties the country south of this line to belong to the United States, and that north of it to Great Britain. – At the same time, he proposed, in addition, to yield to the United States detached territory north of the Columbia, extending along the Pacific and the Straits of Fuca, from Bulfinch’s harbor inclusive to Hood’s canal, and to make free to the United States and port or ports north of latitude forty nine degrees, which they might desire, entire on the main land, or on Quadra and Vancouver’s island.” With the exception of the free ports, this was the same offer which had been made by the British, and rejected by the American government in the negotiation of 1826.

This proposition was rejected by Mr. Calhoun, on the very day it was made, and Mr. Pakenham then requested that the United States should make a proposal for an “equitable adjustment of the question.”

This was the state of the affair when Mr. Polk became President. He believed that Great Britain had no rightful claim to any portion of the territory, but in consideration of what was done b his predecessors, and that as the treasury of 1827 authorized a joint occupancy of the territory by citizens of both countries, Mr. Polk renewed the offer to divide the territory by the 49th parallel, without, however, conceding the free navigation of the Columbia river.

This offer was rejected by Mr. Pakenham, with the remark that he trusted “some further proposal for the settlement of the Oregon question, more consistent with the fairness and equity, and with the reasonable expectations of the British government, would be made.” The sharpness of this remark necessarily cut off the negotiation, inasmuch as Mr. Pakenham made no proposition for his government, and here the matter has rested ever since.

Under these circumstances, Mr. Polk who believes that our title to the whole of Oregon “is the best now in existence,” and who seems to have no hope that any attempt at compromise will succeed, recommends that the year’s notice required by the treaty of 1827, to put an end to the “joint occupancy,” shall be given by the United States, and that in the mean time Congress shall take such steps, as it may consistently with the treaty of 1827, to protect our citizens there – and for the end, that “our laws and jurisdiction, civil and criminal, ought to be immediately extended over them.” Our right to do this he supports by referring to the example of Great Britain in this respect. He also recommends, for the safety of emigrants going to Oregon, that “a line of block houses” be erected along the usual route to that, territory from our frontier settlements on the Missouri.

The matter of terminating the “joint occupancy” of Oregon, by giving the year’s notice required by the treaty, is one entirely in the discretion of Congress, and as its consequences may be fatal to the peace which now so happily prevails throughout the civilized world, it will not hastily or inconsiderately be adopted. That it will be determined upon by Congress, we have scarcely a doubt; and it may not be long before we shall hear something decisive as to the course of England in such a case.”
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RW Tuesday December 9, 1845 RW45v22n9p1 ENVOY TO MEXICO
The National Intelligencer of yesterday says:

“The Pensacola Gazette of the 22d states that the United States ship St. Mary’s, a day or two previous, was dispatched from the port of Mexico with a “person of some distinction” as a passenger.

The Message of the President solves the mystery in part, by stating that a “distinguished citizen of Louisiana” has already sailed for Mexico in the capacity of Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary; and the Union of Wednesday finishes the revelation by informing us that “the distinguished citizen of Louisiana” is the Hon. John Slidell, a Member of the last Congress, and Representative elect to the present.

So far from the objecting to this mission, our readers already know we heartily approve it, and we see no reason to doubt that the gentlemen selected will discharge worthily the trust reposed on him. We cannot help thinking however, that after waiting until within two weeks of the meeting of Congress, it would have been no more than respectful to the Senate had the President taken time to obtain the advice and consent of the body to the appointment.”
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RW45v22m12p1 Friday December 12, 1845 Polk and War

“Junius” – Polk – and WAR!

The article which we publish this morning thus signed, is worthy to be so signed. It is, in our judgment, the most powerfully reasoned, and pregnant article of the whole winter from any quarter.

No [one] can read it, who is capable of thought, and dares to think, without being deeply impressed with its views and reasoning. It is immensely powerful and comprehensive.

That the country is in danger of War from Polk’s message, not only with England but with other powers; unnecessary, wanton war, a war provoked by demagogues, whose motives have no expansion beyond their own paltry and contemptible private and party interests, is admitted on all hands, by every man capable of taking an enlightened survey of the state of things.

And if we should have a war forced upon us by the bravadoes and national insults, and unreasonable, or if not unreasonable, the ill­timed and unnecessary territorial demands in the President’s Message – Will it not be a little remarkable, that the bloody conclusion will have been brought about by the “Duck River Colonel,” who in the former war, crossed Duck River from Maury, having lands in each, and went back over the River, when the draft was to be made in Williamson, and the venerable editor of the Union, of those exploits in the Chesapeake War and War of 1819, we have no where read?

But we have no space for commentary. JUNIUS, we again say, ought to [rivet] the attention of the whole country.
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Friday December 12, 1845 RW45v22n12p1 HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
The House met and the Journal was read.

On motion of Mr. Douglass, the rules were suspended, and he introduced the joint resolution to admit the State of Texas into the Union.

The resolution was ordered to be printed, and made the order of the day for Tuesday next.

Mr. Rockwell of Mass. Moved that Mr. Douglas’s resolution be referred to the Committee of the whole House.

The Chair decide that the resolution of Mr. R. was proposed too late, and could not be entertained.

Mr. Hopkins’ resolution, to go into the election of Chaplains of both Houses, and that they be chosen from different denominations, was taken up.

Mr. Pettit, of Indiana, spoke at length against the resolution, and offered an amendment, which was rejected.

The resolution of Mr. Hopkins was then adopted.

Petitions now being in order –

Mr. J.Q. Adams presented a large number on various subjects, but chiefly against admitting Texas as a slave State into the Union.

Mr. Harmanson then rose and announced the death of Mr. Dawson, of Louisiana, and the House adjourned.
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Friday December 12, 1845 RW45v22n12p1 Letter

To the Editors of the Whig:
ORANGE Dec. 4, 1845.

Gentlemen: ­ I have been much pleased by a perusal of the Governor’s Message. It is written with vigor and elegance, and inculcates maxims of duty and patriotism worthy of all praise and adoption. Thinking thus, I may be allowed to express my surprise and regret that its beauty should have been marred such “claptraps for the galleries” as the fight on Texas, and the [eulogium] on Jackson. The Hero of New Orleans, as his friends prefer to style him, has passed away, and Posterity may be allowed to undoubtedly be, that he was a brave general, but a bad President. But we are willing to strike a balance between his Sword and his Pen, and leave him to the silence which proves our charity. The Governor, in his glowing style, which marks all of his productions, dwells with favor on the acquisition of Texas, and the rich “dowry” she will bring. Something of folly may be excuse to the honeymoons, but to speak of dowry is too much. We may not forget in our first warm embrace, that we are to be made accountable for the debts of our blushing bride, ­ And that if past folly and extravagance be any earnest of the future, she may but prove a fit companion for those of her unfortunate sister, whose honour, fully equal to fighting for Oregon, is lamentably insensitive in the [p]ocket nerve. But enough of Texas: The Sabine is passed – Heaven grant that the Patriotism called to spread so far may not become unduly diluted.

The Governor is much more at home and more eloquent on those subjects of vital importance to our State – Education and Internal Improvement. It would be ridiculous, if it were not deplorable, to hear the load [fl]auntings of Virginia’s greatness, which mediocrity, vain, ignorant and contented, daily puts forth; and that sickening pride of ancestry which boasts of Fathers who owe their brightness to a contrast of degenerate sons. We [l]aud the “resolutions of ’98 and ’99” and forget the unlettered host within our borders, who cannot read them; enounce Webster for the Ashburton Treaty, to those who never looked upon a map; prate of a Constitution to such as never saw it; and claim our “clear and unquestionable right” to the fifty­fourth degree of North latitude, before a company that never heard of the Equator! We revolt at the subtle refinement of the tyrant Caligula in placing his law tables so high no one could read them; but are not those law givers more deserving of our condemnation, who with cruel mockery, publish their statute and yet withhold a knowledge of the characters which compose them. What stability can you hope for in a popular government, where the mass is uneducated; the passions, not the judgment must decide; the demagogue will send in the high place and Agrarianism rule the hour. The Legislature may revise, enlarge, amend its penal code, but its best provision would be a good Common School System. Teach the rising generation to read their Bible, and you will prevent more crime than by erecting a [gibet] as high as Harman’s! I can but admire the self­sacrificing patriotism which urges Locofocism foard in the cause of Education. I had supposed them fully in the cause of Education. I had only hope rested on ignorance, as did the Papal Supremacy on the suppression of the Bible. But I am glad to see that it is otherwise; and I trust that this winter they will leave federal politics to take care of themselves – add no more folly to that already embarked in the Oregon question – consider the Bank as settled – and turning their thoughts to their proper sphere, see to elevate the moral and social condition of our people.

I know how warmly you are attached to the cause of Internal Improvements, and I share your feelings. I acknowledge the claims of the West, and condemn that narrow minded and selfish policy which would deny to our brethren safe channels of communication with the East. But you must excuse me for saying that this is a subject which demands, and should receive, the fullest and calmest deliberation. We have just seen the wise and generally prudent community of Great Britain, misled by a Rail Road mania, only surpassed, if surpassed at all, by the South Sea Bubble, and the Mississippi Scheme. Let us recollect that our capital and credit could ill stand such a shock. We have not idle millions at our disposal, not that teeming population which swarms on every highway in England. We have debt resting on is to whose payment we are fully equal, and which every year of increasing wealth will make lighter and lighter. But let us beware how we in crease our debt. The past should not be a sealed book, nor the fate of many of our sister States forgotten. Our schemes so far, have proved utterly abortive. Our great Central Improvement seems only to raise a melancholy smile at the provision in its charter which forbids a dividend of more than fifteen percent. What we have most to fear is the introduction of that system styled, in homely, but expressive phrase, log rolling. We are precisely in the condition of Maryland, before her famous Eight Million Bill, which was passed by the mutual aid of a number of sectional interests. By this unfortunate system, she was plunged into inextricable difficulties, and now groans under a debt of $30 every man, woman and child, within her limits. Let our Legislators learn wisdom from her fate, and whilst they act for the welfare of the State, have nerve to lay such taxes as will prevent any increase in our debt.
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Friday December 17, 1845 RW45v22n13p1 Increasing Probability of War

Monday’s Debate in the Senate – Increasing probability of War

We transfer to our columns from the Baltimore American yesterday, a sufficiently expanded account of the Debate in the Senate Monday, which will serve to impress the country with the conviction that WAR, if avoidable, is highly probable.

So senseless wanton and foolish a war, if it occur, or one more so never did occur. England and France were in the habit, for centuries, of going to war to gratify a minions pride, or to vindicate the beauty of a mistress’ eyebrow. But even that was more sensible than this threatened Oregon war, for a territory which neither has the shadow of a claim to, which neither wants, and which neither can retain, for its independence, in a short time, is certain.

Mr. Case’s diagnosis as to the War symptoms, and Mr. ARCHER’S full approval of Polk’s views, will strike the reader as being about of equal significancy.
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Friday December 17, 1845 RW45v22n13p1 War Message
To the Editors of the Whig
THE WAR MESSAGE

In our former communication we attempted, and we hope, successfully, to demonstrate that war with Great Britain is inevitable and our position with regard to France, to say the least, hazardous, unless the wisdom of Congress shall speedily rebuke the intemperate and unstatesmanlike course of our Executive. In the present state of the parties, there is good reason to apprehend, this body will not be governed by the experience of history, that “Never to act unjustly against equals, is a firmer [se]curity of power, than to be elevated by present plausibilities, and enlarge it through a series of dangers.”* It appears from the President’s account of the negotiations, that unsuccessful attempts to establish a “permanent boundary,” were made in 1818,1824, 1826, 1827, 1843, 1844, and 1845, and that “avowed purpose of the parties, based upon principles of compromise, was to establish a permanent boundary between them, westward of the Rocky Mountains to the Pacific Oceans.” And this principle of compromise is fully recognized by the President, for he say: “In consideration that propositions of compromise had been thrice made by two preceding administrations, to adjust the question on the question of 49 degrees, and in two of them, yielding to Great Britain the free navigation of the Columbia, and that the pending negotiation had been commenced on the basis of compromise, I deemed it to be my duty not to abruptly to break it off.” Here then is ample proof that Mr. Polk considered this question a fair subject for compromise and that on this principle, he had made the same offer as his predecessors, with the exception of the free navigation of the Columbia.

Now if Mr. Polk wished the settlement of this difficulty, why did he offer worse terms than those which he knew had been rejected? He must have thought that he was making a horse trade with some West­Tennessean jockey. He thought proper to deny the free navigation of the Columbia (the only oasis, by the bye, in the barren desert of his intellect) – an important part, however, of this national bargain; but why did he not offer some equivalent? Is he so wedded to straight lines that he could not depart from Lat. 49 deg. at the point where it strikes the Northeast branch of the Columbia, and dropping down to 47 deg. 30m. – run[,] on that line, to the Pacific Ocean? In our [p]ast, we said that the real cause of the dispute is three degrees of Latitude, from 46th† to the 49th [ ]. Now, the arrangement proposed would, in vulgar parlance, be “splitting the difference,” and about a fair equivalent for exclusion from the River. Great Britain would thus have the whole of Vancouver’s Island and the Strait of Fuca, and each nation would hold exclusive right to its own rivers, harbours and bays. Mr. Polk, however, will lift up his hands at the folly that would surrender an inch South of 49 deg., and with the cupidity of a miserly land­pirate who fixes his affections on his neighbors farm, he exclaims:
­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­ O si angulu[ ]ille
Proximus accedat [ ] [ ] nunc deneriat agellum.
But this is a childish, silly ambition. What consequence.

* Thucidides
† By a typographical error it was printed 99[ ]

(continued on next column)
is it to the people of these United States, whether their boundary forms a straight line from the Lake of the Woods, to the Pacific; or whether, in approaching its western terminus, it deflects NINETY MILES? It is very evident from the various propositions, of the English Government and especially, from the last, that the possession of the Columbia is what they really desire; but as all who look an the map, must see, that this division would be unjust to the United States, they offer the “detached territory” North of the river, along the Pacific and Strait of Fuca. Here England virtually acknowledges she is asking too much, in demanding to come to the mouth of the River, and offers what she considers and equivalent. It must be confessed this is a clumsy attempt to make a bargain, and a fair offset to Mr. Polk’s horse­trade. Away with such peddling! Lord Ashburton and Mr. Webster, or any other two liberal men, left to their own sense of right, would settle the question in an hour. Let the Senate of the United States – the great conservative branch of our government, advise the withdrawal of the implied threat of Mr. Polk, and advise, besides, the offer of some proposition equivalent to the suggested, and the peace of the world may yet be preserved. At all events, we shall show all the world that we are deficient neither in justice nor magnanimity. The assertion of Mr. Polk, that our claim to the whole territory is irrefragable, will not bear one moments examination. We have, ourselves, by permitting a joint occupation, for more than a quarter of a century, yielding a right, by prescription or [ ] caption, which no present claim can annul, or invalidate. The object of this communication is two­fold; first, to show that a compromise may still, and ought to be affected; and secondly, if the Government do not elect this mode, but prefer sustaining the belligerent attitude of the President, to offer some suggestions as to the probable action of Great Britain, and the means of counteraction. If the Government of our country, were yet actuated by the sole consideration of the public good, and that purity of purpose which influenced its earlier career, we might hope that views such as we have taken, would prevail; but alas! there is little to be expected of a party, whose slightest mandate in congressional caucus, dictated by the previously ascertained will of the President, must be obeyed implicitly as the command of a superior officer by a subaltern. Does a senator dare vote for a Secretary, or a Door Keeper, or Sergeant at Arms, against the nomination of a Caucus, he is punished on the same principle as that held by the Stoics, that it was as great a crime to steal a cabbage from a neighbors garden, as to commit sacrilege. It is most mortifying to acknowledge the fact, but this government is corrupt to the very marrow: Selfishness and self­aggrandisement are now the motive power that impale our public men. The calculation is not how the public good will best be subserved, but how the antagonistical interests of party aspirants can be harmonized, and their love of plunder gratified with the greatest prospect of the advantage to those who hold the purse strings.

But enough! Let us now consider what will be probable course of Great Britain, on receipt of the President’s Message.

After adopting measures for pacifying Ireland, the next ca[s]e will be to place Canada and all her possessions in North America, in a posture of defense. This she can soon do, by increasing her standing army from the brave but starving population of Ireland. That country, out of a population of eight millions, can afford three hundred thousand brave men. Of these there may be sent to Canada fifty thousand; Natives 30,000; English and Scottish Soldiers 30,000 – making with the present forces some 125,000 men. Her Ship Canal and Ridean Canal will give her command of the waters of the St. Lawrence and the Lakes, and enable her to cover those Lakes with war steamers in an inconceivably short space of time. Simultaneously, she will divide her vast naval power, so, that leaving a large squadron to guard the coast of Ireland, transferring from that country to England eighty thousand men to watch the discontented, and replacing them by as many English and Scotch troops to control the Irish; moreover, having left in the Mediterranean a sufficient force to insure respect and safety in that quarter, she will be enabled to send to the Pacific, Caribbean Sea, and Gulf of Mexico, fleets, every one of which will equal our whole Navy. Having made these dispositions, and landed in Oregon a sufficient force to maintain possessions, her squadron will have orders to await the result, and the first blow that is struck, steamers will carry the news to the Pacific Squadron and to Acapulco; thence it will conveyed across the Isthmus to Vera Cruz, and without waiting for any formal declaration of war, a dash will be made at our commerce, before we have time to look around us, or concentrate our means of defense; and our defenseless sea­board will be attacked from the Rio del Norte to Passamquoddy Bay. These views are founded not upon the opinion if any military man, for we have interchanged views with no human being on these topics, nor are they based upon any military experience, for we profess to know very little about such matters; but we think they are such as any man of ordinary intelligence must see are at least probable. In the first instance, England having assumed the defensive, with throw the onus of breaking the peace upon us, at least she will so act until Congress, by some hostile demonstration, shall have convinced her war is resolved. It is then probable, that she will wait no longer; but, like the Roman General, shaking her Toga, she will [send] it forth on the four winds of Heaven.

Awful, indeed, will be that hour, but if it is to come, why let us meet it as men and patriots. We have a great and noble country to fight for, and palsied be the hand and accursed the heart, and penniless the purse, that will not surrender the last dollar to preserve it from pollution. Yes, it is true that a country of twenty millions of freemen cannot finally be conquered! We have no craven fear for our noble Eagle: he may perch on Mount Washington, or Peak of Otter, or Mount Brown, and look down proud defiance on the invaders of this country. If then Congress be for war, let there be no miserable, ill­timed economy; let them not act as the child who supposes he can bay a horse for a dime. An immediate appropriation of fifty millions will be necessary, and Government should be directed to adopt immediate measures for the defense of our Lakes, Sea­coast, and Commerce. In sixty days, it may be too late, and the loss of hundreds of millions may be the consequence of our ill­sustained bravado. Americans, we call upon you, whatever may be your opinion of the patriotism and wisdom of those who have induced the present state of things; we call upon you, to sustain your Government, RIGHT OR WRONG. Now, you may censure, reprove, admonish; but sixty days from now, you may be very differently circumstanced. You may then have no alternative but to bear high and proudly the banner of your country. Who can doubt your resolution to defend it to the death.

JUNIUS.

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Friday December 17, 1845 RW45v22n13 page 2 Mexican Indemnity

THE MEXICAN INDEMNITY

A LETTER FROM Ex President SANTA ANA, dated at Havana, Nov. 19th, states his be[ ] that the installments due the United States were actually paid in ready cash if not, Minister Agent Voss, (he says) are responsible – the one having disobeyed his orders, and the others not having fulfilled the orders of his constituents.

THE LONE STAR, LONE NO LONGER.

The passage by the Senate of the U. States, of the Joint Resolution for the admission of Texas into the Union, without restriction, merges the “Lone Star,” and blots out the independence of that nation. We may now expect the election of Senators and Representatives, to take place soon after the official announcement of the fact to the State of Texas.

Ex­President Lamar has joined in the denunciation of Houston, who has hitherto been regarded as an aspirant for Senatorial honors; and the latter will have more than his usual good luck to surmount the difficulties which beset his path way to further political distinction. The probability is, that his star has twinkled its last.
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Friday December 17, 1845 RW45v22n13 page 1 Symptoms of War

SYMPTOMS OF WAR
Washington, Dec. 16, 1845
To the Editors of the Whig:

Gentlemen: As there is some little new astir here which you and your readers may like to hear, I will send it in a few words before the mail closes. The House, today, passed the bill admitting Texas, without any more ado on our part, as part and parcel of the Federal Union – there being only fifty­six votes in the negative. The Senate will follow suit in a day or two, so that “kettle of fish” will soon be stewed. If this must be so, let us all say – so be it – our country, however bounded, still our country – to be defended and regarded as one and inseparable, form now through all time.

The Senate passed unanimously today, the resolution making inquires into the state and condition of the Army and Navy. This looks as if they expected “breakers ahead.” Gen. Cass made a war speech to­day for buncumb. He is opening early for the Presidential campaign. Every one I heard speak about it, regarded in the same light I have. I was surprised to­day, to hear from our most prudent Sachems and wise men, that they thought there was no escaping conflict with Great Britain. Inquires have been made, and there is found a majority in both Houses, in favor of adopting the President’s recommendation of notifying England of the abrogation of the joint occupancy of Oregon, in one year from the time of the passage of the act, and extension of the laws of the U. States over the Territory. If this be the case, I see that war must come. I understand that Mr. Packenham has declared that this must be the case, should Congress adopt the President’s views. Let us hope for the best but prepare for the worst. I hardly expected that the members from the Atlantic States[.] would have been so rash and precipitate. Perhaps when Mr. Calhoun arrives, other counsels may prevail; but there is now, perhaps too strong a current to resist. Many think he will unite with the majority, and attempt to head [Cass]. I fear this Congress, with the President and his advisers, will get us into a row of some kind, before we get rid of them. These are evil times, and our merchants, farmers and manufacturers, should keep an eye to the windward.

In conjunction with this painful view of our position, is the fact that a majority of FIVE members in the lower House, have pledged to repeal the Tarriff of 1842. A Democratic member in the lower House, tells me, that he knows this to be a DEAD CERTAINTY. It will pass also in the Senate, as there are only two Democratic Senators, Messrs. Stargeon and Cameron, who oppose it. This brings us all “right up­standing,” and shows that our “progressive democracy” will waylay the country some way for certain. Well, the people will do all things, and I submit. Let them prepare their nerves for coming events, as the times must change – a change perhaps, that will produce results that will affect his nation unto the fourth and fufth generations. McDuffie’s friends think he will not live the session out. He has been confined some time to his room.

J. M. C.

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Friday December 17, 1845 RW45v22n13p4 HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Several Executive communications were received and laid upon the table.

Mr. BOWLIN of Mo. moved to suspend the Rules for one hour in order to receive resolutions and notices from the members. The House refused.

ANNEXATION OF TEXAS

Mr. ROCKWELL of Ct. called up Resolutions introduced by him from the Legislature in Connecticut, with a view of moving their reference to the Committee of the Whole.

Mr. R took [ ] to com[ ] of the [ ] manner in which the Resolutions introduced by him and emanating from his State had been treated by the House. Opposition had been made to printing the Resolutions, which was both an unusual and an unprovoked motion, as nothing approaching faction had come from this side of the House. Mr. R warned the House of the consequences which would flow from such a provocation as this, and he exhorted the majority for the peace and harmony of the body, as well as for the peace of the country; to resort to a milder kind of legislation.

But little was said by Mr. R. of the main question except that the Constitution of Texas contained provisions upon the Slave question which did not meet his approval, and further that he thought that the manner of admission was unusual and extraordinary. In the first place the Whole of Texas was to be admitted as Slave country, and in the second place, the Resolutions before the House proposed that Texas should come into the union with two representatives.

Mr. Rockwell desired that his Resolutions should be referred to the Committee of the whole and printed.

Mr. BOYD moved that they be laid upon the table and printed, which motion prevailed. The remainder of the day was given to the perception of[.]

HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.

The SPEAKER announced the resolutions for the annexation of Texas to be the first business in order. Mr. MCCONNELL before the reading of the resolutions, and before the House was fairly inorder, moved the previous question.

THE SPEAKER entertained the motion, but first ordered the resolution to be read.

The motion for the previous question was renewed by Mr. MCCONNELL.

Mr. DOUGLASS appealed to Mr. McConnell to withdraw the motion.

Mr. RATHBURN expressed his belief that the resolutions had been referred to the Committee of the Whole.

The SPEAKER decided that no such reference was made.

Mr. HERRICK, of New York, moved to lay the resolutions upon the table. The yeas and nays were ordered, and the vote was ayes 52, noes 142.

The previous was then seconded, by a vote of 95 to 81.

The question recurred, shall the main question be now put.

Mr SCHENCE, of Ohio, called for the yeas and nays. – He wished to see who would be willing to record their votes in favor of such a proposition.

The yeas and nays were ordered and while the names were being called, several members rose to know the effect of the motions which had been submitted.

The SPEAKER announced that unless the main question was now put the whole question would go over until tomorrow.

The vote was announced as 108 in favor of the main question 90 against it.

A division of the question was then called for, which the SPEAKER decided to be out of order.

The question returned now to the open engrossment of the resolutions. The yeas and nays were ordered, when Mr. HUNT, of N. Y., asked to be excused from voting; the question, he said, was of the greatest magnitude, and he was called upon to vote upon it without opportunity to offer amendment, or to express opinion upon it. – He denounced the proceedings as an infringement of the right of discussion. Mr. H. was here, called to order, and afteards excused from voting.

The question of engrossing the Resolutions was sustained by the House ayes 141, nays 57.

The SPEAKER, now put the Resolutions upon the their passage.

Mr. ROCKWELL, of Mass. obtained the floor, and spoke mildly of the act before the House, and of the unusual manner that had been taken to hurry such a question through the House. He opposed the admission of Texas, in consequence of the enlargement it gave to the Slave territory of the country; and obcected to csome of the provisions in the Constitution of Texas. Mr. R. concluded with a motion to recommit with instructions, to insert a proviso that there be no Slavery or involuntary servitude in Texas, except for the purposes of punishment.

The SPEAKER decided that the motion to recommit to be in order.

The majority of the dominant party were opposed. The decision of the Speaker was first sustained 92 to 77, and then reversed upon a motion 96 to 93.

After great confession and much discussion upon points of order, the House was brought to a vote upon the resolutions – Ayes 141, Nays 56.

A motion was made to reconsider this vote and lost, after which the House adjourned.
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Friday December 23, 1845 RW45v22n14p1 CALIFORNIA
[the first paragraph is unintelligible]

“CALIFORNIA – it seem to be understood that Mr. Slidell, our new Minister to Mexico is fully authorized to arrange our boundary with that Republic upon the [best] [ ]eral footing. His powers in this [ ] are believed to be so extensive that under them he may appropriate a [ ] [ ] the United States of the right of Mexico to Upper California. This would probably be effected by making our line follow the course of the Rio Grande del Norte from the Gulf of Mexico until it reaches the thirty second degree of north latitude, and then run westward on the parallel to the Pacific Ocean.” “Of course such [area] will not be brought about without a handsome compensation to Mexico for that relinquishment of territory. Our claim [ ]ether [ ] for indemnification to our citizens is now very large, and no way is so likely as this to [such] [ ] [and] [ ] satisfaction. Indeed, so far as the compensation we give her is balanced by this account, it may be said to amount to nothing, or if we give Mexico the fullest credit for good will to be prem[ ] her distracted and impoverished condition [ ] but a slight hope that she will very speedily pay it in money.
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Friday December 23, 1845 RW45v22n14p1 OREGON TERRITORY.

Mr. DOUGLASS of Ill. From the Committee on Territories reported a Bill for the
protection of American citizens in Oregon. Referred to the Committee of the Whole, and made the special order of the day for the second Tuesday in January, and every day afteard until disposed of.

N.E. BOUNDARY.

Mr. HAMLIN of Me. offered a resolution calling upon the President of the United States fro information in relation to the navigation of the river St. Johns and the Washington treaty. Also for copies of all correspondence upon the subject during the two years past.

THE OREGON.

Several Resolutions of inquiry upon the subject of the North Western territory, (similar to those offered in the Senate) were submitted, all looking to the establishment of civil and military power West of the Rocky Mountains.

Mr. WINTHROP of Mass. offered a series of Resolutions, declaring that there was no occasion to suspend the negotiations between the United States and Great Britain in reference to the disputed territory – that it would be a disgrace to both nations to submit to such a question to be decided by arms, and nothing has occurred by which such a question may not be referred to arbitration, – that arbitration does not necessarily involve the necessity of a reference to crowned heads, but that all the world is open from which to make a choice of Commissioners, who may wisely decide as to the powers of both Governments.

Mr. Winthrop’s resolutions excited some interest in the House, but there was danger of their being laid on the table, he gave notice of his intention to debate them, which carried them over to a future day.

Mr. DOUGLASS of Ill. followed with two resolutions, declaring first, “that our title to the whole of Oregon South of 54° 40 was clear and unquestionable.” Secondly, “That being a title, it was not a proper subject of arbitration.”

Mr. Douglass gave notice that he should debate the Resolutios he had offered, when the [ ] [ ] [ ] Massachusetts called up those which he had submitted [ ] a Resolution was also submitted in reference to the employment of the Home Squadron in the Pacific.
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Friday December 23, 1845 RW45v22n14p1 War Panic

Effects of the War Panic.

The consequences of the belligerent debate in the Senate of the United States, are strongly visible in the Northern cities. In New York, the heart of the commercial system, the excitement has been disastrous, and both stocks and market have suffered. We quote from two of the papers that are generally close observers.

The Herald says:

THE PANIC. – The panic in Wall Street is rather increasing than otheise, and is now operating upon the banks, and money in the business channels. Interest is rising, specie is leaving the banks, and there seems to be every preparation for a general bank panic, more in relation to the sub­treasury [ ] [ ]o any other matter. Old times are coming back.”

The Express remarks:

“The week has been one of a good deal of excitement. The proceedings of the Senate of the United States have been read with unusual interest. Public attention will be turned both to Washington and to Europe. Our foreign are deemed by some to be in so critical a position, that all good men, as well as those having great commercial, mercantile and manufacturing interests at stake, will continue to be deeply anxious for the future. The new has already had a considerable effect on the market, particularly stocks, which have fluctuated very materially. The holders of grain and flour are waiting for further tidings from Europe; and, for the present there is a pause in large transactions. The next news will be of a good deal of commercial importance. If the grain market should be higher in England, prices will advance here, but if lower, holders will accept of prices at which orders can be filled, ­­ there will be large shipments. The winter has now fairly set in; the River is closed, and merchants are taking their inventories and closing up for the year’s work.”
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Friday December 23, 1845 RW45v22n14p1 Congress

CONGRESS
Correspondence of the Baltimore Patriot – By Telegraph.
Thursday, Dec. 18—2 P.M.

PROCEEDINGS OF CONGRESS.

This morning, Mr. ALLEN introduced his resolutions of which he had given notice, to authorize the President to give notice to Great Britain, that the treaty for the joint occupancy of the territory of Oregon must be annulled and abrogated. Read for a first time.

Mr. FAIRFIELD presented a memorial from claimants for French spoliations previous to 1800, which after a debate, was referred to a select Committee.
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Friday December 23, 1845 RW45v22n14p2 Douglas Resolution, Oregon
Oregon – Outrageous Resolutions of Mr. Douglass.

The following highly important and antagonistical resolutions were offered in the H. of Representatives on Friday.

They will bring up all the questions involved in that dangerous controversy and probably resolve the issue of peace or war.

We confess ourselves much impressed with Mr. Winthrop’s, with humanity, moderation, wisdom and christian spirit and not less disgusted with the reckless rapaciousness of Mr. Douglass’.

To understand the full meaning and import of the latter, the reader must bear in mind, that neither the U. states nor England claim a [ ] of land North of 50 degrees 40 minutes North Latitude, where the Russian colonies commence. The claim is then for all, accompanied by a refusal to treat any form! In other words, if adopted by Congress, it is tantamount to a declaration of war!

The suggestion of a course so absurdly precipitate and wantonly rash, so little required by any existing emergency or justified by reason, was never addressed before, we feel confident, to any deliberative assembly on Earth! It must shock the calm good sense of the American people, even of the most tenacious for “all of Oregon or none.”

What honor is lost or hazarded by negotiating while it is yet honorable to negotiate, we cannot perceive ! And is it not honorable to negotiate until Engalnd has offered us either aggression or insult?

Where too are the gentlemen’s fleets and armies, to fence his doughty purposes? How is an army to be marched across the Continent? Where is the fleet to come from that can cope with England in the Pacific? What is to move our immense commerce in those seas from destruction, were these most absurd resolutions be adopted, which every man knows England would construe as a war and act at once? Where are the fortifications, the steamers, the troops, to prevent the bombardment of Boston, New York, and every seaport?

If the proposition had not come from a member of Congress of distinction, we should say that it must have come from a madman.
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Friday December 23, 1845 RW45v22n14p2 Winthrop Resolution, Oregon
Mr. WINTHROP submitted the following resolution:

1. Resolved, That the differences between the United States and Great Britain, on the subject of the Oregon Territory are still a subject for negotiation and compromise, and that satisfactory evidence has not yet been afforded that no compromise which the United States ought to accept can be affected.

2. Resolved, That it would be a dishonor to the age in which we live, and in the highest degree be discreditable to both the nations concerned, if they shall suffer themselves to be drawn into a war upon a question of no immediate or practical interest to either of them.

3. Resolved, That if no other mode for the amicable adjustment of this question remains, it is due to the principles of civilization and christianity that a resort to arbitration should be had; and that this Government cannot relieve itself from all responsibility which may follow the failure to settle this controversy while this resort is still untried.

4. Resolved, That arbitration does not necessarily involve a reference to crowned heads; and that, if a jealously of such a reference is entertained in any quarter, a commission of able and dispassionate citizens either from two countries concerned, or from the world at large, offers itself, as an obvious and unobjectionable alternative.

These resolutions were laid over under the rule for debate.

Mr. DOUGLASS moved the following resolutions in relation to Oregon:

1. Resolved, That the title to any part of the Oregon Territory south of 54 degrees 40 minutes of north latitude is not open to compromise so as to surrender any part of said territory.

2. Resolved, That the question of title to that territory should not be left to arbitration.

These resolutions were also laid over under the rule for debate.
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Friday December 23, 1845 v22n14p2 COST OF WAR
The N. Y. Express says:

“If a war should take place, The Government would, at the lowest calculation, have to borrow at least one hundred million dollars a year, for the first few years. The present revenue from imports and land sales, would very nearly cease, and the resort would be wholly to taxes.”

The calculation of the Express is probably too large – but reduce it in one half – where is the amount of money to be borrowed by a Confederacy whose credit in Europe two years since, was prostrated by the repudiation of some States, and is not yet restored?

The infatuation of the party in power, appears to our judgment most unaccountable, as well as complete. While they are frantically and precipitately hurrying the United States into a war with the greatest power in the world, with an army of 5,000 men, with a navy that would shut up at once in port, or only escape the fate by stealing out a ship at a time, with empty arsenals, and dilapidated forts, they are on one hand proposing to dry up the Revenue by repealing or greatly reducing the Tariff, and on the other to prostrate commercial confidence, and paralyze trade business, to diminish the circulating medium, and destroy the equilibrium of exchanges, by resorting the exploded sub­Treasury, influenced by party spirit!

More rash and destructive counsels never threatened to ovehelm a country. But we hope that “sober second thought” of the Democratic party itself, will interpose to avert the wide­spread ruin which their adoption would occasion.

Texas, Oregon and California!

On the 19th Dec., the N. York Locos held a grand pow wow at Tammany Hall.

The News of the 20th says:

“Oregon, Texas, and California – Meeting in Old Tammany in Support of the Presidents Message and Municipal Reforms:

Last night, pursuant to a call of the Democratic Republican Young Men’s General Committee, a meeting was held in Tammany Hall, for the expression of opinions on the message of the President of the United States, and also upon the subjects of Constitutional city Reform. Above the platform a neat banner was suspended, simple but expressive. It was tri­starred, thus:
TEXAS OREGON
* *
CALIFORINA
*
We shall our free race increase,
Wide shall extend the elastic chain;
And bind in everlasting peace
State after State, a mighty train.”

The nominations have been made, a series of resolutions of a very qualified nature have been reported, and adopted of course – approving to the crossing of a "t", the President’s Message – rejoining Texas – demanding all Oregon from latitude 54 degrees 40 minutes to California – endorsing the Sub­Treasury – denouncing the Tariff of 1842 as odious and oppressive – applauding the resolution of General Cass in the Senate U. S. &c.
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Friday December 23, 1845 RW45v22n14p2 Oregon

Corn Laws Oregon &c.

The accession of Lord John Russell, long the leader of the Whigs and a man more eminent than he has had general credit for, and moreover the virtual head of the great house of Bedford and of Lord Morpeth, heretofore supporters of the Corn Laws, is universally esteemed as of great importance. We have ever believed that the subversion of the Corn Laws would in a short time lead to the subversion of the Aristocracy, and to a repudiation of the British National Debt, a monopoly of corn sales being necessary to enable the farming interest to sustain their dreadful burthens. We believe the repeal is at hand.

The Paris Press indulges in copious speculations on the Oregon question, and the remarks of some of the Journals are curious enough. Most of them express the opinion that the Americans have much the best claim to the territory, though one of them thinks Britain will fight hard for their claim – in which case the battle “will be one Englishman and an Englishman and a half.” Another paper says neither England nor the United States has so much right to Oregon as the French, inasmuch as the latter first discovered the country!
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Friday December 23, 1845 RW45v22n14p2 Cuba

ISLAND OF CUBA

Mr. LEVY submitted the following proposal, which lies over for debate, under the rules.

Resolved, The in the opinion of the Senate it is advisable for the President to open negotiations with the Government of Spain for the cession to the United States of the Island of Cuba, the inhabitants of said island consenting thereto.

On motion of Mr. BENTON, it was

Resolved, That the Committee of the Military Affairs be instructed to inquire into the expediency of organizing a company of sappers, miners, and pontooners.

ADMISSION OF TEXAS

Mr. ASHLEY, from the Committee on the Judiciary, reported the joint resolutions from the other floors providing for the admission of Texas as a State imto this Union on a footing with the original States; also, a substitute for the bill heretofore offered on the same subject.

The joint resolutions having been read –

Messers. WEBSTER, BARRIEN, NILES, HUNTINGTON, and BAGBY successively submitted their reasons for the vote which they were reportedly about to give on the resolutions.

The resolutions were then, by consent read a third time and PASSED.

The Senate, on motion of Mr. ALLEN, went into Executive session for a short time, and then adjourned.
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Friday December 23, 1845 RW45v22n14p2 Oregon question

The Oregon Question Impartially Viewed – War and its Consequences

To Thomas H. Pleasants, Esq.

Dear Sir: ­­ This is a question that has been but a short time, prominently before the American People; has been little discussed, in public, and still less understood; for until now, few public documents have been presented to the public eye, from which a correct judgment could be formed, and those, so voluminous, that few comparatively even of our public men, have taken the pains to wade through them. Under these circumstances, I have thought that it could render no more acceptable service to me fellow­citizens, who are so vitally interested in this issue, and who now stand on the brink of a bloody and desolating was, than to present to their minds, as briefly as possible, a clear and distinct understanding of the true nature of the claims set up by Great Britain and the United States, to this comparatively worthless, disputed Territory; and of the actual position we occupy towards it at this moment. And for this purpose, I propose to exhibit the question, as it presents itself, from a careful examination of the correspondence between the British and American negotiators, as accompanying the President’s Message to the two Houses of Congress, stripped of all the mystification that surrounds it, by the volume of words that have been employed to establish their respective claims.

The Oregon Territory, as it is known, consists of that part of the north western portion of North America lying between the summit of the Rocky Mountains and the Pacific Ocean – bounded on the South by the 42d degree, and on the North by the 54th deg. 40m of north latitude.

The claim on the part of the United States, up to the present time, has covered only the portion lying between 42 and 49° north latitude; and that portion beyond 49° has been conceded to Great Britain; at least in all former negotiations we have agreed to surrender it, but now, for the first time within 27 years, during which we have been treating and negotiating with Great Britain on this subject, a claim by Mr. Polk and his negotiator, Mr. Buchanan – to the whole territory – and the grounds upon which this claim rest, are twofold: ­­ 1st, a right acquired from the Spanish Government by the Florida treaty in1819; and secondly, a right derived from discovery, exploration and settlement.

First, then, let us examine the Spanish title – I quote from Mr. Buchanan’s own letter and acknowledgement – to show how it stands:

“That Juan de Fuca, a Greek in the service of Spain, in 1592, discovered and sailed through the strait, now bearing his name, from its Southern to its Northern extremity, and thence returned by the sane passage, no longer admits of a reasonable doubt. An account of his voyage was published in London, in1625, in a work called Pilgrims by Samuel Purchas. This account was received fro the lips of Fuca himself, at Genoa in April, 1596, by Micheal Lock, a highly respectable English merchant.

During a long period, his voyage was deemed fabulous, because subsequent navigators have endeavored in vain to find these straits. Finally, after they have been found, it was discovered that descriptions of de Fuca corresponded so accurately with their geography, and the facts presented by nature upon the ground, that it was no longer possible to consider his narrative fabulous.” * * * * * *
* * * * * * * * * * “Jusitce has, at length, been done to his memory, and these straits which he discovered, will, in all future time, bear his name: Thus, the merit of the discovery of the Straits of Fuca belongs to Spain; and nearly two centuries before they had been entered by Captain Berkely, under the Austrian Flag.

“It is unnecessary to detail the discoveries of the Spaniards, as they regularly advanced to the North from their settlements, on the Western coasts of North America until we reach the voyage of Captain Juan Perez, in1774. That Navigator was commissioned by the Viceroy of Mexico, to proceed in the corvette Santiago to the 60° of North latitude, and from that point to examine the coast down to Mexico. He sailed from San Blas on the 25th of January, 1774. In the performance of his commission, he landed on the Northwest coast of Queen Charlotte’s Island near the 54th° of North latitude; and then along the coast of the continent until he reached Monterey,” (which is about the 42° N. latitude.) “He went on shore and held intercourse with the natives at several places, and especially at the entrance of a bay in latitude 49½ degrees, which he called Port San Lorenzo. The same now known by the name Nootka Sound –

“In addition to the journals of his voyage which render the facts incontestable, we have the high authority of Baron Humboldt in its favor. That distinguished traveler, who had access to the manuscript documents in the city of Mexico, states that Perez and his pilot, Esteran Mastenez, left the port of San Blas on the 24th of January , in 1774. The 9th of August they anchored (the first of all European Navigators) in Nootka road, which they called the Port of Lorenzo, and which the illustrious Cook, four years afteards, called King George’s Sound.”

“In the next year 1775, the Viceroy of Mexico, again fitted out the Santiago, under the commission of Bruno Hecata, with Perez her former commander, as ensign, and also, a schooner called Sonoro, commanded by Juan Francisco de Bodega y Quandra. These vessels were commissioned to examine the Northwest coast of America, as far as the 65th degree of latitude, and sailed in company from San Blas, on the 15th of March, 1775. It is unnecessary to enumerate the different places on the coast, examined by these navigators, either in her company or separately. Suffice it to say, they landed at many places, on the coast, from 41st to the 57th degree of North latitude, on all of which occasions, they took possession of the country, in the name of their sovereign, according to a prescribed regulation; celebrating mass, reading declarations, asserting the right of Spain to the territory, and erecting crosses with inscription, to commemorate the event. Some of these crosses were afteard found standing by British navigators.”

Again, Mr. Buchanan says: “Compared with this ancient claim of Spain acquiesced in by all European nations for centuries, the claim of Great Britain, that this convention,” (the Nootka Sound Convention of 1790 between Spain and Great Britain) “which was dictated to her by Spain contains no provision impairing the ultimate sovereignty which that power had asserted for nearly three centuries, over the whole Western side of North America, as far North as the 61st degree of latitude, and which had never been seriously questioned by any European nation. This right had been maintained by Spain with the most vigilant jealousy ever since the discovery of the American continent, and had been acquiesced in by all European Governments. It had been admitted that even beyond the latitude of 54 degrees 40 minutes North, by Russia, then too only power having claims which could come even in collision with Spain, and that too, under a sovereign peculiarly tenacious of the territorial rights of her empire. This will appear, from the latter of Count Fernan de Montmorin, the Secretary of the Foreign Department of France, dated Paris, June 16th, 1790. From the letter it seems, that complaints had been made by Spain, to the Court of Russia, against Russian subjects, for violating the Spanish territory, on the 61st degree of North latitude; in consequence of which, that Court without delay, assured the King of Spain “that it was extremely sorry that the repeated orders issued to prevent subjects of Russia from violating in the smallest degree, the territory belonging to another power, should have been disobeyed.”

This is the Spanish title, as established by the American negotiator in his correspondence with the British Minister, under which we claim by the Florida treaty of 1819 – and if it be represented by him, that the Spanish claim was not only full and complete, but recognized by all European nations for centuries before discoveries or explorations had been made, either by that government or that of Great Britain, it would seem that little value could be attached to such discoveries or explorations on the part of either – and if the matter rested here, it might appear satisfactorily enough – that the title of Spain being established, and that power by the treaty of 1819, having ceded to the United States “all her rights, claims and pretensions to any territories west of the Ricky Mountains, and north of the 42d parallel of latitude,” would justify the language, that has been lately and for the first time employed that our title of the whole of Oregon was “clear and unquestionable” – but the matter does not rest here: one side of a story is always good, until the other is told. What says Great Britain as an offset to the Spanish title under which we claim to show that this cession on the part of Spain to the United States in 1819 did not entitle the United States to exclusive dominion over any part of the Oregon territory? I take Buchanan’s own statement again:

“In the year 1788, John Meares, a British subject, sailing under a Portuguese flag landed at Nootka Sound, and made a temporary establishment there for the purpose of building a vessel; the Spaniards in 1789 took possession of this establishment under the orders of the Viceroy of Mexico, who claimed for Spain the exclusive sovereignty of the whole territory on the west coast of America up to the Russian line. Meares appealed to the British government for redress of Spain, and the danger of war between the two nations became imminent. This was prevented by the conclusion of the Nootka Sound Convention. That convention provides, by its first and second articles, for the restoration of the lands and buildings of which the subjects of Great Britain had been dispossessed by the Spaniards, and a payment of indemnity for the injuries sustained. – This indemnity was paid by spain; but no sufficient evidence has been adduced that either Nootka Sound, or any other spot upon the coast was ever actually surrendered by that power to Great Britain.”

Observe, this statement and acknowledgement of the American negotiator, and I apprehend it is of little importance as respects the validity of title, whether John Meares’ original design in making a settlement was for a temporary or permanent purpose; and that it is equally unimportant whether there was, or was not an actual surrender of the spot to the British authorities – it is admitted by our government that the Convention between Spain and Great Britain, signed at the Escurial on the 28th of October 1790, recognised the right of Great Britain to the settlement, and Spain stood pledged to a restoration, and paid an indemnity for the injuries sustained by a British subject.

But Mr. Packenham adds, that “in 1792, Vancouver was sent from England to witness the fulfillment of the above mentioned engagement, and to effect a survey of the North West Coast.”

The third article is as follows: “In order to strengthen the bonds of friendship, and to preserve in future, a perfect harmony and good understanding between the contracting parties, it is agreed that their respective subjects shall not be disturbed or molested, either in navigating or carrying on their fisheries in the Pacific Ocean, or in the South Seas, or in landing on the coasts of the country, or of making settlements there; the whole, subject nevertheless to the restrictions specified in the three following articles:”

“The material one of which is,” as Mr. Buchanan himself says:

Art. 5. “As well in the places which are to be restored to the British subjects, by virtue of the first article, as in other parts of the North Western Coasts of North America, or of the islands adjacent, situate to the north of the parts of the said coast, already occupied by Spain, wherever the subjects of either of the two powers shall have made settlements since the month of April 1789, or shall make any, the subjects of the other shall have free access, and shall carry on the trade without any disturbance or molestation.”

It will be perceived, that the first article has a two fold object, and recognises and stipulates for two distinct rights on the part of Great Britain – the first is an understood right to navigate and carry on their fisheries in the Pacific Ocean, or in the South Seas, and to land on the coasts of those seas, in places not already occupied, for the purpose of commerce with the natives. So far as it may be regarded as a commercial treaty; but it also secures to Great Britain, the right to make settlements, which implies a right of jurisdiction and sovereignty, co­equal with that of Spain herself. The 5th article, and only one relied upon, and referred to by Mr. Buchanan, only secures the right of free access to the subjects of each nation, to the settlements that may have been formed by the subjects of the other, since April 1789, or that may be formed subsequent to the Convention.

The importance of the discrimination, as to the distinct objects of the 3rd article of the Convention above quoted, will be seen by reference to another portion of Mr. Buchanan’s communication, which will be presently noticed.

It is manifest then, that if this Nootka Sound Convention was in full force and operation between Great Britain and Spain, at the time of the negotiation of the Florida Treaty, in 1819, by which Spain ceded to the United States “all her rights, claims, and pretensions to any territories west of the Rocky Mountains, and North of the 42d parallel of latitude,” that she would not have entitled the U. States to exclusive dominion over the whole of the Oregon Territory, for she could not transfer to the U. S. what she did not herself possess, or lay claim to, as she held it in joint occupancy with Great Britain.

But says Mr. Buchanan, this Nootka Sound Convention had no existence at the time of the Florida treaty, because there was a war between Great Britain and Spain in 1796, and “the general rule of national law [ ], that war terminates all subsisting treaties between the belligerent Powers.”

But again, on the other hand it appears, that subsequent to the war between Great Britain and Spain, and before the Florida treaty in 1819, to wit, on the 28th of August, 1814, additional articles to the treaty of Madrid were signed between these two Powers, the first of which follows:

“It is agreed that pending the negotiation of a new treaty of Commerce, Great Britain shall be admitted to trade with Spain, upon the same conditions as those which existed previously to 1796: all the treaties of Commerce which at the period subsisted between the two Nations, being hereby ratified and confirmed.”

And upon this subject, Mr. Buchanan says:

“The first observation to be made upon this article is, that it is confined in terms to the trade with Spain, and does not embrace her colonies or remote territories.” Now, I think that candid men of all parties will concede that there is more of a special pleading, suited to an argument before a county justice, than of sound logical reasoning, suited to the high and dignified position of an American Negotiator, in this observation of Mr. Buchanan’s; ­­ for if the first branch of the article quoted above does in terms confine the trade to Spain alone, the latter branch unquestionably covers the whole trade of territories as well as of Spain itself, as existing in and before 1796, which was interrupted by the war, and for all such treaties were thereby ratified and confirmed.

It will be found in the long run, that in diplomatic negotiations between Nations, as in private transactions between man and man, that “honesty is the best policy” – and I am sorry to believe that our government has not practiced on the adage, as there will be further occasion to show.

At the time of the war in1796 between Spain and Great Britain, the trade of the Oregon territory had been opened to G Britain, as had been by the Nootka Sound Convention, but had not been opened to other foreign nations. So in 1814, after the general peace of Europe was established, the trade of her other colonies and remote territories had not been opened up to foreign nations, and therefore in the treaty of Madrid it was further stipulated thet “in the event of the Spanish American possessions being opened to foreign nations, his Catholic Majesty promises that Great Britain shall be admitted to trade with those possessions as a most favored nation.” A very proper necessary provision, even if taken separate of the Oregon trade, and yet, Mr. Buchanan deduces it as an “irresistible inference,” that Great Britain admitted that she had acquired no right under it to trade with the colonies or remote territories of Spain, where she obtained this stipulation – which is apparent to any clear mind is a far fetched and untenable deduction.

I have undertaken to show that the Nootka Sound Convention, embraced two distinct objects – the first was to regulate commerce between the subjects of these two powers in the Oregon territory; and the second, to secure the right to the subjects of each to make settlements: the latter part of which being permanent and enduring in its character, (while the first part is only temporary, and liable to alteration or destruction) is entitled to, as it must carry with it, much the greatest weight and importance.

Mr. Buchanan says, “The general rule of national law is, that war terminates all subsisting treaties between belligerent powers. Great Britain has maintained this rule to its utmost extent. Lord Bathurst in negotiating with Mr. Adams in 1815 says, ‘that Great Britain knows of no exception to the rule that all treaties are put to an end by a subsequent war between the same parties.” Perhaps (continuing Mr. Buchanan) the only exception to this rule – if such it may be styled – is that of a treaty recognising certain sovereign rights, and belonging to a nation which had previously existed, independently of any treaty engagements. These rights which the treaty did not create, but merely acknowledged, cannot be destroyed by war between the parties.”

The first question to be determined, if the position of Mr Buchanan is correct, which I am not disposed at this time to dispute, is, whether the Nootka Sound Convention created rights on the part of Great Britain, or whether it acknowledged rights existing previously to the treaty; ­­ and this may be a question of much difficulty in determining: Certain it is, however, that Great Britain claimed it as a right to make settlements in Oregon prior to the Convention, founded on her real or supposed discoveries, regardless of the rights of Spain; precisely as we had done on the mouth of the Columbia river by Gray, and by the explorations of Lewis & Clark; otheise she would not have demanded and obtained indemnity from Spain for the injuries sustained by dispossessing Meares, one of her subjects; and equally certain it seems to be, that Spain recognised such rights; otheise whatever concessions she was disposed to make , she would not have acquiesced in the demand for indemnity, if no previous right was acknowledged to exist – and therefore it may be regarded not as creating, but as acknowledging rights previously existing – so that according to Mr. Buchanan’s own shewing, the war of 1796 did not and could not, destroy the sovereign rights of Great Britain. But I apprehend that whether these sovereign rights of Great Britain existed or not, prior to the Convention of 1790, they then being recognised and established, could not have been abrogated or annulled by the subsequent war of 96, except by consent or concession.

But hear Mr. Buchanan again: he finds it necessary to deny that the treaty of 1790 was a commercial treaty, for if it were, then it was revived by the treaty of Madrid in 1814, which declared the “all treaties of commerce which at that period, (1796) subsisted between the two nations, being hereby ratified and confirmed;” and he proceeds to say: “The “grant of making settlements,” “whether understood in its broadest, or most restrictive sense relates to territorial acquisition, and not to trade and commerce in any imaginable form. The Nootka Sound Convention then, cannot in any sense, be considered a treaty of commerce, and was not therefore revived by the treaty of Madrid of 1814.” But then, if this be so, the other alternative presents itself; if the Nootka Sound Convention was not a commercial treaty, but a Convention which contained a full recognition of territorial acquisition and territorial rights, how could the war of ’96, or the treaty of Florida in 1819 deprive Great Britain of her rights thus acquired and acknowledged in 1790.

And yet this is the claim for the first time set up under our Spanish title to the whole of Oregon as “clear and unquestionable,” which is to justify a refusal on the part of our government to compromise the question, or to arbitrate it; but which, at the bidding of Mr. Polk, is to plunge us suddenly and rudely into war, with the most powerful adversary we could find on earth, and a nation between whom and ourselves, from every consideration that can present itself, to a refleeting and patriotic mind, the bonds of fellowship and good feeling should be ever held as indissolubly cemented.

What respect was paid by our government to this “clear and unquestionable” title of Spain, under which we now claim the whole of Oregon, may be inferred from the fact, that prior to the Treaty of Florida, we claimed, and now claim, under the discovery of Captain Gray, of the mouth of the Columbia River in 1789, and by virtue of the explorations of Lewis and Clarke, in 1805­6, a clear and undoubted right to all that portion of Oregon drained by the Columbia River and its tributaries, (which is most elaborately argued by Mr. Calhoun, in the earlier part of the negotiation) in despite of this now asserted “clear and unquestionable” title of Spain, which had been acknowledged for many centuries, by all European nations; and it may be further inferred by the treaty of 1818, between this Government and Great Britain, by which the two Governments, not being able to agree on a line of division between themselves, without consulting Spain on the matter, appropriated the entire Territory of Oregon to their own uses, and agreed to hold it in joint occupancy, which has been continued from that day to the present, 27 years, according to the terms of the treaty.

After the grounds upon which the American negotiator has mainly rested our claim, to wit: that derived from Spain, it might seem necessary to examine the claim founded on discovery and explorations yet upon a question of such magnitude as this, which is to involve issues of peace or war, not of our own people only, but perhaps of the world, the subject cannot be to thoroughly canvassed and understood. And first, let us look to our own title, depending on discovery and exploration. According to Mr. Buchanan –

“Capt. Robert Gray, in June 1789, in the sloop Washington, (a private merchantman,) first explored the whole eastern coast of Queen Charlotte’s Island.

“In the autumn of the same year, Capt. John Kendrick, having, in the mean time, surrendered the command of the Columbia to Captain Gray, sailed the sloop Washington, entirely through the Straits of Fuca.

In 1791, Captain Gray returned to the North Pacific in the Columbia, andin the summer of that year examined many of the inlets and passages between the 55th and 56th degree of latitude.

On the 7th May, 1792, he discovered the entire Bullfinch’s harbor, where he remained at anchor for three days, trading with the Indians.

On the 11th of May, 1792, Captain Gray entered the mouth of the Columbia, and completed the discovery of that great river.

In the Years 1805­‘6, Messers. Lewis and Clarke, under the commission from the Government of the U.S. explored the waters of the Columbia nearly from its headspring to the Pacific.

In 1811, John Jacob Astor, a merchant from New York, in a spirit of private enterprize, established a settlement on the South side of the mouth of the Columbia, called “Astoria,” which was captured during the war, to wit, on the 1st of December, 1813, by the British Sloop of War, Racoon, but was again restored to the U. S. in1818, under that provision of the treaty of Ghent which declared that “all territory, places, and possessions whatever, taken by either party from the other, during the war, &c., shall be restored without delay, “which the American negotiator regarded as an unqualified admonition on the part of Great Britain of our territorial rights, while he admits no such recognition on the part of Spain to great Britain in the restoration of Nootka Sound, to Meares, and the payment of an indemnity for injuries sustained; and in this again, I think he exhibits a want of candor, and involves himself in an inconsistency that is only to be accounted for, in a gentleman of acknowledged ability, (for I have great personal respect for him,) by an oveeening desire to shape his arguments to conform in the views of the President, and to sustain him rather than our just and legitimate claim. And this is the extent of our claim as presented by our Government through its negotiator, by virtue of discovery, exploration and settlement.

Let us see what is presented by the British Plenipotentiary as an offset to it, by virtue of discoveries, explorations and settlements by Great Britain, and it will be observed that up to this time, I have relied entirely upon the statements and admissions of Mr. Buchanan himself, quoting his own language whenever it was possible to do so, and in no part of his entire correspondence, in the conclusion of which he abruptly terminates the negotiation, does he deny the facts stated by Mr. Packenham, which follow:

“In 1778, Captain Cook discovered Cape Flattery, the Southern entrance to the Straits of Fuca, also of Nootka Sound, as between Great Britain and the U. S. (for the discovery of Perez has nothing to do with the pending claims now under examination.)

“In 1787, Captain Berkley, a British subject, in a vessel under Austrian colors, discovered the Straits of Fuca.

In the same year, Captain Duncan, in the ship Princess Royall, entered the straits, and traded at the village of Classe[t].

In 1788, John Meares, a British subject, formed the establishment at Nootka, which as before stated, gave rise to the Nootka Convention, which terminated in the recognition by Spain of the right of Great Britain to MAKE SETTLEMENTS in the unoccupied parts of the northwest portion of the American Continent, {Oregon} and a stipulation to reinstate Meares in possession, and to pay an indemnity for injuries sustained.

“In 1792, Vancouver was sent by England to witness the fulfillment of the stipulation to restore possession of Nootka, and to survey the north west coast, which he performed by departing Nootka Sound, and entering the straits of Fuca, and after an accurate survey of the coasts and inlets on both sides, discovered a passage northwards into the Pacific by which he returned to Nootka, having thus circumnavigated the Island which now bears his name.

“While Vancouver was prosecuting discovery and exploration by sea, Sir Alexander McKenzie, a partner in the Northwest Company, crossed the Rocky Mountains, discobered the head waters of the river, since called Frazer’s river, and following for some time the course of that river effected a passage to the sea – being the first civilized man to traversed the continent of America from sea to sea in these latitudes. On the return of McKenzie to Canada, the Northwest Company established trading posts in the country to the Westward of the Rocky Mountains.

“In 1806 and ’11, respectively, the same Company established posts on the Tacoutche, Tepe and Columbia.

“In the year 1811, Thompson, the astronomer of the Northwest Company, discovered the western headwaters of the Columbia, and following its course till joined by the rivers previously discovered by Lewis and Clarke, he continued his journey to the Pacific.

“From that time till the year 1818, when the arrangement for joint occupancy of the territory was concluded, the Northwest Company continued to extend their operations throughout the Oregon Territory.”

These are the claims, as respectively set forth, (chiefly in their own language,) by the American negotiator and the British plenipotentiary.

In the progress of the negotiation, a proposition was submitted by the British minister, to divide the territory, by running the 49th parallel of North latitude due west to the point where that parallel strikes the Northeasternmost branch of the Columbia river, with the free navigation of the said river to both parties, to make free to the United States, any ports which the United States might desire, either on the main land or on Vancouver’s Island, north of latitude 49°, together with some separated territory on the Pacific.

This was declined on the part of the U. S. negotiator, and a proposition was submitted by him to divide the territory between the two countries, by the 49th parallel of North latitude, from the Rocky Mountains to the Pacific Ocean, making free to Great Britain any port or ports on Vancouver’s Island, south of the 49th degree, that the Government of Great Britain may desire.

This proposition was declined on the part of the British plenipotentiary, and another submitted by him in the following words –

“But considering on the one hand, the impatience which is manifested in the U. S. far a settlement of this question, and on the other, the length of time which it would probably be stiil required to effect a satisfactory settlement of this question, and on the other, the length of time which would probably be still required to effect a satisfactory adjustment of it, between the two Governments, it has occurred to her Majesty’s Government, that under such circumstances, no more fair or honorable mode of settling the question could be adopted than that of arbitration. This proposition I am accordingly authorised to offer to the Government of the U. S.” – which proposition was rejected; and to which the American Secretary of State replies as follows –

“The President instructs me to inform you , that while he unites with her Majesty’s Government in desire to see the question settled as early as may be practicable, he cannot accede to the offer,”

The same offer is again repeated by the negotiator on the part of the U. S., which had been already declined, and it was again declined, with a request that the Government of the U. S. would, as it had neither acceded to the line proposed by Great Britain, or to the proposition to submit the question to arbitration, offer something “more consistent with fairness and equity, and with the reasonable expectations of the British Government.” Whereupon Mr. Polk and Mr. Buchanan, make what may be called a “flare up” and withdraw the proposition already submitted, and substituted instead, a claim to the whole territory of Oregon, American, Spanish and British – up to the Russian Possessions, which are about the 54th degree 40 minutes of North latitude.

Now, I am neither disposed, nor prepared if I were disposed, to decide upon the relative claims of these two parties, as resting on discovery, exploration and settlement: it seems to me, to be a subject involved in much difficulty and confusion. But this, I am prepared to say, that of all the questions which I have ever turned my attention, as creating conflicting interests and rights, between two nations, this is the one most peculiarly fit and appropriate to be submitted to arbitration, if the parties cannot themselves agree; and that Great Britain has by her offer to arbitrate, done all it became her to do, and all that could be expected, in order to bring about a peaceable and honorable adjustment of the difficulty; and that if war be the consequence, the responsibility will rest solely and exclusively on the head of Mr. Polk, and those of our public men, to whom the subject is now turned over, who may sustain him in his idle and arrogant claim.

The question more briefly stated, is simply this, Great Britain says to the U. S., “from 1790 I have held the Oregon territory in joint occupancy with Spain and the U. S., with my right to make settlements on any portion of the unoccupied territory recognised by Spain as far back as 1790, then the only claimant.

Whether under the Spanish authority, or by discovery, exploration and settlement, my claim is at least equal to yours; you are impatient to divide, and I am not disposed to quarrel with you about it – my object is to cultivate friendly relations with you.

I will propose to decide by such a line; no, says Mr. Polk, I can’t agree to that. Then says Great Britain, do you make me a proposition! Mr. Polk says, I will decide by such a line; Great Britain says no, I can’t agree to that – but as there seem to be a wide difference between us, and I am not disposed to take more than I am entitled to, and am unwilling to interrupt the harmony of the two nations, I will agree to submit the matter to arbitration of some third party, to be mutually agreed on between us. No, says Mr. Polk, I won’t do that either. Then what will you do? make some other proposition more equitable than the first. Why, says Mr. Polk now, I will withdraw my first proposition and claim the whole entire territory of Oregon, even that which has been admitted by this government as belonging to Great Britain, ever since the treaty of joint occupancy in 1818; for if Great Britain had no just claim or title to any part, it is impossible to conceive that the terms of joint occupancy would ever have been agreed upon – or that Mr. Polk would himself have offered any part to Great Britain in the course of this negotiation.*

Disguise it as you may by flourishes of the pen, “to this complexion it must come at last.”

Now I venture to make the unqualified assertion, that there is not one intelligent, honest, disinterested, patriotic man in this whole country, who, upon a full understanding of this much vexed, but greatly misunderstood question, who would, under existing circumstances, be disposed to pronounce our title “clear and unquestionable,” and to favor the depseradoes, the political jugglers, the ambitious aspirants, and the greedy office holders, in their clamors for “the whole of Oregon or none,” and in making war for what can never be accomplished by war, and what is not worth a quarrel even, if we could, but which if the matter had been left alone, would have naturally fallen into our possession by the settlement of the country by our own citizens – for, to use the language of Lord Castle[reagh] – we were acquiring possession of the country, while our people were asleep, and knew nothing about it.”

If the President is sustained in these novel and lofty pretensions, how is war to be averted? Does any body expect Great Britain to surrender the whole of Oregon to us, without a blow, when she uniformly rejected all propositions that have been submitted by us to give her less than half? No sane man does, I am sure! There is but one way by which war can be avoided – and that is, that Congress shal repudiate Mr. Polk and his musical instrument, the organ, in their ridiculous new born doctrines of “the whole of Oregon or none.” Will they do it? I fear not. I think not. Party bondage will prove too strong, and the welfare of the country and the honor of the nation will be sacrificed to the dictation of power. It is rumored, I know, that instructions to Mr. McLane were dispatched by steamer, preceding his message to Congress, authorizing him to compromise the matter; and that therefore, it is, he expresses the hope that the difficulty may yet be amicably adjusted. He can have no such hope, unless he has sent such instructions, and if he has, he has dishonored himself and his government, by playing the bull dog on this side of the water, and the spaniel on the other for what might be the position of the country in such an event?

Mr. Polk says to Congress, we are entitled to the whole of Oregon, and we must give the years notice required by the treaty of1818, and at the expiration of that time we will take possession of it, and we cannot surrender it or any part, without dishonor and disgrace. Congress sustains him in his views – then comes the information, that Mr. McLane, by instructions from Mr. Polk, has compromised the matter by surrendering one­half.—We should subject ourselves to the contempt and ridicule of the world –and therefore I believe no such instructions can have been given, and of course I must conclude that war is inevitable; this is the fruit of the triumph of destructive locofocoism over conservative whiggery, and all brought about by two men. One a President for four years, and the other a public printer, holding the two most lucrative offices in the government, who may have vainly conceived that the [ the next two lines are unreadable] of honors and emoluments of office in their own heads. I believe a hoped for perpetuation of power to lie in the bottom of the whole proceeding.

*It is known that the proposition to arbitrate was made in the month of January last, during Mr. Tyler’s administration; yet it was the last submitted by Great Britain, and not having been withdrawn, has been always open to Mr. Polk.
[TCS]


Friday December 30, 1845 RW45v22n15p1 OREGON AND WAR.

We copy the judicious and truly enlightened article which follows from the Charleston Mercury, a paper apart from the peculiarities of South Carolina politics, always enlightened, moderate and high principled. We will try to find place tomorrow for the important analysis of the supposed English ministerial views, to which the Mercury alludes. We should fain hope that the Mercury was the exponent of the views of Senators Calhoun and McDuffie, and that their influence in the Senate would be exerted to preserve the pacific relations of the country, a matter of no difficulty if it be sought in the right spirit—of no difficulty, even having regard in the first place, to the most punctilious scruples of national honor: But the Mercury has of late, exhibited an elevation of thought and superiority to mere partizan viewsm as much as surpassing the South Carolina Senators, as those Senators outrank the Mercury in position.

The true difficulty in the way of a pacific and honorable adjustment of the Oregon question is the ambition of presidential aspirants, striving to carve political capital out of this and every other prominent question which comes before the country. It is the very curse of our institutions, and the cause which will finally lay them low, that ambitious men seize upon and appropriate to their own advancement, interest and measures which can only be wisely settled when approached in the most passionless and disinterested singleness of spirit. There is ever in this country a large party ready for war with England, with or without a justifiable pretense, from hereditary hatred alone: that party is now swelled by the population of our immense frontiers, Atlantic, Gulf, Pacific! Lake and Inland, who would look to war as the descent of a golden shower among them! The hundreds of millions that war with England will cost, will find its way into their pockets. War with them is mercantile speculation. Again, there are legions, idlers, loafers, who having nothing to lose, hope to gain something by turning the world upside down.

These constitute the elements, and the powerful elements, of the war party—powerful in numbers, powerful in energy. They form the nucleus of a strong Presidential party, which Mr. Cass observing, has stolen a march upon Buchanan Allen & Co., amd placed himself at their head, Who doubts that in moving his resolutions, and aking his speck, he was looking more at the Presidential year of 1848 than the defenses of the country?

As to the point of honor made by Mr. Cass, and alluded to by the Mercury, what can be more preposterous! We make three several offers to England which she rejects; )we rejecting hers in turn) we then make a fourth offer less favorable to her the three preceding, and because she rejects that of necessity (having rejected more advantageous positions, as not sufficiently just to her) it becomes a point of honor that we should have all of Oregon, or appeal to arms! Could there be a greater absurdity, a more stupid definition of honor! Can they who insist upon it, really think as they say, and possibly conceive, that the honor of America requires them to be fools, and to run tilts at windmills? These gentlemen clearly did not study honor at the school of Bayard and Sir Philip Sidney, whose humanity and disinterestedness shone even more conspicuously than their valor and punctilio.

A distinguished gentleman of the city has a plan to suggest to Mr. Polk, for settling the difficulty with England, after the method sometimes observed in Heroic times, that is, by single combat between him and Prince Albert! A plan which we presume the courage of the Duck River colonel will eagerly embrace! But in advance of that plan, we express the confident opinion, that Massers. Webster and Rives, if negotiations were reopened, could settle all difficulties with British commissioners in five days, to the observance of the honor and the entire satisfaction of both nations: This however, is exactly what Presidential aspirants do not wish.
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Friday December 30, 1845 RW45v22n15p1 Birtish and Oregon

The Charleston Mercury says:

“We have copied from the N.Y. Courier and Enquirer an extended analysis of several leading articles in the London Times, which are suspected on very plausible ground, to have emenated from the British Cabinet. They possess therefore a peculiar interest. These articles show at once the danger to which peaceful relations are exposed, and the ease at which they might be preserved. The British government desires to compromise and settle the dispute—but it has determined to meet aggression with resistance.

On our side all is extreme. We give our opponent every advantage—we hasten to load ourselves with every prejudice—we [set] at defiance the opinion of the world—we mock our pretensions to be a peace­loving nation. After having occupied Oregon in common with England near thirty years, the President declares that it all belongs to us and Mr. Douglass in the House offers resolutions affirming the same and repelling the suggestion of arbitration. After having offered England an adjustment less favorable than we had three times offered before, Mr. Cass in the Senate makes it a point of honor that we should never recede an inch from that. Other Senators use language full of menace and insult to England. If we cannot recede from our offer without disgrace, neither can England from hers; and thus a case is made to grow out of the peaceable common occupancy of an obscure corner of the earth by two great nations, in which neither can step towards adjustment, without being dishonored! This is monsterous!”
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Friday December 30, 1845 RW45v22n15p2 FRANCE AND THE U. STATES.

Our warlike President, impatient for combat, not contented with menacing England in his Message, also insulted France!

The Express says:

“It was a great error in Mr. Polk, when he was firing into the Court of St. James, to throw a shell into the Tuilleries. According to the French Courier of this city, whose Editor is fresh from France, and whose opportunities there fully qualify him to represent what is, or will be, public sentiment,—the Oregon correspondence between Messers. Calhoun and Buchanan on one side, and Mr. Packenham on the other, will change a now inimical Public opinion in France into a friendly sentiment towards us. A certain M. de [Mofra] says the Editor, who visited Oregon, has published a one sided book in Paris, in favor of the British pretension, which, form its coolness and calmness of tone, and apparent good faith, had powerfully seized the public mind. This presupposition, however, the official correspondence will undoubtedly remove, while it will strengthen the claims of our countrymen in the eyes of the world. But, add the Editor, the Cabinet of Tuilleries will be deeply wounded and pained by the intrigues of Mr. Polk has [enraged] them with the affair of Texas, and other matters having reference to the balance of power. The French Ministry, we may add, have been pretty well abused by the opposition in France for having taken part with England against the United States, in the annexation of Texas, and the reproaches of our President’s Message will so be much fuel to the opposition flame, while we of the United States will suffer from having the Government in the hands of a party embittered against us by a [ ] interposition of ours in foreign politics.

It was unfortunate, therefore, that when Mr. Polk found that the United States was about to be fully occupied with England, he did not omit his reproaches of France, which, we will say, were certainly most ill timed.”
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Friday December 30, 1845 RW45v22n15p2 France and Oregon

And the N.Y. Courier & Enquirer:

“FRANCE—THE UNITED STATES—OREGON .

Many of our citizens (says the United States Gazette) have felt anxious to hear how France would receive the complaints of interference which Mr. Polk, in his late Message, made against her for interfering in the of Texas annexation. We have yet to hear from Mr. Guizot and his fellow laborers, but the editor of the Courier de Etats Unis, who has recently been with those statesmen, is of opinion that they will find cause to recriminate. The New York Courier translates the following:

“The French Government will be deeply wounded by the accusation of treason and intrigue (the word is there at full length) openly cast upon it from the Presidential Chair. And, let us say it, the French Cabinet will not be wounded without reason. Whether the policy it adopted on the Texan question were good or bad, it owes no account of it other than to its country and to its own conscience, and it belongs not to any foreign Government to constitute itself judge thereof. The accusation preferred by Mr. Polk against the policy of Mr. Guizot will so much the more irritate the latter, as it will be in the hands of the Opposition in France a sharp weapon; the Left of the Chamber will scourge unmercifully with it the policy of the Ministry. But Mr. Guizot is not a patient victim, and when he turns upon his adversaries his return blow usually leaves ine or more of them on the ground. We are much less deceived, or Mr. Polk will have his share in these vigorous reprisals.”
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Friday December 30, 1845 RW45v22n15p2 Oregon Negotiation

Reprinted from the Nat. Int. of Saturday:
THE OREGON NEGOTIATION.

The following appears in the New York “Morning News” of Wednesday last, which with other New York papers of the same date, reached us since our last publication;

“A report was in general circulation yesterday afternoon that a letter had been received in the city from a member of the Cabinet at Washington, by the afternoon’s mail, to the effect that a settlement of the Oregon boundary question had been concluded in London between the British Government and Mr. McLane on the basis of the 49th degree—the proposition coming from the former. We have not seen the letter in question, but have reason to believe the truth of this report as in the highest degree probable. We know the British Government is anxious for the speedy and amicable settlement of the question. We know too, that it was at a recent day ready to offer the 49th degree, before allowing matters to go to extremities. Nothing can be more likely than that, out of anxiety on their part, coupled with the fact that our Government having recently offered to accept the line of 49 degrees, has grown to a definite treaty between Lord Aberdeen and Mr. McLane.”

Had this paragraph originated in almost any other paper, we should have passed it by as being a mere embodiment of the multitude of rumors from Washington which are constantly on the wing in the great commercial emporium. Nor do we now give faith to the rumor said to have gone to New York from this city of the actual “settlement of the Boundary Question” at London. But to the remarks of the “News” upon the rumor, we attach much consequence, from the fact that the Editor of the “News,” J.L. O’Sullivan, Esq., has just returned in the Acadia from a short visit to Europe, during which he has doubtless had access, at London, to the best sources of information. When he says that he has “reason to regard the truth of the report as in the highest degree probable,” and that he knows the disposition and willingness of the British Government to be such as he says, we feel bound to have the confidence which he expresses of a speedy and satisfactory adjustment of this question on the principle above stated. Such, our readers will recollect, has been our hope, and, we may say, our prediction.”
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Friday December 30, 1845 RW45v22n15p2 Oregon Bill in Congress

Correspondence of the Baltimore American.
Washington, Dec. 26, 1845.
OREGON DISCUSSION AND THE BILL BEFORE CONGRESS.

In the absence of proceedings of Congress the sober part of the public mind is deeply agitated by the foreign relations of the country, and the difficulties likely to grow out of the Oregon Question. The Executive, by his Message and through his official organ having been able to work his friends in Congress into something of a passion against the British Government, professes, it is said, an entire willingness to leave the subject to Congress. This would not have been a wiser conclusion if it were not accompanied by the fact that the President was known to hold and encourage the extremes of opinion upon this momentous question. There is, I fear, but little doubt that the majority in Congress will act in harmony with the President’s opinions, whatever they are, in reference to this vexed question. The House of Representatives are certain to do so, and the only hope in the Senate is grounded upon the hope that Mr. Calhoun and his immediate friends may have sufficient political independence to show more attachment to the interests of the country than the success of a party of which he and his friends are members. Upon all the questions that have been decided in Congress there has so much submission to caucus dictation that even this hope does not seem a very reasonable one. Mr. Benton and Mr. Bagby have assumed an independent position upon questions growing out of the choice of officers, but these are trifling matters compared with the grave questions which now agitate the country, and trifling compared with the disposition shown to sustain the Executive the determination to have an Executive organ of his own course.

All questions before Congress and the country sink into utter insignificance compared with that which at this moment threatens war with Great Britain. It seems certain from the letters received here by both the last steamers that Mr. Packenham received no rebuke from his Government inconsequence of the attitude assumed by him in declining to accept the proposition submitted by the Secretary of State making the 49th degree of latitude the dividing boundary line between British and American possessions. It is equally certain that we are going on in defense of our extremest claim, and that and that any proposition thus far introduced by any friend of the Administration has aimed at the entire dispossession of the British Government from the whole Northwest Territory. The most important of these bills is that submitted by the Committee on Territories in the House of Representatives and made the special order of the day for the first Tuesday in January. This bill makes the following important provisions:

1st. That the Boundary of Oregon be extended to the 54th degree 40 minutes of Northern latitude, the Eastern summit of the Rocky Mountains, and the West the Pacific Ocean including the islands adjacent to the coast.

2d. That the President be advised forthwith to give the one year’s notice provided for the Second article of the treaty of the 6th August, 1827, whereby joint possession is now held of the disputed territory; but that this act shall not be enforced in a manner to deprive any of the subjects of Great Britain of any of the rights and privileges secured by the Convention of 1827 until the one year’s notice shall have been given.

3d. That there shall be a complete territorial organization extended at [pace] over the whole of this disputed territory, and that the laws of Iowa shall be in full force as far as they may be applicable. Judicial Districts, Judges and Justices of the Peace, and all necessary ministerial officers, are also provided in the bill, with Superintendents of Indian affairs, Indian Agents and Sub Agents, and whatever civilian officers are necessary for the protection of the Government. A mail route is also established from the St. Joseph’s, Missouri, to the mouth of the Columbia.

4th. Blockhouses, stockades and military posts are authorized to be erected, and two regiments of mounted men to be raised, officered and equipped to serve in the country.

5th. Six hundred and forty acres of land are offered to every white male inhabitant of the territory of Oregon of the age of 18 and upwards, who may have gone there, or who may go within two years from the passage of the act, and who shall cultivate the same for five consecutive. Also to the wife and child of every emigrant and settler 160 acres—the land to be secured to the heirs­at­law in case of the decease of the parties.

Should this bill become law, and the Government attempt to enforce it, it will be regarded as equivalent to a declaration of war, and all hopes of negotiation end at once. The senate are moving more cautiously, and propose subjects of inquiry where the House propose immediate and positive action.

The whole question, regard it in whatever aspect it may be presented, is fraught with serious consequence to the country, and it will need all the forecaste, good sense, love of justice and of men, to keep the two Governments from engaging in collision, and even with all this it will be a miracle of the wisdom of wise men is not more than overbalance by the folly of fools.

The President having approved the Joint Resolution admitting Texas as a State into this Union, and dispatched the same by a special messenger, it is probable that two months will see Texas merging her identity as an independent nation into a single State of the Union, with representatives on the floor of Congress. California may follow, and Cuba is proposed, and Mexico with us is deemed a speedy probability. All this looks to one direction of the continent. Oregon is the absorbing question elsewhere, and some are ready at once to lay claim to every inch of country from Cape Breton to the Pacific. May Providence preserve us from the fate of those whose ambitions has proved the graves of nations and of men.

The President, to escape from the multitude of applicants pressing upon him for the vacancy upon the Bench of the Supreme Court, has at length nominated George W. Woodward for that high office. Mr. Woodward’s name was but little known among the candidates.
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Friday December 30, 1845 RW45v22n15p2 Clay in New Orleans

Mr. Clay has arrived en route to New Orleans, where he goes on professional business. He expects to be absent during the winter and thinks of paying Cuba a visit! By the way, Cuba is now the winter resort of great numbers of pulmonary and other invalids from the U. States, and multitudes of Americans have fixed their abode there for life as merchants, planters, physicians, &c. It’s “annexation” will by these means, find it in a state measurably prepared for free institutions.
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