Mexican-American War and the Media

RWv22i26p1c2 April 1, 1845 Proposed construction of canal at Tehuantepec
From the Baltimore American, comments on building a ship canal and where the best place to build one would be

RWv22i26p1c3 April 1, 1845 Isthmus of Tehuantepec
Information the isthmus of Tehuantepec-comments on the land and potential for development and trade

RWv22i26p1c6 April 1, 1845 To the Editors, NOT A CONSTITUENT

RWv22i26p2c5 April 1, 1845 To the Editors, Texas question
More comments on the Texas question-comments on Texas with regards to the constitution, signed UNION

RWv22i26p2c6 April 1, 1845 Admit Texas or Canada
Comments on admitting Texas-if done must allow people there representation

RW45v22n26p2c6 April 1, 1845: To the Whigs of the 8^th Congressional District, signed A BANK AND TARIFF WHIG
Article on a debate at the King William Court House-one of the issues mentioned is Texas

RWv22i26p2c7 April 1, 1845 Texas shall decline annexation
Quote from the New York Tribune about if Texas declines the offer of annexation

RWv22i27p1c1, April 4, 1845 No Collectors in greater portion of State
General Orders from the Enquirer; information Mr. Lyons being a friend of Texas even though a Whig

RWv22i27p2c1 April 4, 1845 HON. CALEB CUSHING’S LETTER ON TEXAS
Hon. Caleb Cushing's letter on Texas to the Journal of Commerce; his opinion that annexation of Mexico is not wise

RWv22i27p2c3, April 4, 1845: Later From England
From the Journal of Commerce
Information on the British Minister giving Santa Anna money for the province of California
Paris press on California, LOUISANA SUGAR

RW45v22n27p2c5 April 4, 1845: City Canvass

RW45v22n27p2c6 April 4, 1845: The Reason Why the Whigs Should Support Mr. Lyons, signed IGNORAMUS

RWv22i27p4c1, April 4, 1845: King William
Account of a discussion that took place at the Court House between Messrs, Newton and Hunter-comments made by all on Texas

RW45v22n29(sic 28)p1c4 April 8, 1845: Texas

RW45v22n29(sic 28)p1c6-7 April 8, 1845: Late From Texas
From the New Orleans Tropic

RW45v22n29(sic 28)p2c1 April 8, 1845: Letter to the Editors, signed ANTI-ANNEXATION

RW45v22n29(sic 28)p2c2 April 8, 1845: Letter to the Editors, Our Cause, signed ONE OF THE PEOPLE

RW45v22n29(sic 28)p2c4-5 April 8, 1845: The City Canvass

RW45v22n29(sic 28)p2c5 April 8, 1845: Appeal to Mr. Lyons, From A Friend

RW45v22n29(sic 28)p2c6 April 8, 1845: Correspondence of the National Intelligencer
Dateline New York, April 5, 1845, item: Mexican Minister Almonte embarked for Vera Cruz

RW45v22n29(sic 28)p4c1 April 8, 1845: Letter to the Editors, signed SOLOMON

RW45v22n29p1c2 April 11, 1845: Letter to the Editors, signed ANTI-ANNEXATIONIST

RW45v22n29p1c4 April 11, 1845: Letter to the Editors, signed HOMO

RW45v22n29p2c5 April 11, 1845: "The Snarl in Richmond"

RW45v22n29p2c6 April 11, 1845: Letter to the Editors, signed CONCESSION

RW45v22n29p2c6 April 11, 1845: To the Citizens of Richmond, signed MANY WHIG VOTERS

RW45v22n30p1c1 April 15, 1845: The City Canvass

RW45v22n30p1c1-2 April 15, 1845: Our Canvass

RW45v22n30p1c2 April 15, 1845: Escape of Santa Anna

RW45v22n30p1c5 April 15, 1845: The Canvass in Richmond

RW45v22n30p1c7 April 15, 1845: Naval Orders

RW45v22n30p3c2 April 15, 1845: To the Citizens of Richmond, signed MANY WHIG VOTERS

RW45v22n30p3c3 April 15, 1845: Messrs. Seddon and Botts in Chesterfield
Dateline Chesterfield, April 12, 1845, letter signed JAMDUDUM

RW45v22n30p3c4-5 April 15, 1845: Letter to the Editors, signed AN AUDITOR

RW45v22n30p3c5-6 April 15, 1845: Hon. William Jay's Letter to Mr. Bowditch
From the Philadelphia Morning Post

RW45v22n30p2c6 April 15, 1845: Editorial comments on Jay letter

RW45v22n31p1c4 April 18, 1845: Letter of Mr. Pendelton to Dr. Garland
From the Alexandria Gazette

RW45v22n31p2c4 April 18, 1845: Whig Candidates for this Congressional and Senatorial District

RW45v22n31p2c5 April 18, 1845: The Canvass

RW45v22n31p2c5 April 18, 1845: City Delegate

RW45v22n31p2c6 April 18, 1845: The City Canvass

RW45v22n31p4c2-3 April 18, 1845: From Texas

RW45v22n31p4c4 April 18, 1845: Letter to the Editors, signed SHOCKOE

RW45v22n31p4c5 April 18, 1845: Rumors form Washington
From the Baltimore Patriot

RW45v22n32p1c1 April 22, 1845: A Word in Reply to "Many Whigs" - Caucusses, etc.

RW45v22n32p1c2 April 22, 1845: Loudoun Country Congressional District - Morton and Mason - Thoughts for Richmond

RW45v22n32p1c3 April 22, 1845: Late From Europe
Items about Texas, the President's inaugural address

RW45v22n32p1c6 April 22, 1845: Letter to the Editors, signed A SPECTATOR

RW45v22n32p1c6 April 22, 1845: Mexico
From the New Orleans Bee

RW45v22n32p2c2 April 22, 1845: The City Canvass - Many Lyons Whigs

RW45v22n32p2c3 April 22, 1845: Letter to the Editors, signed EXODUS

RW45v22n32p2c3 April 22, 1845: From Texas

RW45v22n32p2c6 April 22, 1845: Letter to the Editors, The City Election, signed A VOTER

RW45v22n32p4c2-3 April 22, 1845: From Mexico
From the New Orleans Bee

RW45v22n32p4c3 April 22, 1845: General Orders

RW45v22n32p4c5 April 22, 1845: To James Lyons, Esq., signed JEFFERSON WARD

RW45v22n33p1c1 April 25, 1845: Thoughts Suggested by Mr. Garland's Letter, in continuation

RW45v22n33p1c5 April 25, 1845: Letter to the Editors, The Election, signed A VOTER

RW45v22n33p2c4 April 25, 1845: Election Returns

RW45v22n33p2c5 April 25, 1845: From Europe
Texas annexation

RW45v22n33p2c5 April 25, 1845: The Oregon Question
From London, House of Commons, April 4

RW45v22n34p1c2-3 April 29, 1845: Oregon Emigration
From the St. Louis New Era, April 18

RW45v22n34p2c1 April 29, 1845: Later from Mexico
From the New Orleans Bee, diplomatic correspondence between Shannon and Cuevas and comments

RW45v22n34p2c2 April 29, 1845: Naval

RW45v22n34p2c4 April 29, 1845: A Word in Season to Whig and Democrat

RW45v22n34p2c4 April 29, 1845: Texas in Richmond

RW45v22n34p2c5 April 29, 1845: Mr. H. A. Garland's Letter

RW45v22n34p4c1 April 29, 1845: Foreign News. The Oregon Question
Per the Caledonia, from the London Times

MAY 1845

RW45v22i35p1c1, May 2, 1845 THE UNITED STATES AND GREAT BRITAIN.
Sources say that the English are both excited and irritated by events concerning Texas and Oregon.

RW45v22i35p1c2, May 2, 1845 PROBABLE WAR WITH MEXICO.
Speculations by the United States Gazette.

RW45v22i35p1c5, May 2, 1845 THE ADMINISTRATION OF THE UNITED STATES AND ENGLAND – WAR OR PEACE?
War is not desired, but pride will rise to occasion.

RW45v22i35p1c6, May 2, 1845 TEXAS-MISSION TO ENGLAND.
Quote from New York News regarding Texas’ Minister’s mission to England.

RW45v22i35p1c6, May 2, 1845 ENGLAND AND THE UNITED STATES.
From the Globe. Polk announces his agenda in Oregon and Britain responds.

RW45v22i35p2c5, May 2, 1845 RE-ANNEXATION.
A satirical article from the London Punch which editors hope will force those who are pro-annexation to realize there is more to the issue that meets the eye.

RW45v22i35p4c2, May 2, 1845 UNTITLED.
From New Orleans Com Bulletin. Any attack on Texas is really an attack on the United States.

RW45v22i36p1c1, May 6, 1845 MR. GARLAND’S LETTER.
Illegible.

RW45v22i36p1c4, May 6, 1845: SPECIAL MINISTER TO ENGLAND.
A report from the New York Commercial stating the belief that ex-president Van Buren will probably be sent to England to settle the Oregon dispute. A rumor the editors believe is more likely than the appointment of John C. Calhoun.

RW45v22i36p1c4, May 6, 1845: “YOUNG AMERICA!”
From the UNITED STATES Journal. Young America is great and should have Texas and Oregon no matter what.

RW45v22i36p1c4, May 6, 1845: THE GREAT QUESTION OF THE DAY.
Editors agree with the Union which makes a distinction between the British sovereign and the UNITED STATES President.

RW45v22i36p1c6, May 6, 1845 MINISTER TO ENGLAND.
Washington Union reports Mr. Pickens of South Carolina is minister, not Van Buren.

RW45v22i36p1c7, May 6, 1845 F. H. ELMORE.
Charleston Courier Col. Elmore declines Polk’s appointment as Minister to England.

RW45v22i36p1c7, May 6, 1845 AMERICAN FLEET– THE GULF.
Ships and guns headed to Vera Cruz.

RW45v22i36p2c3, May 6, 1845 DEMOCRATIC DEMONSTRATIONS
War meeting in Philadelphia. Editors report meetings in Philadelphia were disrupted by factions but all agree for the need to assert rights against Britain.

RW45v22i36p2c4, May 6, 1845 “TWO PICTURES BY ONE ARTIST.”
Philadelphia Post. Two editorials of the proceedings.

RW45v22i36p4c4, May 6, 1845 THE UNITED STATES, TEXAS, AND MEXICO.
Cities info from recent journal of Commerce. Contradicts info from New Orleans Press. Texas is pursuing an honest, patriotic, and judicious course.

RW45v22i37p1c1, May 9, 1845 EXTENT OF REPUBLIC – CALIFORNIA.
From the New Orleans Tropic. Illegible.

RW45v22i37p1c2, May 9, 1845 NEWS FROM MEXICO
Congress talks in bellicose manner. However they must fight or never be taken seriously.

RW45v22i37p1c2, May 9, 1845 THE GREAT QUESTION
Washington Union points out that the Polk administration is backing down from the position it took on Oregon in inaugural.

RW45v22i37p1c2, May 9, 1845 UNTITLED.
Speculations that Mr. Holmes of Charleston will be minister to England if Pickens declines.

RW45v22i37p1c2, May 9, 1845 LATER FROM MEXICO.
The latest from the Mexican Congress as reported by the New Orleans Tropic.

RW45v22i37p1c5, May 9, 1845 FROM TEXAS
Galveston papers prove Texas is pro-annexation.

RW45v22i37p2c3, May 9, 1845 TEXAS ANNEXATION.
The New Orleans Bee reports from Galveston make annexation seem inevitable. Whig editors hope for quickness and that their fears will not be realized.

RW45v22i37p2c4, May 9, 1845 FOREIGN NEWS
Oregon concerns subsided.

RW45v22i37p2c4, May 9, 1845 SANTA FE AND CHIHUAHUA
Events in New Mexico.

RW45v22i37p2c5, May 9, 1845 ARRIVAL OF HIBERNIA 14 DAYS LATER FROM EUROPE
From New York Express latest news from England.

RW45v22i38p1c1, May 13, 1845 TEXAS, IOWA, AND FLORIDA IN THE UNITED STATES
There are those who are determined for the three territories to be part of the Union whether they want to be or not.

RW45v22i38p1c2, May 13, 1845 THE GREAT OREGON – IT’S NEW GOVERNOR
From The Washington Union. Reports of a supposed Governor appointed by Britain. Most likely a deputy. United States outraged if true.

RW45v22i38p1c4, May 13, 1845 ONE DAY LATER FOREIGN NEWS.
A bellicose speech by Sir Robert Peel that appears only in the New York Sun.

RW45v22i38p1c5, May 13, 1845 THE OREGON DIFFICULTY AND INCREASE OF OUR NAVY.
Thought from the North American on likely naval increase.

RW45v22i38p1c6, May 13, 1845 MILITARY MOVEMENTS.
From the Washington Union. Col. Kearny departs from Fort Leavenworth.

RW45v22i38p1c6, May 13, 1845 MINISTERS TO ENGLAND.
The latest from The New York Journal of Commerce, Mr. Pickens declines.

RW45v22i38p2c3, May 13, 1845 MR. CALHOUN’S VIEWS ON THE OREGON QUESTION.
Views have not changed since his speech in 1843.

RW45v22i38p2c5, May 13, 1845 THE OREGON QUESTION – VIEWS OF MR CALHOUN.
Excerpts from his 1843 speech to the senate.

RW45v22i39p1c1, May 16, 1845 BRITISH VIEWS OF AMERICAN AFFAIRS.
Not everyone in Britain is against the United States “Rationale of American Politics” from Liverpool Journal proves it.

RW45v22i39p1c2, May 16, 1845 MISSION TO ENGLAND.
Update on the current status of finding a minister.

RW45v22i39p1c2, May 16, 1845 THE MISSION TO ENGLAND - THREE REFUSALS
A more detailed history of the difficulty in finding a minister.

RW45v22i39p1c5, May 16, 1845 DON’T BE TOO GRASPING! CONFINE YOURSELVES TO PROPER LIMITS!
Warning against expansion including Oregon and California.

RW45v22i39p1c5, May 16, 1845 THE TEXAS QUESTION SETTLED.
A judge in Mobile refuses to exclude a citizen of Texas from jury duty in Alabama.

RW45v22i39p1c6, May 16, 1845 MISSION TO ENGLAND
The Charleston Mercury’s coverage.

RW45v22i39p2c3, May 16, 1845 MISSION TO ENGLAND
Report from Washington Union contradicting rumors of Calhoun’s likely appointment.

RW45v22i39p2c3, May 16, 1845 COST OF ANNEXATION
New Orleans papers debate best way to attack.

RW45v22i39p4c2, May 16, 1845 SOMETHING RICH.
Brief discussion of the Philadelphia meetings regarding Oregon.

RW45v22i40p1c1, May 20, 1845 BEWARE ALL YE NATIONS OF THE EARTH.
Editors pity Great Britain and copy an article from the Washington Union which they should use as an example.

RW45v22i40p1c1, May 20, 1845 SANTA ANA
Life is no longer in danger. Picayune has speculations of his fate.

RW45v22i40p1c2, May 20, 1845 PROTECTION
New Orleans Tropic asks why we need a large army to protect what was said to be essential to our protection.

RW45v22i40p1c2, May 20, 1845 ONE TERM!
Polk intends to keep promise.

RW45v22i40p1c3, May 20, 1845 WAR RUMORS –British Troops.

RW45v22i40p1c3, May 20, 1845 CANADIAN VIEWS OF WAR
Toronto Globe.

RW45v22i40p1c4, May 20, 1845 WE ARE A WONDERFUL PEOPLE
New York Courier. It is our destiny to annex.

RW45v22i40p1c4, May 20, 1845 TEXAS
Update on annexation feelings.

RW45v22i40p1c4, May 20, 1845 MISSION TO ENGLAND
Status update.

RW45v22i40p2c1, May 20, 1845 GENERAL SAM HOUSTON
Comments by Commodore E. W. Moore of Texas navy. From Texas papers from New Orleans Tropic.

RW45v22i40p2c2, May 20, 1845 A WORD IN THE EAR OF MR. POLK
From Punch. Do not go to war.

RW45v22i40p2c2, May 20, 1845 THE OREGON QUESTION
Relating Hamlet to The Oregon Situation.

RW45v22i40p2c4, May 20, 1845 GENERAL GAINES AND HIS FLOATING BATTERIES.
War with England should carry with it the Generals continuation of his hobby

RW45v22i40p2c5, May 20, 1845 SAM HOUSTON’S VISIT TO THE UNITED STATES.
Expresses popularity of annexation.

RW45v22i40p4c2, May 20, 1845 COMFORT FOR ABSQUATULATORS
Texas papers are comforting to absconding debtors.

RW45v22i40p4c3, May 20, 1845 WHAT CAN MEXICO DO?
Mexico has just cause to be upset.

RW45v22i41p1c1, May 23, 1845 TRUE SENTIMENTS OF WAR AND PEACE.
Honorable J. S. Calhoun of Georgia’s editorial “The War cry” from the Columbus Enquirer.

RW45v22i41p2c2, May 23, 1845 WAR ITEMS FROM CANADA
Rumors published in British Whig. 13 May

RW45v22i41p2c4, May 23, 1845 “THE YOUNG DEMOCRACY”
United States Journal and Richmond Enquirer. Illegible.

RW45v22i41p2c5, May 23, 1845 NEWS FROM ENGLAND
Avoiding war doesn’t look promising. Phila N. Amer.

RW45v22i41p2c6, May 23, 1845 FROM MEXICO
British Consul receives papers guaranteeing independence of Texas. Discussion of Santa Ana as well.

RW45v22i41p3c5, May 23, 1845 AN IMPROBABLE STORY.
Correspondence of the New York Sun. The Oregon-British Governor of Hudson Bay Co travels to Oregon. Cincinnati, May 12.

RW45v22i42p1c1, May 27, 1845 MR. CALHOUN AND THE MISSION TO England.
Charleston Mercury refutes claims of Calhoun’s appointment.

RW45v22i42p2c2, May 27, 1845 A PASSAGE IN THE POLK-OREGON WAR.
From Kentucky Keepsake for 1845. A work of fiction.

RW45v22i42p4c1, May 27, 1845 UNTITLED.
Report from Baltimore American of a citizen being told to finish business and leave Mexico immediately.

RW45v22i42p4c2, May 27, 1845 ENGLISH VIEWS UPON ANNEXATION
From London Times May 2. Illegible.

RW45v22i42p4c2, May 27, 1845 THOMAS CLARKSON AND TEXAS
Indians will probably oppose annexation.

RW45v22i42p4c3, May 27, 1845 AMERICAN PEACE SOCIETY
Reasons why we should not go to war.

RW45v22i43p1c5, May 30, 1845 MEXICO
“The reported declaration of war by this power, is entitled to no credit. The restoration of Santa Anna is a most singular and yet not unanticipated event.”

RW45v22i43p1c5, May 30, 1845 WAR!
England prepares.

RW45v22i43p2c3, May 30, 1845 MEXICO AND TEXAS
discussion Texas desire to join Union if recognized by Mexico as independent.

RW45v22i43p4c3, May 30, 1845 MEXICO – RUMORS OF WAR.
As reported by the New Orleans Courier.

RW45v2222i43p4c3, May 30, 1845 MEXICO
Rumors from the Bee.

June

RW45v22i44p1c6 June 3, 1845 From Texas
News from Texas

RW45v22i44p1c6 June 3, 1845 From Mexico
News from Mexico

RW45v22i44p2c3 June 3, 1845 Texas will accept
Bid to the union

RW45v22i44p2c3 June 3, 1845 A proclamation

RW45v22i44p2c4 June 3, 1845 The Texans
Texan behavior

RW45v22i44p2c5 June 3, 1845 Later From Texas
News from Texas

RW45v22i47p1c1 June 13, 1845 Violence of the Texas Presses

RW45v22i47p1c1 June 13, 1845 Mexico and Texas

RW45v22i48p1c2 June 17, 1845 Texas and the Treaty

RW45v22i48p1c2 June 17, 1845 Peace or War

RW45v22i48p3c3 June 17, 1845 From Texas

RW45v22i49p1c2 June 20, 1845 Late From Mexico
News from a Mexican steamer

RW45v22i51p1c3 June 27, 1845 Banishment of Santa Anna

RW45v22i51p1c3 June 27, 1845 Important from Texas

RW45v22i51p2c1 June 27, 1845 The annexation of Texas

RW45v22i51p4c2 June 27, 1845 Very late from Mexico

January

RWv22i1p1c2 Jan. 3, 1845 “Texas Debate,”
The debate on Mr. Ingersoll’s, resolutions of annexation, which was expected to commence Monday, has been postponed until to-morrow.

A strong attempt is being made by the Texas party at Washington to reconcile all Democratic dissentients upon the basis of some new plan, like that of Mr. Weller of Ohio, or Mr. Douglas of Illinois. There was a Caucus Saturday, and, as conjectured, chiefly for this purpose. A private letter shown us expresses the opinion that every plan will fail, as public opinion in the northern and middles States was becoming more and more hostile to Texas :- The writer might have added just as truly, and with entire truth, so far as we know, “in the South, too.”

Except the “Chivalry” and a few other, some from one motive some from another, the Southern States taking the masses of both parties, are opposed to annexation, or quite indifferent about it. N. Carolina has openly through her Legislature, Expressed her dissent, and Virginia, submitting the question to the Democratic party alone, to say nothing of the Whigs, we hold it to be extremely doubtful if a majority would not be found opposed to “immediate annexation” – that is to annexation without the previous consent of Mexico. Nothing is more certain than that in this affair of Texas our venerable neighbor runs quite ahead of Democratic opinion. There is very little sympathy with his hot haste, out of the circle of those who hold Texas Lands. The Sweat House itself is divided on the matter. If Mr. Gallatin’s letter were published by the Enquirer, the Texas ranks would be reduced to a mere skeleton. The Calhounites and the Land and Scrip holders would be pretty much all.

Here is a view that we think cannot but strike the public with much force: Mr. Polk, the Texas party say, was elected as a friend of immediate Annexation: We deny the fact – but grant it to be so: Why not then wait for Mr. Polk’s administration to annex it! Why defraud him of this glory? Why squeeze Texas through as the shank of an inglorious and universally detested Administration and at the short session of Congress, when there is no time to debate it fully and gather public opinion? Why this unaccountable, this thundering haste, so little in consonance with the gravity of the occasion and with the weight of the subject?

Ah! “thereby hang’s a tale!” The Texas Land and Scripholders are not only impatient to realize and grasp their profits, but they know well, yes, they well know that it is “now or never,” and that even with a Texas President in the person of Mr. Polk, the measure of Annexation cannot be carried if the public opinion of the United States is left to time and calm deliberation. “Immediate Annexation” is odious, and any annexation, is day by day receding in public favor. Could we steer clear of inflicting any wrong to Mexico, and put ourselves right in the *** *** of the world in the acquisition – even then we believe it would be repugnant to the large majority of the American People: But unless that be first done the Whig party are unanimously opposed to “immediate “Annexation” and a large portion besides of the soundest part of the Democratic Party.
[LLS]

RWv22i1 p1c4 Jan. 3, 1845“From Texas,”

By the arrival of the steam packet New York, Capt. Wright, we have received our files of Galveston and other papers to the 21^st inst. Nearly 400 emigrants from Bremen had arrived at Galveston within a few days.

The Gazette of the 1^st says: “The interruption in the navigation between this city and Houston, in consequence of low water in the bay, within the past week has retarded the steamers, and left us without late intelligence from the Seat of Government. The mail due a week ago only came to hand yesterday, and its successor had not arrived when our paper for this morning went to press. WE believe we have not before mentioned the election of Mr. Greer as President pro tem of the Senate. He, as well as the Speaker of the House, is a decided friend of the administration.”

The papers contain President Jones’ Inaugural Address. It is brief and to the purpose and neat in diction. His object, he states, will be the maintenance of public credit; the reduction of the expenses of the Government, the abolishment of paper issues by the Government; a proper [ . . . ] with incidental protection, the establishment of a system of Common Schools; the attainment of speedy peace with Mexico; the encouragement of immigration; friendly and just relations with the Indians on the frontier; the introduction of the [ . . . ]; the encouragement of Internal Improvement.

A Galveston paper says: “The question will soon be laid before the people of Texas [ . . . ] authentic shape, whether they will take an acknowledgement of their independence from Mexico, [ . . . ] of declining annexation by the United States, or await the chance of union with this country.”

The Houston Telegraph [ . . . ] steamer Dayton is hard and fast of Red Fish [ . . . ]. She is heavily laden, with upwards of 60 passengers, and among them, Capt. Elliot, the British Minister.

Business between Houston and Galveston is very brisk. Two steamboats are constantly employed as packets between the two cities.

Ebenezer Allen, Esq. has been appointed Attorney General of Texas. Stephen Hoyle is to be private Secretary to the President.

The Indians about Bastrop have been engaged of late in several acts of depredation, such as horse stealing, &c, &c.

Major Hays has disbanded his company of veterans and indefatigable spies. His reasons are want of means to defray their expenses. Since this even the Mexicans in the neighborhood of San Antonio have become more impudent and insulting that heretofore. The people in that neighborhood call loudly upon Congress for protection.

The Texas National Register (started on the same plan as our Niles Register) appears to be a valuable paper and ably conducted. [N. O. Bee
[LLS]

RWv22i1 p1c5 Jan. 3, 1845

Keywords: Mexican debt payments to the United States

“Il Secretario” in a letter to the Philadelphia North American of Dec. 27, says:

“Of Congress, I have nothing else to tell you, but that Mr. C. J. Ingersoll, took upon himself a sort of engagement to call up the Texas question, on Monday.

On this matter, Mr. Calhoun,- whom I had expected to manage it with some little of the ability of which he has the reputation-has certainly proved himself as great a bungler as was ever seen. He has done little but march from one blunder to anther; and if we escape a nation mischief for which the party in power were really ripe, was shall owe it, after all, to nothing but his incapacity, the folly by which he has disgusted the people with the very ware of wickedness which he meant to recommend and which they were abundantly disposed to receive.

Each new revelation of documents that is made or extorted brings into plain view some new iniquity, or furnishes the strong suspicion of some other suppression or fraud. Among other, the last Message and its appendix afford, I think, strong reasons for believing that the whole allegation of Mexico’s failure to pay the last two installments of our indemnities is made entirely without proof, and merely to irritate the country against her. A very intelligent claimant, whose heavy interest in the thing has urged him to arrive at the real state of the facts, assures me that all proof of Mexico’s non payment is wanting:-that neither the Cabinet nor young Mr. Green (who is brought in to furnish the statement which they publish) knows anything positive and official of the matter. Mr. Shannon cannot directly assert it: there is no statement from our agent and receiver for the purpose; master Green has no official relation to it and the Mexican Secretaries, on the contrary-men of high character-directly declare that the money has been paid over. The policy of that government has been to give us no decent pretence of quarrel with them; from this they deviated only when, in the Spring, they had reason to look on themselves as already in a state of war with us. Then, it would have been absurd to be paying us money. But they withheld it no longer after they learned the rejection of the Treaty of Annexation. If it should prove really true that they have now again stopped the indemnities, it can only be in consequence of the hostile position take by the President through Mr. Shannon. The absence of these proofs which would scarcely have failed to be exhibited, if the fact were true, compels me to disbelieve it; but should I even turn out as they say, who can blame Mexico? Whose fault will it be but that of this Administration?

Mr. William Polk - brother to the elect of Gen. Jackson and Mr. Calhoun-had just appeared here. His errand is supposed, of course, a political one. Levees are said to be already attending him, and the whole valletaille [as Paul Louis Courrier calls it] the entire lackeydom of office-seekers and fawners is reported to be besieging him at the back door as well as the front. With what he is entrusted may presently appear in this Texas business. What if the Hero and the President to be should have sent him to speak out to the doubting democracy? Mr. Calhoun has certainly involved himself in one of those difficulties which, in tragedy, make the interposition of some supernatural being indispensable. I see, from the givings-out in some of the court organs, that he to is, in his consternation, anxious to make a scape-goat of poor Shannon. Such a piece of cowardice and perfidy is only fit to redouble one’s scorn of him, already abundant.

IL SECRETARIO

[LLS]

RWv22i1 p2c4 Jan. 3, 1845

“TEXAS,”

The correspondent of the Courier & Enquirer at Washington, gives the following solution of the mad and reckless haste which annexation is pressed by the “Immediatists.” He may be right in part; but he may rely upon it that the ruling motive is, not to disembarrass Mr. Polk, but that the large party interested in Texas, know that delay is dangerous to their schemes if not absolutely fatal to them. Mr. Calhoun’s negotiations have inflicted a stab upon annexation which it will scarcely ever recover.

The impatience with which Mr. Hammett showed in common with the other zealous friends of annexation has been pushed to this outbreak by promptings from the Hermitage, instigated, without doubt, by the President elect and his friends, who wish to disembarrass the coming administration of this matter, for such is the purport of letters received here yesterday by the hands of Col. Polk, the brother of the President elect. He is the bearer of a letter from Gen. Jackson, pressing action at his session of the question of annexation, and urging, among other, the consideration, that if it is postponed to the next Congress, the composition of the Senate may be such as to give to Dallas the casting vote, a position of embarrassment from which he desires to see him freed; either because he may distrust him, or for the reason that, as the candidate of the party for the succession, his vote, howsoever given, may take from his political strength. The faithful here, are also referred to Col. Polk for further information as to the views and wishes of both the Ex-President and the President elect, the latter of whom, ever since his nomination, has, by a species of cunning purely “Democratic,” never been permitted to appear before the public but in a political Siamese connection with the old hero, which argues little for his individual worth and promises badly for the future; it shows him to be a man not self sustained, and liable to be made the dupe of the sinister influences of those who may be around him. Although he may have the best intention, he will in all probability be the slave of a back door influence as baneful as that which, in its control over General JACKSON, was so fruitful of evil to the country. It is rumored that Col. W. H. Polk is to be of the kitchen cabinet, but he is young and his appearance indicated inexperience of the world, and too great a constitutional proclivity to rashness to warrant his occupying the post of chef de cuisine.

You have doubtless seen the resolutions of instruction of the Legislature of Missouri as they have passed the Senate of that State. They bear the impress of having been shaped by the friends of Mr. Benton, so as to leave him free to act as he pleases in attaining annexation, which they resolve the people to that State are in favor of, and which they desire to see annexed as soon as “practicable,” and without endangering the “peace and harmony of the Union,” all which is perfectly compatible with the fullest discretion on the part of their representatives in Congress as to the time and method of accomplishing this object.
[LLS]

RWv22i1 p2c5 Jan 3, 1845

Keywords: Herrera chosen President

From the New York Sun, Extra:

FROM MEXICO.-By the Eugenia from Vera Cruz we have received our files of papers from Mexico to and including the 7^th of December. Since the lat news was received, Congress was suspended by a proclamation of several of the principal minister, and Santa Ana appointed dictator with full power to act and do without advice or counsel from others. This was on the 1^st of December, but on the 6^th Congress met in defiance of the Government, being escorted by the people and soldiery to a man to their chambers, where they received, accepted and published the manifesto of the revolting general (Don J. Herera) and appointed him president of the Republic without more ado.

Herera immediately issued a decree calling upon the inhabitants to sustain themselves and him in their movements against a man who had assured his will to be over and above all, which was received with acclamation.-The National palace was then taken possession of - the ex-ministers, save Canalizo, who was arrested, fled and all was quiet as if my magic.

No blood was shed but it was supposed that the execution of Santa Ana if he should be arrested, would be called. One of his statues in the streets was broken down by the inhabitants, and then removed by the new President in order to prevent riot and disturbance.
[LLS]

RWv22i2 p1c2 Jan. 7, 1845 Washington, IL SECRETARIO

WASHINGTON, Jan’y 2, 1845

A press of occupations has for some days denied me the opportunity of writing either to you or to my venerable and cherished friend near you. I am sure that the perfect identity of his style and mine, and our plentiful lack in common of wit must have often led you to suspect that I wrote many of the Enquirer’s “leaders.” Why, then should I deny the “soft impeachment?” But, then, Mr. Ritchie and I systematize and subdivide our joint loving labors. He does the quotations, supplying all those gems of original learning and taste that glisten adown the columns, like orient pearls at random strung. He has mines of that sort of erudition, the astonishing man – no less than six quotations from Dr. Dodd’s “Beauties of Shakespeare,” three from a book that Mr. Jefferson sent him call “the Bible,” and two from a rare author called Cowper. One of them runs thus: “Oh for a lodge in some vast wilderness,” and refers, I believe, to certain farms of Texas. The other is something about “I am monarch of all I survey,” and is supposed to allude to some floating Land Grants in the same Promised Land. He furnished all the French, too; which, you know, is of a quality that has long kept all Gaul in astonishment. He likewise does the History; for I assure you that the splendid discovery that Colbert was Minister of France to Louis the XVI is his, not mine. The “fine writing” is also his, undoubtedly – though, occasionally, the imaginative powers of the elder junior and the fervid genius of Tommy erect themselves into a sublime that almost rivals the paternal. They, in short, do the fancy (which you know is the richest) the erudition (which is perfectly ponderous) the Abstractions (which are of the very thinnest) and the fictions generally, which for boldness of invention soar a little higher into the empyrian than ever Pegasus winged before except that immortal Subverter of all fact, the great Ferdinand Vendez Pinto, the acknowledged prince of prevaricator. But if you ever see such humbler things in the Enquirer as a little sound argument, an atom of common sense, a touch of manliness, a ray of charity, a bit of sincerity, a momentary gleam of honesty, or a joke that is not fitter to make on cry than laugh – lay your hand upon your heart or crook your arm and swear that I did it! So, now, having made my confessions, let us pass to matters here.

They have not yet taken a very decisive form. The Democracy is a little be-fogged on the great questions, Texas and the Tariff. On which side it will emerge, no eye can yet discover. They have a great longing, in both cases, to keep their promises; for they are religiously observant of their engagements to do ill. Here, however, they pause, apprehensive that they many hurt – not others (for that were a small matter) but themselves. Meanwhile, by way of solacing their love of mischief, they threaten a little from time to time, to break up the Oregon negotiation, or amuse themselves with efforts to worry brave little Rhode Island and pull down her government about her ears. They have been at the latter pastime to day.

As to Texas, they have held, on Saturday, one caucus, and are probably at brawls in another, to-night. In the former, there are said to have been many violent Southern propositions and speeches, met by as many cool Northern moves to make them all abortive. Finally, a postponement and a committee of compromise was resorted to – it is said, with no sincerity on the part of the North. The Report and final decision were to be to-night. You will perceive that they already have before them, openly , near a score of plans: probably as many more are yet to be divulged; for, it being taken for granted that rapine is a thing easily make acceptable to “the greatest land-stealers upon earth,” and that national robbery is a thing at which any knave is expert enough, every blockhead seems to have his Joint Resolution of Annexation. That single word, inasmuch as it avoids saying “Plunder,” dispenses with all other colorings of right or policy or sense or decency. Henceforth, if a man wants his neighbor’s house or wife of purse, let him ‘annex’ the same. If you have sold a thing, put the cash or other consideration into your pocket, button it up tight, and then “re-annex” it. Thus you see that the only difference lies in the Re-----: when you impudently say that you will have a thing without a title, that’s Annexation: and when you choose to say that you once had a claim, that’s Re-Annexation.

I have reason to believe, however, that the skilful doubler whom you celebrated the other day, Mr. Dromgoole, thinks that it is he who will bring matters about; and his crafty guesses at what can succeed may be much relied on. He. Thinks that all the positive measures will be defeated, and that a Resolution (to be moved by him) That it is expedient that Texas be annexed, will be the utmost that can be done. That, you see, will involve no action, and only be a declaration of opinion: and as the opinion of such a House is (as he knows) of no sort of weight with any body, the step will not be of the slightest consequence. The Globe, on the other hand, is positive that the thing will pass; but divested of all detail, in the simple and concise form that Texas be and is annexed.

The dynasty that is to be display an unexpected caution, amounting to timidity, as to committing itself to men or measures. Mr. Calhoun’s incredible follies have probably made them afraid of him and forfeited all the vantage he at first held. Never did any one of reputation exhibit such astonishing fatuity. What a rapid havoc he has made of such respect as was left him – that of ability

As I do not write to the Enquirer to-night, please let my loving friends know that when they can either write or fight or speak the truth, “the hero of the Liberty school” may conceive some little apprehension at the wrath or vauntings of “the Heroes of Hobbes’s Hole.” Dogs as they are, they may whine when I lash then: but let them bark at me, if they dare!

IL SECRETARIO

[LLS]

RWv22i2 p1c4 Jan. 7, 1845

“FROM WASHINGTON,”

The Democracy are reported to be in a “Snarl” at Washington – embarrassed by their very majority, and by their having ceased for the present, to be afraid of the Whigs. We heard many rumors from there which it is not worth while to notice in detail. The scope of all is, that nothing will be done at this session of Congress to disturb things as they are, either in our domestic policy or Foreign relations: that is, in other word, that the Tariff will not be disturbed nor Texas annexed.

This is news enough for present.
[LLS]

RWv22i2 p1c4 Jan. 7, 1845

“MEXICO,”

The Mexican news will be found of great interest. It is now given in detail, and we believe can be as much depended upon as news from that country ever deserves to be.
[LLS]

RWv22i2 p1c6 Jan. 7, 1845

“CONGRESS, PROCEEDINGS OF TODAY,”

The Senate is not in session today, having on Thursday adjourned over until Monday next.

HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES

The proceedings this morning were commenced by an explanation by Mr. CHAPMAN, of Alabama, in relation to some comments in the Nation Intelligency on his speech, delivered a few days ********

MEMORIAL AGAINST ANNEXATION AND SLAVERY.

Mr. PHOENIX, of New York, presented a memorial of the respectable society of Friends, in the State of New York, in opposition to the annexation of Texas, which, on his motion, the Clerk commenced reading. A part of the memorial was devoted to the subject of Slavery, and contained strong Abolition sentiments. When the Clerk arrived at that part of it, Mr. CAMPBELL, of South Carolina, rose and objected to the further reading of the paper.

He said that by the courtesy of the House Mr. Phoenix had been permitted to offer the memorial when the ruled would have forbid it. This was done under the supposition that there was nothing offensive in them, which now turned out to be a most violent Abolition petition.

Mr. McClernard then moved to lay the memorial on the table, and on that motion the yeas and nays were ordered.

The vote on laying on the table stood yeas 87, nays 87 – a tie.

The Speaker then voted in the affirmative, and the memorial was therefore laid on the table.

COMMITTEE OF THE WHOLE

Mr. Bailey, of Virginia, moved to suspend the rules for the purpose of going into Committee of the Whole, on which motion ninety-seven gentlemen voted in the affirmative – the noes were not counted.

ANNEXATION OF TEXAS

The House then went into Committee of the Whole and Mr. Hopkins, of Virginia, took the Chair.

The proposition to annex Texas was taken up, and Mr. Bailey being entitled to the floor, said he would yield it to any gentleman in the opposition who desired to address the Committee.

No one showing a disposition to speak, loud calls of “question question question” were heard from the Whig side of the Hall.

The reading of the amendment to the main proposition was then called or, and it was read.

Mr. DOUGLASS then rose and stated that as no one appeared to be desirous of debating the question at the present time, he would move that the Committee rise.

Loud calls were again made for the question, when the reading of Mr. DOUGLASS’ amendment to the amendment was called for, and it was read.

Mr. RHETT rose and requested Mr. DOUGLASS to withdraw the preamble to his resolution and put his first resolution to the vote. That resolution embraced the simple proposition to annex Texas to the United Stated unconnected with any details. That course would bring the House to a test vote at once and would determine whether a majority were in favor of annexation in the abstract. He wished this point to be decided in the outset, and the details could easily be settled afterwards.

Mr. DOUGLASS agreed to the suggestion of Mr. Rhett and withdrew the preamble to his resolution. The vote was then about to be put on the adoption of the first resolution, when

Mr. J. R. INGERSOLL rose and stated that he was unwilling that the House should come to a decision on this question without a word being said in its opposition.

This movement of Mr. J. R. Ingersoll disappointed the Whig members very much, who were anxious that the question should put. It was, on the other hand, a relief to the dominant party, who were evidently much embarrassed by the position in which they were placed and would have come up to a vote unprepared and with the greatest reluctance.

Mr. J. R. INGERSOLL then proceeded to address the Committee in opposition to the measure. He was at so remote a point from the reporter as to prevent his remarks from being distinctly heard. It is therefore impossible to give a synopsis of his remarks.

Mr. PAINE succeeded Mr. INGERSOLL, and contended for the general policy of annexing Texas to the Union.- The leading argument advanced by him was that Texas was necessary to us for the purpose of preserving the integrity of the Union, and for its safety of defense in the time of war. He advanced other positions and strenuously urged the expediency of the measure. He was very indignant at the idea which had been advanced by the opponents of this measure, that it was a slave question and was to be resisted on that account. He became somewhat boisterous on this point, and before he got through, his hour expired.

Mr. WINTHROP, of Mass., then got the floor and as there seemed to be disposition to adjourn, he moved that the Committee rise.

The motion was carried, and at 3 o’clock the House adjourned.
[LLS]

RWv22i2 p2c3-4 Jan. 7, 1845

“Vive la Bagatelle,”

We have no objection to amusement even when it is at our expense in art, and therefore publish the report from “Salt River” extracted from a City Correspondent.

Correspondence of the Whig

WASHINGTON, Jan’y 5, 1844

For the last two days, we have had here a strange jumble of Farce and Tragedy – a sorts of heroico-comic of politics, where the ridiculous alone atoned for the atrocious, and knavery was softened down by foolery obviously incapable of performing it. In short, we have had, in happy juxtaposition, Dorrism and Annexation, the one made almost as respectable by all the nonsense of Mr. Burke of New Hampshire, as the other moral by all the ingenuity of Mr. Charles Ingersoll of Philadelphia.

Never, unquestionably, have met, by any grace of those gods who, after dinner, look down for their sport, upon human foolery, so sad a piece of diversion, as these two questions, hobbling along together, must afford. The contemptible and the odious never before so embraced each other, nor the words of Freedom, Law, and all that should at its very sound raise in one’s mind noble and pure ideas, every before were so joined with the senseless, the pusillanimous, and the ruffianly.

Than a freedom which, for the slightest grievance, easy and quick of natural redress, would break down all law and aim for mutual destruction peaceful brothers of the same soil, than a freedom like that of Dorrism which teaches, under airy doctrines about Natural Rights, every thing that is fittest to plunge a land in desolation and blood without end, I can imagine no greater curse The freedom of the bad is the most dreadful of all the scourges that were ever let loose upon any land. I can imagine no sign more woeful to any country than when none are so loud for Liberty as the fools and knaves – when servile fools like Ritchie are pealing that sacred name in an eternal clamor, and every idle echo of ignorance or every mimic cry of fraud voices back the sound.

I believe the Democratic party will pass Resolutions directly, affirming all the principles of the Dorr insurrection, and teaching in effect that mere tumult is the only Government, the only law; that the constituted order of things, even without, oppression, has no sacredness, no reverence, but that a majority, real or pretended, formed of no matter whom or what – aliens; felons, refugees, or anything else – is entitles, al all times, to overturn whatever is pleases and demolish a State, as soon as you can count, or pretend to have counted, a majority of one.

One can conceive that such wild doctrines would be resorted to among nations denied will gifts of freedom, and maddened, by severe oppression, in the very fury of Liberty. But how in a land where equality is native, accustomed to mild laws shaped all the while by a ready conformity to the public which, such horrid principles of mere confusion should spring up on all sides, it is difficult to imagine. We enjoy already, confessedly, the freest system of government upon the earth: and yet the cruelest despotism in existence or that ever did exist has never displayed so wild, and so restless an impatience to subvert all authority.

It is, too, not a little remarkable to see in how small a degree any thing that ever before commanded among men admiration or its opposite any longer acts upon the public mind. The rapscallion array that assailed the Rhode Island Arsenal or fled at Chepachet were scarcely so seemly as Falstaff’s recruits nor their leader an atom more heroical than that doughty Knight himself. Never was there such a burlesque of freedom, such a travesty of valor. Naturally, where all thought was not lost but of the mere buffoonery of whatever was fit to rule men, an attempt so marked with every thing that was pitiable and grotesque could only have excited an universal derision: yet this miscreant fugitive, with a heart as white as he meant that his hands should be red with fraternal blood, is by a party who forget his cowardice in his crimes, erected into the hero – the martyr!

Consider, too, the strange contrast presected by the very action which they are obliged to apply to this Rhode Island Case. Just a twelvemonth since, these very men held, as legislators, that it was competent for any State to dissolve, by its contumacy, any law that Congress passed, even upon a subject specially confided to it: and here they take it upon themselves to pronounce upon the validity of the constitution and lawn of a State, in matters as strictly of State authority alone!

As to Texas, after many fluctuations, it begins to look as if that grand iniquity and folly was about to be consummated. The prevailing opinion begins to be what mine originally was, that it will certainly be carried in the House and may probably prevail in the senate also. To bring it about – to stir the flagging zeal of the Northern democracy, the direct rescript of Gen’l Jackson has probably been necessary: but the younger Polk has no doubt intimated to them the hero’s pleasure: and it is now probably that they will go on to cumulate upon the glories of the 8^th those of Annexation. Methinks they might have found a yet more appropriate era for the fact – that of the trial of Louallier for his life or the “shopping” of Judge Hall.

IL SECRETARIO

[LLS]

RWv22i2 p4c5 Jan. 7, 1845

Keyword: Rebellion in Mexico against Santa Ana

From the N. Y. Courier & Enquirer

FROM MEXICO AND CHINA – The bark Eugenia, Captain Biscoe, arrived yesterday morning at this port from Vera Cruz which she left on the 12^th of December, Capt. B. informs us that the principal towns, and indeed all the country, have declared against Santa Ana, who, with a small force was at Yucrefaro. The revolution passed off very quietly, no blood having been shed: the former revolutions being carried on by one party of military against another resulted in much loss of life, but this movement coming from the people was well as the soldiery, makes it general, and hence the commotion was not of a sanguinary character – Santa Ana has but little chance of overcoming this rebellion, and it was a matter of conjecture, whether he would attempt to escape or deliver himself up; he will probably endeavor to win over the opposite General by bribery or other corrupt means, but in this it is thought he will not succeed. IN case that he is take prisoner the people will probably demand his execution, as they deem his liberty dangerous to the public safety.

The markets were in a very bad state, with little prospect of improvement.

There were at the Island of Sacrificio, Br. Frigates Spartan, just arrived from New Orleans, Inconstant, and two French brigs of war, but no U.S. vessels.

The American Minister to China, Mr. Cushing, came passenger from Vera Cruz in the Eugenia, and has furnished us with the following sketch of the events of the revolution as they came to his knowledge while in Mexico. It will be found interesting and instructive:-

The revolution of Mexico is rapidly approaching a decisive crisis, and the utmost confusion and disorder exist in all parts of the Republic.

The great object of the revolution is to decide whether Santa Ana shall be precipitated from power, of whether, on the other hand, he shall be the permanent dictator and arbitrary master of the Government.

In order to understand well the actual state of tings, it is necessary, in the first place, to give a brief explanation of the previous things.

At the head of the Government in 1841 was General Anastasio Bustamente under the constitution which then regulated the Mexican Republic. In August, 1841, General Paredes and the Department of Jalisco pronounced against the Government of Bustamente.

A civil war of brief duration ensued, which was terminated on the 28^th of September 1841, by an arrangement in virtue if which the pre existing constitution was abolished, and General Santa Ana was invested with the powers of dictator, for the purpose of reorganizing the Constitution and the Government.

This temporary arrangement is known by the name of the Basis of Tacubaya and the agreements of La Estanzuela.

Under the auspices of Santa Ana, a Congress assembled in June 1842, and proceeded to deliberate on a new Constitution. Santa Ana himself retired to Manga de Clavo, leaving General Bravo as President ad interim; and the proceedings of Congress not being agreeable to Santa Ana, it was dissolved by General Bravo in December 1842, and a National Junta, or Assembly of Notables, was convened in its place.

On the 12^th of June, 1843, a new constitution was completed and made public, by which (among other things) the supreme power was lodged in the hands of a President, to be elected for five years; of an elective body called the Council of Government, and of a Congress composed of a Senate and Chamber of Deputies; and Santa Ana himself was immediately elected President under the new Constitution.

During this period the republic had been distracted, not only by the civil war which displaced Bustamente and elevated Santa Ana to power, but also by the insurrection of Yucatan and the long civil war which ensued in that quarter,- by incursions of the Indians in the North – by controversies with foreign powers – by the question of Texas, and above all by incompetency and corruption in all members of the government.

By the 6^th of the Basis of Tacubaya it was provided that ‘The provisional Executive shall answer for his acts before the first constitutional Congress,’ and this was confirmed by the agreement of La Estanzuela.

Nevertheless by a decree of Santa Ana issued on the 3d of October, 1843, before assuming the office of constitutional President, it was declared that as the power exercised by him under the Basis Tacubaya was, by its very tenor; without limitation, the responsibility referred to in the 6^th of the said Basis, was merely a responsibility of opinions that all the acts of his Dictatorship were of the same permanent force as if performed by a Constitutional government, and much be observed as such by the first Constitutional Congress.

The new government was completed and installed in January 1844, when the first Congress under the new institution assembled. Its early acts seemed to have been in accordance with the views of Santa Ana, for it voted an extraordinary contribution or four millions with which to prosecute the war against Texas.

But, on his requiring authority for a loan of ten millions, the Congress hesitated to give its assent; though it was notorious that but a small portion of the extraordinary contribution had been realized, and the Treasurer, so far from being competent to supply the means for carrying on a war against Texas, was in fact incompetent for the ordinary daily necessities of the government.

Meanwhile, as affairs proceeded, a heavy opposition to Santa Ana began to manifest itself in congress and through out the Republic. He had been raised to power, though apparently with great unanimity, yet, as the event has shown, by a military revolution, rather than by the spontaneous general choice of the people.

For, on his expressing a wish to retire a short time to Manga de Clavo for the care of his private affairs, (as he had done in 1842,) in which case the new Constitution required that the Senate should make choice of a President ad interim, to officiate during his absence from the seat of Government, the ministerial candidate, Gen. Valentin Canalizo, prevailed by one vote only over his opponent, General Rincon.

Such, then, was the position of things in October 1844: Santa Ana being Presidente propietario; Canalizo Presidente interino, and Congress assembled in special session, occupied with the foreign relations and the financial embarrassments of the Republic, when the revolution broke out in the large and powerful Department of Jalisco.

On the first of November, 1844, the Departmental Assembly of Jalisco adopted a published what is called an Initiative, being an act provided for by the constitution, in virtue of which the Assembly submitted the proposition following:

The National Congress will make effective the responsibility of the Provincial Government, to which it was subjected by the 6^th of the basis of Tacubayba, which it swore to and caused to be sworn to by the nation.

2. The law of August 21, 1844, imposing extraordinary contribution, is repealed.

3. The Congress will occupy itself by preference in reforming the articles of the constitution, which experience has demonstrated to be contrary to the prosperity of departments.

This act was adopted by all the authorities of the Department, civil and military, and made known by public documents issued under the signature of the civil governor Escovado, and of the commandant general Galindo, with his principal officers; and thus far it was in Mexico a constitutional and not a revolutionary act – for in Mexico the military participate equally with the civil authorities in all political proceedings.

But, though nominally a constitutional act, it was in reality a revolutionary one, skillfully arranged and combined for the overthrow of Santa Ana.

To this intent, General Mariano Paredes, who had commenced the revolution in 1841 in the same Department of Jalisco, and who had since that time acted with Santa Ana, was pitched upon to be the agent of his overthrow.

The secret movers of the new revolution obtained for General Paredes the command of the department of Sonora, to reach which it is necessary to march through that of Jalisco.

On the way to his Government, Paredes stopped at Guadalajara, the capital of Jalisco, with the troops under his command, and there pronounced openly and directly against Santa Ana and assumed the functions of military chief of the revolution.

The four departments of Zacatecas, Aguascalientes, Sinalva and Sonora concurred at once in the pronunciamento of Jalisco; and thus the five Northwesterns departments were in arms at once against Santa Anna. Between these and Mexico, there intervene the two departments of Guanajuato and Queretaro.

Paredes advanced to Lagos, on the frontier of Jalisco, and there established his head quarters, with an army of 1400 men, to await the progress of events. In the contiguous department of Guanajuato was General Cortazar with 2000 men, on whom Paredes depended for support; but the rapid movements of Santa Ana himself prevented Cortazar from joining Paredes (if he had the intention) and compelled him (for the present at least) to declare for Santa Ana.

For, instantly on hearing what had taken place in Guadalajara, Santa Ana, who was then at Manga de Clavo, in the Department of Vera Cruz, and in whose neighborhood was a large body of troops, professedly collected for an expedition against Texas, set out for Mexico, being invested by the President as interim with the conduct of the war against Paredes. He set out from Jalapa on the 7^th of November at the head of 8500 men, crossed rapidly the Department of Puebla, where he received some additional troops, and on the 18^th arrived at Guadeloupe, a town near Mexico, where he fixed his head quarters.

He had left the Departments of Vera Cruz and Puebla full of professions of loyalty to his government; and he found the same professions in that of Mexico, and similar professions came to him there from Queretaro and Guanajuato; and, he prepared to march from Guadaloupe, and to assemble at Queretaro a force of 13,000 with which to overwhelm the little army of Paredes.

But, even at this moment, all powerful as he appeared, at the head of a great army, and with all the departments behind him loyal, symptoms began to appear of the uncertainty of his case; for though the Congress did not professedly support Paredes, yet it insisted that Santa Ana should proceed constitutionally, which the latter was unable or indisposed to do.

The Mexican Constitution provides expressly that the President cannot command in person the military force either by land or by sea without the previous commission of Congress. Santa Ana had taken the command without even pretending to ask the consent of Congress; and in so doing had himself performed a revolutionary act quite as positive and serious and that of Paredes.

Nevertheless, on the 22d he proceeded on his march to Queretaro; and on the same day the Chamber of Deputies voted the impeachment of the Minister of War. General Reyes, for signing the order under which Santa Ana held the command of the troops. Congress also voted to receive and print the pronunciamentos of the revolutionized department, in all this indicating a disposition, not to be mistaken, of hostility to Santa Ana.

On arriving at Queretaro, Santa Ana found that, although the military authorities were professedly in his favor, yet the junto departmental had pronounced for the initiative of Jalisco. Therefore, he made known to the members that if they did not repronounce in his favor, he would send them prisoners to Perote.

They refused; and three of them were immediately arrested by his order, and sent off under a strong guard in the direction of Mexico and Perote. When the report of these proceedings reached Mexico, the Congress immediately summoned before the Ministers of War and Government, to know whether they had authorized General Santa Ana to imprison the members of the junta departmental of Queretaro.

This subject occupied the Chambers on the 29^th and 30^th of November; and their attitude had now become so menacing, that the President ad interim Canalizo (after consultation with Santa Anna) took the high handed step of deciding to close the session of congress by force, and declare Santa Anna Dictator of the Republic.

Accordingly, on reparing to the Palace on the 1^st of December, the members found the doors shut against them and guarded by soldiers; and on the 2d appeared the proclamation of Canalizo as Presidente lnterino until otherwise ordered by Santa Ana.

For some days, this forcible demolition of the constitutional government by the creatures of Santa Ana remained without producing any apparent effect in Mexico. But on the very day when the news reached Puebla, General Inclan, commandante general of the department, in concert with the civil authority, pronounced against Santa Anna; and in a few days (on the 6^th) the garrison and people of Mexico rose against the government, imprisoned Canalizo and his ministers – Congress re-assembled – the President of the Council of Government, General Herrera, assumed the exercise of the functions of President according to the constitution, and new ministers were appointed the next day, whose authority was immediately acknowledged in Vera Cruz.

At the latest dates there from Vera Cruz [Dec. 12^th] affairs stood thus:-

The departments of Sonora, Sinaloa, Jalisco, Zacatecas and Aguascalientes were in a state of revolution, and in military possession of Gen. Paredes.

Gen. Santa Ana [with Cortazar] had military possession of the departments of Guanajuato and Queretaro.

Santa Ana’s President interim, Canalizo, and his Ministers were imprisoned in Mexico. Congress had reassembled, and a temporary constitutional government was installed there, composed as follows viz:

General Jose Joaquim de Herera, President of the Council of Government, charted temporarily with the supreme executive authority.

D. Luis Gonzaga Cuevas, Minister of Foreign Relations, State and Police.
D. Mariano Riva Palacios, Minister of Justice, Public Instruction and Industry.
D. Pedro J. Echeverria, Minister of Finance.
D Pedro Garcia Conde, Minister of War.

And it was already known that the Departments of Puebla and of Vera Cruz, had declared their adhesion to the provisional Government; and there is no doubt that most of the other Departments will also support he congress.

Meanwhile, Santa Anna is constitutional President of the Republic, but unconstitutionally in command of the troops employed against Paredes. The new Minister of War has ordered him to give up his command.

If he refuses he becomes undoubtedly a rebel and a traitor; because the new provisional government in Mexico is constitutionally constituted. If he consents, he ceases to have an troops for his support: he is placed at the mercy of his enemies.

Reports were current at Vera Cruz that a part of his troop had already proclaimed him Dictator; and that another part had declared against him; but upon this point, no information is authentic form had reached the public ear.

If any sufficient portion of troops adheres to him, to enable him to continue the war, still he is surrounded with difficulties, being in the very heart of the Republic, with Jalisco and its concurrent departments to the pacific against him on the one hand, and Mexico, with its concurrent departments to the Gulf, against him on the other hand:

He may recover himself by some new turn in the wheel of Fortune, and resume his place as the constitutional President proprietario of the Republic; but this is hardly probable, as te public sentiment is almost unanimous against him in nearly all the Departments.

It seems more likely that he will have to yield to the storm: and if not deprived of his life, he may escape to the United Stats by a sudden march on Tampico, or to South America by way of the Pacific.
[LLS]

RWv22i3 p1c1 Jan 10, 1845

“TEXAS,”

“Il Secretario says that the probability of annexation is increasing, and he said it before the great news from Mexico, which will probably put more weight into the Texan scale.

The “Globe” inclines to the same opinion – the Globe so much opposed to annexation in may and so much in favor of it in January!

That paper of Monday evening says-

“It is well ascertained now, that a majority exists in the House, and probably in the senate also, in favor of re-annexing Texas to the Union. The conditions alone remain to be adjusted. The treaty scheme of last session, as presented in joint resolutions, it is understood will not pass in either branch. The proposition of recognizing our obligations to Texas under the treaty of Mr. Jefferson in 1803, and entitling it to admission as a State at once, or as a Territory, with a view to subdivision for admission in several States, with the principle of the Missouri compromise engrafted, seems to met with most favor. It is possible, however, that the act of the present congress may take the shape of that under which Mr. Jefferson secured Louisiana, being an appropriation to enable the President elect to effect at once what he may be instructed to accomplish in come form or other; submitting the alternatives to the discretion, and the confirmation of the next congress. We think the simpler mode will be found the best.

The National Intellegencer of Tuesday did not com, and we know not therefore how to correct “our longitude at sea!” but we still hold it to be impossible that the Texas iniquity can be perpetrated with a Whig Senate: To say nothing of the unconstitutionality of the mode of annexation by joint resolution, which is the porpular fashion with the “Democracy” and the entire unlawfulness of which Mr. Callatin has so conclusively show, we hope that the Whigs of the Senate, if no others, will never consent to legalize plunder and constitutionalize fraud. The “signs” are more adverse than we imagined they could be, but we have yet the hope and faith that the Texas jobbers will be routed, and public opinion have the time and opportunity for full and fair play allowed it.
[LLS]

RWv22i3p1c2, Jan. 10, 1845

[letter]

To the People of the Congressional District of the counties of Albemarle, Nelson, Bedford, Amherst, Orange, Madison, and Greene, in Virginia

FELLOW CITIZENS:

As the term for which I was elected will expire on the 3d of March, next, I deem it proper, having received numerous letters on the subject, to make known to you my purpose to decline being considered again a candidate.

It is known to many of my friends that my private affairs, neglected as they have been by an almost continuous service in Congress and the State Legislature, for about eight years, will demand my constant personal attention, and that a withdrawal from public life can alone accomplish what is required at my hands. With me the highest considerations, and a due regard to the wishes of friends, have induced personal sacrifices heretofore; and now even, gratitude towards those who have given so many evidences of their friendship, would, under other circumstances, require that these sacrifices should again be made on my part; yet there are obligations and duties, apart from such relation as those which I now bear to you, that no man can, with propriety, disregard at all times. The nature of my engagements and pursuits are such, that, on my return home in the spring, I could not enter actively into a canvass under any circumstances. Living, as I do, in the extreme Southern county of a district two hundred miles in length, I am almost barred the pleasure of personal intercourse with many of my constituents; and the time and the labor required to canvass the district, as now arranged, can only be estimated properly by myself, having devoted to it the last two years; in both of which, It will be recollected, was held a Congressional election, as well as the general election last fall, in which also I participated. Every consideration has been given the subject, and with a desire on my part to comply with the wishes of my friends, I had hoped that some of the obstacles would have been surmounted by arrangement which I had in contemplation; but in this I have been disappointed, and I therefore am not a candidate for your suffrages at the ensueing election. I make this annunciation, this early, that some other individual my be selected to be voted for in my stead, who shall have my most hearty support, if he can come recommended by an unflinching attachment to the great principles and measures for which, in the late canvass, I, in common with others, contended. There are in the district many such men, as able as they are patriotic.

Let it not be supposed that my withdrawal has been caused by disappointment, consequent on the defeat sustained by my friends in the late presidential election. - That my disappointment was great is the general result, I admit, yet I am not the less devoted to the policy which we then advocated, not less desirous to see the principles, for which we exerted ourselves, permanently established – than I was previous to the first Monday, in November, nor less confident of their ultimate triumph. I proclaimed myself, as you well know, the friend of a discriminating Tariff, what would afford sufficient protection to American labor, while it primarily supplied the revenue of the country – the advocate of a we regulated U. States Bank, that would give us a sound, safe, and uniform currency, while I should afford every facility for the collection, safe-keeping, and disbursement of the public money – a friend of a distribution of the proceeds of the sales of the public lands, which, while it would withdraw a fund from the general purposes of the Federal government, would, at the same time place it under the control of the States, to be applied to the special benefit of each State, and of the people within the same – and that I was also the friend of Mr. Clay. If these declarations made a Whig, when I had the honor to represent another district; if they constituted me a Whig when you voted for me last spring, as well as the spring preceeding; if they were the tests of my apolitical faith in the canvass last fall, they are, now and they constitute me a Whig still.

In regard tot eh annexation of Texas, which, since my election, has been much discussed, in some portions of the District, I feel it to be but due to candor to declare, that, as your Representatives, I consider it my duty to oppose it. Though elected without reference at all to this question, it is my business to consider, and to meet it fairly. When first presented to me I felt inclined, without examination, to favor it – subsequent reflection has tended to fix my opinions against. It. The annexation of a foreign Territory to our own was, I think, never contemplated by the framers of the Constitution. If the power, however, was beyond doubt, I deem the project, if carried out, as likely to endanger the Union, itself – as unwise and impolite in the existing state of our own, as well as the relations of Texas with those of Mexico.

We have, too, in Virginia alone, more land than is sufficient to maintain thirty millions of inhabitants. – We are possessed, also, (besides the lands of all the other twenty-five States) of a rich and boundless domain in the west, that must remain unpeopled, great portions of it, for ages to come. Whey, then, it may be asked, shall we covet that which is our neighbors? – Why need we acquire more, (and that, too, by aping many millions of dollars for it) when we have already an abundance, and to spare, even to the foreigner, at one dollar and a quarter per acre? Why, in grasping more, should we diminish the value of that which we already possess? For this must be the effect. Bring into market with our own, the lands of this foreign country; tempt the Virginia slave owner with the prospect of immense profits in the Texas cotton fields, and his Virginia lands will soon be offered for sale; he will be induced to sell at a low price, because he can buy more, where his slave labor will, as he supposes, be better remunerated. But the man with a small farm, and limited means, who has to perform all his labor himself, wishes to remove to the West or Northwest, to some free State, and he, to, offers his land for sale; but he finds his more opulent neighbor competing with him, finally underselling him, and thus reducing the value of his farm, until it is made almost worthless. The man of wealth will not buy out the small farmer, because he is going to Texas, and the small farmer does not purchase the land of his opulent neighbor, because he has not the means to do so, and has already, perhaps, determined to go in another direction. The lands of each and every class of our citizens will thus be lessened in value, whether the wish to remove and to sell, or to remain in the Old Dominion. That it would, in all probability, add a few dollars to the value of each slave in Virginia for at time, I think, may be conceded; yet this advantage is small in comparison with the evils to which I have but adverted.

In these views I may be mistaken, yet they are candidly entertained, Now, as I am no candidate for office, I trust I shall not be suspected of a want of sincerity. I earnestly desire to see this Union preserved – to promote its blessings and to aid in establishing, on a firm basis, the institutions of our own free and favored land. My humble efforts while I have had the honor to be a representative in Congress, have been directed to these objects, and I shall retire from the station, at least with the consciousness of having done nothing to forfeit any claim which I may ever have had, to the good opinion of my fellow citizens.

Whigs of the Fifth Congressional District, I shall ever be grateful for your past and continued kindness; no service of mine can repay your confidence. I sever the relation which has existed between us with many feelings that you will appreciate. To say that I shall always recur with pleasure to the period when I was elected as the representative of such a district, would be but feebly to express myself, in the kind remembrance of a constituency, honored as you have been by the associations of the brightest intellects that Virginia has given to the Union, taken from your own limits, in her Jefferson, her Madison, her Monroe, her Crawford, and her Barbours.

Democrats, neighbours, and friends – to you I return my thanks, also, for your uniform courtesy and politeness; and, I may well say, that in all the heat of party excitement, you have given me abundant cause to believe, that we differed only in our political views. I take leave of you, also, as a portion of my constituents, with no unkind feeling towards any one, but with a sincere desire to see always a continuance of individual friendships and to feel an assurance that political conflicts, however fiercely waged, cannot with us dissolve the ties of the social circle.

I am, very respectfully, your obedient servant,

W. L. COGGIN
WASHINGTON CITY, JANUARY 1, 1845

[LLS]

RWv22i3 p2c1 Jan. 10, 1845

“REVOLUTION IN MEXICO AND FALL OF SANTA ANA!”

The news from Mexico to-day, by way of New Orleans, is of the highest importance, and bears the stamp of authenticity. It seems clear that the fall of Santa Ana’s long sustained power is no longer a matter of Doubt, and that he, who for a period of 20 years has been “ the arbiter of others’ fate, is now a suppliant for his own”!

What shape the Revolution will assume – whether the interests of Mexico and of Civilization will be promoted by the termination of Gen. Santa Ana’ ascendancy – or whether that event will lead to increased disorder and a darker anarchy – can only be ascertained by time. That the successful party will profess unbounded devotion to Liberty and the People and a determination to effect all that the People wish effected, we have no manner of doubt. That they possess the inclination to perform what they promise, is possible too; but that they can control events, enlighten at once a half civilized People, and make those worthy of Liberty, who are too ignorant to know it’s value or to use it wisely, **** ***** ***** ***** Mexico will continue the prey of intestine disorder and anarchy, until some chief crises with the adequate energy and vigor to impose his joke upon her population – fitted as they are, to be Slaves, and unqualified to be freemen.

A nearer question – near to this country – remains to be considered: how will this new revolution in Mexico affect the United States? How will it affect the question of Texas annexation, now and for six months past so prominent and absorbing?

We can but express our fears that the revolution is Mexico, will strengthen the Immediatists,and operate unfavorable to the party comprising unquestionably an immense majority of the American People, who regard annexation at all as of doubtful benefit, and the Annexation which the Tylerian Dynasty proposed, as involving and comprehending robber. We understand that the “Immediatists” consider the fall of Santa anna as highly favorable to their iniquitous views.
[LLS]

RWv22i3 p1c5 Jan 10, 1845

“ANNEXATION,”

“Il Secretario” writing to the Philidelphia North American on the 3d of Jan’y, says:

“In the debate of to-day on Texas, there was, of course, little in the speeches to command much interest. When, after (as he says) years of thought on the subject, the Chairman of the Committee (foreign Relations) which has had it many months in charge, can give no better reason for it in law than Mr. Ingersoll’s [ . . . ] impotent one of the [ . . . ] of right has been reduced.

I have told you the sort of dilemma to which the party had brought themselves, when the House broke up yesterday. Again, to day they seem to stuck in the caudine forks of a like difficulty; be were, for the time, extricated by a speech, into which Mr. Joseph R. Ingersoll (I think injudiciously) allowed himself to be drawn.

Just yesterday, they offered the floor to the Whigs: Mr. Bayly of Virginia, who had it by right, signified his disinclination to speak, and tendered his opportunity to any one in the opposition. Again the Whigs, anxious to see them brought to vote on their own propositions, declined to speak, and called for the “question”! The vote being about to proceed, Mr. Rhett, of S. C. rose and signified that, to test at once, by the simplest measure, the disposition of the House, and to let it be seen who were and who were not the sincere friends of Annexation, he would move that at once, without any details or encumbrances as to the manner, it be declared that “Texas is annexed.” His proposition was adopted in this form, by the member whose Resolution was before the House, and thus brought in at once to be acted on. He had, also, in propounding it, the morality to signify that large part of the body were ready for the thing in the gross, and were only revolted when they came to examine the details, so that clearly the best way to omit the details, pledge them to the thing, and they would be sure then to reconcile themselves to the particulars that must follow. In a word, he knew that, in frosty weather, men are very averse to wetting their feet: but that, once over shoe-leather they plunge on easily up to their ears.

At this point, when half the democracy shook in their shoes, Mr. Ingersoll rose and went into the discussion.- Of course, he could not avoid touching upon the slave question, and putting gone of his strong objections to the thing of that ground. This was doubly obliging the Democracy – the Southern, by affording matter for resentment in their quarter, and this making the matter more popular – the Northern, by getting the Whigs to fight for them a question on which they dared not (though pledged by their support of Mr. Polk) come boldly up, either pro or con.

You will easily imagine that great fault was found with Mr. Ingersoll. Yet it seems that many of those who blame him are about to repeat the indiscretion. If they do, they stand condemned by their own complaints, for why, it if was wring, copy it?

Of Mr. Payne’s speech, which came next, I need say nothing, but that it a Southern, to a high degree of wrath and violence.

It seems now admitted, by some of the acutest observers that the vote of Annexation will probably carry in the naked form proposed by Mr. Rhett. And the truth no doubt is that the Imperial Mandate to that effect from the Hermitage has been brought by that minor hickory, the younger Mr. Polk. As I do not possess his confidence, I cannot aver the fact; but I do not question that he has brought (as I expected somebody would bring) the Hero’s high behest.

Monday will give us a new discussion, and I fear an unfortunate one, only fit to excite local passions and endanger the issue. Several Massachusetts Whigs seem anxious to speak, among them, I fear, will be Mr. Adams, whose severity will, I fear, act more strongly on the South than any arguments in favor of the thing. If he would be, for once, conciliatory, he might do good.
[LLS]

RWv22i3p2c3, January 10, 1845

“TEXAS IN VIRGINIA”

On Wednesday in the senate of Virginia, Mr. WALLACE (of Faquier) from a Select Committee on the appropriation of the Governor’s Message, made to the Senate the following Report:

“Whereas, by the Treaty of Louisiana, it was expressly stipulated by the United States that eh inhabitants of said Territory should be incorporated into the Union, and admitted as soon as possible according the principles of the Federal constitution to the enjoyment of all the rights, advantages and immunities of citizens of the United States; and whereas, the people of that part of said Territory known as Texas, have expressed their desire to be received into this Confederacy according to the terms set forth in said Treaty:-

Resolved therefore, That it is the right of the people of Texas to be admitted into the Union, and the duty of the people of the United States to perform in good faith all their obligations assumed by them in the purchase of Louisiana.

Resolved, That Texas should be admitted into this Union as soon as practicable.

Resolved, That the Senators from this Commonwealth in the Senate of the United States be instructed to effect that object.”

Than this report, not yet acted upon by the Senate, but which, or course, the faithful in that body will swallow, as they would swallow an other noxious medicament which Demagogism had prescri

The Mexican-American War and the Media, 1845-1848