The Mexican-American War and the Media, 1845-1848

RE46v43i1p4c3, May 1, 1846: No title.

RE46v43i1p4c3, May 1, 1846: Mexico and the U. States.

RE46v43i1p4c3, May 1, 1846: From the N.O.Delta, April 21. United States and Mexico.

RE46v43i1p4c3, May 1, 1846: Still Later-Important!

RE46v43i1p4c3, May 1, 1846: From Mexico.

RE46v43i1p4c5, May 1, 1846: Twenty-Ninth Congress. Monday, April 27. Senate.

RE46v43i1p4c4, May 1, 1846: Vera Cruz, April 5^th, 1846.

RE46v43i1p4c4, May 1, 1846: No Title.

RE46v43i1p4c4, May 1, 1846: From Texas.

RE46v43i1p4c5, May 1, 1846: Tuesday, April 28, 1846. Senate.

RE46v43i1p4c6, May 1, 1846: House of Representatives.

RE46v43i2p1c2, May 5, 1846: No title.

RE46v43i2p2c4, May 5, 1846: Later From Mexico.

RE46v43i2p2c6, May 5, 1846: Captain Winslow Foster.

RE46v43i2p2c7, May 5, 1846: New Work on Oregon.

RE46v43i2p4c1, May 5, 1846: Congressional. Speech of Mr. Seldon of Virginia, In the House of Representatives, April 15^th, 1846,

RE46v43i2p4c6, May 5, 1846: Saturday Morning, May 2, 1846.

RE46v43i2p4c7, May 5, 1846: No title.

RE46v43i3p1c2, May 8, 1846: What will the Whigs do?

RE46v43i3p1c5, May 8, 1846: Later.

RE46v43i3p1c5, May 8, 1846: From the Extra of the Galveston News. Proclamation of Ampudia.

RE46v43i3p1c4, May 8, 1846: From the N. Orleans Delta, Extra, April 29. Later from Mexico.

RE46v43i3p1c4, May 8, 1846: From Texas-War Begun!

RE46v43i3p1c4, May 8, 1846: From the Galveston Gazette, April 25^th. From the Army.

RE46v43i3p1c5, May 8, 1846: The General in Chief of the 4^th Military Division to the in habitants of the Frontier.

RE46v43i3p1c5, May 8, 1846: From the “Eagle of the North, ” April 8^th, 1846.

RE46v43i3p1c6, May 8, 1846: Blockade in the Mexican Gulf.

RE46v43i3p1c6, May 8, 1846: Matamoras.

RE46v43i3p1c7, May 8, 1846: The Earl of Aberdeen to Mr. Pakenham. Foreign Officer, March 3, 1846.

RE46v43i3p1c6, May 8, 1846: No title.

RE46v43i3p1c6, May 8, 1846: England and the United States-The Oregon Question.

RE46v43i3p2c4, May 8, 1846: From Mexico.

RE46v43i3p2c4, May 8, 1846: FROM THE ARMY OF OCCUPATION

RE46v43i3p2c4, May 8, 1846: Correspondence of the New Orleans Picayune. Camp Opposite Matamoras, Texas, April 18^th, 1846.

RE46v43i3p2c4, May 8, 1846: Correspondence of the New Orleans Picayune. Camp Opposite Matamoras, April 19.

RE46v43i3p3c2, May 8, 1846: Col. Cross.

RE46v43i3p3c2, May 8, 1846: Twenty-Ninth Congress. Wednesday, May 6. Senate.

RE46v43i3p3c2, May 8, 1846: House of Representatives.

RE46v43i4p1c3, May 12, 1846: Notice Sent to Great Britain.

RE46v43i4p1c3, May 12, 1846: No title.

RE46v43i4p1c4, May 12, 1846: From the Army!

RE46v43i4p1c3, May 12, 1846: Coin in Texas.

RE46v43i4p1c3, May 12, 1846: To the Editors of the Enquirer.

RE46v43i4p1c5, May 12, 1846: “To Arms! Texans, To Arms!”

RE46v43i4p1c5, May 12, 1846: From the New Orleans Bulletin, Extra, May 2.

RE46v43i4p1c5, May 12, 1846: From the N.O.Picayune, Extra, May 2.

RE46v43i4p1c5, May 12, 1846: Further Extracts.

RE46v43i4p1c6, May 12, 1846: Correspondence of the New Orleans Tropic. St. Joseph’s Island, Texas, April 28^th, 1846.

RE46v43i4p1c5, May 12, 1846: Correspondence of the New Orleans Tropic. Brazos, St. Iago, April 27.

RE46v43i4p2c1, May 12, 1846: General Worth.

RE46v43i4p2c4, May 12, 1846: Departure of Volunteers.

RE46v43i4p2c3, May 12, 1846: For the Enquirer.

RE46v43i4p2c5, May 12, 1846: No title.

RE46v43i4p2c5, May 12, 1846: Correspondence of the Baltimore Sun. Washington, Sunday, 5, P.M.

RE46v43i4p3c1, May 12, 1846: By Last Evening’s Mail. From the Senior Editor. Washington, Sunday Night, May 10.

RE46v43i4p3c2, May 12, 1846: Point Isabel, Texas, April 28^th, 1846.

RE46v43i4p4c2, May 12, 1846: Later From the Army.

RE46v43i4p4c2, May 12, 1846: From the New Orleans Picayune, May 1^st. Still Later.

RE46v43i4p4c2, May 12, 1846: The Army

RE46v43i4p4c2, May 12, 1846: Minutes of an interview between Brig. Gen. W. J. Worth, U.S.A., and Gen. Romulo Vega, of the Mexican Army-held on the right bank of the Rio Grande, 28^th March, 1846.

RE46v43i4p4c3, May 12, 1846: Correspondence of the New Orleans Picayune. Austin Texas, April 20, 1846.

RE46v43i5p1c1, May 15, 1846: President’s Message. To the Senate and House of Representatives:

RE46v43i5p1c3, May 15, 1846: Twenty-Ninth Congress. Monday, May 11,1846. In Senate.

RE46v43i5p1c3, May 15, 1846: House of Representatives.

RE46v43i5p1c5, May 15, 1846: From the Senior Editor. Washington, May 12, 1846.

RE46v43i5p1c5, May 15, 1846: Extracts of a letter from New York dated May 12.

RE46v43i5p1c6, May 15, 1846: The Mexican Steamers.

RE46v43i5p1c6, May 15, 1846: No title.
Large public meeting in Richmond

RE46v43i5p1c6, May 15, 1846: No title

RE46v43i5p1c6, May 15, 1846: Army Movements.

RE46v43i5p1c7, May 15, 1846: The Mexican War.

RE46v43i5p1c7, May 15, 1846: The Commander-in-Chief of the Mexican army to the English and Irish under the orders of the American General Taylor.

RE46v43i5p2c1, May 15, 1846: Twenty-Ninth Congress. Interesting Debate. Tuesday May 12,1846. Senate.

RE46v43i5p2c4, May 15, 1846: House of Representatives.

RE46v43i5p2c6, May 15, 1846: Friday Morning, May 15, 1846.

RE46v43i5p2c6, May 15, 1846: From New Orleans.

RE46v43i5p2c7, May 15, 1846: From the New Orleans Times. The cry to Arms!

RE46v43i5p2c7, May 15, 1846: From the New Orleans Bulletin. The Alabamians Forever.

RE46v43i5p2c7, May 15, 1846: No title.

RE46v43i5p2c7, May 15, 1846: Remarkable Coincidence.

RE46v43i5p2c7, May 15, 1846: No title.

RE46v43i5p2c7, May 15, 1846: Recipe For Conducting A short War.

RE46v43i5p2c7, May 15, 1846: Volunteers for Texas!

RE46v43i5p2c7, May 15, 1846: Texas!

RE46v43i5p3c2, May 15, 1846: By Last Evening’s Mail. By the President of the United States of America. A Proclamation.

RE46v43i5p4c7, May 15, 1846: Wednesday Morning, May 13, 1846. From the Senior Editor.

RE46v43i6p1c1, May 19, 1846: From the Second Edition of the Enquirer, of May 16^th. From the Seat of War. Defeat of the Texan Rangers

RE46v43i6p1c2, May 19, 1846: Public Meeting in Richmond. Volunteers For Texas.

RE46v43i6p1c3, May 19, 1846: Monday Morning, May 18, 1846. A Proposition To Form A Virginia Legion.

RE46v43i6p1c2, May 19, 1846: Volunteer Meeting.

RE46v43i6p1c4, May 19, 1846: No title.

RE46v43i6p1c4, May 19, 1846: Extracts From the Debate.

RE46v43i6p2c1, May 19, 1846: Important News! Matamoras Destroyed! 700 Mexicans Killed! Gen. Taylor At Point Isabel!!!
From the Second Edition of the Enquirer, of May 18^th.

RE46v43i6p2c1, May 19, 1846: Arrival of the Alabama.

RE46v43i6p2c1, May 19, 1846: Troops For The Rio Grande.

RE46v43i6p2c1, May 19, 1846: The Legion Volunteered.

RE46v43i6p2c1, May 19, 1846: No title.

RE46v43i6p2c5, May 19, 1846: No title.

RE46v43i6p2c6, May 19, 1846: The War.-The Course of the United States.

RE46v43i6p2c6, May 19, 1846: No title.

RE46v43i6p2c6, May 19, 1846: Military Arrangements.

RE46v43i6p2c7, May 19, 1846: A Pregnant Admission.

RE46v43i6p2c7, May 19, 1846: Twenty-Ninth Congress. Saturday, May 16.House of Representatives.

RE46v43i6p3c1, May 19, 1846: By Last Evening’s Mail.

RE46v43i6p3c1, May 19, 1846: No title.

RE46v43i6p4c1, May 19, 1846: Twenty-Ninth Congress. Debate on the War Bill.

RE46v43i6p4c5, May 19, 1846: Twenty-Ninth Congress. Senate. Wednesday, May 13, 1846.

RE46v43i6p4c6, May 19, 1846: The Spirit of the People.

RE46v43i6p4c6, May 19, 1846: Headquarters, 5^th Regiment V.I., Baltimore, May 12, 1846.

RE46v43i6p4c6, May 19, 1846: Gen. Scott.

RE46v43i6p4c7, May 19, 1846: Well Done Richmond!

RE46v43i6p4c7, May 19, 1846: No title.

RE46v43i6p4c7, May 19, 1846: Naval.

RE46v43i6p4c7, May 19, 1846: Texas Election.

RE46v43i7p1c2, May 22, 1846: “War” and a “State of War”-The Difference.

RE46v43i7p1c7, May 22, 1846: Twenty-Ninth Congress.

RE46v43i7p1c7, May 22, 1846: House of Representatives.

RE46v43i7p1c7, May 22, 1846: Tuesday May 19, 1846. Senate.

RE46v43i7p1c7, May 22, 1846: House of Representatives.

RE46v43i7p2c1, May 22, 1846: The Course of the Whigs.

RE46v43i7p2c2, May 22, 1846: Has Mexico Any Allies?

RE46v43i7p2c3, May 22, 1846: No title.

RE46v43i7p2c3, May 22, 1846: Alabama in a Blaze.

RE46v43i7p2c4, May 22, 1846: From the Washington Union. Mexican Admission of Boundary.

RE46v43i7p2c3, May 22, 1846: For the Enquirer. The Richmond Volunteers.

RE46v43i7p2c4, May 22, 1846: Headquarters of the Army of the North, Mier, June 20, 1844.

RE46v43i7p2c4, May 22, 1846: Mobile, May 15. Volunteers.

RE46v43i7p2c4, May 22, 1846: On Their Own Hook.

RE46v43i7p2c4, May 22, 1846: Mexican Privateers.

RE46v43i7p2c5, May 22, 1846: New Orleans, May 14. Still They Come.

RE46v43i7p2c5, May 22, 1846: More Mounted Volunteers.

RE46v43i7p2c5, May 22, 1846: The Germans.

RE46v43i7p2c5, May 22, 1846: Hon. Baile Peyton.

RE46v43i7p2c6, May 22, 1846: The Right Spirit.

RE46v43i7p2c6, May 22, 1846: Col. Marks.

RE46v43i7p2c6, May 22, 1846: Capt. Walker-The Texas Rangers.

RE46v43i7p2c6, May 22, 1846: No title.

RE46v43i7p3c1, May 22, 1846: By Last Evening’s Mail. Requisition Upon The Governor of Virginia.

RE46v43i7p3c1, May 22, 1846: Twenty-Ninth Congress. Wednesday, May 20. Senate.

RE46v43i7p4c3, May 22, 1846: From the New Orleans Picayune, April 12. Further from the Army.

RE46v43i7p4c3, May 22, 1846: Attack Upon Gen. Taylor’s Camp.

RE46v43i7p4c4, May 22, 1846: Surprise and Surrender of Capt. Thornton’s Command.

RE46v43i7p4c4, May 22, 1846: Correspondence of the Picayune. Point Isabel, May 5, 1846.

RE46v43i7p4c5, May 22, 1846: Items of the War.

RE46v43i7p4c7, May 22, 1846: No title. House of Representatives, May 12, 1846.

RE46v43i7p4c6, May 22, 1846: No title.

RE46v43i7p4c6, May 22, 1846: Capt. Walker.

RE46v43i7p4c6, May 22, 1846: No title.

RE46v43i7p4c7, May 22, 1846: Virginia Legion.

RE46v43i7p4c7, May 22, 1846: Military Meeting.

RE46v43i7pc6, May 22, 1846: Correspondence of the Baltimore American. Washington, May 18, 5^1/2 P.M.

RE46v43i7p4c7, May 22, 1846: Requisition on Maryland for Two-Thousand Troops.

RE46v43i8p1c2, May 26, 1846: Correspondence of the Tropic.

RE46v43i8p1c1, May 26, 1846: Glorious News from the Seat of War! The Mexicans Twice Routed!!! 1200 Mexicans Killed! Enemy’s Guns Carried at the Point of the Bayonet!
From the Richmond Enquirer, Extra, May 23.

RE46v43i8p1c1, May 26, 1846: Latest News, Triumph of the American Arms! Gen. Taylor Again Victorious!!
From the Mobile Advertiser, Extra May 18.

RE46v43i8p1c2, May 26, 1846: Still Later From theArmy! The Galveston Arrived!!
From the N.O.Tropic-Third Edition, 1 P.M.

RE46v43i8p1c2, May 26, 1846: The Fort.

RE46v43i8p1c5, May 26, 1846: Party Spirit.

RE46v43i8p1c6, May 26, 1846: The News Confirmed.

RE46v43i8p1c7, May 26, 1846: The Empire City For Ever!

RE46v43i8p1c7, May 26, 1846: Mexican Navy.

RE46v43i8p2c1, May 26, 1846: Is There “War?”

RE46v43i8p2c1, May 26, 1846: No title.

RE46v43i8p2c3, May 26, 1846: Simple Justice.

RE46v43i8p2c4, May 26, 1846: Army.

RE46v43i8p2c3, May 26, 1846: From the Seat of War.

RE46v43i8p2c3, May 26, 1846: Point Isabel, May 12, 1846.

RE46v43i8p2c4, May 26, 1846: Three Days Later From Mexico!

RE46v43i8p2c5, May 26, 1846: Twenty-Ninth Congress. Saturday, May 23. House of Representatives.

RE46v43i8p2c6, May 26, 1846: By the Governor of Virginia. A Proclamation.

RE46v43i8p2c6, May 26, 1846: General Orders. Adjunct-General’s Office, Richmond, May 23, 1846.

RE46v43i8p2c6, May 26, 1846: Form of Enrollment.

RE46v43i8p2c6, May 26, 1846: Uniform of the Infantry. Field Officers.

RE46v43i8p2c6, May 26, 1846: For Company Officers And Privates.

RE46v43i8p3c1, May 26, 1846: By Last Evening’s Mail.

RE46v43i8p3c1, May 26, 1846: Correspondence of the Baltimore American. Washington, May 22, 51/2 P.M.

RE46v43i8p4c1, May 26, 1846: Miscellaneous. The Geography of Mexico &c., From the Battle Ground.

RE46v43i8p4c1, May 26, 1846: Castle of San Juan De Ulua.

RE46v43i8p4c1, May 26, 1846: General Taylor in his Tent.

RE46v43i8p4c1, May 26, 1846: Capt. Samuel H. Walker.

RE46v43i8p4c2, May 26, 1846: Organization of Volunteer Corps for the U.S. Service.

RE46v43i8p4c3, May 26, 1846: Twenty-Ninth Congress. Thursday May 21. Senate.

RE46v43i8p4c3, May 26, 1846: House of Representatives.

RE46v43i8p4c2, May 26, 1846: From the Petersburg Republican, May 20. Texas Volunteers.

RE46v43i8p4c3, May 26, 1846: Friday May 22^nd, 1846. Senate.

RE46v43i8p4c2, May 26, 1846: Texas Meeting.

RE46v43i8p4c4, May 26, 1846: Nothing Like the Empire City!

RE46v43i8p4c5, May 26, 1846: Mr. Madison’s View of a Casus Belli.

RE46v43i8p4c4, May 26, 1846: Great War Meeting in the Park.

RE46v43i9p1c1, May 29, 1846: Twenty-Ninth Congress. Monday, May 25. Senate.

RE46v43i9p1c1, May 29, 1846: House of Representatives.

RE46v43i9p1c1, May 29, 1846: Tuesday, May 26, 1846. Senate.

RE46v43i9p1c2, May 29, 1846: No title.

RE46v43i9p1c1, May 29, 1846: House of Representatives.

RE46v43i9p1c2, May 29, 1846: No title.
Letters from Commodore Conner to the Secretary of the Navy

RE46v43i9p1c6, May 29, 1846: “All’s Well That Ends Well”

RE46v43i9p1c7, May 29, 1846: For the Enquirer.

RE46v43i9p2c1, May 29, 1846: Twenty-Ninth Congress.

RE46v43i9p2c1, May 29, 1846: In Senate-Tuesday, May 12, 1846.

RE46v43i9p2c2, May 29, 1846: Interesting and Late Extracts From Mexico.

RE46v43i9p2c2, May 29, 1846: Tribute of Respect to Capt. May.
From the New Orleans Picayune, May 21.

RE46v43i9p2c2, May 29, 1846: Departure of Gen. Worth.

RE46v43i9p2c2, May 29, 1846: Transmission of Arms.

RE46v43i9p2c2, May 29, 1846: No title.

RE46v43i9p2c2, May 29, 1846: Campeachy.

RE46v43i9p2c3, May 29, 1846: Bombardment of Fort Brown.

RE46v43i9p2c3, May 29, 1846: Camp Opposite Matamoras, May 13, 1846.

RE46v43i9p2c4, May 29, 1846: Horse and Sword to Captain Walker.

RE46v43i9p2c4, May 29, 1846: Never Right.

RE46v43i9p2c5, May 29, 1846: Did the President Begin the War?

RE46v43i9p2c5, May 29, 1846: No title, Whig Presses.

RE46v43i9p2c5, May 29, 1846: No title, Louisiana Legislature

RE46v43i9p2c6, May 29, 1846: No title.*

RE46v43i9p2c5, May 29, 1846: No title.

RE46v43i9p2c5, May 29, 1846: No title, from the Baltimore Patriot.

RE46v43i9p2c6, May 29, 1846: No title.

RE46v43i9p2c7, May 29, 1846: For the Enquirer. Texas; or “New Estremadura.”

RE46v43i9p2c7, May 29, 1846: Texas, March 20^th, 1846.

RE46v43i9p3c1, May 29, 1846: Correspondence of the Alexandria Gazette.

RE46v43i9p3c1, May 29, 1846: Twenty-Ninth Congress. Wednesday, May 27. Senate.

RE46v43i9p3c1, May 29, 1846: House of Representatives.

RE46v43i9p4c1, May 29, 1846: Our Relations with England.

RE46v43i9p4c1, May 29, 1846: No title.

RE46v43i9p4c2, May 29, 1846: No title.

RE46v43i9p4c4, May 29, 1846: Items of War.

RE46v43i9p4c3, May 29, 1846: A Good Hit.

RE46v43i9p4c3, May 29, 1846: No title.

RE46v43i9p4c4, May 29, 1846: No title.

RE46v43i9p4c3, May 29, 1846: No title.

RE46v43i9p4c5, May 29, 1846: Official.

RE46v43i9p4c5, May 29, 1846: Headquarters of the Army of Occupation, Point Isabel, Texas, May 7, 1846.

RE46v43i9p4c5, May 29, 1846: Headquarters of the Army of Occupation, Camp at Palo Alto, Texas, May 9, 1846.

RE46v43i9p4c5, May 29, 1846: Headquarters of the Army of Occupation, Camp at Resaca de la Palma, 3 miles from Matamoras, 10 o’clock, P.M. May 9, 1846.

RE46v43i9p4c5, May 29, 1846: Headquarters of the Army of Occupation, Resaca de la Palma, May 11, 1846.

RE46v43i9p4c5, May 29, 1846: Headquarters of the Army of Occupation, Point Isabel, (Texas, ) May 12, 1846.

RE46v43i9p4c6, May 29, 1846: Headquarters of the Army of Occupation, Fort Polk, Texas, May 12, 1846.

RE46v43i9p4c6, May 29, 1846: Headquarters of the Army of Occupation, Point Isabel, Texas, May 12, 1846.

RE46v43i9p4c6, May 29, 1846: United States Ship Cumberland, Off Brazos Santiago, May 13, 1846.

RE46v43i9p4c6, May 29, 1846: A Chapporal.

RE46v43i9p4c6, May 29, 1846: No title.

RE46v43i9p4c7, May 29, 1846: By the Governor of Virginia. A Proclamation.

RE46v43i9p4c7, May 29, 1846: General Orders. Adjunct-General’s Office, Richmond, May 23, 1846.

RE46v43i9p4c7, May 29, 1846: Form of Enrollment.

RE46v43i9p4c7, May 29, 1846: Uniform of the Infantry. Field Officers.

RE46v43i9p4c7, May 29, 1846: For Company Officers And Privates.

June

RE47v64i9p2c1 June 1, 1847 From the Brazos

RE47v64i9p2c2 June 1, 1847 From Vera Cruz -Mexican Treachery

RE47v64i9p2c4 June 1, 1847 Prospects of Peace

RE47v64i10p1c5 June 4, 1847 Late From the City of Mexico

RE47v64i10p2c1 June 4, 1847 Important from Mexico

RE47v64i10p2c2 June 4, 1847 Later from the Brazos

RE47v64i10p2c4 June 4, 1847 News from the Army

RE47v64i10p4c1 June 4, 1847 Late from General Scott's Army

RE47v64i10p4c3 June 4, 1847 Captain Tuttwall

RE47v64i11p2c1 June 8, 1847 General Taylor and the battle of Buena Vista

RE47v64i11p4c7 June 8, 1847 From General Taylor's Army

RE47v64i12p1c7 June 11, 1847 Operations of the Gulf Squad

RE47v64i12p1c7 June 11, 1847 The Mexican Pirates

RE47v64i12p2c1 June 11, 1847 Important from Mexico

RE47v64i12p2c6 June 11, 1847 The Mexican tariff

RE47v64i12p2c7 June 11, 1847 From General Taylor's Army

RE47v64i12p3c1 June 11, 1847 To Arms

RE47v64i12p4c1 June 11, 1847 Very Late from the City of Mexico

RE47v64i12p4c2 June 11, 1847 Prospects of a Speedy Peace

RE47v64i12p4c5 June 11, 1847 News from Mexico

RE47v64i13p1c3 June 15, 1847 Spanish Opinions on Mexican War

RE47v64i13p2c1 June 15, 1847 Later from Mexico

RE47v64i13p2c1 June 15, 1847 Later from the Army of General Taylor

RE47v64i13p2c3 June 15, 1847 General Scott's Proclamation

RE47v64i13p4c2 June 15, 1847 Later from Vera Cruz

RE47v64i13p4c3 June 15, 1847 Conditions of Peace

RE47v64i14p1c7 June 18, 1847 Important to Discharged Soldiers

RE47v64i14p2c1 June 18, 1847 From Mexico

RE47v64i14p4c1 June 18, 1847 Prospects of Peace

RE47v64i15p1c2 June 22, 1847 The President and Santa Anna

RE47v64i15p2c1 June 22, 1847 From the Army of General Scott

RE47v64i15p2c1 June 22, 1847 From the Army of General Taylor

RE47v64i15p2c2 June 22, 1847 Important from Mexico City

RE47v64i15p2c2 June 22, 1847 Latest from Vera Cruz

RE47v64i15p2c3 June 22, 1847 Letter from Mexico

RE47v64i15p4c1 June 22, 1847 Important from Mexico

RE47v64i15p4c3 June 22, 1847 The Army in Mexico

RE47v64i16p2c1 June 25 1847 Later from Vera Cruz

RE47v64i16p4c2 June 25 1847 Mexican Items

RE47v64i16p4c3 June 25 1847 British Opinions

RE47v64i17p2c1 June 29 1847 Highly Important from Mexico

RE47v64i17p2c2 June 29 1847 Later from Vera Cruz

January

February

REv42n79p1c5, February 3, 1846: MEXICO

The following, which we take from the New Orleans Delta of the 98^th ult., received Saturday morning, will explain the rumor circulated in Washington, of Mr. Slidell’s having been murdered. It now seems to be clearly ascertained that our Minister has not been received – though a renewal of diplomatic relations had been invited by the late brittle Mexican Government. To preserve our rights, and to ward off the evils of a devastating war, our Government should adopt the most prompt and efficient measures. Its course, we doubt not, will be materially influenced by the dispatches received by this last arrival from Mexico. We anxiously await for further developments.

By the arrival of the Pario, from Vera Cruz, which place she left on the 13^th inst, we learn verbally – for she brought no papers that we can hear of – that President Herrera has resigned; that Paredes has been elevated to the Presidency by a sort of popular election, but whether by the leperos of Mexico alone, or with the assistance of their brethren in the other Departments, we cannot ascertain; that Almonte, the friend and counselor of Santa Anna, is Secretary of State; and that the military, such as it is, is in possession of the Government.

On the assession of Paredes, our Minister, Mr. Slidell, (probably after demanding to be recognized, and the demand refused.) asked for his passports, but was informed that as he had never been received as Minister, no passport in that quality, could be given to him; he then requested that the Government would give him an escort to Vera Cruz, which was peremptorily refused. Upon the news reaching Vera Cruz, seven officers of the United States brig Somers, which arrived at that port on the 6^th inst., started for Mexico, well armed, to escort him through the country.

Such is the information which we have received. Whether it be true or not, we cannot avouch – but, if not true, it is very truthlike. It corresponds exactly with what might be expected from the Mexicans, from the Minister, and from the ardent and fearless officers of the Navy.

Since the above was written, we have conversed with a gentleman who had read a letter from a well informed source dated at Vera Cruz, the 12^th instant, and who had conversed with the only passenger who arrived here by the Pario. Both – the letter and the passenger – concur in stating that Paredes has been proclaimed President; that Almonte has been appointed Secretary of War, not of State, as public report has it; that Mr. Slidell is at Puebla, (at the previous advices he was at Jalapa, ) awaiting the further instructions of the Government. Everything was perfectly quiet in the capital and in the country. This letter says not a word, nor does this passenger, of Slidell’s being ordered to leave the country – not a word of an escort being denied him – and not a word of the officers and men of the brig Somers arming themselves and going on to Mr. Slidell, with the view of forming his body-guard through the country to Vera Cruz. This much of the verbal reports, which circulated through the city so freely yesterday, may therefore be put down as being doubtful.

The Pario brought dispatches for our Government at Washington.

We are indebted to the editor of the Bulletin for the following extract of a letter, dated:

“VERA CRUZ, January 13^th, 1846.

“The new President, Gen. Paredes, has established his Ministry, viz – Gen. Almonte, late Minister to the United States, Minister of War; Luis Parres, of Finance; Joaquin Maria del Castillo y Lanuzas, of Foreign Affairs; and Bishop Becerra, of Justice. These gentlemen appear to inspire general confidence. The American Minister has demanded his passports, having failed in the object of his mission.”
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REv42n79p2c2, February 3, 1846: MEXICAN AFFAIRS

We have always thought that the European powers, following the lead of Mr. “Balance-of-Power” Guizot, were busily intriguing in the internal concerns of ill-fated Mexico. Baffled in the Texas affair, by the wisdom, foresight and energy of our Government, they have cunningly thrust themselves into Mexico, and by artful appeals to the anti--American feelings of that country, have succeeded in putting down an administration which was supposed to have a desire of settling amicably the difficulties with the United States. That the powers of Europe have had a finger in this matter, we are confirmed in the belief by the following paragraph in the Memorial Historico, published in Mexico under the eyes of the new authorities:

“By way of Havana, it is known that Spain, France and England have entered into an alliance to place in Mexico and Guatemala a stable and liberal Government, for which purpose each power will furnish a quota of men; at the same time, it is assumed that England has already at sea thirty ships of the line, which are on their way to the Gulf of Mexico.”

The Yucatan Imparcial so far corroborates this view, by expressing its opinion, that the three powers possess means to give effect to the projected movement.

In proof of the deep-seated hatred of many Mexicans for the people of the United States, we may refer to the proceedings of the Assembly of Notables; wherein a motion was made by Gen. Bustamente that a clause should be added to the oath to be taken by the President, compelling him to swear “to repel the invasion of the United States.” After a long debate, this motion was voted down upon the ground that the oath demanded by Gen. Bustamente would be equivalent to a declaration of war, and that the Assembly had no power to declare war.

The oath finally taken by the new President, Paredes, is as follows:

“You swear to God to sustain the independence and integrity of the national territory against any foreign aggression whatever; and the Republican, popular, representative system; and the plan of administration of the Republic, agreed to by the Act of the Army on the 2d of January.”

The General Bustamante, (says the New Orleans Picayune, ) who took part in this assembly, was not the Ex-President of that name. Both he and General Herrera were invited to take a part in the proceedings, but indignantly refused.

No one can doubt that the monarchists of Europe are attempting, from the fulcrum of Mexico, to wield the lever of the monarchial principle upon the future destiny of the American continent. The safety of our own territorial rights and of our Republican institutions demands from our Government firm and decided measures. This quasi was should not be allowed longer to continue. Mexico should be made to show her hand. If she is for peace the controversy can not be too soon settled. If war be her policy, let us have it over at once. The present state of affairs is dangerous to our rights and to the permanent peace of the country.
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REv42n80p4c5-6, February 6, 1846: MEXICO

Monday night’s Union sets forth Mr. Slidell’s position in Mexico in rather a different light from what most of the New Orleans press represent it. It says:

We perceive that the accounts received on Saturday evening from New Orleans are not confirmed by the official accounts. The “Picayune” reports as one of the pieces of intelligence brought by the brig Pario, that “a letter written at Vera Cruz on the 13^th ultimo, the day on which the Pariosailed, simply says “Mr. Slidell demanded his passports, having failed in the object of his mission.” We do not understand that Mr. Slidell has yet demanded his passports, or that he has received any thing like a definitive answer from the Government. A letter has been received from Jalapa on the 12^th January, which states that Mr. Slidell was expected to arrive in that town via Puebla on that or the following day.

There is too much reason to apprehend, that the mission may not be productive of the success which there was some reason to anticipate. The access of Almonte and Tornel to the existing administration is no very flattering sign of a favorable result. Mr. Slidell will do, however, every thing which is to be expected from his acknowledged talents when he receives his omission under the recent confirmation of the Senate.

Some rumors are still afloat of a design on the part of Great Britain, France and Spain to place a European prince on the throne of Mexico. We cannot couch for the correctness of so extravagant a report.
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REv42n81p1c6-7, February 10, 1846: PRONUNCIAMENTO

Proclamation by General Mariano Paredes y Arrillaga

To the Mexican Nation: - In undertaking the enterprise which the acclamation of the army and the will of the people have confided to me, my first care is to address myself to the nation. A soldier of my country, elevated by that country far beyond my merits, I owe it the duty in moments solemn as the present, to give it an account of my conduct, of my projects and intentions. It is now twenty-four years since Mexico presented herself, for the first time, among the exiled nations of the earth, demanding an equal and independent position among them. The army of the “three guaranties” had just taken possession of the Capitol, and the Mexican people saluted with shouts of joy, the first dawn of national prosperity. Our independence of the mother country had been finally secured; and the long and bloody struggle had ended in the union of all parties; and the constancy, patriotism and valor of the hero of Iguala had reconciled the conflicting interests of the various factions, and the confidence and satisfaction which seemed everywhere to prevail, entitled the nation to look forward to long years of peace and prosperity. The conditions of the administration justified these hopes. The ability, moderation and prudence of the chiefs of 1821 had conquered our independence without our internal broils, and in casting our eyes over the broad lands won by our valor, we could not fail to be struck with the rich inheritance that had fallen to our lot. Our revenue had suffered to defray the expenses of a splendid Government, without the citizens feeling oppressed by the burden of taxation. Spain had raid with it her army, her navy, her judiciary, and in short, her whole civil list, besides giving her occasional succor to her then distressed colonies of Cuba and the Philippine Islands, and carrying to the peninsula, after all these drains, a large surplus. The tribunals of justice were a model of integrity, and the army of the revolution was numerous, well disciplined and warlike.

We thus possessed all the elements of a great nation, and during the first year of our independence the whole world believed that we were about to form, on this new continent, a powerful and prosperous empire. Commerce, relieved from the letters which had bound her, already began to develop her resources; and agriculture, in like manner set free, supplied the markets of Europe with its projects – many of them hitherto unknown beyond the limits of our territory. – The mines recovered their ancient vigor and foreign capital from all quarters flowed into the country, to give life and animation to the national industry. All the American nations had recognized our independence – some of the European monarchies had followed their example, and we had every reason to hope, that in a short time, the principal powers of both continents would enter into commercial treaties with us, based upon our mutual interests. Every thing, then, seemed to justify our most flattering hopes – a prosperous condition of the finances, more than sufficient for our necessities; a well organized and rigorous administration; a numerous and warlike army; a laborious and obedient population; the sympathies of the rest of the world; and, in order to develop the elements of prosperity vouch safe to us by Providence, the union of all domestic parties; public confidence; and above all, the blessings of independence and the hopes of liberty. – The present condition of the country but too plainly shows how these promises have been fulfilled. Selfish parties, without patriotism, and without honor, have succeeded to the chief command the sole purpose of tyrannizing over, and ruining the Republic. Civil discords have consumed our strength, and the foundations of society have been sapped by corruption. We have been now twenty-four years trying all kinds of systems, and the whole of this time has been marked by constant revolutions. And what has been the result.

If we cast our eyes abroad, we shall behold a nation insulted, and humiliated as well by the aims as the policy of strangers. The wealth and improvement administrations who have succeeded each other is power, have permitted Texas to be torn from our grasp, and we are threatened, if we attempt to reconquer the rebel province, with a disastrous war by a powerful neighbor. Our foreign relations in other quarters are far from being satisfactory. Our neighbors publicly predict, and the prediction is echoed by European politicians, that the North American stars and stripes will soon wave over the towers of Mexico and be carried in triumph as far as the isthmus of Panama. Such is the idea which the world has formed of our internal divisions, of our weakness and misery. If on the other hand we withdraw our glance from abroad and throw it for a moment over our own land, we see nothing but confusion and anarchy. The republic seems to be literally dropping to pieces, in all quarters – Texas has been separated from the national union – and the disaffected in other departments, calculating upon the imbecility of the central governments, are openly preaching insurrection. The administration, wholly under the influence of party, and occupied by its miserable quences, abandons the frontier departments to the sanguinary incursions of the savages. The army diminished in its numbers and neglected more and more from day to day, is unequal to the task of preserving internal quiet, or carrying on the foreign war. Its forbearance and its fortitude are constantly put to the severest test. While the soldier is neither fed nor clothed, the administration of military affairs seems to have been utterly abandoned.

The revenue, which in former times was sufficient to support the government in splendor, has fallen a prey to a combined system of robbery and quackery. The old servants of the republic – the judiciary, and the army, are suffered to remain in indigence and misery, whilst in some of the departments the most colossal fortunes are made, as if by magic. Bankruptcy stares us in the face, both abroad and at home. A public debt, which is daily increasing, threatens finally to overwhelm us. The revenues of the nation are hypothecated to its creditors, and the government like a mendicant, is obliged to beg its bread from day to day; paying the most enormous usury for its petty loans. The scales of justice have been thrown from their balance by the hand of the partisan, and we have witnessed in a recent and solemn trial, sedition itself, covered with the shield of impunity. Our agriculture is perishing for want of proper protection and security, while our commerce, already exhausted, threatens to abandon altogether our coasts, which it formerly promised to cover with rich and populous cities. This sad picture of our condition is unfortunately not exaggerated. It is a faithful account of what all observing men see and feel. Consider what we were 23 years ago, and what we might have been with 24 years of peace and prosperity, and then contemplate the picture here drawn. – In the vain hope of remedying these evils, every day has witnessed more revolutions. These revolutions having been the offspring of private interest, have brought us no relief. Congress and Presidents have been changed buy the evils under which we labor have remained the same – the same abuses and corruptions continue to eat up the substance of the Sate. No movement hitherto made has been more popular than that of December last. The nation rose up as one man to overthrow a degrading dictatorship. But has our situation been improved? Have not rather these evils been increased? The demagogue has but grasped at the power let fall by Gen. Santa Anna. But little satisfied with the important concessions of the Government, he has preached up war to strengthen his party, while he has been laboring hard to destroy the army. Hiding under the cloak of ultra federalism his well known projects of vengeance and his love of anarchy, he cares little for the interests of a country which he is bound by no ties, and whose ruin even he [illegible] and his adherents could fatten on the spoils. Governed by a set of partisans whom he frats, he travels from concession to concession. Defamation, calumny and threats extract from his weakness the most pernicious measures, whilst anarchy is daily organizing its forces to overthrow the nation anew. The army has at length determined to save the country and put a stop to the precarious and insane state in which it has existed for some time past. I, who have had the honor of combating for the independence of my country; I, who have had the honor of being the first to raise the standard of insurrection in Jalisco against a hateful tyranny, feel myself called upon to carry out the grito which the nation raised on that occasion. Mexico has not beaten down one tyrant to elevate others in his stead. She has not overthrown a soldier to deliver herself, bound hand and foot, to the demagogue. If such had not already been my conviction, the entreaties which I have received from my countrymen, and the spontaneous election of the army, to put myself at the head of the present movement, would be sufficient to inspire me with them.

While marching upon the capital to crown the glorious enterprise entrusted to my care, I declared in the most solemn manner, in presence of the whole nation, that we do not go, simply to effect a change of persons in the Government but that we aspire to a more noble object. We have not undertaken to usurp the Presidency, and to change the members of Congress. Our object is, to call upon the nations, in order that, without the fear of turbulent minorities, it may embody its will in a set of representatives, who will raise a barrier against the dissolution which threatens us – prevent the administration from falling in the hands of factions who will bring disgrace upon the nation. Our object is to restore to the productive classes the wealth and influence which they have lost, and to give to the industrial and laboring classes the position which belongs to them in the Government. The nation, tired of living amid eternal broils, cries aloud for some guaranty of peace and tranquility. For this reason I have decided and the army have decided with me, to make a new revolution, in order that it may be the last and that we may at length commence, beneath the shade of peace and internal tranquility, to develop those resources with which we have so abundantly been blessed by Providence. As for myself, I desire no place, no power. Those ephemeral dictatorships, which have heretofore served only to heap ill-gotten wealth upon their possessors, hove no illusions for me. On this point my opinions are well known, and they have been proved more than once during my arduous career.

The stain of avarice and corruption has never fallen upon my character. My ambition is more elevate; and if I despise political intrigues, and are usually bestowed upon those in power, I aspire in exchange to a more brilliant and lasting glory. These are not the hypocritical declarations of an ambitious man, seeking to hide his real objects from the public view, and I shall no sooner enter into the city of Mexico, that I will convoke an assembly, duly elected by all the voters in the state, and clothed with unlimited authority, for the purpose of remodeling the government according to the will of the people. All classes of society – the clergy, the military, the magistracy, the literary professions, commerce, industry and agriculture, will be represented in this assembly, and from the moment it meets, all power will cease to exist, except such as may emanate from it. Happy then, as having conscientiously discharged my duty, I shall either retire to private life, or I shall ask the privilege of marching to the frontier, to encounter the usurpers of our territory and the enemies of our independence and prosperity.

San Luis Potosi, Dec. 15^th, 1845 .

(Signed) MARIANO PAREDES Y ARRILLAGA

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REv42n81p2c1-2, February 10, 1846: POSITION OF MEXICO

The New York Herald publishes the following “Ultimatum of Mexico, ” which, it says, has been furnished by an individual intimately associated with Gen. Almonte in this country, and well acquainted with his views:

“Mexico can enter into no new treaty of boundary with the United States. The treaties of boundary and amity antecedent to the revolt in Texas, are still in force; though, in effect, repudiated by the United States. If the treaties already in existence are, and have been, no protection to Mexico, of what use will it be to her to enter into any other treaty? The merchant will not trust a merchant without a guaranty, after his bond is once broken – neither can a nation. If the United States, through a friendly power or powers, shall offer regret and reparation for the injury done, and that regret and reparation prove satisfactory and be accepted by Mexico – Mexico will, in that case, enter upon the subject of a new boundary, to be guaranteed to her by Spain, France and England. A new treaty of boundary, without such a guaranty Mexico can, in no case (excoriated as she is by the citizen and governmental perfidy of the United States) enter into or put faith in.

“Mexico cannot view annexation as the simple act of two independent nations. Annexation, in the eye of Mexico, commenced when Gen. Jackson’s friend, Sam Houston, went to Texas to ‘raise a flag of revolt therein, ’ after the former found his earnest offers to purchase Texas would not be acquiesced in by the government of Mexico. Annexation, in the view of Mexico, progressed when the U.S. government, by ‘masterly inactivity, ’ permitted its citizens to make war upon a neighbor with whom, for itself and citizens’ the United States had entered into a treaty of ‘perpetual amity.’ Mexico has claims, therefore on the United States for her public lands in Texas and for the expenses of the war in her vain attempt thus far, to establish the national authority lost therein, solely by the aforesaid ‘masterly inactivity, ’ of the United States, in respect to curbing its own citizens.

“Mexico denies that Texas was estranged from her rule by Mexicans. The government and citizens of the United States are solely responsible for all the evil brought upon Mexico by the Texas revolt.

“Under these circumstances, to send a message into Mexico to make offers for a still larger territory than even Texas, cannot but be viewed by her other than an additional insult to her nationality; especially as the presses of the U. States are advocating the like emigration to that larger territory (California) where with to re-enact the T exas wrong. Whether Mexico accede or not to the offers of purchase by the United States, then the territory in question must, by United States’ accounts, be lost to Mexico. The independence of Mexico thus jeopardized by a stronger republic she has no alternative but to throw herself under the protection of powers stronger than the United States – unless, as we have above shown, the U. States proffer ample reparation, and a new treaty of boundary, guaranteed by Spain, France and England, settle all differences between the two governments.

“The first aggressive movement of the U.S. fleet in the Gulf, or the U.S. army at Corpus Christi, will be the signal for Mexico to throw herself on the protection of Spain, France and England. The navies of these powers concentrated at Havana, will then sail to Vera Cruz and there intimate the fact to the commander of the United States squadron. If the latter, in defiance of this intimation, proceeds to a demonstration against Mexico, the combined fleets will proceed to capture it, in much the same way as the Turkish fleet was captured at Navarino.

Last summer, we became so accustomed to these valorous threats, this bruim fulmer of Mexican arrogance, that we can, with but little difficulty, credit the above terrible revelations. – Every one knows that the United States have no more bitter and uncompromising enemy than Gen. Almonte, the fierce master-spirit of the present revolutionary Administration of Mexico. – He is a man of powerful intellect and burning ambition – and he will spare no means to thwart the progress of the United States.

We should not be surprised, were he seriously to count upon the aid of France, England and Spain to put down our power. We cannot yet believe that these European nations are willing to thrust themselves into the controversy, and break up the peace of the world. We have done no injury to Mexico, and therefore have no “regrets or reparation” to make to her. It is Mexico herself who has been guilty of bad faith, and of wanton mischief and insult, to our citizens and to our nation. She talk of violated treaties! The notion is absurdly false. It was her own bad faith which forced the people of Texas to rise up in defense of a broken Constitution, and to demand the restoration of their rights. True, they had been our citizens, but they had gone to Texas, in good faith resolved to live under the Mexican confederation, but as soon as the Constitution which bound the States together had been violated by Mexico, the Texans rose up and declared their independence of Mexican tyranny. Many of our citizens went over, as individuals, to push on because of liberty. Our Government had no right nor power to prevent their emigration, and it Is the flimsiest pretext in the world to make it responsible for the acts of its citizens, which it could not restrain.

Before Mexico demands reparation of us, let her do justice to our own injured and insulted citizens. The annexation of Texas is justified by every law of justice and right. She was forced by the perfidy and tyranny of the Central Government to stand up for herself. She was recognized as free and independent by the great powers of Europe, and by the voluntary consent of the two Republics she was made an important element of our Union of States. If we have done wrong, we have been justified in it, by the acts of Mexico’s sympathizing friends, England and France, who, in conjunction with us acknowledged the full and perfect independence of Texas, to do whatever she thought right.

Mexico, under the sinister influence of Almonte, may call in the aid of France, England and Spain to sustain her extravagant hopes. – It is needless to say, that these threats will have no other effect but to urge our Government to take prompt and wise measures to meet the crisis. We ought to know from Mexico her real designs, whether for peace or for war. And if she persists in her arrogant bearing we will be prepared to defend our just rights, we will be prepared to defend our just rights, even though all the powers of Europe be arrayed to put down the progress of Republican institutions. Would it not be wiser, however, for Mexico to summon some of her European allies to keep together her own rebellious provinces? Already has Yucatan raised the flag of independence. Others will follow her example, and fly off from the central power. Mexico will have enough to employ her at home, and without rushing into a desperate encounter with us. But in any event, it is the duty and policy of our Government to maintain our rights and to reserve peace, by prompt and firm measures.
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REv42n81p2c2, February 10, 1846: GEN’L PAREDES’ PRONUNCIAMENTO

In the critical condition of our relations with Mexico, our readers must take an interest in every thing connected with that ill-fated, but arrogant nation. We shall, therefore, publish on Monday the “Pronunciamento” of Gen. Paredes, the newly installed President – before whose victorious march Herrera, the constitutional President, fell without a struggle. It is ably and eloquently written. It sets forth the wretched and crumbling condition of that country – but, true to the characteristic boasting and arrogance of Mexicans, it flaunts the flag of war in the face of the United States.

We have no fear of any alarming assaults by these vaunting Bobadils. In the excitement produced, last Summer, in consequence of our bloodless victory in annexing Texas, we learned how lightly to treat the “raw head and bloody bones” threats and denunciations of Mexican Generals and statesmen. We have no more fears of their present vaporings. Nor would we declare war upon them, or send our vessels of war to bombard their towns, because they have thought proper to refuse to receive our Minister, whom a previous Government had specially invited, or because our name and conduct had been traduced by their Chief. All must admit, however, that our relations with Mexico have continued too long in a nervous and uneasy state. Though we had the power to cut the Gordian knot, and dispel the excitement, we have, in our generosity, suffered this state of quasi-war to be kept up too long. We trust that our Government will promptly take the matter in hand, call upon Mexico for specific information as to her real intentions towards us, and whether she is for peace or for war. When we shall know the true grounds which she means to assume, we can then take our own course finally – a course in which we shall be justified in the eyes of God and of man. We would not crush Mexico in her weakness. We would not wield against her a giant’s strength, because we have the power, and she is on the brink of annihilation. But a due regard to our own interests, safety and quiet demands that we should break up the present entangling state of affairs and that, while we are generous to a weak people, we should be just to ourselves. No one can say whether the rumored intrigues of England, France and Spain, to place a French Prince on the Throne of Mexico, may not, if things are suffered to remain as they are, ere long become matters of history. No one can say, that a vacillating course on our part towards Mexico may not, in itself, induce European powers to thrust themselves into the controversy, and secretly to give practical effect to their famous doctrine of the “balance of power.” For the sake, then, of our future peace, and for the protection of Republican institutions against the insidious movements of the monarchists of Europe our Government should call upon Mexico for a clear and unequivocal exposition of her designs touching the unsettled difficulties between her and the United States.

The dark outline drawn by Paredes of the condition of Mexico, is applicable to nearly every one of the Spanish-American Republics. Alternate anarchy and tyranny characterize each and every one of them. As Paredes most justly and mournfully remarks of Mexico, these various States seem constantly on the verge of disruption. How different has been the progress of our own Republic. We have been peacefully extending our bounds to the South and to the West, and increasing our strength and durability by adding rich and fertile regions. Our policy and our practice have been to enlarge the Union of the States. Mexico and her Spanish American neighbors, on the contrary, since they repudiated the Spanish yoke and set up for themselves, have continually split up into crumbling and disjointed fragments. Anarchy and revolution at home, and threatened invasion from abroad, have marked their tottering career.

Doomed though Mexico may be, we would have our Government to treat her with anything but harshness. But in being charitable and generous towards Mexico, we should take care to be just to ourselves. The safety of our own institutions should overrule every other consideration.
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REv42n83p2c5, February 17, 1846: MOVING TO TEXAS

News that Virginians are leaving for Texas and the expressions of general good wishes to those people.

The last Clarksville, Mecklenburg, Herald speaks of the great excitement in that country, produced by a projected movement to the new and fertile State of Texas. While we regret to see the citizens of Virginia, and from such a Democratic region too, quitting in a body their native Sate, to establish a new colony in a distant portion of our wide Republic, we must confess that the Herald advances some good reason, why they should turn their faces towards the great Southwest. We hope that it will not always be so. We trust to see the day, when the abandoned fields of Virginia will be cultivated with industry and success – and when the footsteps of our wandering citizens shall be turned back to their reinvigorated native State. But if our brethren of Mecklenburg will leave us for a richer soil and a more genial climate, we wish them “God speed” in their pilgrimage.

The Herald say:

“Some of our citizens are busy in forming a company for the purpose of journeying to the sunny South. We know several men of families who have pledged themselves to join the expedition – and we think they are entitled to much praise for their wise determination. This country in which we live have claims upon us scarcely to be resisted. We have friends – we have relatives – who are near and dear to us; but there is another friend for whom all others must be sacrificed – SELF. The rich landholder, whose situation is already that of plenty, would be much to blame to quit this country for any other; but we whose fortunes lie just in the palms of our hands – we, who, by the sweat of our brow, but barely receive enough to stop the mouths of our children, should better our condition if possible. It is a hard task, truly, for a man to ‘make both ends meet, ’ who rents lands and negroes, and pays an enormous price. Such cases, when compared to our vast population, are few; but when together would, of themselves, make a nation. We learn that it is the determination of the projectors of this enterprise to settle a town in Texas, and to accomplish their object, a committee is to be appointed to proceed to Texas to hunt out a suitable site and purchase the same. There is to be a country meeting on the subject at an early day, of which due notice will be given.”
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March

April

May

RE46v43i1p1c1, May 1, 1846: MESSR. INGERSOLL AND WEBSTER.

As we wish to furnish to our readers an insight into the merits of the personal controversy now being waged between these two gentlemen, involving moreover important and delicate questions of State policy, we go back a few days, and first present the remarks of Mr. Webster delivered in the Senate on Wednesday, the 22d April, , immediately after the reception by the H. of Representatives of the President’s message, declining, for proper reasons, to make public the information called for in regard to the secret service fund –and at the same time stating, that the papers could be exhibited to a Committee of the House:

Mr. Webster rose and said: I have a few, and but a few, remarks to make on the President’s message in answer to the resolution of the House of Representatives, calling for an account of the disbursements during the period in which I had the honor to be Secretary of State, out of the fund for the contingent expenses of foreign intercourse.

In the first place, Sir, I am happy to say, that I entirely approve the course of proceeding which the President has adopted. In my judgment, he could not have acted otherwise than he has done, without the violation of law and of his own duty. Sir, as I know that not a dollar was disbursed from that fund without the sanction of the President, and as I am conscious that every disbursement was made for a proper and necessary public purpose, it might be thought that I should desire the publication of the papers, in order that every body might see what they are, or what they show. But this is a matter of so little concernment to me, (and I presume it is of as little to the late President, ) that I certainly would not wish to see an important principle, and an important law, violated and broken for any personal convenience in that respect. I am not at all apprehensive that the country will suspect either President Tyler, or me, acting under his authority, of any thing improper in the disbursement of a few hundred or a few thousand dollars, in a case in which the law reposes confidence in the President, and gives him a discretion as to making the expenditure public.

Sir, a President of the United States, or the head of a Department acting by his authority, must think but poorly of his own reputation and standing with the country, if he is afraid of being suspected of having violated his duty and his oath in a matter of so little moment. I will add, that a person who entertains such a suspicion, without reason, of any public man, may himself be well suspected of having held a no very complimentary dialogue with himself.

Sir, we all know that the head of a Department cannot touch a dollar of this fund except with the President’s sanction. The whole power and the whole responsibility is with the President. The President’s Message states this so fully and clearly, that I need not dwell upon it. I will say, in the first place, that no expenditure, improper in itself, or improper in its amount, was made to my knowledge, judgment, or belief. And I will say, in the next place, that the late President of the United States, in all things respecting the expenditure of the public moneys, was remarkably cautious, exact and particular.

And I here say, Sir, that all declarations, averments, statements, or insinuations, made any where, or by any body, which impute perversion, misapplication, or waste of the public funds, committed or made by me while Secretary of State, are utterly groundless and untrue. And I will conclude with one remark, the bearing of which, I shall leave to the Senate and to the country.

Whoever charges me with having either misapplied or wasted the public funds, while in the Department of State, has either seen the papers, or has, in some other way, obtained knowledge on the subject, or he has not. If he has seen no papers, and has no knowledge, then his imputations are purely wanton and slanderous. If he has seen the papers, or has any knowledge, then he would be sure to state what he knows, if he knows any thing to sustain him in his charge. Silence, under such circumstances, is conclusive that he knows nothing, because he is under no obligation of secresy, and, in absence of all other proof, he would, of course, tell all he knew, if he knew any thing which could, in the slightest degree, bear him out. The charge, therefore, was either made in utter ignorance of any facts to support it, or else with the knowledge that the facts which do exist would, if made known, entirely disprove it. As to the source of this miserable vituperation, I have nothing to say. I am afraid I shall be thought to have paid too much attention to it already. Sir, I leave the author of these slanders where he is—I leave him in the worst company I know of in the world—I leave him with himself.

Last Monday, in the House, Mr. C. J. Ingersoll made the follow remarks, by way of personal explanation:

Mr. Speaker: When Mr. Webster, in virulent terms, in Senate, assailed my truth, concerning transactions of which proofs ought to be in the Department of State, I went there in search of them for my vindication. As member of the Committee on Foreign Affairs, for some years, I have some freedom of access there, though probably none which any other member of Congress is not entitled to.

Searching for proofs, not to expose him, but vindicate myself, I fell most unexpectedly on others which led me next day, to denounce him as a delinquent.

When the President’s answer to the resolution of the House of Representatives refused certain documents, I repeated, in general assertion, the fact of his delinquency, and added that it is easily susceptible of proof. My friends advised me to go no further, supposing that Mr. Webster would challenge investigation.

Not having done so, but having again, with opprobious language, in Senate, charged me with slander, and called on me to substantiate my accusation of him, I now submit a short statement, which may be tested as to truth.

There are three charges of delinquency:

First. Unlawful use of the fund appropriated for the contingent service of foreign intercourse, commonly called the secret service fund.

Secondly. Misapplying part of that fund to corrupt party presses.

Thirdly. Leaving the Department of State in default to that fund.

First. Congress appropriates annually a small sum, commonly 30,000 dollars, for the contingent expenses of foreign intercourse; the disbursement of part of which is sometimes usefully clandestine, but never, as has been erroneously supposed, corrupt. Whenever, in the President's opinion, it would be wrong to make public how any part of it is disposed of, he so certifies, and, by act of Congress, his mere certificate is sufficient voucher at the Treasury for the required settlement.

These funds have, for the last sixteen years, if not always, been in the hands of a clerk, called, by acts of Congress, the disbursing agent of the Department of State, who kept them in banks, as agent. The official routine is for the President, on the requisition of the Secretary of State, to authorize the payment of the money from the Treasury to the disbursing agent of the State Department. The disbursing agent is debited at the Treasury with the sum drawn into the Department of State, keeps it to his credit as agent, in bank, and gives checks as required by the Secretary, for payment to any person he may designate.

In this way, the first check I saw, when I went to the department, was drawn by the agent for the service at New York in McLeod’s case, 1,000 dollars.

But shortly after President Harrison’s death, and before Vice President Tyler was at home in chief magistracy—in April, 1841—Mr.Secretary Webster began an entirely novel method of dealing with the secret service fund. Instead of directing the disbursing agent to pay any third person, Mr. Webster required the money to be paid to himself.

In this way he drew to himself from the disbursing agent twelve thousand dollars during the first nine months of Mr. Webster’s incumbency as Secretary, about 1,300 dollars a month, in 1841, and 3,000 dollars more early in 1842.

Thus he took into his own hands 15,000 dollars in his first twelve months. The President, there is written evidence in the department to show, never authorized this, knew nothing of it, and when first apprised of it, more than fourteen months after it had been going on, to the large amount of fifteen thousand dollars, refused it his sanction.

It was not till July, 1842, as the evidence in the department shows, in Mr. Webster’s handwriting, that he got a President’s certificate for four thousand four hundred and sixty dollars, ($4,460.).

That President’s certificate, of which I took a minute, dated 19^th July, 1842, is—.

To J. J. Crittenden, for expenses of journey to New York, $100.

To F. O. J. Smith, for services connected with the North eastern Boundary, 2,000.

To Alexander Powell, for journey to, and stay on the frontier in 1841, on the subject of disturbances, 1,000.

With several other items.

The first item in this short account concerning McLeod, will show how I was led from that to other objects; and some of the other items will show the agents whom, as Secretary of State, Mrs. Webster employed. Both houses of Congress, if not the public at large, have not been left in ignorance of the characters of some of those on whom the Secretary of State bestowed large sums of public money, if their receipts correctly vouch what they got.

In a memorandum of payments to Mr. Webster, by authority of the President, there is a minute dated June 23, 1842, “By cash returned, $5,000.”.

After drawing $15,000 to himself during fifteen months, during which period there is no trace of what he did with those large sums, he appears to have returned one-third of the amount withdrawn. Why return it, if taken for any public purpose? Where he it been kept? If in any place of deposite, was it separate from Mr. Webster's private funds? funds? Did he use it?.

These $5,000 were returned ten days after, according to the published correspondence, his negotiation with the British Envoy Extraordinary, began by conversational and confidential intercourse, without protocols or other usual records of such transactions.

In 1843 Mr. Webster took to himself $2,000 more, making altogether $17,000.

On closing his account, crediting the $5,000 returned, and various other sums, there remained a balance against him of $2,290 of the secret service fund. One of his credits against it was for $1,400, published in House document, report No. 29, first session, 28^th Congress—report of Mr. Rogers, for maps, charts, surveys and expenses of bringing them to the seat of Government, and for copies of transcripts, and for various agencies to procure information connected with the boundary treaty.

This inarticulate and comprehensive mixture of many incongruous items, without specification of prices, dates, or any apparent test of rectitude, Mr. Secretary Webster certified himself as a proper credit for himself and deducted from his debit to the secret service fund. Without that credit his default to that fund would have been $3,690, instead of $2,290, which it was when he was removed from office.

The $17,000 were in his hands, contrary to the uniform usage; if used by him contrary to the sub-treasury act. Whether so, is for him to make appear. The burden of proof is on him.

Secondly: Application of the secret services fund to corrupt party presses. The Ashburton treaty bears date the 9^th August, 1842. Congress were then in session; and as Mr. Adams has charged me lately, and I confess I did what little I could as one of a small minority in the House of Representatives (we had forty votes, I think, under the previous question) to resist a treaty which Mr. Webster has lately stated in the Senate granted near half a million of dollars from the treasury of the United States to the people of Maine and Massachusetts, I then desired to contend, when put down by the previous question, that the House of Representatives had a constitutional right to pass on such a treaty.

What I am now enable to add, of revelation from the Department of State, will prove that my instincts of aversion to the treaty were even truer than reason.

In the Department of State there is now a letter signed F. O. J. Smith, marked private, dated Portland, the 12^th of August, 1842, addressed to Mr. Webster, Secretary of State, substantially as follows:

It begins by congratulating Mr. Webster on his settlement of the Maine boundary question by a new mode of approaching the subject, after forty years of diplomacy without which new mode another forty years of diplomacy would have come to nothing.

[Mr. F. O. J. Smith seems to have suggested the boast with which his correspondent, Mr. Webster, hugged himself in his elaborate vindication in Senate.].

Mr. Smith informs Mr. Webster by this letter, that he had occasion to resort to services and influences, in order to adjust the tone and direction of THE PARTY PRESSES, and through them of public sentiment, to a purpose so desirable of accomplishment under Mr. Webster’s administration.

Mr. Smith, therefore, submits a claim or account, if I recollect right, in blank for Mr. Webster to fill up, of which he calls for payment out of the contingent fund. Mr. Smith presumes that the contingent fund will be ample, and Mr. Webster’s control of it complete, to do whatever he may think just.

The sums Mr. Smith vouches as got by him from Mr. Webster are $2,000 for services connected with the North-eastern boundary, and two years after he vouches $500 more, as will be shown.

Thirdly: Leaving the Department of State in debt to the secret service fund $2,290.

The records of the department show this default beyond all denial or question.

They show, furthermore, that it was neither paid or accounted for during nearly two years after Mr. Webster’s removal from office.

They show several letters sent to him by President Tyler’s direction, urging payment, and evasive letters of excuse from Mr. Webster for non-payment.

At length, a peremptory letter that exposure would or might be the consequence of more delay, produced reimbursement. But settlement did not take place until the 1^st February, 1845, ten days before President Polk arrived in Washington to be inaugurated, when Mr. Webster produced another voucher from Mr. F. O. J. Smith for an additional $500, and other vouchers, one from George Smith for $500.

George Smith, since dead, denied that he had ever been paid or vouched more than $150, to which sum Mr. Webster reduced the $500 at first demanded, as his agent now in Washington will prove.

Granting all the vouchers Mr. Webster produced, there was nevertheless a balance of about 1,200 dollars due from him, at all events, when he left the department. That sum he was in default to the secret service fund, after crediting every thing in the way of repayment, offset or voucher that he claimed.

In all I have said in this affair, no allusion has been made to any private aggravation. Regretting the exposure forced from me, having afforded Mr. Webster several opportunities to meet the charges in his own way, that which he chose left me no alternative but this forbearing justification of myself.

A resolution, or committee, which I cannot institute, will soon test the truth of my statements.

On a question by Mr. Hunter of Virginia, Mr. Ingersoll said that he had received no information or intimation of any sort on this subject from Mr. Trist, who was then acting Secretary of State; and on a question by Mr. Bayly of Virginia, Mr. Ingersoll repeated that he had disclaimed imputing to Mr. Tyler, late President of the United States, any fault in reference to the abuses that had been committed in this fund.

We continue a sketch of the proceedings to the end, omitting the points of order raised and decided, in endless confusion.

Mr. Ashmun of Massachusetts said, I was very confident, Mr. Speaker, that the sense of justice that prevails in this House would not preclude me from an opportunity of replying to the member from Pennsylvania. After the repeated, deliberate cold-blooded ebullitions of that gentleman here—.

The Speaker interposed to order. The gentleman from Massachusetts must avoid personalities.

Mr. Ashmun. Well, I suppose it was perfectly in order for the member from Pennsylvania to utter all sorts of abusive epithets about an absent gentleman, and that a senator, calling him by name too, and yet it is not strictly parliamentary to impute any bad motive to—.

The Speaker. The Chair has no power between present and absent gentlemen, but he has power between present gentlemen, and it must be exercised.

Mr. Ashmun, (resuming.) I intend to keep myself strictly within the rules of order. order. I was saying, that I was sure, after the repeated deliberate, premediated assaults, which the member from Pennsylvania has made on the distinguished member from Massachusetts, this House would not refuse to hear a word or two in reply, and the vote of the House, just taken, has not disappointed me. I think the House, as the nation, are not only surprised, but are mortified at the scenes which have been exhibited here. The House has been denounced abroad in the press, and by the people, for its wanton violation of good taste and good manners, but I think an offence has been committed here higher than that against good taste and good manners. I think an offence has been committed against society, as well as against the reputation of this House.—Is it not a matter of mortification that this House should be the vehicle of such repeated vituperation as we have heard and witnessed? Is it not a matter of astonishment, pure and unmingled astonishment, that a member, who has lived so long in public life, and who ought to know what reputation is worth, (if indeed it is worth any thing to him, ) should be willing so often, repeatedly, with words written down, to come into this House and attempt to destroy the fame of a distinguished man—a fame which is a part of the property of the people of the United States?—If he was a young member, just entering into political life, who desired to gain some fame by connecting his name with the name of the high and distinguished individual whose character he was endeavoring to traduce, it would not be so strange. The member from Pennsylvania told us the other day, that he first met Mr. Webster in public life thirty odd years ago. Well, from that time to this, has he ever received the slightest cause of offence from Mr. Webster? I appeal to the whole nation to say that, however strongly Mr. Webster has spoken of parties or of principles, all his speeches have been free from personalities. I do not believe, or know, that any, the slightest, cause of offence has been given by Mr. Webster—unless it may be that one that may rankle in his bosom; that he (Mr. W.) has left him alone, that he has fathomed enough of his character to know that it was not worth while for him to say anything about him. Sir, he has never attacked him. Why then, why then, I ask, on the 9^th of February, when we had been discussing great and grave questions, involving peace and war, why then did the Chairman of the Committee on Foreign Affairs, when permitted by common consent to make the closing reply in that debate, instead of a statesmanlike argument on the important questions involved in that discussion, go out of his way to attack that gentleman, bringing in accusations which had no sort of connexion with the subject under discussion—accusations which have been proved to be false? And for what sort of motives? During thirty years he had known Mr. Webster as a public man, and for a considerable portion of that time the gentleman himself had been a public man.—I think when he was about to make that attack and when he recalled the recollections of that Congress in which he met Mr. Webster for the first time, that there might have been awakened up a remembrance that should have cautioned him how again he undertook to attack the name and character of a distinguished citizen.

Sir, there was in that Congress a gentleman of the highest patriotic virtue, chivalry, intelligence, character, and standing, in every respect—a gentleman from New Jersey—a gentleman he knows at once—his thoughts ran at once to the name of Stockton. There was in that Congress, when he first commenced public life, a gentleman who was slandered to his face. That Mr. Stockton was falsified in this hall; and the retribution that immediately followed; the “scarifying’ process that immediately began, is within the recollection of those who lived at that time.—Sir, tradition tells us of the withering, blasting attack of Mr. Stockton, in reply to the slander of that day; and that the man who uttered this slander left this hall crying like a whipped schoolboy; and I should wonder that that lesson had ever been forgotten. At least it has taught him one thing—never again to utter an attack upon a gentleman in his presence. And I believe now, as was intimated by my colleague the other day, that, sooner than he would have made this attack upon Mr. Webster, if present, he would have bitten his tongue off. But Mr. Webster is not here. He relies on his name, character, the fame of his public life, and the weak efforts of a few friends here to defend him.

Sir, this attack is but a continuation of that course of vituperation that commenced with Mr. Stockton, that followed upon Judge Marshall and the Judges of the Supreme Court, in a charge of corruption in their decision on the question of the extending of the charter of the Bank of the United States. That course of vituperation has lived till now.

The gentleman the other day, with the most bold simplicity—I might say with audacious simplicity—said that whatever thing had been said of him, he never knew before that his truth had been called in question. Now I beg to say, that the gentleman must either be very deaf or very blind, for that is the precise question that all the world make in relation to this matter. It is the truth of the charges—the slander, the vituperation, the villification which has been poured upon great men from the same course.

Sir, he is the accuser and the witness in relation to Mr. Webster. It becomes us, then, to know who the accuser is, and what is the character of the witness. He has brought us here, from the secret recesses of the State Department, certain memoranda, letters, and documents, and we are expected to take them on the credit of his veracity—his truthfulness—for no otherwise can we judge in relation to it. The President of the United States says the seal is too safe to allow him to break it, even upon the call of this House; and yet, with boldness that is unparalleled, the member from Pennsylvania stands up and says he has found out a way to get into these secret archives, and he comes here and asks us and the nation to believe he has told the truth in relation to this matter.

Now, what, then, says the accuser and the witness in this case? Why, on the 9^th of February, he made five or six specific charges against Mr. Webster. He charged him in the most imposing manner, and with a shake of the finger, and a solemn gravity that impress this House with the importance of his communication, with having written a letter marked “private” to the Governor of New York, with certain contents; with having sent it by express. And he said the next step taken by the administration, of which Mr. Webster was a member, was to procure to be employed, as counsel for McLeod, a gentleman who was lately removed from the office of district attorney in New York, and that a fee of five thousand dollars was put into his hands for that purpose.

Now, these were specific charges. All of them have been proved false. It is true that a private letter was sent; but not by express. Why, then, did the gentleman get up here and declare the circumstantial manner in which this letter was sent in order to make the House think it a matter of great importance?.

Mr. Ingersoll, (in his seat.) Did I say it was sent by express?

Mr. Ashmun. I think so.

Mr. Ingersoll. I remember I did not.

Mr. Ashmun, (continuing.) And when he says, with that child-like simplicity, that he never knew his truth called in question, that is an excellent consideration to be looked at in this connexion.

Well, he did state that a fee of 5,000 dollars had been put into the hands of the gentleman, late district attorney. Has that not been proved false?.

Mr. Ingersoll, (in his seat.) True.

Mr. Ashmun. “True!” Sir, there is not one word of truth in it. On the contrary, if the gentleman undertakes to bolster up his former statements by the evidence produced this morning, it entirely fails to show that any money was paid by the Administration as a fee for the counsel of McLeod.

Mr. Ingersoll was understood to say, that he had not said that it was paid by the Administration.

The Speaker Called Mr. I. To order for interruption.

Mr. Ashmun. I am not afraid of this interjectional conversation; for the more this matter is stirred, the more truth will be elicited.

The gentleman says he did not say that it was paid by the Administration. I put it to the honest sense of this House, if it was not so stated as to be understood that it was paid by the Administration?.

Mr. Ingersoll, (in his seat.) No.

Mr. Ashmun. I did not put it to you. I put it to the honest sense of this House.

Well, he says that a note was written by Mr. Webster to the Committee on Foreign Affairs, for a minister to go to Great Britain to settle the Oregon question. Well, if he did so, I think the 51 degrees 40 minutes men should be glad that he moved so early. But this is only important as to the matter of truth. Mr. Webster says that he did not send a note. It is true that a verbal communication with Mr. Adams, or Mr. Cushing, or both took place. So far I admit the statement, and give the member from Pennsylvania the credit of having told one truth in the whole. And it reminds me of an ancedone of an Indian, who came by a farmer’s house, desirous of getting something to drink. Knowing that the farmer was rather surly and tight-fisted, he told the farmer that he had just come by the bend of the b rook, where was a tree, and that a deer was feeding by that tree.—“and now, ” says he, “give me something to drink for this information.” The farmer now complied with his request, and was off with his rifle after the deer. He got there and found the tree, and the bend of the brook, but no deer.—Upon coming back he denounced the Indian for deceiving him. “Well, ” says the Indian, “did you not find a brook and a tree? Well, did I not tell you two truths to one lie?” Now the gentleman gets up here and says—although I know the word “lie is not parliamentary—.

Mr. B. Martin rose to a point of order.

Mr. Ashmun resumed. I did not intend to apply that term to the gentleman from Pennsylvania. His were mistakes and if he has one accuracy to five mistakes, it is doing pretty well.

Well, these charges were denounced as false, and proved, as I said, falst. There was no attempt on the part of the gentleman from Pennsylvania to prove them to be true; and the gentleman says under these circumstances he went to the State Department in search of further materials. Well, sir, it was very natural, if he had the free run of the State Department, that he should go there; that, following the bent of his inclination, he should get all the means in his power to traduce Mr. Webster.

But now the question comes before this House and the nation—and it is an important question in judging of the witness and the accuser—by what means, foul or fair—how has this pretended information been extracted from the secretary-chives of the State Department? Why, Sir, the House made a solemn call by a majority of this body upon the President to furnish this information from the State Department. The President of the United States, in a solemn message addressed to this House, refused to communicate the information. The President stated, that the laws and the Constitution, and the oath he had taken, imposed upon him a duty which forbade him to expose to any eye any thing contained in that Department. He said there was a seal of confidence upon it that he could not break; that this House could not require him to break, unless it was in a case of impeachment; and yet the member from Pennsylvania stands up here, with a boldness most admirable, and says he has been prowling there, that he knows what is there, and that he has got there all this information which he has communicated to this House. Now, I want to know how he got there. The President says there is a seal of obligation, of confidence, upon this Department. Who broke that seal? He exempts the Secretary of State and the President, he says. I exempt them. I have no idea that the honorable men had any thing to do with that transaction. Was it some underling in that Department, that has been a pander upon this occasion? If assisted by anybody, it must have been by an underling, for I say no honorable man would have any connection with the subject.—Who furnished him with a key? Or did he take one from his own picket? Or did he pick the lock to ascertain what was contained in the secret archives of the Department? Who was the guilty man? If the gentleman does not reveal him, the responsibility is upon him, (Mr. I.)—He broke into the State Department where he had no right to go—knowing that he had no right to go. Has there been anybody removed from office in the State Department for breach of confidence? Has the gentleman, as a member of the administration party communicated to the Executive the foul agent? No, he takes the responsibility; he chooses to shield the conspirator, if there is any; it is upon him. And he admits he has gone and broken in where the President says he had no right to go, and where this House has no right to go. Now the gentleman states, this morning, that these documents are in possession of one of the clerks of this Department.—Dare the gentleman rise in his place and state who that clerk is? Was it he?.

Well, the gentleman described to us how he “stumbled upon this information to his entire amazement.” And for my life, I could not bur think it was like a man who has feloniously broken into a house for one thing and stumbles upon another, and, after laying his hands upon all he can get, decamps and sets fire to the house. It did seem to me so stealthlike, groping about where he had no right to be, doing injury, and lighting upon information which he says surprised him.

I have something important (he continued) in relation to the character of the witness. Well, it is by these means he avows before the world he has procured the means of uttering this accusation against the distinguished Senator from Massachusetts. Now, in judging of the character of the witness and accuser, you must always take into consideration, to some extent, the position he has assumed upon the trial. He has brought against the Senator from Massachusetts four or five distinct specific allegations. Among others he has charged him with the personal use of the money of the people of the United States, and of being a defaulter while in office, and going out of office a defaulter.

Sir, the member from Pennsylvania is the last man, so far as the public records show, that I should suppose would have ventured upon stirring an inquiry into official peculations—the last man in this House. The records of Congress I should suppose would have stared him in the face, and have palsied his tongue, when he begins to speak of the personal use of the money of the people of the United States. Is it probable that for the purpose of withdrawing public attention from one state of things, this charge has been made upon another officer? Why, the member from Pennsylvania has held office under this government. He held it for a course of years, until he was turned our of office by President Jackson.—In the first month of his administration, he was turned out for official peculations and the use of the moneys of—.

[Several points of order were here raised—which, having been settled, Mr. Ashmun proceeded.].

I have just stated, Sir, in order that the House and the country might judge of the weight of the accusation and the testimony which is brought to sustain it, that the accuser himself was formerly a public officer; that on the accession of General Jackson to office on the 4^th of March, 1829, he was dismissed from that office; that he was dismissed for abuses in office connected with public moneys. We all know that when General Jackson came into office, one of the pledges he give us in his Inaugural Address was, that there were abuses which were to be reformed, and he considered himself pledged to reform them. This was on of the first acts of his Administration—to remove from office the District Attorney of the Easter District of Pennsylvania, on the ground which I have stated. Well, I hole in my hand the volume of Executive documents for 1839 and 1840, which contains the history of the transaction to which I allude. The gentleman was removed from office in March, or the 1^st of April, 1829; his term of office would expire in February, 1830; it had less than a year longer to run; and yet General Jackson, with that honest indignation which, whatever may have been his other faults, he had of all sorts of peculations, did not permit him to enjoy the remainder of the term. He removed him, and appointed in his stead Mr. Dallas. Dallas. And the official account was not closed; the balance of that account was not paid into the Treasury until 1839; nearly ten years after he was removed from office. Sir, in 1836, a suit was commenced against him; he had been reported as a defaulter to the department; he presented large and enormous charges to offset the balance against him, and they were disallowed by the accounting officers of the Treasury. A suit was commenced against him for some 37,000 dollars: dollars: he presented an account—an account which is presented in this document, of the most monstrous items that official eyes ever saw, and in that suit, in the year 1837, with the assistance of such means as he could get upon the spot in Pennsylvania, he so far reduced the claim of the Government, that judgment was rendered against him for 3,985 dollars and 78 cents—almost 4,000 dollars. That was about 1^st of May, 1837. A liquidated balance was then found by the Court of the United States for that amount, and yet it was not until the 19^th January, 1839, that the last amount of that indebtedness was paid into the Treasury of the United States nearly two years after that amount had been found by the jury, and judgment entered by the Court. The first payment was made in March, 1838, of 1,800 dollars, and on the 19^th January, 1839, (most two years after, ) the balance was paid.

Now, I say, if any gentlemen and all gentlemen will—I think the whole public ought to—investigate these accounts, they will find that he retained in his hands an immense amount of public money; that, when pressed to suit by the agents of the United States, he brought in an account composed of the most monstrous items as an offset; and that finally judgment of nearly four thousand dollars was found against him, and that judgment was not satisfied till two years afterwards. Well, how his account was made up tradition tells us somewhat—this document tells us somewhat. This is the certificate of Judge Hopkinson. Under the direction of the district attorney the grand jury returned 651 bills of indictment in a certain tea case—which was all one transaction. It arose upon two or three cargoes of tea that were delivered out in violation of the laws to A, B, C, &c. The district attorney was directed to prosecute them; and, instead of libelling them in one or two accounts, he libelled each package, having 651 bills of indictment issued out, on each of which he levied his charge of costs. Now, it may be said it was according to law; Judge Hopkinson certified this enormous amount, it was true, but he considered it was an unusual charge, as every lawyer knows. And it was a charge much greater than he was entitled to under the spirit of the law.—And, besides this, he brought in a charge for other services—for extra official services. And, after this amount was made up, judgment was rendered against him for nearly four thousand dollars in 1837, and it was not satisfied till March, 1837. I am reminded it is a fact, that the jury only allowed about one-fifth of the account presented.

Mr. J. R. Ingersoll interposed (Mr. Ashmun yielding the floor) and said: I regret the necessity which constrains me to take any part whatever in this proceeding. From the beginning it has been to me a cause of much pain; and I have carefully refrained from everything in connexion with it, except when duty has required that I should give a vote. I have voted, and I have done no more. In relation to the particular statement now made, I am not at liberty to preserve silence. Thus far the controversy has been one in which my feelings of affectionate relationship were alone concerned. A different situation is now created. I was counsel for the district attorney in the suit with the U. States. On the trial of the cause, I was his only counsel. I know, Mr. Speaker—I well know—the facts connected with the case. They were such as did not, for a moment, that I have ever heard, excite a suspicion of official or personal delinquency on the part of the individual concerned in them. He had lone held the office of district attorney. Very large sums of money had, during a course of years, passed through his hands. It was interesting to himself, and, as might have been supposed, it was scarcely less interesting to the government that his accounts should be settled. He endeavored repeatedly, and for a length of time, to bring about a settlement. His efforts were fruitless. No adjustment was made. He could not, in the nature of the thing, bring suit against the Government, or otherwise compel what he so much desired, and so anxiously sought. He, therefore, with the advice of counsel, gave notice to the proper department that he had some funds in his hands, and that he would require suit to be brought against him as the only means of effecting a full and final settlement, and that in the mean time the fund should be invested for the benefit of the United States. Suit was brought. An account of items was exhibited, amounting to more than a million of dollars, which had been officially required to exhibit voucher for the payment of them to the proper authority. He did so with entire clearness, and to the satisfaction of the judge and jury. A balance of between three and four thousand dollars remained, and a verdict was found accordingly. The conduct of the district attorney during the whole transaction was, in my estimation, perfectly honorable, and I have never, that I recollect, until this moment, heard a suggestion from any quarter to the contrary.

It has been in a collateral manner only—one known especially to myself—that I have felt myself at liberty, and under an obligation, to interpose. It is my intention, from motives that will meet with unhesitating response—motives of peculiar delicacy—to refrain as much as possible in the future, as I have done in the past, from taking any part in this controversy.

Mr. Ashmun resumed. I yielded with the utmost cheerfulness to the gentleman from Pennsylvania, whose near relation to the other gentleman from Pennsylvania entitles him to be heard, and whose high and honorable character entitles him to belief, as far as he states facts. So far as his opinions may be influenced by the delicate position in which he stands to the other gentleman, I leave for the House to decide.

But, in relation to these facts, I agree that the gentleman from Pennsylvania did urge time and again a settlement—a suit to be commenced—and, when that suit was commenced, its result was, that judgment was rendered against him for nearly 4,000 dollars, and that balance was not paid up until two years afterwards. The gentleman says, in his opinion, his whole course was highly honorable. I leave it for the House, for the world, to judge in relation to his bringing 651 cases out of one transaction—out of which he sought to accumulate a monstrous amount as an offset to the charges of the treasury against him.

Mr. C. J. Ingersoll (in his seat.) Did you read the printed testimony in that document? document? Mr. Ashmun. It is of two students in the district attorney’s office. office. A certificate furnished years afterwards by the foreman of the grand jury. Did not every lawyer know that the grand jury were directed, instructed, counselled in their course by the advice of the district attorney?.

But I leave this matter, with the facts of the gentleman from Pennsylvania, which are all true, and with the opinions he has pronounced; and I ask the House and the world to pronounce upon these facts. Sir, for what was it that on the immediate accession of General Jackson to office, this district attorney was tumbled head and heels out of office? Gen. Jackson scented it out; his keen sagacity hit upon it, and he was immediately displaced.

Well, now, under such circumstances, and from such a source, these charges come. What are the charges? Charges of peculation—charges upon Mr. Webster of the personal use of this fund. Now, no proof has been produced to sustain the truth of his charge. charge. It has not been sustained by one particle of evidence that the gentleman has undertaken to state to the House, that that secret service fund was taken possession of by Mr. Webster. The House knows that it is utterly impossible, that it cannot be true; that that fund is under the direction and control of the President, and can only be obtained on the certificate of the President, and when I saw the little by play by which the gentleman from Virginia [Mr. Bayly] called upon the gentleman from Pennsylvania to exempt Mr. Tyler from any connexion with this transaction, I understood it perfectly well, and I know equally well that Mr. Tyler has said, and now says, that not one dollar was expended but under his direction. And I know, further, the insidious efforts that have been resorted to, to get Mr. Tyler to take ground on this subject against Mr. Webster.

Mr. C. J. Ingersoll. By me?.

Mr. Ashmun. Yes.

Mr. Ingersoll. It is utterly false.

The Speaker rapped to order.

Mr. Ingersoll (still standing and continuing his sentence.) It is a lie; the lie of a coward.

Mr. Ashmun (resuming.) Yes, the aged Pennsylvanian—.

Mr. Ingersoll (interposing.) I am quite young enough.

Mr. Ashmun. Yes; the aged Pennsylvanian comes here to use language towards me which he supposes can provoke a personal conflict. I come from a section of country where they neither believe in duelling, bowie-knives, nor pistols. We are neither afraid of them nor do we use them.

Mr. C. J. Ingersoll (in his seat.) Nor of getting drunk?.

Mr. Ashmun (continuing.) The member from Pennsylvania supposed by using that phrase he would disturb my equanimity. If he chooses to try whether I am afraid, let him try and he will find out.

I stated that insidious efforts have been made to induce Mr. Tyler to take ground on this subject against Mr. Webster. I believe when the gentleman first found he was to be disappointed in the proof, that efforts were made by him, or at least with his connivance, for this purpose. And it has been stated in the public papers that certain gentlemen were requested to do so. I will not vouch for all that is said in the papers; but when I have seen the means resorted to—that the secret archives of the Government have been broken into for obtaining the means of detraction, I am at liberty to state all I know in relation to other efforts.

I come back, Mr. Speaker, to the charge that Mr. Webster has used the public funds. The gentleman says seventeen thousand dollars.—Where is the proof? It rests entirely upon the gentleman from Pennsylvania. Pennsylvania. He says he has obtained it; and in so saying, he admits his own shame; that he has been were he has no right to be. He professed to read what he called a letter. How much of that was his own comments, and how much the true letter we do not know.—It purports to be fore the corruption of the press.—Well, I beg the gentleman to answer how much money it will take to buy up the Democratic press of Maine. Even if a thousand or two of dollars had been used by Mr. Tyler and Mr. Webster for the purpose of circulating information among the people of Maine, so as to bring them to agree upon a conventional boundary, of the justice of which they were satisfied, Mr. A. considered it no worse than the giving the public printing to editors of the political press. But was this corrupting the public press? It is all idle, said he. There is not the slightest evidence of it, except the mere statement of the member from Pennsylvania. How much that is worth, I leave the House to decide.

Sir, this embraces substantially all the charges made by the member. It have not time to go more particularly into details. He has again written a communication on this subject, which will probably receive notice elsewhere. I have said all I intended to say. I have endeavored to discharge what I conceive to be my duty—to hold up this odious slander before the community for their disgust and their contempt. And although I know, until humanity is somewhat purified, there will be some that will countenance the member from Pennsylvania in the alrocious vilification he has pursued, yet I do believe that men of all parties—gentlemen of honor—high-minded gentlemen who hold the character of our public men to be part of the public property, will do full justice to all parties in relation to this accusation; that they will fix upon its author the mark of reprobation and condemnation which will stand uneffaced until repentance—long, deep and sincere—shall have claimed mercy for him.

Mr. Schenck offers the following resolution;.

Whereas this House, on the 9^th day of April instant, passed a resolution, which is in the words and terms following: “Resolved, That the President of the United States be requested to cause to be furnished to this House an account of all payments made on President’s certificates from the fund appropriated by law through the agency of the State Department, for the contingent expenses of foreign intercourse since the 4^th day of March, 1841, until the retirement of Daniel Webster, from the Department of State, with copies of all entries, letters, receipts, vouchers, memorandums, or other evidence of such payments, to whom paid, for what, and particularly all concerning the North Eastern Boundary dispute with Great Britain. Also copies of whatever communications were made from the Secretary of State during the last session of the 27^th Congress, particularly February, 1843, to Mr. Cushing and Mr. Adams, members of the Committee of this House on Foreign Affairs, of the wish of the President of the United States to institute a special mission to Great Britain. Also copies of all letters on the books of the Department of State to any officer of the United States, or any person in New York, concerning Alexander McLeod.Provided that no document or matter is requested to be furnished by the foregoing resolution, which, in the opinion of the President, would improperly involve the citizen or subject of any foreign power, ” which said resolution was communicated to the President of the United States: And whereas, the President, on the 20^th day of April instant, communicated to this House his reply to said resolution, In which he declined to disclose, or furnish any information in regard to the expenditure of the secret service fund, assigning, among other reasons, the following: that if the President may answer the present call, he must answer similar calls for every such expenditure of a confidential character, made under every Administration, in war and in peace, from the organization of the Government to the present period; that to break the seal of confidence imposed by law, and heretofore uniformly preserved, would be subversive of the very purpose for which the law was enacted, and might be productive of the most disastrous consequences, and that the expenditures of this confidential character, it is believed, were never before sought to be made public, and he should greatly apprehend the consequences of establishing a precedent which would render such disclosures thereafter inevitable.

And whereas Charles Jared Ingersoll, a member of this House, and one of the representatives from the State of Pennsylvania, has this day declared to this House, in his place here, that he is in possession of, or has had access to, the information in relation to the expenditure of the secret service fund which was asked for in said resolution, and refused to the House, or of some portion thereof, with proof and documents in relation thereto, and has disclosed the same to the House and to the public, and the said Ingersoll avers that he found or procured the said information from the Department of State, therefore.

Resolved, That a Select Committee of five members to be appointed to inquire how the seal of confidence imposed by law, heretofore uniformly preserved in relation to the expenditure of said secret fund, has come to be broken; and how the said Charles J. Ingersoll has obtained the information which he has communicated to this House and to the public, and through whose agency such information has been procured; whether by the act of said Ingersoll himself, or by any officer of any department of this Government: And if by a member, then, whether he does not deserve, by such conduct, punishment by the House, and whether in such transaction there has not been an offence committed against the dignity and privileges of the House: And that the said Committee have power to send for persons and papers; and the they report to the House as soon as practicable the result of their investigation.

Mr. Pettit moved to amend the resolution by adding thereto the following:

“And that another select committee of five be appointed, to inquire into the truth of the charges this day made in this House by Mr. C. J. Ingersoll against Mr. Daniel Webster, with a view to founding an impeachment against said Daniel Webster; and that said committee have power to send for persons and papers, books and vouchers.”.

Mr. Pettit’s amendment was agreed to, and the resolution adopted—so that two select committees will have to be appointed.
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RE46v43i1p1c6, May 1, 1846: Thursday Morning, April 30, 1846.

The Whig papers, aroused by the unexpected gains in a number of Democratic counties, and our divisions, raise the cry that the Whigs have gained ground, and the Democratic party is losing the confidence of the people—that Mr. Polk’s course on the Oregon question, the proposed modification of the Tariff, and Sub-treasury, have operated upon the public mind of Virginia, and produced a reaction.

The reverse may justly be said to be the case. It is not our weakness, but our strength, which has perilled our success. In November, 1844, the Democracy swept the State so victoriously—last Spring, they wrested from the Whigs so many doubtful counties, that they were tempted to try experiments with their luck. Instead of organizing and concentrating their strength upon single candidates in the Northwest, they divided their votes upon several candidates, and the most thorough Democratic counties will have the mortification to be misrepresented by Whigs. Aided by these foolish antics in our ranks, and by the double-voting which has secured them several counties, the Whigs have run us much closer than they themselves had any idea of, or than we expected—for we have, all along, feared the effects of a want of concentration, especially in the West. The Whig paper in Raleigh, referring to the Virginia Elections, said it expected a defeat, for Virginia had never “gone right, ” (that is, voted for the Whigs, ) save “by accident.” It was this “accident” alone that we feared. feared. We felt, and we now feel, that Virginia is more strongly Democratic than ever. At the late elections, had the parties been fairly arrayed against one another, even with the disadvantage of double votes and the general apathy, we should have carried the Legislature by as large a majority as last year. Eastern Virginia has done her duty. It is in the North-west that we have lost so many counties, because our friends were so strong, that they cut up their forces, and were captured by the enemy. They have learned a lesson, we hope, which will cause them hereafter to act with an unbroken front. In that case, they are invincible.
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RE46v43i1p2c2, May 1, 1846: To the Hon. EDWARD BURLESON, President of the Senate of the State of Texas:

SIR—I cannot leave the seat of Government of your State, without returning my most grateful and respectful acknowledgments to the body over which you preside, for the very distinguished honor they have done me, by adopting with an unanimity which greatly enhances its value, a resolution expressive of the gratitude of the people of Texas for my early friendship to the country, my defence of the character of its people in the Legislature of South Carolina, and (as the Senate is pleased to say, ) for my ability and success in procuring a recognition of your independence by some of the principal powers of Europe.

With whatever ability my negotiations may have been conducted, I will not be guilty of the absurd affectation of saying that I do not feel that I have a just claim to the residue of the applause which you have so generously accorded. Yes, sir, I was your early and fast friend when you Star rose over the surface of these verdant prairies, full of the light reflected from your arms.—South Carolina had just emerged out of the fearless struggle, which single-handed she waged, against the whole Union, in defence of the Constitution of the United States, as expounded by him who drew the Declaration of Independence, and those principles of free trade which are at once the vital element and just reward of human industry.

I confess that I flung myself, without scarcely a moment’s relaxation, from the toils of a distinguished post, which I had occupied in my own State, with an irrepressible enthusiasm in your cause. Independently of the just sympathy I felt in your heroic struggle, I could not but venture to anticipate that what we had contended for in South Carolina was to be realized in the auspicious fortunes which were dawning on your country.

My purse, pen and tongue, in the exercise of all the faculty of speech with which God had endowed me, were dedicated to your service. My arm would not have been wanting (feeble as it may have been) if the reapers whom you sent down to the harvest of death, at San Jaeinto, had left a single enemy to subdue or a single garland to be won. But valor had left nothing for ambition to glean.

Of the events connected with my civil and foreign services to the late Republic, I am admonished both of the propriety and delicacy of my being brief. Such as they were, they were rendered with fidelity and zeal. The recognition of your independence by Great Britain gave you the sovereign faculty of making the compact of annexation which you have consummated with the Government of the United States. You, are, doubtless, aware that many millions of your pubic domain had been mortgaged by the Government of Mexico to the British bond holders; and but for the recognition of Great Britain ofd your power in contract treaties and form alliances, some very delicate questions might have risen, or some new or complicated points of public law, which the sword alone could have solved.

And here you will permit me to offer some explanation of an apparent inconsistency that I, who had been so strenuous an advocate for the recognition of your sovereignty and independence by other nations, should subsequently have been an ardent champion for their being merged (at lease in a qualified sense) in the government of this confederacy.

I have never had an opportunity of giving this explanation. I will now do it briefly and explicitly. On my visit to Europe in 1842, after I had ceased to have any official connexion with your Government, I satisfied myself, from the course of public opinion there, that Texas, independent, would soon become the fulcrum on which the lever of European politics would be planted; that our of the Union the vast preponderance of European emigrants coming into her territory would separate her in sympathy and affection from the people of the United States; that in less than a quarter of a century, her interests would be played against those of our now common country, and that she would soon become the Flanders of the North American States, at once an object and theatre for the struggles, ambition and policy of other States. On my return from Europe, passing through Washington in the autumn of 1842, I communicated these views to President Tyler, and found they had been anticipated by his own patriotism, sagacity and just ambition. Now that annexation has been consummated, and the grave has closed over the bright and unfinished labors of the lamented and highly gifted Upshur, I may say, without violating the semblance of confidence, that my private correspondence with the gentleman on this subject, would more entirely sustain the opinions which I have thus ventured to give you a hasty sketch. These opinions may not have belonged to the comprehensive views of a statesman, who looks far into futurity, but I believe they will find a response in every American bosom.

In reference to the subject of my pecuniary negotiations for your Government, I have but a few words to say: Money is undoubtedly a very pleasant thing to possess, but it is rather a stale and flat subject to write about. It is sufficient to say, that I never negotiated a loan for your, except at par, when your paper was at a heavy discount in the stock market of the United States, and what is far better, I have, in obedience to your order filed my accounts with the Comptroller of your Treasury, accounting for every farthing I ever received. My contract with Messr. Laffite & Co. of Paris, in 1841, has been grossly misrepresented by those who never read that contract. contract. It was a financial projet, drawn, as I have reason to believe, out by James Laffite, that valiant champion of liberty, and distinguished Banker, to convert, eventually, 37 millions of money certificates into land warrants, at seven francs per acre. This measure was defeated by the perfidy and injustice of the French Minister of Finance, without, as I have the best reasons to think, consulting his Government, and I believe, with the regret of the enlightened King of the French, and his highly accomplished Minister of Foreign Affairs, M. Guizot, of whom nothing more need be said, than that his great public and private virtues are on a level wit his distinguished genius. But enough of this subject.

It has given me infinite pain to appear before your Legislature, holding and representing, as I do, large claims against your Government. In reference to the former, if the interests of others were not involved, I do not know that, in the self-sacrificing affection of my children, I would not have found a justification so entirely in harmony with my own inclination in abstaining from presenting them. But in reference to the claims of others, whom I induced, in the darkest hours of your fortunes, to adventure their money in your service, I have a higher duty to perform—a duty which I could not neglect, without infidelity to them and dishonor to myself.

That Texas has both the willingness and the ability to pay every debt, which a fair and equitable examination can be justly brought against her, cannot be doubted by those who have any knowledge of her intelligent population and of her public resources; and as the best means of meeting the legitimate demands of her creditors, permit me (who like yourselves is a land holder, free holder and tax payer in Texas) to suggest the policy of transferring your public lands to the Government of the United States upon such terms as would place the character and credit of your State upon lofty grounds, and secure to her an immediate prosperity. The public domain now an inert mass, far too unwieldy for your State Government to handle, would become, under such arrangement, a source of value and beneficent usefulness to yourselves and the whole Union.—Their purchase by the United States, is a great measure of national policy, which has no more to do with the assumption of State debts than the purchase of Louisiana from France, necessarily involved an assumption of her revolutionary assignats.

It is Wholly immaterial what ordinances of annexation the United States may have passed, they cannot take your Custom Houses, appropriate to themselves its revenues, with all the attributes which belong to the sovereign faculty of indirect taxation, without providing for debts, for which those very revenues were pledged; when, therefore, you propose to surrender your domain for the purpose of paying your public debt, you make a gratuitous concession to the sacred object of your public faith equally creditable to your honor and integrity.

With a renewed assurance of my gratitude to your honorable body for the distinguished compliment they have paid—I am, with greatest respect, your ob’t serv’t, JAMES HAMILTON.
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RE46v43i1p2c4, May 1, 1846: FURTHER ITEMS BY THE GREAT WESTERN.

Excitement with regard to the Oregon question seems in a great measure to have passed away.

The news from the Continent is not important.

In Persia the cholera is raging with devastating effect.

PARLIAMENTARY. Three months have nearly elapsed since the tariff was introduced, and the measure still lingers in the House of Commons. It was vehemently opposed on its introduction by the enemies of free trade, and respective of extraneous delays, the protectionists showed anxiety enough to procrastinate its final triumph.

The fight about the tariff ceased, and the still more fierce wrangle about the “Curfew Bill” commenced. In this humor the House separated, ready, with renewed ardor, to begin the conflict when it meets again. Sir Robert Peel states that the Irish Bill will be taken up again on the re-assembling of Parliament, and passed to a first reading.

Arrived at that stage, the Corn Bill, which stands committed to Monday week, will be once more on the tapis, , pressed to a third reading, and sent to the House of Lords for acceptance or rejection. Had it not been for the fastidious deterence to the Peers, which induced Sir Robert to shelve his pet measure of Commercial Reform, for the purpose of discussing the odious Coercion Bill, the former healing measure would, ere this, have passed through its legislative formulas in the lower House, and the Peers would have been in a position to say aye or not to it.

ENGLAND AND THE UNITED STATES.

We repeat most emphatically that the only line of conduct to be feared by England is the plausibilities involved in the laissez aller system. The clear perception of this has made us true prophets, and Mr. Calhoun a formidable antagonist.

It is the right policy for America. It was so from the first. It was only exceptionable on the score of its being unintelligible. unintelligible. When first promulgated the feelings of the people and the prejudices of the people were against it. The North was distrustful, the West ambitious. A change has since come upon them. Action has engendered re-action—that is one thing. Free Tariffs have engendered commercial interests—that is another.

The true appreciation of the apparently pacific position of England has engendered a valuation of the chances of war, as well as of the blessings of peace—this is the third and best point.—One with another, these elements in American calculation are beginning to make Mr. Calhoun intelligible, even in Ohio and Missouri.

The only policy formidable to England is Mr. Calhoun’s; and it is formidable simply because it encourages the natural nonchalance of Great Britain. The Hudson’s Bay Company is a strong company; so strong that it consists of the stronger sex only.

The American squatter takes his wife with him. The child follows. The different character of the immigration will make all the difference ten years hence.—Leave it till then. So says Mr. Calhoun; and for a Malthusian American he says rightly.

The sine die policy is Mr. Calhoun’s. Can we in England meet it? At present we are the strongest within the Oregon; or, illustrating the distinction within rules, the constabulary is stronger than the thievedom.

But let the thieves multiply—what will happen then? Just what Mr. Calhous reckons on—an unequal battle ten years hence. The sinc die doctrine, if ever admitted in England, must be met with an antagonistic one—thepari passu policy. What they do in the way of immigration, let us do likewise.

The 54-40 doctrine is a mere stalking-horse.Facilis descensus—it is an imaginary point of right, created for the occasion of making the appearance of a descent. By letting themselves down from a fictitious position, the Americans take the credit of making concessions.

Mr. Calhoun’s speech has had the effect of reducing the question to it generalities. The sense of the country, (so says the press, ) “will be taken upon the latitudes 49 and 54 40.” Latitude enough. On the question itself, however, there is no sense to be taken.

Pending, however, the processes of reasoning, which the country undergoes in making up its mind between the two parallels, (between the impossible whole and the equitable half) negotiations are to cease. So much the better, always assuming the pari passu system on the side of England.00[Morning Chronicle.
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RE46v43i1p2c4, May 1, 1846: OREGON.

The article in the last number of the Quarterly Review, on the subject of Oregon, is beginning to attract attention, now that the hubbub, arising out of the Indian victories, is fast subsiding. The gist of the article is to promote a compromise, and the reviewer would be content with the 49^th parallel.

We have contended from the first that any fair settlement of the dispute would be hailed with avidity by the English people, in order to avoid the horrible consequences which an appeal to force would produce; and the semi-official character of the article to which we allude, embodying the feelings of the great Conservative party on the subject, is confirmatory of our views.

The arrival at Havre with New York papers to the 18^th ult., brings the debates in Congress, on this subject, three weeks later than the previous packet. The ultra Oregon men appear to be losing ground, and the g general feeling of the country, as well as of Congress, leaves little to apprehend now from belligerent results. Indeed, it is generally believed here that the dispute is virtually settled. We sincerely hope that this is not an assumption, but a fact. fact.Wilmer & Smith’s European Times.
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RE46v43i1p2c3, May 1, 1846. [Correspondence of the N. Y. Journal of Commerce.] WASHINGTON, Saturday, April 25.

It will be the fault of the British Government, if a treaty be not made on the Oregon question in sixty days from this time. If it is wise, it will avail itself of the ebb tide here, and offer terms at once, while they can be accepted. Whatever terms may be offered, the President will submit for the advice of the Senate. If they are too exacting, the Senate will show an undivided front in opposition to it; and, after that, there will be but one party to the question in this country.

If the British Government wait, after the Notice, for the action of Congress on the Oregon bill—if, for any reason, they continue their reserve, they may lose the opportunity of a pacific and liberal adjustment. The present unexpectedly moderate policy and measure of the Senate, on this subject, cannot be expected to continue beyond the present session. The temper of the people would not permit it.

The Senate would now undoubtedly advise that the country be divided by forty-nine and the Straits of Fuca; and they might even be willing to consent to concede to Great Britain the navigation of the Columbia river for half a century.

There are some reasons, as it is understood, for the opinion that the British Government will make an overture, or accept one of a reasonable kind.

The President, it is understood, will send out the Notice by the packet of the 1^st of May. He will not make an overture, but he will accompany it with an expression of his wish for an amicable and speedy adjustment of the question, repeating, perhaps, the assurance on that subject which he gave through Mr. Buchanan, in the last correspondence with the British Minister.
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RE46v43i1p3c2, May 1, 1846: From the N. Y.Journal of Commerce of Wednesday.

THE OREGON CONTROVERSY SETTLED.
By Last Evening’s Mail.

By last night’s mail we received no New York papers, but find the following in a P. S. of yesterday’s Baltimore American. While we do not put great confidence in its statements, we learn from Washington that the news by the Great Western is regarded as pacific. We give it for what it is worth—expressing our surprise that the Journal of Commerce, generally a coop paper, should speak with so much warmth and confidence. There may be some probability of the prospective realization of the settlement described:

Letters by the Great Western, from high sources, say that the Oregon question is settled, and give the details, viz: latitude 49 to the Straits of Fuca, and thence through said Straits to the Pacific, leaving the whole of Vancouver’s Island to Great Britain, the navigation of the Columbia for a term of years, &c. We understand the fact to be, that the arrangement made through the medium of several gentlemen in Washington, and which we announced perhaps two months ago, but which was retarded by the uncourteous manner in which the offer of arbitration was rejected, has now been recognized and confirmed. The forms of diplomacy will be gone through with at Washington, as we presume—for the formal negotiation has never by our Government been committed to Mr. McLane, though the generous confidence existing between him and Lord Aberdeen has doubtless enabled him to render important aid in bringing the controversy to a favorable issue.

The President, we have reason to know, is ready and will be prompt to accept the terms stated above, and the Senate not less prompt in confirming what he does. Let the dogs of war bawl and go to 54 40—the prey has escaped them. The “national heart” needs not now to “be prepared for war.”.

The paragraph from a Liverpool paper of the 11^th, mentions the above intelligence as having been rumored on Change, but does not speak confidently of its correctness. Our regular correspondent writes us, under date of the 10t^hinstant, that the war party in England, as well as here, was completely down; but he does not appear to have been aware that the terms of an arrangement had been agreed on.
[BWP]

RE46v43i1p3c2, May 1, 1846: TWENTY-NINTH CONGRESS. Wednesday, April 29. SENATE.

A communication was received from the Secretary of War, transmitting the information recently called for, in relation to the copper mines on Lake Superior.

Mr. Jarnagin, in pursuance of notice, introduced his joint resolution to establish a home board to adjust the claims of our citizens against Mexico. It was referred to the Committee on Foreign Relations.

The preamble to the resolution, after setting forth the conduct of Mexico, says that our Government has now no other alternative but to make a peremptory demand for settlement.

On motion of Mr. Morehead, the Committee on the Library was instructed to inquire into the expediency of distributing the copies of the American Archives belonging to the Government among the Literary Institutions of the country.

The Senate then took up the bill granting alternate sections of the public domain to aid in the completion of certain works of Internal Improvement in the State of Michigan.

Mr. Calhoun said it was not only the right, but the duty of the Government to afford aid to works running through the public lands, by which the value of those lands would be enhanced.

Mr. Niles opposed the bill and expressed his surprise at the new doctrine to which the Senator from South Carolina had so recently become a convert.

Mr. Calhoun denied that he had become a recent convert to any new doctrine, but that he had acted upon the principles he now declared upon many occasions.

The debate was continued by Messrs. Cass, Niles, Breese, Westcott, Archer, J. M. Clayton, Woodbridge, and Benton.

The bill was then ordered to be engrossed and read a third time.

Mr. Speight gave notice that he should offer a bill of a similar nature to-morrow.

The Senate then adjourned.
[BWP]

RE46v43i1p3c2, May 1, 1846: HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.

The House went into Committee of the Whole, Mr. Burt of S. C. in the Chair, and resumed the consideration of the bill to establish the “Smithsonian Institution.”

Mr. Hamlin, of Me., addressed the Committee in favor of the bill, and in opposition to the substitute offered by Mr. Adams. He had no doubt about the constitutional power of Congress to accept the trust, and he hoped the present opportunity would not be suffered to pass, without some steps being taken to carry into effect the expressed design of the testator. Mr. H. contended that the money should properly be considered in the Treasury, and that it could not rightfully be any where else. He suggested some modifications of the bill, but would support any measure that would give a start to the noble design of Mr. Smithson.

The debate was continue by Messrs. Wood of N.Y., Giles of Md., and Wick of Ia., until the expiration of the hour, when the Committee proceeded to vote upon the various amendments which had been offered.

After spending some three hours in acting upon the amendments, the Committee finally adopted a substitute for the whole bill, proposed on the 21^st inst. By Mr. Hough of N.J., with some modifications, and reported the same to the House.

The bill as amended was then passed—yeas 85, nays 76.

The House then adjourned.
[BWP]

RE46v43i1p4c3, May 1, 1846: No title.

In order to bring about a perfect and secure confidence of a speedy settlement of the Oregon question, the N. Y. Evening Post suggests that the Government should “despatch to England some able man enjoying the confidence of the country, such a clear-headed, persuasive and universally acceptable envoy, for example, as Silas Wright, charged with the mission of adjusting the dispute on such a basis as would be satisfactory to the mass of the American people.” The same paper makes the following additional remarks. While we would perhaps go with the writer in allowing to British subjects certain commercial privileges for a term of years, we cannot see the propriety or the necessity of our Government making the first overture. The British Government must be satisfied, through the representations of Mr. Pakenham, that no party in this country would consent to a surrender of an inch of territory South of the 49^th degree. On this platform the most fiery advocate of war and the most timid friend of peace, stand, side by side, ready to draw the sword, rather than yield an inch farther. The declarations of the British press indicate that Great Britain is willing to take the first step in the renewed negotiation. She knows our views, and will probably tender such terms as she thinks we can honorably accept. Our position will be sensibly weakened, if, under the circumstances, we exhibit too anxious a desire to settle the question, by making the first offer. The giving the “notice, ” will be evidence, strong enough, that we wish a speedy and amicable adjustment. That step taken by us, the first offer will come with propriety from Great Britain:

“The notice will, we suppose, be given promptly. The President has the consent of the Senate, that the time and expediency of giving the notice shall be left to his discretion, and the desire of the House of Representatives, a body in closer relation to public opinion than the Senate, has been expressed by its vote that he should give it immediately.

“The giving of the notice will make an early adjustment of the dispute necessary. For that purpose, negotiations must be renewed, and it matters very little from whom the first overtures come. Nor is it necessary, in our view, that the settlement of this dispute should be made to depend merely on the right of territory. The Hudson’s Bay Company has drawn from their trade in furs, now carried on in Oregon, a prodigious revenue, the desire to retain which perhaps, as much as any other cause, has made Britain slow to consent even to a partition of the territory. But this trade must gradually decline, and in a few years come to an end, as the animals who are hunted for their furs decrease in number. It is probable that if we were to allow British subjects certain commercial rights in the territory for a term of years, the difficulties in the way of a settlement would be considerably diminished.

“This view of the matter might furnish, we venture to suggest, an opportunity on our part of re-opening the negociations, without receding one inch from the ground our Government has taken. That the British Government does not desire to go to war with us for Oregon, is manifest enough, not merely to those who reflect on the consequences of such a step to herself, but to those who have observed the manner in which the subject is treated in quarters, to which we look for an indication of the intentions of that Government. A certain amount of bluster and insolence must always be expected in British journals, whenever there is any collision of interests, apparent or real, between their own country and any other; but from this, no inference can well be drawn, one way or the other. But the article in the Quarterly Review, to which we alluded the other day, as well as other indications, seems to show that the British Government is no3w prepared to assent to a settlement of the dispute, on terms considerably short of its previous demands.”[BWP]

The following is the substance of a report made by the Select Committee of the House of Representatives of the Texas Legislature, on the subject of the public debts and public lands of Texas. It had not been finally acted upon, and was expected to produce a violent discussion. It is said that Gen. J. Hamilton has recommended the measure:

Resolved, That our delegation in Congress be requested, and authorized forthwith, to open a negotiation with the Government of the United States, in such form as they may think fit, for the cession of the public lands of Texas to the United States, for an adequate consideration, to enable Texas to pay her public debt; and negotiation to be subject to the ratification of the Legislature of the State of Texas, according to the ordinary forms of legislation.

The following are the classes of debts incurred by the Republic of Texas, included in the bill to be entitled, “An act to ascertain and establish the public debt, and to define how the same is to be paid.”.

1. All bonds issued by her authority, for which she received par in gold and silver, or its equivalent, together with the interest stipulated to be paid on the face of the bonds, shall be paid at par.

2. All bonds issued under special contract for munitions of war, vessels of war, and naval supplies, which continue in first hands, or have not been assigned at a discount, shall be paid at---with the interest stipulated on the face of the bonds, at whatever rate they might have been taken, provided such bonds can be traced to have originated under such special contract, and can be clearly authenticated and identified.

3. The bonds of the Consolidated Fund of Texas, having been funded when the Treasury notes and audited papers were at an average of less than 33 ½ cents on the dollar, shall be paid at 33 ½ cents on the dollar, with the interest on the same stipulated to be paid on the face of the bonds from the date of said bonds to the day of payment.

4. All other certificates of stock under the seal of the Treasury, shall be paid at 30 cents on the dollar, with interest from the date of issue to the date of payment.

5. The average value of Treasury notes and 8 per cent bonds, having been from the date of their issue less than 25 cents on the dollar, they shall be paid at 25 cents on the dollar, with the interest called for on their face; and when no interest is stipulated to be paid on the promissory notes, then with five per cent interest from the 1^st of Feb’y, 1842, to the day of payment.

6. All audited certificates issued by the Republic for public service or supplies at par, shall be paid at par with interest at five per cent per annum from date; and all issued at less than par at the rate at which they were issued with similar interest.

7. All debts or open accounts charged at par, for services or supplies, ascertained and declared valid by law, shall be paid at par, with an interest of five per cent, or if charged at the rates of paper currency, shall be paid at the par rates equivalent.
[BWP]

RE46v43i1p4c3, May 1, 1846: MEXICO AND THE U. STATES.

The Mexican artillery is of a very poor description, it is said, and they have no field train. It appears that shortly after Gen. Taylor pitched his camp, a battery was with much labor constructed commanding it. Our gallant countryman quietly looked on, until all was finished when he quietly struck his tents and removed his camp a little further up the river, quite out of range of the Mexican battery, which is therefore entirely useless. This is the explanation of the story regarding Gen. Taylor’s moving away from the vicinity of the Mexican army, which went the rounds of the appears a week or so back.
[BWP]

To the Editors of the Enquirer:
NEW ORLEANS, 5½ o’clock. P.M. April 20, 1846.

The long agony is over—It has come at last. War is declared by Mexico, and her ports are blockaded by our fleet.

This morning about 6 o’clock, while the steam boat Alabama, from Galveston, was lying off the Balize waiting for a pilot, the United States steamer Col. Harney, direct from “Brassos St. Jago” came along side, and reported the above news. The Harney doubtless has despatches for our government, and will reach here probably to-night, or in time in the morning for slips to be sent off by the 11 o’clock mail. But as she may be detained by fogs or some other cause, I shall forward this. The city is in a state of great excitement, and the fever is getting up to “54 40.”—Perhaps by the morning it may be beyond that point. I write in great haste. Yours, &c. J. A. P.

April 21.—The “Harney” arrived last night, and I send you the “Delta: containing the news brought by her. It does not fully confirm the report as annexed. I also send you the Galveston Gazette, of the 18^th. Yours, Yours, J. A. P.
[BWP]

RE46v43i1p4c3, May 1, 1846: UNITED STATES AND MEXICO.

[From the N. O. Delta, April 21.]

War Rumor—News from the Army—Later from Mexico—Warlike Tone of the Press, etc.

FROM MATAMORAS—The Army—The schr.Wm. C. Preston, Capt. Taylor, left Matamoras on the 3d. inst. Capt. T. reports that Gen. Ampudia arrived at Matamoras, at the head of 3000 troops, on the 28^th ult., from Monterey; and that volunteers continued to be brought in daily in small numbers.

Gen. Taylor was encamped opposite Matamoras, and it is said has full possession of the two ferries on the west bank of the river, running to the city.

The Mexican forces at Matamoras number about 4000 men. Capt. T. reports that the difficulties between the two countries had been amicably settled. They had not yet heard at Matamoras of the departure of Mr. Slidell.
[BWP]

RE46v43i1p4c3, May 1, 1846: STILL LATER—IMPORTANT!.

The Galveston News, speaking of the proclamation of the Mexican General Mejia, says;--“Capt. Foster, of the Woodbury, informed us that this warlike document was sent by a messenger to Gen. Taylor when he was within a few miles of the Rio Grande. Upon reading it Gen. T. threw it back to the messenger, saying that he might tell Gen. Mejia, in answer, that his army would encamp on the banks of the Rio Grande that night, which was accordingly done, regardless of the fearful threat of the manifesto, that the banks of the Rio Grande shall be witness of the ignominy of the haughty sons of the North, and its deep waters shall be the sepulchre of those who dare approach them.”[BWP]

By the arrival last night of the U. S. steamer “Col. Harney, ” Capt. Wood, from the Brazos San Jago, whence she sailed on the 16^th inst., we received late and interesting verbal news from that point. We learn from a passenger that Gen. Ampudia arrived at Matamoras on the 11^th inst. With 2000 troops, 1000 cavalry and an equal number of foot, which increased the Mexican force to about 5000 men. Gen. Ampudia, immediately after his arrival, notified Gen. Taylor that if he did not abandon the position that he then occupied, he should consider it as equivalent to a declaration of war.

On the 12^th, Gen. Ampudia fortified himself opposite to Gen. Taylor’s position. Gen. Taylor also raised breast-works on the bend of the river, so as to command the river and the works raised by the Mexicans. So advantageously was Gen. T. situated, that it was evident no possible force at the command of the Mexican General could dislodge him; and on the 13^th Gen. Ampudia notified Gen. Taylor that he would not act further until he received definite instructions from his Government.

It is reported that Gen. Taylor, hearing that there were two vessels off the mouth of the Rio Grande from this place, with provisions for the Mexican army at Matamoras, despatched Lieut. Renshaw, of the U. S. brig Lawrence, with the revenue cutter St. Anna to cut off all communications with that place.

The army was in good health and in fine spirits ardently wishing for an opportunity to give the Mexicans a lesson.

[The report in circulation in the city during the afternoon of yesterday, of a declaration of war on the part of Mexico, evidently grew out of Gen. Ampudia’s message to Gen. Taylor on the 12^th—his decision of the 13^th not having been made public. After the Mexican General’s declaration, Gen. Taylor was certainly justified in taking the precaution to cut off his supplies.][BWP]

RE46v43i1p4c3, May 1, 1846: FROM MEXICO.

By the barque Clermont, Captain Lermond, we have received Mexican papers to the 1d April, from the City of Mexico. Although the Clermont sailed from Vera Cruz on the 6^th, there is in the papers nothing of local interest, not even a report of the revolution which was to have taken place on the afternoon of the 3d, according to the information brought by the barque Mandarin.

The papers we have perused are all filled with warlike clamors of the editors, and they all say that a war could not be long deferred now, as Mr. Slidell had been driven out, and the Mexicans, including the President himself, were all disposed to fight the Americans. Paredes had given a manifesto, in which he stated, that he will always defend the Republic, and shed the last drop 0of his blood to preserve a Constitutional and Republican Government in Mexico. The journals that opposed the doctrines of El Tiempo, seem to be quite delighted with this disclosure.

We have neither time nor space to translate all the rhodomontades of the Mexican press in relation to their affairs with this country. We give but one specimen.

El Monitor Republicano, of the 2d instant, in speaking of the United States and Mexico, and war between the two nations, says the departure of Mr. Slidell, on account of his not having been received as Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary of the United States, and the manifesto of his Excellency the President, ad interim, which we publish to-day, are sufficient to authorise us to believe that the moment has arrived when the justice of the question between the two nations must be decided on the field of battle. All the public writers, and among them ourselves, have demonstrated that the Mexican Republic has been seriously injured by our neighbor of the North; that to their intrigues is owing the first separation of Texas and its final annexation to the American Union; that their ambition, not satisfied with the rich territory of Texas, now contemplates by force new usurpations. We will not stop to prove the justice of the Mexican position in the struggle which is to follow. It must be apparent to the eyes of all the world, and there is not a Mexican that will not endure the hazards, horrors and disasters of war before he will succumb to the shameful humiliation of consenting to abandon one point of national honor. Terrible is war! Great are the calamities which it causes. causes. Humanity is horrified at its outrages; but more terrible still is the duty of a people to avenge its injured national honor. The greatest calamity that a nation can suffer is to see itself humiliated by the advances and usurpations of another nation; and it is a thousand times preferable to acquire glory in the field of battle, fighting for independence, than to secure life by ignominy and slavery. Mexico in this case must meet one of two extremes, and its selection cannot be doubtful. It must be that which will sacrifice everything to free its country from the yoke which is now attempted to be imposed upon it and to preserve the independence which it heroically achieved twenty-five years ago.

Mexicans! We have arrived at the solemn moment in which we must show to the world that we are worthy our name, in which we sink all other interests in the great and sublime interests of the country—that we prefer a glorious death to a life covered with reproach and ignominy; and that in truth we can imitate the sublime virtues of our fathers—shedding our blood to preserve the independence which we enjoy as the fruits of their heroic sacrifices. Mexico will assert the integrity of its territory; it will transmit to its descendants a name pure and without stain; or it will succumb with honor and glory in the present war; but it will never in the slightest degree compromise its honor or its nationality.

El Monitor Republicano, of the same date, contains an extract from a letter from Mazatian, of the 21^st March, containing information that that port was blockaded by the American vessels of war.

The Monitor of the 27^th ult. Complains bitterly, and with much apparent reason, of the efforts made by the government to restrain the free expression of opinion by the press; declaring, besides that it seems to be the intention of the government, through the intervention of its spies, to regulate the private affairs of every citizen of Mexico.

Although Paredes has declared in favor of the Republican form of Government, yet the discussion is continued in the city and provinces of Mexico, upon the propriety of establishing a monarchical Government, and calling a Spanish Prince to the throne; and the monarchical party embraces the men of wealth and influence in the nation; but such is the firm hold which Republican ideas have taken on the minds of the Mexicans, and so vivid is the remembrance of the wrongs which they and their fathers endured from the Spanish Monarchy, that the very name of King is too hateful to them to permit us to believe for an instant that they could, under any circumstances, tolerate the thing.
[BWP]

RE46v43i1p4c5, May 1, 1846: TWENTY-NINTH CONGRESS. Monday, April 27. SENATE.

During the morning hour, numerous petitions were received and referred.

Among the reports from committees was one authorising Mr. Powers to execute certain Statues for the Capitol.

Several unimportant matters having been disposed of, the Senate resumed the consideration of the bill providing for the settlement of claims for French Spoliations prior to 1800.

Mr. Dix having the floor, made a long speech in reply to the remarks of Mr. Clayton, and in opposition to the bill.

HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.

As soon as the journal was read, Mr. CX. J. Ingersoll rose and asked leave to make a personal explanation.

Objection being made, the rules, by a vote of 102 to 25, were suspended.

Mr. Ingersoll then read a statement in reply to the speech of Mr. Webster in the Senate, relative to the charges of official misconduct, etc.—The substance of it is as follows:

Mr. Ingersoll commenced by observing that, having gone to the Treasury Department to procure proof of what Mr. Webster had denied, he there fell upon proof of more serious matters, the charges of which he had intimated to the House. He did not proceed to furnish the proof at that time, because his friends were of opinion that Mr. Webster, himself, would demand an investigation. No such investigation having been demanded, but abuse having been substituted therefor, he (Mr. Ingersoll) now felt bound to bring forward his proofs. He then went on to state that there is undeniable evidence in the State Department to show that, shortly after Mr. Webster commenced drawing upon the secret service fund, he suddenly changed his plan, and for the first time since the formation of the Government, began to draw the money out of the Treasury, payable to his own order, so that no one but himself could tell what disposition he made of the funds.

In this way more than fifteen thousand dollars in about fifteen months were drawn out. At a subsequent period, five thousand dollars were returned by Mr. Webster. Now the question was, where had these five thousand dollars been deposited all the time. Had it been placed to the private and personal credit of Mr. W., or where? where? After further remarks on this branch, Mr. Ingersoll said that there was evidence to show that this mode of procedure on he part of Mr. Webster, was not sanctioned by the President, but was disapproved by him.

Mr. Ingersoll next went into the proof of the alleged unlawful use of the fund in bribing the party press. He referred to letters in the department from Mr. F. O. J. Smith, which spoke of a “new and effectual” mode of settling the N. E. boundary question, by acting upon and giving a tone to public opinion.

In the last place, Mr. Ingersoll said there was written and undeniable evidence in the department to show that when Mr. Webster left the Department, after deducting all he claimed, he was a defaulter to the amount of about two thousand three hundred dollars. There was also evidence in the Department to show that President (Tyler) had caused him to be written to time after time to refund the money, but without success. At length, on the writing of a letter by the President in vbery strong language, informing Mr. Webster that unless the amount was made up forthwith, and expose must ensue, a considerable protion of the money was refunded, but it was not till within ten days of the inauguration of Mr. Polk, that the amount was made up in the shape of another voucher from Mr. H. Smith, of Maine, of five hundred dollars. Mr. Smith, however, having stated that the whole amount of his claim was only one hundred dollars, and this fact being mentioned to Mr. Webster, the amount of the voucher was reduced by him, on the first application, to one hundred dollars, instead of five. This could be proved by an agent now in this city. In the concluding remarks of Mr. Ingersoll, he was understood to disclaim attaching any blame to Mr. Tyler.

Mr. Ashmun of Mass., desired to reply, but as objection was made, the House, by a vote of 135 to 22, suspended the rule.

Mr. Ashmun then took the floor, and in a very severe manner, proceeded to comment upon the course of Mr. Ingersoll in this assailing Mr. Webster. He contended, that had Mr. Webster been present, and a member of the House, Mr. Ingersoll would not have dared make the attack. He went on to ask how it was that Mr. Ingersoll had obtained his information, after the President had refused to answer the resolution of the House upon the ground that the seal of secresy could not be broken. Had any of the underlings been corrupted, or had Mr. Ingersoll entered the Treasury and with a key of his own opened the desk?—After further remarks, of a very severe and personal character, Mr. Ashmun said it ill became Mr. Ingersoll to talk about “peculation” etc., when he himself had been turned out by General Jackson for peculation of the public money.

[Here there were loud cries of order, but the chair decided that as all rules had been suspended, it was a difficult matter for him to decide what was in order or what was not, provided improper and personal language was avoided.].

After considerable noise and confusion, Mr. Ashmun proceeded. He referred to a document for the purpose of showing that Mr. Ingersoll when removed from the office of U. S. District Attorney in Pennsylvania, had been sued by the Government as a defaulter, and that he had not paid the amount of the verdict found against him for several years.

Mr. Joseph R. Ingersoll here rose. He said that, as a matter of delicacy, it was proper that thus far he should have abstained from taking any part in this matter, but now he was placed in a different attitude, for, upon that trial, he was counsel for his brother. He then stated, on the word of a gentleman, that Mr. C. J. Ingersoll had, at the time referred to, been trying in vain for a long period to bring the Government to a settlement of his accounts as District Attorney. Attempt after attempt was made, but without success. At length, Mr. Ingersoll, having a sum of money in his hands, and being anxiously desirous of a settlement, proposed to the Government that the matter should be settled by a jury. This was finally agreed to, and the trial was had, when the whole matter was honorably settled to the satisfaction of all.

Mr. Ashmun resumed his remarks, and contended that the charges of Mr. C. J. Ingersoll, upon Mr. Webster, were totally false, and that the respectable portion of the community would be disgusted with them. Mr. A. then proceeded to assert, that an insidious attempt had been made to induce Mr. Tyler to break ground on the subject, and to disavow that he sanctioned the disbursement.

Mr. C. J. Ingersoll.—By me, Sir? By me?.

Mr. Ashmun.—Yes, Sir; by you, Sir.

Mr. Ingersoll.—It is false! It is a lie!.

[Here a great uproar ensued, with loud calls to order, during which Mr. Ingersoll again rose and denounced Mr. Ashmun as a liar and coward.].

Mr. Ashmun said, if the member thought to provoke a personal quarrel by using such language, he was mistaken. He [Mr. A.} came from a part of the country where they did not fight duels. duels. He came from among people who did not use pistols, daggers nor bowie knives, neither were they afraid of them.

Mr. Ingersoll. And where they never get drunk. [Understood to be an allusion to Mr. Webster.].

Mr. Ashmun went on to say, that although he was not duellist, if any one doubted his courage, let them try it. He spoke of Mr. Ingersoll as the aged member from Pennsylvania.

Mr. Ingersoll. Plenty young enough, sir—plenty young enough.

Mr. Schenck rose to a question of privilege. He desired to offer a Preamble and Resolutions, setting forth, that after the President had declined to answer the resolution of the House touching this matter, Mr. Ingersoll states, that he has had access to the department, &c; therefore, that a Select Committee of Five be appointed to ascertain by what means the said Mr. Ingersoll obtained the information—said Committee to have power to send for persons and papers.

After various ineffectual motions to lay the whole matter on the table, and decisions upon points of order, Mr. Petit moved to amend the resolution of Mr. Schenck, by providing that a Committee be also appointed to inquire into the truth of the charges made by Mr. Ingersoll against Mr. Webster, and that the Committee also have power to send for persons and papers.

The resolution thus amended was adopted, and here the matter for the present terminated.

After an ineffectual attempt to fix a time for the termination of the debate on the Smithsonian Bequest Bill, the House adjourned.
[BWP]

RE46v43i1p4c4, May 1, 1846: VERA CRUZ, April 5^th, 1846.

Dear____: I would send you news if I had any, but, bless me, I am like the needy knife grinder—“I have no story to tell.” We had a fair prospect for a little revolution here some days since, which was to recall Santa Anna, establish the republic, make peace with the United States, and hereafter go on swimmingly and prosperously. But the segar-smoking, mustachioed dons of the billiard rooms, like all this talking, bragging nation, end their acts like their segars—in smoke.

The Government of Parades, however, has no stability; he is looked upon with distrust by all parties. The monarchists—few here—dislike him for his proclamation in favor of republicanism; the real republicans—fewer still—hate him as an usurper and a hypocrite; and the partisans of Santa Anna, the strongest and best organized, are ready for a revolt whenever they re assured of the presence and assistance of their chief.—One thing is certain—the government of Paredes must fall.

I do not pretend to be deeply versed in the politics of this country, but I cannot, from my intercourse with the citizens, come to any other belief than that the recall of Santa Anna and the establishment of permanent peace with the United States, is the dearest wish of their hearts.

We have heard of the advance of Gen. Taylor, on the Rio Bravo, but as the movement was long expected it has caused no particular excitement. The only fear is, that on the arrival of Mr. Slidell in the United States, our ports may be blockaded, and the army so increased as to justify an advance upon this side of the river. Believe me, however, that even Paredes has no intention of fighting, and you will find that your Yankee legions will have no chance of reaping either glory or securing booty on the Mexican soil. Put that in your pipe and smoke it.

At the anchorage are the American ships of war Cumberland, Potomac, John Adams, St. Mary’s and Falmouth; others, however, as I learn, are soon expected. The merchant vessels are the Clermont and Mandarin, up for your port; and the Ann Louisa for New York. Yours. &c.
[BWP]

RE46v43i1p4c4, May 1, 1846: No Title.

In addition, we gather from the Courier of last evening, “that Mr. Slidell’s demand for his passports and his departure appeared so hostile to the Mexicans that they were making all the preparations in their power for war, which they thought inevitable, but which they would not begin themselves. The Mexican papers are filled with official orders and circulars, from the Executive Departments, for the speedy organization of the army and its march to the frontier of Texas.

In one of the papers we find a passage from a circular of the War Minister, as follows:

“The army is called upon to defend the country, and it should triumph or perish with glory.—It should triumph by great deeds over the calumnies circulated by its enemies, and acquire a monument and imperishable title to public affection. Inculcate in your subordinates the important duties which they have to discharge—tell them the President, in the name of the nation, will reward their valor and punish all who shall misbehave.

“The President ad interim expects that the rights of the nation will be defended with energy, and that the officers will prevent and punish all attempts to commit disorder, and take all proper measures to maintain the public tranquillity.—Understanding the wishes of the President, you will see that they are complied with in your orders, and justify your country’s confidence.

“God and Liberty!
TORNEL”

[BWP]

RE46v43i1p4c4, May 1, 1846: FROM TEXAS.

By the arrival of the steamship Alabama, Capt. Windle, , arrived at this port yesterday, in 36 hours from Galveston, we are in receipt of late papers.

We have no further election news, (says the Civilian of the 18^{th, )}except from passing reports from Jackson, Victoria and Robertson counties. These leave scarcely a doubt of Col. Williams’ election.

The Galveston News publishes a letter from General Hamilton in relation to his connection with the Texan Government, diplomatic and financial. It appears a Joint Committee of both Houses was raised, to whom was referred the memorial and claim of General James Hamilton, against the Republic of Texas; they refused to act upon the claim, (says the Austin Democrat, ) referring the claimant to the Auditorial Court, which the Legislature contemplates establishing; but reported to their respective Houses a resolution of thanks to General Hamilton. The resolution passed the Senate, but was rejected by the House, upon the grounds, as urged by gentlemen who spoke on the occasion, that it is connected with the General’s claim—was an expression of opinion favorable hereto, or at least recommendatory, and might be construed into a partial approbation of the claim, which the House felt unwilling to give.

The News says that they have good authority for stating that the 90 emigranis, wrecked on the Pauline, (near St. Joseph Island) were actually robbed of a large part of the property saved from the wreck.

The Legislature has passed a law for the establishment of free schools in the city of Galveston. It authorizes the corporation of that city to levy and collect a tax on real estate for their support.

A “Bachelors’ Ball” is announced to come off at Galveston this evening, (the 21^st) in commemoration of the battle of San Jacinto.
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RE46v43i1p4c5, May 1, 1846: TUESDAY, , APRIL 28, 1846. SENATE.

Petitions were presented by Messrs. Archer, Ashley, Breese, Speight and others.

Mr. Miller presented the resolutions of the Legislature of New Jersey, against a repeal of the Tariff of 1842; also, in favor of the erection of a light-house at Turker’s Beach, or Absecom, New Jersey.

A number of private bills were reported.

Mr. Jarnagin gave notice, that on to-morrow, or on some convenient day, he would introduce a joint resolution to authorize a home board for the purpose of adjudicating the claims of our citizens against the Government of Mexico.

The resolution heretofore offered by Mr. Sevier, requesting the Secretary of the Treasury to transmit to the Senate a supplement to the synopsis of instructions from the Treasury with regard to the revenue laws from 1789 to the present, coming up in order, gave rise to a slight debate, in which Messr. Archer, Benton, Sevier, Allen, Davis and others took part; after which the further consideration of the resolution was postponed until Thursday.

The bill for the relief of Nathaniel Goddard and others coming up on its third reading, Mr. Turney addressed the Senate at length in opposition to the bill.
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RE46v43i1p4c6, May 1, 1846: HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.

The journal was read, from which it appears that the Speaker had appointed the following committees:

On Mr. Schenck’s resolution—Messrs. Schenck of Ohio, Dobbin of N. C., McIlvane of Pa., Thurman of Ohio, and John A. Rockwell of Conn.

On Mr. Pettit’s amendment—Messrs. Pettit of Ia., Vinton of Ohio, Jefferson Davis of Miss., D. P. King of Mass., and Wilmot of Pa.

Mr. Thurman said he should be under the necessity of leavng the city to-morrow or next day, at farthest, and he therefore asked to be excused from serving upon the committee on which he had been appointed. The request was granted.

Mr. Giles offered a resolution, which was adopted, granting the use of the Hall, after the adjournment to-day, for an exhibition of the pupils from the Institutions for the Blind, of Boston, Philadelphia and Virginia.

The Speaker announced the Smithsonian Bill to be the first subject in order.

Mr. J. R. Ingersoll hoped the House would first take up and act upon a very important bill, in relation to certain Treasury notes which were purloined from the Custom House at New Orleans, and had fallen into the hands of innocent holders, who were suffering from the neglect of Congress to provide for their relief.

The Speaker said the Smithsonian bill being the special order, it would require the unanimous consent of the House to take up any other.

Mr. Owen moved to go into Committee of the Whole, which motion prevailed, and (Mr. Burt of S. C. in the Chair, ) the consideration of the Smithsonian bill was resumed.

Mr. Sims of S. C., spoke briefly against the constitutionality of accepting the trust devised by Mr. Smithson, and hoped that the fund would be returned unimpaired, and in the meantime be considered as in the Treasury of the United States—and the States of Arkansas, Illinois and Michigan deemed indebted to the Treasury to the amount of their bonds in which this fund was invested.

Mr. John Q. Adams advocated the substitute which he had offered for the bill. He wished to catch the bear before we sold the skin. He denied that the fund was in the Treasury, and it would be necessary to collect the bonds before we could establish this institution.

Mr. Sims said, that in a report made by the honorable member from Massachusetts a few years since, he had taken the ground that the bequest should be deemed to be in the Treasury, and that the States whose bonds were held, were to be taken as debtors to the Treasury, and not to the fund.

Mr. Adams said, that since that report was made, he had had some experience which had taught him that the money was not in the Treasury.

[Mr. Adams was here interrupted by a message from the President of the United States, stating that he had yesterday approved and signed “a joint resolution concerning the Oregon Territory.”].

Mr. Adams. A very auspicious interruption, Mr. Chairman—a very auspicious interruption.

Mr. A. then went on to argue, that the money was not in the Treasury, and that it must first be got there before it could be expended.

Mr. Thurman said he had heard it stated that this fund had been invested in the bonds of Arkansas, &c., without any authority in law, and he respectfully requested the gentleman from Mass to enlighten him on the point.

Mr. Adams replied that the fund was not invested without authority, and that before its arrival in this country proposals were invited from capitalists and others by public advertisement to take the money upon interest. The offer of the Arkansas bonds was accepted for the greater portion of the amount, but as to the particular reason which led to the selection, he must refer the gentleman to a certain Senator from Arkansas, who knew more about it than any one else.

Mr. Adams was opposed to most of the provisions of the present bill, and particularly to the Normal School. He was in favor of collecting an extensive library.

Mr. Rathbun thought the delay that had taken place in executing the trust was a disgrace to the country, and he maintained that we were under the obligation, both in law and morality, to make good the fund if we had either wasted it or misappropriated it.

The debate was continue by Messr. Jones of Tenn., Ficklin of Ill., and others.

The debate was continue until half past three o’clock, when the Committee rose, and the House, after adopting Mr. Hopkins’s resolution, to terminate the debate in one hour after going into Committee, adjourned.
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RE46v43i2p1c2, May 5, 1846: No title.

As we expected, the emphatic and confident announcement by the Journal of Commerce, of the “Settlement of the Oregon Question, ” wants confirmation. However flattering the prospect of a pacific adjustment, no definite steps have yet been taken to close the question. It is not likely that any proposition will be made, until; Great Britain hears of the final action of Congress on the Oregon Question. The notice has probably gone out by the steamer of Friday, and it may be a month and a half, or two months, before we receive a response from Great Britain. The Union says:

“The New York editor may spare his rebukes upon “our government journals, ” for we can hear nothing of this settlement in England, or of these despatches by the Caledonia. In fact, we have no reason to believe either of them. them. It is further our impression, that Great Britain will make no offer until she hears of the disposition of the question of notice by Congress. The procrastination which has marked our counsels has probably had its effect upon the British policy.—If Congress had passed the naked notice in December last, we might by this time have witnessed a much more decided and cheering state of our relations with England. There is no knowing how far she expected the resolution of notice to be defeated, or how much she calculated on our divisions. As at present advised, we hear of nothing to justify the statements in the ‘Liverpool Mercury, ’ or in the ‘New York Journal of Commerce.’”[BWP]

RE46v43i2p1c2, May 5, 1846: No title.

The Whigs boast of their triumph over the Administration on the Oregon Notice. They confidently assert, that but for their amendment of the form of the notice, the country would have been plunged into war. But which is the greater triumph? The form or the substance? The Whigs originally denounced the notice as the cause of ruin and war. Have they not retreated from that position, by unanimously endorsing and recommending the notice as the most efficient means of peace? They may have the form. We never attached very great consequence to that, as we felt satisfied that Mr. Polk was, as he avowed himself to be, in favor of an honorable peace. And even now the Whigs admit that the President holds in his hands the issue of peace or war, and they have given him full “discretion” in the matter. We believe that we shall have a pacific adjustment, but the same result would have occurred had the notice been given in the form as it came from the House of Representatives. The President is now, as he has ever been, for an honorable peace. He can now, as well as if the naked notice had been authorized, break up the pacific relations with Great Britain. Where, then, is the great triumph of the Whigs? The Baltimore American, Whig, says;.

“In any form in which the ‘notice’ could be passed, unless it were accompanied by a definite naming of the boundary in Oregon, the President would retain in his hands the power of defeating any compromise arrangement, if he should be so determined. The preliminaries of negotiation are under his control; he could reject every proposition offered by England; he could withhold all proffers, on his own part, except such as she would reject. True, the sentiment of both Houses, expressed in the language of the resolution of notice, may impose, and doubtless will impose upon him, a strong obligation to seek an amicable adjustment of the grave question in dispute. Still he has, in point of fact, a great, and, we may say, a decisive power of control over the issue.”[BWP]

RE46v43i2p2c4, May 5, 1846: LATER FROM MEXICO.

There was an arrival at New Orleans on the 24^th ult. from Vera Cruz, bringing a few days later accounts than were before received. Nothing had occurred to change the aspect of affairs in the country. We copy from the Picayune the following items:

“We perceive that the Government is determined to be ready to meet Santa Anna, should the ex-President determine to return, as we have no doubt he will do. It may be known that criminal proceedings were instituted against Santa Anna for his transactions just prior to the revolution which hurled him from power. The proceedings in the case have been published by order of the Supreme Court, and they make a pamphlet of 130 pages. A general circulation of these may, it is thought, have some influence on the minds of people, and prepare them for any measure of severity which the Government may take against Santa Anna.

“The Puritano of the 2d April publishes two letters from Santa Anna to Senor Tornel, the first written in May last, when Santa Anna was about to retire from the country. The other is dated in Havana, on the 9^th March, congratulating Tornel on his appointment as Secretary of War, and exhibiting much satisfaction with Paredes administration for its liberality in appointing many of his (Santa Anna’s) friends to office.

La Reforma of the 28^th March says that orders have been given to the administrator of the mails from Jalapa and Vera Cruz, that any extraordinary courier from the latter port to the capital should be strictly detained at Puebla; and the drivers even are enjoined to preserve silence as to what may transpire at Vera Cruz. This may be an invention of La Reforma, but it shows what men are thinking about in the capital, and that Paredes knows well from what quarter danger threatens.

It is mentioned in the papers that the President has increased very considerably the detachment assigned to guard his residence, as if he were not without apprehension of difficulties in the city of Mexico.

The Mexican papers now deny the blockade of Mazatlan, and tell a long story to show how the rumor was started.

Mention is also made of an ineffectual attempt of the Incians in the South of Mexico, to get up an insurrection for purposes of rapine and plunder.

The press in the Department of Durango still complain of Indian outrages, such as robbery and murder, and suggest that the only remedy for the evil is the re-establishment of the old presidial guards.

The papers abound with more than usual complaints of the insecurity of the public roads for travellers.”.

From the New Orleans Delta of the 25^th April, we copy the following additional particulars:

By the arrival yesterday of the Mexican schr.Ventura, Capt. Dorantes, at this port, 12 days from Vera Cruz, we are in receipt of later Mexican dates.

The political news is unimportant. The contest between the monarchists and r republicans still continues, and it would seem from El Monitor, that the government has at last fairly embraced the principles of the monarchical party, for in its number of the 4^th April, it remarks that El Tiempo is but a second edition of El Diario del Gobierno; so much so, that it advised the subscribers of the two papers not to fatigue themselves by looking at both, as the reading of one will answer the same purpose as the reading of the other.

It has been announced in several of the papers, that the government has assembled a junto of several members of the liberal party, for the purpose of taking such measures, agreeable to them, as will prevent a revolution. The editor of El Monitor, however, thinks this is something of a fiction.

We copy the following items from El Monitor of the 4^th April. According to the Diario official, the government has received advices that the brigade under the commnad of Gen. De la Vega had effected a junction at Matamoras with the command of Gen. Mejia; and that the division of Gen. Ampudia had departed on the 1^st April from Monterey; from which it was naturally concluded that the whole Mexican army would shortly be concentrated in front of the enemy, who had advance to Santa Isabel. The regiment of cavalry of Oaxaca, and the battalion of Jamiltepec, had march to Jalapa. A considerable quantity of munitions of war, particularly artillery, had been despatched to Vera Cruz.

On the 3d of April the President and all the principal officers of the Government visited the powder manufactory of Santa Fe, and after a minute examination of all its departments, made such arrangements and alterations in the administration of the manufacture, as it was deemed necessary to secure a speedy and constant supply of this first element of war.

The advices from Mazatlan are to the 23d of March, and they state that the report that that city is blockaded, is, as we well knew, false, although the American squadron is laying at anchor in front of that place.

The Department of Sinaloa is, for a wonder, perfectly quiet, and has submitted to the control of Paredes. The troops under the command of Col. Telles have left Guadalajara for Tepic. The South of Mexico is covered by a respectable body of troops under the command of General Guzman, and tranquillity is perfectly established. The remainder of the army is being equipped with the utmost activity.

We learn from El Espectador, that, on the 19^th of March, a party of some forty Americans entered the town of Monterey and disarmed about twenty men in a garrison, and arrested Capt. Cavazos, whom they soon set free, however. They demanded corn, meat, and other provisions. The civil authorities armed the inhabitants against these barbarians, and finally defeated them. The good people of Monterey appeared to think them the advanced guard of a Texan General named Ges, of whom we never heard before.

In a late number of La Hesperia, the editor remarks that the Senate of the United States is proceeding with great caution in the consideration of the Oregon question—an opinion very prevalent in our own country.

The Mexican Government has prosecuted two newspapers and two officers of the army. The Reforma and the Contra-Tiempo, journals in the interest of Santa Anna, have been seized, and Cerecero, editor of the former, and Luis Espino, of the latter, have been arrested. General Lino Alcoria has been ordered to proceed to Oaxaco—Capt. Schiafino has been ordered to San Juan de Ulloa.

The Reforma and Contra-Tiempo advocated openly and boldly the restoration of Santa Anna.
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RE46v43i2p2c6, May 5, 1846: CAPTAIN WINSLOW FOSTER.

In consequence of several charges having been made by some of the late, as well as the present officers, and some of the crew of the United States Revenue Cutter Woodbury, against Captain Foster, orders were sent on from the Secretary of the Treasury, about five weeks ago, for Capt. Foster to yield up the command of the cutter to the next officer in rank to him, on board at the time of his receiving such notice, and to prepare himself for an examination into the charges against him on arrival at New Orleans. Lieut. Nimmo, the bearer of these despatches, from Washington, intercepted the Cutter on her late return from Brazos St. Jago, delivered his instructions, and on arriving at the South West Pass, the Captain complied with the Secretary’s orders yielding up the command to Lieut. Benson. Yesterday Captain Foster appeared before Mr. A. A. Cohen, the United States Commissioner, for an examination, at which Mr. Prieur, the Collector and the officers of the Cutter were present, but it being deemed necessary to have the assistance of the United States District Attorney, the Court of Inquiry was adjourned until to-morrow at twelve o’clock. The charges embrace tyrannical conduct to his officers and crew, ungentlemanly behavior, and withholding portions of the wages of the seamen, under frivolous pretensions and without just cause.N. O. Delta, April 24.
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RE46v43i2p2c7, May 5, 1846: New Work on Oregon.

Oregon Territory, its History and discovery including an account of the Convention of the Escurial; also the Treaties and Negotiations between the United States and Great Britain held at various times for the settlement of a boundary line; and an examination of the whole question in respect to facts and the laws of nations. By Travers Twiss, D. C. L, Professor of Political Economy in the University of Oxford. I vol. 12m.

In this impartial examination of a most important question, Dr. Twiss has industriously collected from every available source, a vast amount of information bearing on the respective claims of Great Britain and the United States to an exclusive right to the Oregon Territory. In the course of his inquiries he was lead to investigate “the records of ancient discoveries and other matters of history connected with the Northwest coast of America, ” commencing with the . . .[illegible] . . . of Ulloa in 1539.

We particularly admire Dr. Twiss’ volume for the lucid manner in which he has arranged the quantity of materials he has collected, and for the impartial mode in which he has conducted the inquiry. [Westminster Review].

This work aims to establish by documentary evidence that on the two strong grounds of prior discovery, and prior possession, the claim of Great Britain to the river Columbia is clearly proved.

Lately published—History of Oregon and California—Accompanied with a Geographical view and Map. By Robert Greenhow. 1 vol. 8vo.

Narrative of the U. S. Exploring Expedition to Oregon and North California. By Capt. J. C. Fremont, 8vo. Paper cover 25 cts. For sale at the Bookstore of DRINKER & MORRIS. May 5 97 Main Street.
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RE46v43i2p4c1, May 5, 1846: CONGRESSIONAL. SPEECH OF MR. SEDDON OF VIRGINIA

In the House of Representatives, April 15^th , 1846.

On the bill to protect the rights of American Settlers in the Territory of Oregon, until the termination of the joint occupation of the same.

The House being in Committee of the Whole on the state of the Union—.

Mr. SEDDON rose and addressed the committee as follows:

Mr. Chairman: In much that I had intended to say, glad I succeeded in obtaining the floor at an earlier period, I have been anticipated by the able gentlemen who have preceded me, and especially by the honorable member from Ohio, [Mr. Vinton, ] who so forcibly addressed the committee on yesterday in support of the amendment offered by himself. But for being so anticipated, I should myself have offered a similar amendment; for so important and essential in its character do I deem that amendment, that my own ultimate vote upon this bill must be determined by its acceptance or rejection. It proposes to limit the operation and effect of the bill to the period during which the existing convention between the U. States and Great Britain for the joint occupation of the Oregon territory, shall continue in force. The bill, as reported, Mr. Chairman, will operate in two very different and distinct states of our relations with reference to the Oregon territory. Ostensibly, judging from the title of the bill, which is for the protection of American settlers until the termination of the joint occupancy, and from most of its provisions, its aim and purpose were simply to provide for the extension of the laws and jurisdiction of the United States over our citizens in Oregon during the continuance of the convention at present subsisting; but in actual operation and effect without the limitation proposed by the amendment, being indefinite in duration, it must extend beyond the continuance of that convention and have an application and efficacy far exceeding, as I presume, the contemplation and purpose even of those who reported and now sustain it.

Mr. James Thompson here rose, and (Mr. S. giving way for explanation) said that the gentleman was mistaken. The effect of the bill, after the termination of the convention, had been contemplated and intended by those who reported it, and they had now come to the determination, when the proper time arrived, to propose to amend the title so as to make it read, “A bill to protect the rights of American settlers west of the Rocky mountains.”.

Mr. Seddon resumed. Well, sir, I must be permitted to express both my surprise and regret, if such effect was designed to be given to the bill, that it should have been reported with a title so incorrect and delusive. From the title as reported, and even a cursory examination of its leading provisions, members might readily have been misled to believe its operation was designed to be limited to the duration of the convention and be determined with it; and thus the House might have been betrayed, through misconception, into the heedless adoption of a measure repugnant to its sense of policy and justice. I am happy that, though late, such delusive guise is to be cast aside, and that the bill is to be made to avow on its face its real purpose and extent.

The bill, then, Mr. Chairman, is to have a double operation, and, as I have said, under essentially different circumstances. It is first to operate during he convention, and while our rights are determined by treaty stipulations, and then after the proposed and expected determination of that convention, it is to continue active in the assertion of our pretensions as maintained under the law of nations independently of that convention. I shall proceed to examine it with reference to each state of circumstances separately.

In its operation during the continuation of the Convention, I confess, Mr. Chairman, I see no just objections to its provisions; but, on the contrary, deem it with the saving clause embodied, which protects all the rights and privileges of Great Britain and her subjects under the Convention, salutary and just. During that period, it but extends the jurisdiction of the laws of Iowa, so far as applicable, in entire subserviency to the Convention, and with an e express saving of all rights secured by it to British subjects over the territory West of the Rocky mountains belonging to the United States. Such extension is consistent with the rights, while it is demanded by the honor and obligations of the Government. We have citizens settled already in considerable numbers in the territory West of the Rocky mountains, and they are daily, by emigration and otherwise, increasing and multiplying. They have gone, and are going to the remote territory under the invitation and inducements of our Government in both its branches, Executive and Legislative. They are without laws, under no competent jurisdiction, and destitute of all regular government. Their exigencies have so imperatively demanded the sanctions of law and government, that they have been driven to the feeble substitute of self-constituted associations, and an appeal to general acquiescence in their decrees. They have appealed to this Government for the redemption of its obligation, impliedly at least given for their security and protection, and in evoke the aegis of our laws and jurisdiction over them. We have no exclusive ownership or jurisdiction under the Convention over the territory so occupied by them, it is true, but we have certain admitted rights and privileges there as defined and ascertained by that Convention itself. Coextensive with such rights and privileges, may our jurisdiction be most fully carried; and so far as we may, I humbly conceive we should not under the circumstances, hesitate, by the extension of our laws, to give the security and protection demanded.

The eloquent gentleman from South Carolina, [Mr. Holmes, ] who addressed the House yesterday, urged that the extension of jurisdiction as contemplated by this bill would violate the provisions of the joint convention. I am generally proud to concur with that gentleman, but from this view I must be permitted wholly to dissent. During the convention, the bill is made to operate in subserviency to it, and all the rights and privileges of Great Britain and her subjects are expressly saved and excluded from its action.—How, then, can it violate or contravene the provisions of the convention? Is the objection that urged with zeal by the gentleman from Tennessee, [Mr. Brown, ] that our laws should be extended over persons only, and not be made to operate on property, or “territorially, ” as this bill does?—I hold, Sir, that our laws, in their application, should be made coextensive with the rights and privileges ascertained and secured by that convention to our citizens, and sufficient for the protection and guarantee of those rights and privileges. Now, under the convention, have we not something more than the mere right of entry to our citizens? The eminent domain is indeed in abeyance; exclusive sovereignty is not to be claimed or exercised either by the United States or Great Britain; but our citizens are not merely free to enter; they may take their effects and property; they may trade and hunt; may build, settle, and even occupy the land, enjoying the usufruct, though not holding the absolute or exclusive title. We may, then, by our laws, do more than guard mere personal immunities; we may protect the property and effects of our citizens, and secure them in the peaceable possession and usufruct of their temporary settlements—nay, more, as among our own citizens on their acknowledging allegiance to the government of the United States in that territory, having complete jurisdiction, we may regulate their claims and rights in regard to the lands settled or occupied temporarily by them as well as all other matters of right or contract. We may then legitimately, during the convention, legislate not merely over persons, but (as it has been called, ) “territorially” likewise. We have done nothing more in extending “the laws of Iows, as far as applicable, ” over the territory West of the Rocky Mountains; and to exclude the possibility of misconstruction, we have inserted an express saving of the rights secured to Britain and her subjects. Such saving was not, indeed, of absolute necessity, and might, perhaps, with safety, have been omitted. We could not, if we would, by legislation, violate the convention; for, under the constitution, treaties constitute a part of the “lex legum”—the supreme law—and under judicial construction, the full effect of the saving clause, even if omitted from the bill, would have been secured, and all enactments in violation of the convention would be annulled and vacated. Still the insertion of the saving clause was wise and just, because we owe it to ourselves and the honor of our government that even the seeming of bad faith, or an equivocal purpose in our legislation, should be avoided and disclaimed.

Satisfied by the reasoning I have used, I, for one, do not need, in the extension of our jurisdiction as contemplated by this bill during the convention, the precedent and sanction of English example; nor is it my wont to guage by such measure the extent either of our rights or obligations. Yet, if such additional warrant for the extension of our jurisdiction under the convention be required, I insist, notwithstanding the argument of the gentleman from Tennessee, [Mr. Brown, ] it is afforded by the British legislation of 1821, to which reference has been frequently made.—That act of the British Parliament, I submit, is in equal sense, and to the like extent with the present bill, territorial in its operation. By it, “the courts of judicature in the province of Upper Canada” have conferred on them “the same civil jurisdiction, power and authority, within the Indian territories and other parts of America not within the limits of Lower or Upper Canada, or of any civil government of the United States, and the said courts have, or are invested with, within the limits of the said province of Upper or Lower Canada, ” &c. Nor is the saving of the rights of the citizens of the United States under the convention, by any means so clear and satisfactory as the saving in this bill in behalf of British subjects. A full examination of the provisions of the British act will, I think, satisfy every one that, in the assertion of jurisdiction, it goes at least as far, if not farther, than do the provisions of this bill. But the gentleman from Tennessee [Mr. Brown] argued that this act of the British Parliament must be held to have been superceded by the subsequent convention of 1827, which is the one now subsisting in relation to the Oregon territory, and, therefore, was not now in force.—The validity of this argument cannot be admitted. The convention of 1827, so far as it relates to the rights and privileges secured to the citizens of this country and Great Britain respectively, is identical with that of 1818, which was in force at the very time the English statute was enacted. If that statute was enacted, and operated during and under the joint convention of 1818, how could the renewal of the identical convention in 1827 (with no other change than its extension indefinitely, with a provision for its termination on twelve months’ notice in lieu of a specified term of years) annul and supersede the provisions of the statute?—Such effect cannot be ascribed to the renewal of the convention in 1827; but even if it could, and the British act were really non-existent, still the full effect of the British precedent would remain. For by that act, passed in 1821, after and during the convention of 1818, a clear manifestation is afforded that, according to the understanding and construction of the convention by the British Parliament, provisions for the extension of jurisdiction, as in that act, (like unto those in the bill before the committee, ) were not in contravention or violation of the joint convention.

This precedent, Mr. Chairman, may suffice to relieve the scruples of such members as would not wish, in legislating under the convention, to give ground of complaint ton Great Britain that it had been violated. But if apprehensions on this score are still entertained by any, they must, I think, be dissipated, by reference to the despatch of Mr. Gallatin, who, as minister of the United States, negotiated the convention of 1827. In that despatch he states the conferences had between the British negotiators and himself, in relation to the powers which might be exercised by the Government of the U. States under the convention. He says:

“The establishment of a distinct territorial government on the west side of the Stony mountains, would also be objected to as an attempt to exercise exclusive sovereignty. I observed that, although the Northwest Company might, from its being incorporated, from the habits of the men they employed, and from having a monopoly with respect to trade, so far as British subjects were concerned, carry on a species of government without the assistance of that of Great Britain, it was otherwise with us. Our population there would consist of several independent companies and individuals. individuals. We had always been in the habit in our most remote settlements, of carrying laws, courts and justices of the peace along with us. There was an absolute necessity on our part to have some species of government. government. Without it, the kind of sovereignty, or rather jurisdiction which it was intended to admit, could not be exercised on our part.It was suggested, and seemed to be acquiesced in, that the difficulty might be obviated, provided the erection of a new territory was not confined exclusively to the territory west of the mountains; that it should be defined as embracing all the possessions of the United States west of a line that should be at some distance from, and east of the Stony mountains.”

In pursuance, probably of this very suggestion, the present bill has been so framed as to include within its operation undoubted territory of the United States lying east of the Rocky mountains, viz: “the intermediate country west of the Missouri river, between the 40^th and 43d parallels of north latitude.” The acquiescence of the British commissioners must apply to this bill, and preclude objection on the part of their government, that it is violative of the joint convention.

I trust, Mr. Chairman, to have now established that, so far as this bill operates during the continuance of the convention of 1827, its provisions are needed; that they are just in themselves, not violative of the convention, but only commensurate in the protection afforded, and authority exercised, with the rights and privileges ascertained and secured by it; that they have the sanction of English precedent and example, and are only in conformity with suggestions received and acquiesced in by the British government through its commissioners, at the negotiation of the treaty.—So far the bill has my approbation and support.

Before proceeding, Mr. Chairman, to consider the bill in its further, and, to my mind, most objectionable operation after the termination of the Convention, allow me, the more especially as it will have a material tendency to elucidate such subsequent operation, to ascertain with precision and certainty the limit of territory or latitude to which, during the Convention the jurisdiction of the United States is by the bill to extend. The object of the bill, during the continuance of the Convention, is to protect and secure all the rights and privileges ascertained to belong to our citizens by its stipulations, and consequently, to effect that end, its operation must be commensurate, as to limits, with the territory in which such rights and privileges exist. It will then cover the whole territory embraced by the Convention of joint occupancy; and as that territory unquestionably extends to the Russian line—to the utmost limit of 55 degrees 40 minutes North latitude—the operation of the bill must be to that extend likewise. On this point there can surely be no question; (here several members around expressed acquiescence aloud, and Mr. S. added) and I am happy to hear the position admitted by honorable gentlemen of all parties around me. I shall proceed on such admission.

I come now, Mr. Chairman, to the consideration of this bill in the more important view of its purpose and operation after the termination of the Joint Convention. What, then, will be its aim and effect? I maintain, with entire confidence, they will be to extend over the whole territory of Oregon, to the utmost limit of 54 degrees 40 minutes North latitude, or the Russian line, the absolute and exclusive jurisdiction of the laws and government of the United States, to the dispossession of Great Britain, as of all other nations; and that, for the accomplishment of such result, the power substantially of making war, and employing the military force of the Union, is intrusted to the discretion, not even of the President, but of the Executive of a distant territory.

The bill is indefinite in duration, and no distinction whatever is made in the language prescribing the limits to which jurisdiction shall extend before and after the convention. The phraseology is loose and vague, viz: “over all that portion of the territory of the United States which lies west of the Rocky mountains;” and after, as before, the termination of the convention, the proper construction to be given to the bill must be determined by the officers to administer it, or by judicial interpretation, as I have already established, Mr. Chairman. The object of the bill, during the pendency of the convention, being to assert jurisdiction coextensive with the rights ascertained by its stipulations to belong to us and they extending to 54 degs.40 minutes, the necessary construction of the phraseology of the bill, both in common understanding and judicial interpretation, will be to extend jurisdiction to that extreme limit. To precisely the same language must not, after the termination of the convention, this necessary interpretation, previously ascertain, be continued and enforced? With nothing in the bill to limit or restrict such construction, the meaning, once ascertained and affixed to the phraseology, identical both before and after the convention, must remain unchanged.

Precedent and common understanding as to the interpretation before, will extend after the termination of the convention. Could the stringency of such previous interpretation fail to conclude in the construction of the law, the result would probably not be changed. In the a administration of the law, after the convention shall be terminated, the construction of the vague phraseology, to which I have alluded, must devolve on the executive of Iowa, or the Indian agent and officers to whom, by the bill, the executive power over the territory is given. With the feelings and influences operative on such functionaries, can it be doubted they will hold “the territory owned by the United States, West of the Rocky Mountains, ” to extend to the utmost limit of 54 deg. 40 min. Or should they hesitate, and submit the matter to judicial construction? It will fall under the decision of the United States judges, or the justices of the peace, resident in the territory of Oregon, to be appointed under this bill.—Think you not, Mr. Chairman, that they will carry our jurisdiction to the utmost extent of 54 deg. 40 min.? From position and the appliances to which circumstances would expose them, such would assuredly be their determination. Indeed it is worthy of the consideration of grave jurists, whether they would not, in judicial decision, be bound so to do; whatever may be the real title, the just rights, according to the law of nations, of the United States in Oregon, its government throughout all administrations, have asserted claims and maintained pretensions to the whole territory up to the Russian line. In the absence of any conventional stipulations to overrule, would not the courts of the United States, and the justices acting under the appointment of the Executive, be bound to maintain and respect the claims so asserted? I incline to think their duty would so constrain; but whether it did or not, no practical man can doubt but that, in fact, they would so decide and act.After, then, as before, the termination of the convention, it may be safely affirmed the jurisdiction to be exercised under this bill would extend over the whole of Oregon to the extreme limit of 54 deg. 40 min.

Then, Mr. Chairman, comes the grave, the all-important inquiry, what is the character and degree of jurisdiction you will thus extend after the termination of the convention? Absolute and exclusive must it not be? As was on yesterday ably shown by the learned gentleman from Ohio, [Mr Vinton, ] we shall then be remitted to our rights as claimed under the law of nations, and to the assertion of the only sovereignty known in the absence of conventional arrangements—a sovereignty over the eminent domain; or, in other words, to the assertion of exclusive dominion over the territory. I will not attempt to add to his view, which was full and complete, of the assumption of title, and consequent obligations, which, under the law of nations, would result from the position in which, by this bill, we would be placed. But I may refer to the words of the bill, only glanced at in his more general view, as compelling the same conclusion. The language of the bill already quoted is: “The laws of the Territory of Iowa, as far as applicable over all the territory west of the Rocky mountains owned by the United States.” No treaty will exist to limit the applicability of the laws of Iowa. Some mere local enactment for bridges or court-houses may not apply; but all the general laws of Iowa will be extended to, and operate over, the whole territory. Those laws, as over Iowa, maintain exclusive and absolute jurisdiction and sovereignty; so, likewise, must they do over the whole of Oregon. They are to be operative over it as territory owned by the United States in the absence of any treaty to limit or define that ownership. Who ever heard of a divided or limited jurisdiction on the part of an independent nation over the territory owned by it? The laws of Iowa assert over it exclusive jurisdiction—maintain the eminent domain, and exclude all pretensions to sovereignty or jurisdiction on the part of all other nations. Extended to Oregon, as territory owned by the United States, they must have no less efficacy and exclusive operation.—It might as well be contended that Great Britain, or her subjects, have rights of sovereignty, or are entitled to exercise jurisdiction over the spot on which we stand, in this, the Capital of the Union, as they will have any such rights or title recognised or respected in any part of the Oregon territory after we shall have extended the jurisdiction of our laws and government over it as territory “owned by the United States.” It surely is not necessary to elaborate this view. The simple statement of the terms of the law is conclusive to show that after the convention shall, by its termination, have ceased to restrict the applicability of the laws of Iowa, their extension over the whole territory of Oregon involves the claim of entire sovereignty, and the exercise of exclusive jurisdiction, to the complete ouster of the sovereignty and jurisdiction of Great Britain and all other nations.

The exclusive character of the sovereignty and jurisdiction to be exercised under this bill, after the termination of the convention, having been thus ascertained, it remains to enquire, Mr. Chairman, by what means, and with what consequences, such jurisdiction and sovereignty are to be enforced.

The executive of Iowa, or the mere subordinate agents to whom this bill intrusts the execution of its provisions, will be bound immediately after the termination of the convention, to extend our exclusive jurisdiction, and take possession of the whole territory, dismantling all forts or other establishments in which the flag of a foreign sovereignty waves, closing and abrogating all tribunals in which a foreign jurisdiction is exercised, and ejecting all companies, settlers or traders, who will not acknowledge allegiance to the Government of the United States, and submit to accept the protection of its laws. The powerful Hudson Bay Company, with its army of agents and employees, and its tribes of savage auxiliaries, will be in the possession of much of the territory and most of its strongholds. Numerous British subjects, settlers, or traders, will be in different parts, relying on the asserted rights of their nation, and her pledged faith to protect and defend them. Great Britain having asserted, with singular unanimity on the part of her leading statesmen, that she has rights in the territory, which, at all hazards, she will maintain, and placed by such legislation in a position when to yield would be dishonor and the violation of the most sacred engagements of a nation to her subjects, must and will sustain her claims to the utmost of her power. At the first attempt, then, on the part of the Executive of Iowa, or this new Oregon territory, to enforce the provisions of this act, he must and will be resisted with the strong hand. The whole military force at his command and subsequently at that of the Executive of the Union, must be invoked, under his clear obligation to extend and maintain jurisdiction over the territory declared by clear enactment to belong to the United States. And this, Sir, will be war—nothing but war—the beginning of a dire contest, the end whereof no man can know.

This bill, Sir, has been regarded, in its application to the state of affairs after the termination of the Convention, as ricketty and imbecile. Certainly but little foresight or sagacity has been manifested in framing provisions for the exigencies which will then demand much wise and cautious legislation. But, Sir, it is anything else but imbecile—for mischief, it will be found all-potent. It will render hostile collision of inevitable necessity, and will place at the discretion of the Executive of a remote territory, or to the petty officers to be appointed in Oregon, the issues of peace and war, with the full power of compelling the support of the whole military force of the country. Is the House prepared thus, in anticipation, to part with the dread power reposed in Congress alone, of declaring war? And if even so, are they so infatuated as to intrust it to the discretion of some distant territorial Executive, or petty ministerial officer in Oregon? I cannot believe it, while I retain respect for its wisdom or patriotism.

In view of the operation of this bill after the termination of the convention, in extending over the whole of Oregon to the Russian line, the exclusive sovereignty and jurisdiction of the United States with the certain consequence of collision and war, I feel that I may appeal, with entire confidence, to all such members as have thought our title limited to the 49^th degree or thereabouts, or as entertain such conscientious scruples about the extent of our rights as to have been unwilling to assert absolute title to 54 deg. 40 min., to array themselves in form opposition to its passage, without the amendment limiting it to the duration of the convention. They cannot, without abandonment of their fixed opinions and ascertained positions, give it their support, and they are too wise not to see it.

But is there not even a more numerous class to whom this bill, without the amendment, must be repugnant? I refer to those who boast of entire concurrence on this Oregon question with the President, and manifest a peculiar desire to comply exactly with all the recommendations of his message, in all our legislation on the subject. The language and spirit of the message are clearly opposed to legislating now for the period after the termination of the convention, and the exigencies that may then exist. His recommendations are for the adoption of measures to protect our emigrants and conciliate the Indian tribes during the intermediate time before the abrogation of the convention. I will not detain the committee by reading the passages in the message which, during this debate, have been already exhibited, showing the nature of the executive recommendations. They all refer to the “mean time” before the termination of the convention, and contemplate only provisional legislation. The President, in this respect, acting wisely and prudently, so far from recommending ulterior legislation, has even abstained from develop9ng his opinions as to the measures which should, after the termination of the convention, be adopted, or to what extent, and in what degree, exclusive sovereignty and jurisdiction should then be asserted in Oregon. He has, indeed, intimated his opinion of our title; but in reference to the position of things after the expiration of the convention, he has contented himself with say9ng that we shall then have “reached a period when the national rights in Oregon must either be abandoned or firmly maintained;” and that they cannot be abandoned without the sacrifice of national honor and interest. No intimation is given what specific measures will then be necessary; and mush less does he advise legislation now for that period. Should not, then, his peculiar adherents on this matter of Oregon abstain where he has abstained, and shrink from legislating where he has not ventured even to advise?.

To all, Sir, it must be a consideration of no little moment, that such premature legislation may most seriously embarrass and involve the relations of the country in the pending negotiations. They are already in a situation of delicacy and embarrassment, and a further element of offence or difficulty should not be cast in by improvident legislation. From the first, the notice has been strongly presented and advocated by its friends as a peace measure. That being stipulated for by the Convention, and given in pursuance of an undoubted right, expressly reserved, it could afford no just cause of offence, while it must tend to bring both countries to a settlement of their conflicting claims. We were told, repeatedly, that by the notice there was no manifestation of hostile intent, or of a purpose to invade the rights of Great Britain. That we would not even be committed to the assertion of our rights over the territory one inch further than, according to the conscientious convictions of the majority of this House, our title should be clear and unquestionable. In giving the notice, would any, even the most infatuated 55 degrees and 40 minutes men, (as they are here styled, ) have dreamed of accompanying it with the declaration or intimation that, at its expiration, we meant to take possession of, and maintain exclusive sovereignty over the whole Oregon territory to the Russian line? Who does not see that to have done so would have excluded the idea of a purpose to induce and expedite amicable settlement?—would have implied a most offensive menace to Great Britain, and have rendered negotiation impracticable, and hostilities inevitable? Yet if by contemporary legislation, we not merely declare such purpose, but actually provide for its execution, the course is not materially different, and scarce less dangerous. We are probably now warranted by what has proceeded from various influential quarters in England, in concluding that the mere notice, being but the exercise of a privilege reserved by Treaty, will not be regarded as war measure; but if the “quo animo, ” the intent to follow it up by taking and holding exclusive possession of the whole country be thus plainly stamped on our present legislation, how can the notice, thus explained, be regarded otherwise than as most offensive and aggressive? I have heretofore shown that the practical operation of the bill, on the termination of the Convention, would be direct collision and war. But is there not the most serious reason to apprehend that such dread result may more speedily, nay, even immediately ensue? Would Great Britain be liable to the censure of the civilized worlds, if, with an unequivocal manifestation of our purpose to seize and appropriate the whole territory, and in view of legislation formally enacted for the dispossession of her subjects and her complete expulsion, she should not await the termination of the Convention, but waiving notice, and availing herself of her superior state of preparation, strike at once a fearful, if not decisive blow. Whether thus near or more remote, war by our reckless course will be made almost certain. certain. And what, Mr., Chairman, must be the nature and probable consequences of such a war?.

Under any circumstances, Mr. Chairman, war is a great evil, perhaps the greatest which can befal a nation, except dishonor. Between two such nations as Great Britain and the United States, each of bravery unsurpassed, possessed of immense resources, and aided in the work of mutual destruction by the inventions and improvements of modern science, the conflict would be frightful and the devastation shocking. I wish not to dilate on the mere horrors of war. But, Mr. Chairman, if from the dreadful aggregate of misery, anguish, and death which must result from even a single field of carnage, we could segregate and individualize to the minds’ full conception each case of the wounded or the dying, with all its attendant suffering, and its mournful result to the home of the bereaved—to the widow and the orphan—we must have hearts more savage than that of the bloodiest despot who ever outraged humanity, it holding in our power the blessings of peace, without the most palpable necessity, we should “cry havoc, and let slip the dogs of war.” To my mind, the character of the Duke of Wellington is not more illustrated as a conqueror in the annals of history by the decisive victory of Waterloo, than as a man in the view of enlightened humanity, by his simple answer to a friend who, congratulating him on his glorious achievement, expressed wonder at the absence of all elation on his part. “Be not surprised, (he said, ) for, in my view, save a defeat, the greatest of all calamities is a glorious victory.” He was right, Sir, and the noble moral of his sentiment is of peculiar applicability to us.—For, if assured—as we are far from being—of triumph in war beyond our sanguine anticipations, of what profit would it be compared with the destruction of human life, the outpouring of treasure, the devastation of property, the jeopardy to our institutions, and the retardation of our progress in improvement and happiness by which its blood-stained laurels would be gained?.

The genius of our institutions are essentially peaceful, and it is the glorious privilege of our position on this continent that we are most surely aggrandized as a nation by the noblest instrumentalities, the culture and peopling of the earth. Our Government is admirable adapted for the development and prosperous display of the individual energy and industry of its citizens; and in every form of human effort—in agriculture, in commerce, and in manufactures—we have thriven and prospered in a manner wholly unexampled in the annals of mankind. Many a hoary head is yet seen amongst us, whose possessor, having seen our nation emerge from colonial vassallage, has witnessed its progress with scarce a check, till now, by the acknowledgement of the first statesmen of Europe, it ranks among the greatest of the earth. For the conduct of war I will not say our government is incompetent, for on the sufficiency of its energies for every want, I have great confidence; but certainly in its capacity for the concentrated executive efforts essential for war it contrasts less favorable with the monarchies and aristocracies of Europe, and especially with the government of Great Britain, than in its adaptation to inspire incentives to industry and secure the triumphs of peace. There have been frequent manifestations on this floor of feelings hostile in England, and as if to incite to resentment and vengeance. We have had paraded in vivid array all the crimes and atrocities alleged to have been perpetrated by her for ages back in all quarters of the world, and have listened to fervid appeals in behalf of the groaning and down-trodden millions of her subjects, who, it is said, writhe beneath the oppression of her boasted aristocracy. Sir, if we are to be animated by such national Quixotry, or be betrayed into a crusade for the deliverance of those who desire not our sympathy and would spurn our proffered aid, let me say, that in my opinion, they would greatly err who would resort to war for vengeance or redress. The most certain means for us to overthrow English power—to avenge the past and remedy the present ills of her inflicting—is by our peaceful progress, by successful competition in commerce and manufactures, on her superiority in which rests the main staff of her dependance. Our agriculture of course exceeds hers; our commercial marine is fast approximating to hers; in many branches of manufacture, for which our country with our artificial stimulants is ripe, we are underselling her in the markets of the world. Let us but await our growth, and time and peace will, in a few years, do more to gratify such national antipathy, if it unfortunately exists, than present war could by possibility accomplish.

By, sir, what would be the probable consequences of war, should it come, in relation to this disputed country of Oregon? It has been well remarked, in a leading English journal, “What can England justly dread in that territory, when she has command of the seaboard and the interior—of the forts and the Indians?” Her resources there would be far greater than ours, and her facilities of access superior. Between nations, at least kindred in valor and skill, these advantages would seem decisive. Elsewhere we might, and probably would, obtain indemnities, especially in the Canadas. But, after all, the great struggle must be on the oceans, and for nothing short of the supremacy of the seas. Immense present odds must there be against us; yet, for one, iof the conflict begin, I should not despair of at least an equal result. With all our national energies roused, and our immense r esources fully directed to naval ascendancy, the God of battles could along foresee and award the ultimate issue. But against conflict so doubtful, and consequences as dire as must ensue, every patriot should strive while honor will permit.—Such I confidently believe to be the feeling of the enlighted constituency I have the honor to represent on this floor. Prepared as one man to breast the shock of arms whenever necessary, they are too sagacious not to perceive that in the ways of peace their true honor and interest lie, and too conscious of real valor to dread the idle imputation of timidity in adopting the counsels of prudence and wisdom. In their name, humble as I am, I protest against and denounce the folly and the madness which, by such improvident legislation as this bill proposes, would expose them and the country to the hazards and sacrifice of a needless war.

To the grave objections which have been urged to this bill without the restriction of the proposed amendment, one answer, having sufficient plausibility to require notice, has been given. It is, that the English legislation applicable to this Oregon territory is co-extensive with the proposed operation of this bill; and that in adopting it we but follow the precedent and example of Great Britain, who will consequently be precluded from complaint. Now, Mr. Chairman, I am not disposed to cavil and technicalities, or quibble on the precise construction to be given to some of the clauses of the English act of 1821. I am inclined to admit that the general phraseology of that act may be justly susceptible of the construction contended for. But it must be remember when that act was passed, and with what assurances it was followed. The enactment was as far back as 1821, after the adoption of the convention of 1818, and when it was to endure for years; and it has been subsequently continue under the renewed convention of 1827, which was indefinite in its duration.—After its passage too, as is well know, on the application of Government, who apprehended its provisions might be inconsistent with the convention, satisfactory assurances were given by the Government of Great Britain that its provisions were not intended, and should not be construed, to extend to citizens of the United States, or invade the rights secured by the convention. Practically and substantially, then this English enactment was passed with reference only to the continuance of the convention, and to operate under and in strict subserviency to its provisions. For more than twenty-five years during which it has been in existence, such has been its actual operation, and not a complaint has been made or heard that it has ever been extended beyond British subjects, or made to apply to citizens of the U. States.

[Here Mr. Jacob Thompson, of Mississippi, interrupted Mr. Seddon with the remark: “But in the English act, what savings in favor of American citizens exist? Are there any others than the simple right to hunt?”]

I have stated, sir, (resumed Mr. Seddon, ) my inclination with entire candor, to admit that the general words of the English statue may admit of a construction which would be less favorable to our citizens than under the convention they would have been entitled to expect. But to the existing convention, in view of which the act was passed, top the full assurances given in explanation of it, and to its practical operation for so long a time, I refer with confidence, to demonstrate the real character of that law, and to show that it was personal to British subjects and their possessions—not injurious to our citizens.

[Here Mr. McDowell, of Va., who was sitting by, handed to Mr. Seddon a book containing the English act, and desired him to read to the committee in this connexion, and in answer to the remark of the gentleman from Mississippi, the clause in that act in which the jurisdiction of the courts of Canada is extended to the Indian country, but so as not to apply to any part under the civil government of the United States, &c.].

Mr. Seddon proceeded. My honorable colleague, whose opinions are entitled to the highest deference, has obligingly handed me the English act, and desired me to read one of its sections. Feeling the utmost respect for his judgment, I do so. [Here Mr. S. read the section.] From its language it is apparent that the authority of the government of the United States is not meant to be injuriously invaded.

[Here Mr. James Thompson interrupted Mr. Seddon with the inquiry, whether, at the time of the passage of the English act, there was any civil government of the United States in the Oregon territory, or any part of it, and whether the jurisdiction established by the English act could be ousted by any subsequent establishment of the civil government of the United States in it?].

Mr. Seddon resumed. I wish, Mr. Chairman, to deal with this subject in no spirit of mere partisanship, or for seeming triumph in argument, but with perfect candor and frankness. I therefore do not hesitate to reply to the gentleman, that there was not, to my knowledge, at that time, any civil government of the United States in Oregon, and that the law may probably be held to apply to the countries as they were. Opinions, however, as to the construction of the law differ; and, as I have stated, I have read this clause in deference to the wish of a respected colleague whose judgment is of more worth than my own. At least, on any construction, the clause proves that more respect was shown to American citizens than merely to save their right of hunting, since all under any civil government of the United States at the time are excluded wholly from the operation of the act. As I have said, however, I am not disposed to controvert the view taken by gentlemen of the mere language of the act. My argument is based on thetime and circumstances of its passage; on the assurances which were solemnly given of its intended operation, and on the undoubted fact that its application has been to British subjects alone, and never extended to the invasion of the rights of our government or its citizens. Instead of ferreting out this musty act and wrangling on the exact construction to be given to its mere words, let the matter be viewed practically and substantially. Candor must admit that in the time and circumstances of the English legislation, as contrasted with those or our proposed bill, consists the greatest imaginable difference. There was then no reference beyond the convention, and the legislation of England was in contemplation of, and in subservience to its provisions. Now, having already in this House voted to give notice, and not doubting the concurrence of the other branch of the legislature in some form, our legislation is proposed in direct reference to the termination of the convention, and in full contemplation of the ulterior state of affairs when no treaty stipulations are to exist.—Bills, in general words of which, if adopted soon after the convention was entered into, or while it was indefinite in duration, would have been of little moment and no danger would, under present circumstances, possess peculiar significance and convey most offensive menace. To such a law as now proposed had it been brought forward when the English act passed, serious objection might not have been entertained. I might myself have voted for it without note or care for its operation beyond the convention, the termination of which was not contemplated. But now thoughtlessness or recklessness in our legislation would be both foolish and criminal. It is no fair test of the wisdom or safety of passing this bill to compare its provisions with the mere phraseology of the English act. The true touchstone is to reverse the attitudes of Great Britain and our government, and to bring home to our own breasts the thoughts and emotions which conduct like that we propose, if adopted by Great Britain, would excite.

Suppose, in the absence of any cause of irritation on our part, in the course of a pending negotiation for amicable adjustment of the conflicting claims of the two nations, the government of Great Britain were to give us notice for the abrogation of the existing convention, and her Parliament were cotemporaneously not merely to show an intent, but provide by actual legislation immediately thereafter to take possession of the whole yterritory, and dispossess our citizens and exclude all claim on our part to jurisdiction or sovereignty in any portion of the country even south of the Columbia, weould not indignation deep and intense be kindled in all American hearts? And would not suich course be deemed most significant of hostile intent, and the prelude to certain war? We might indeed deem it wise in our present state of preparation to nurse our wrath and delay an immediate outbreak of hostilities, but all would feel that prudence, not international obligations, feel that prudence, not international obligations, withheld, and that we would be warranted, so soon as by vigorous efforts we should adequately prepare, to seek the ultimate resort of nations.—In the reverse of positions, we find an admirable admonition to forbear from the rashness and aggression this bill unamended would exhibit; for what we would not endure, we may justly expect Great Britain—a nation as potent and sensitive to honor as our own—will promptly resent.

A strong additional argument, Mr. Chairman, for limiting this bill by the amendment proposed is afforded by the unanimity which will then be secured to its passage. This is a consideration which should be strongly felt by those honorable gentlemen, its immediate advocates in its present objectional form, who have been so solicitous and clamorous for unanimity—cordial and united action in our measures about Oregon. We have been stunned by honorable members here, till we scare heeded the no less frequent appeals of the press, with assurances of the mighty influences to be exerted at home andf abroad by the moral effect of united action and harmonious cooperation of all branches of the Government in relation to Oregon. Now, surely, if union and harmony constitute such potent levers wherewith to move the world on this subject, they cannot be less essential on the manifestation of our purpose to encourage and protect our settlers in Oregon, than in the form in which the notice to terminate the convention is to be given.

There will scarce by any dissent in the provisions of the bill for these objects; whereas, by extending its operation to the dispossession and exclusion of Great Britain, after the convention is terminated, from the whole territory, the bill, it passed at all, can be carried only by a meagre majority. I appeal to gentlemen, on their own arguments, to meet us fairly, and accord, where all may agree, and not to legislate as if the isolation of friends, rather than the attainment of ends common to all parties and sections of parties, were their real object.

All considerations of prudence and policy conspire, Mr. Chairman, to dissuade us from legislating now for the exigencies which are to exist after the termination of the convention. There is certainly no occasion for Congress to anticipate events so far. far. Another session must occur before the convention can expire, and then, with much fuller lights, and in view of all intermediate events, we may adjust our legislation to the necessities of existing affairs. Should a settlement be effected in the intermediate time, your present legislation would be intercepted and overruled. Should conflict prove inevitable—and by that time the development of events will probably allow a correct decision—many members, who are now averse to the assertion of exclusive sovereignty and jurisdiction, would be prepared to go for the whole. If fight the nation must, then let it fight for all that the fate of arms can bestow. But now our negotiations are pending—our relations in a doubtful and embarrassing condition. We are on the eve of events to be decisive of our future course in relation to this whole Oregon matter. How, then, can we prudently or wisely legislate in advance, when we literally “know not what a day may bring forth.”.

[Here the Chairman’s hammer fell, and Mr. S. was cut off from further remarks].

*The same clause has been heretofore quoted.
[BWP]

RE46v43i2p4c6, May 5, 1846: Saturday Morning, May 2, 1846.

Let the President do what he may, he will be denounced by some of the Whig press. If, under the obligations of his oath, he lay before Congress his solemn convictions of our rights to the Oregon territory, and recommend the adoption of measures for the ascertainment of those rights, and the permanent security of the honor and peace of the nation, the Whig press assail him for wantonly invoking a war, to subserve his own personal ambition. But no sooner has this Oregon storm blown over, quelled by the firm, yet dignified and moderate stand of our Government, than some of the Whig journals turn around and denounce the administration for want of courage and energy in its bearing towards Mexico. The Philadelphia North American, that once shuddered with horror at the shadow of British power, and shrieked with fear when it was announced that the people of the United States would be ready, if forced to do so, to vindicate their rights and honor against Great Britain, has suddenly changed its dove-like note, and raises a warlike cry against weak and unfortunate Mexico. It calls for the most stringent and uncompromising measures. It would no longer give quarter to our Southern neighbors, but would at once sweep them from the face of the earth. We give a few passages of its bellicose article:

“Our country is made by the Mexican government the subject of the most dishonoring vituperation; a quasi war is declared against us; our Minister is discarded; and, in short, we are subjected to more of humiliation and wrong than we have endured since the Tripolitan war. Where is the Executive? All that was characterized by the President as demanding national resentment, has occurred. The insults we have invited, by sending our Minister we have received. What new dishonor is necessary to arouse our Government to action? And why is it that the administration, which so anxiously seeks to embroil us with Great Britain in relation to an abstract question of title to a disputed territory, submits to be kicked and cuffed, wronged and dishonored by a power like Mexico? It is true, that, as the stronger party, we may, without shame, exercise a magnanimous forbearance; but there are limits beyond which submission to a wrong is a sanction, and tameness and invitation to fresh injury.—What government in existence would have borne what we have borne from the Mexicans, if not conscious that it was in the wrong?.

“Is this the secret of the inertness of the Administration? The acquisition of Texas seems to have cowed the better part of man in our Government. Its sword is glued in its scabbard; and while it protest against the wrongs and insults which are showered upon its head, a shrug of the shoulders is the only response. Now, the act, whatever it be, has been adopted by the nation: it is toot late to debate about it. The reputation of the country is at stake—not merely its reputation for honor, but the credit of possessing the strength and courage to protect our commerce abroad—and it is necessary that should be vindicated, or we may expect that every petty power, whether despot or anarch, will conclude that it is safe to prey upon our people. It is an insult so deliberate, a wrong so profound, that to endure it is to invite, from the meanest of the communities of the earth, indignity and oppression.—Our duty is plain. We should either retrace our steps or go on. To stand still and permit Mexico to treat us and our citizens as robbers of her territory, and, therefore as unworthy of recognition under the laws of nations, is a degradation that cannot be endured.

“War is a great evil; but there are greater evils. The issue between this country and Mexico has reached a point where there is no room for turning. Our government should act with promptness and decision, and upon a scale worthy of the republic. The police force now on our borders is wholly inadequate; and it is doubted whether our squadron is of sufficient strength. There will, we apprehend, be no action until the administration shall have received the sanction of Congress; but it should then be backed by a force sufficient to close the war by a blow. The country anticipates, and with anxiety, early and earnest action upon this subject.”.

Now let us suppose the reverse of what is actually the case. Let us assume that, instead of pursuing the forebearing but dignified and vigilant measures which have been taken, Mr. Polk had drawn the sword of war--—d directed General Taylor to cross the Rio Grande, attack and destroy the Mexican army, and had ordered our fleet to bombard Vera Cruz, and blockade the other ports of Mexico. This we would have been justified in doing, on account of the various insults thrown out by Mexico, her repeated declaration of war by her Presidents, Generals, &c. But had this been done, the Whig press would have come out against the “wanton, bloody war, ” which Mr. Polk had waged against weak, unoffending and powerless Mexico! The acquisition of Texas, instead of being said to have “cowed the better part of man, ” as sneeringly charged by the North American, would at once have been paraded, as inflaming the Southern blood of the President against a wretched and unprotected nation. Texas, as now, would be made the scape-goat for all the offences imputed to Mr. Polk.

But, no; the Administration, while it has practised a praiseworthy forbearance towards Mexico, has vigilantly consulted the honor and interest of the United States. Gen. Taylor has been stationed on the banks of the Rio Grande, not to assail the Mexicans, but to guard our own rightful territory. Our fleet is in the Gulf, in striking distance of the scene of action, and ready to act at the first signal. Mr. Polk would willingly avoid, if possible, violent measures towards Mexico; but we are satisfied that he has at heart, as sincerely as the North American, the honor and interests of this country. He is certainly better acquainted with all the points of the case, and will, at the proper time, recommend what he thinks is necessary and politic, to settle all our difficulties with Mexico. He will do his duty, regardless of the sneers or assaults of his opponents. We have no fear that he will recklessly take any step which may endanger the peace or dim the honor of the nation.

The Union says that the Administration “has the Mexican case under its best consideration, and will act in its own good time, without waiting upon Santa Ana, or for a new revolution, or play9ng at all the part of what Walter Scott calls ‘a waiter upon Providence.’”[BWP]

RE46v43i2p4c7, May 5, 1846: No title.

While we differ from some of the views in Mr. Seddon’s speech, on one of the Oregon bills published to-day, we cannot suffer it to go forth without referring to the talent and powers of amendment which it displays. His constituents will be pleased to see the distinguished part which he has taken in the proceedings of Congress.
[BWP]

RE46v43i3p1c2, May 8, 1846: WHAT WILL THE WHIGS DO?

The question “What will the Whigs do?” frequently suggests itself to our mind. Their old weapons are all broken or taken away from them—and, although they excel particularly in manufacturing, yet they used up nearly all their raw materials in ’44, and what little was then left has since been consumed in vain attempts to create war panics, currency panics, and every other imaginable panic, since the commencement of the present session of Congress. The Oregon question is in a fair way to be amicably and honorable settled—the Tariff will doubtless in a very short time be reduced to the revenue standard, yielding a sufficient amount to meet the economical wants of the Government—the Independent Treasury bill will soon become the law of the land—and Texas has already been peaceably brought into our sisterhood. Then, we repeat, what will the Whigs do? All of their predictions have proved erroneous, and their hopes of the dismemberment of the Repulican party have wofully deceived them. The Democratic party have come out of every contest since the election of Mr. Polk with their brows crowned with victorious laurels—and the Whig party have met with nothing but defeat and discomfiture.

But we must remain united—the little germs of discord must be crushed. Every man who expects to rise should be ever willing to submit his claims to his party, and if selected by them, the others should forget their own personal aspirations, think only of the success of our common principles, and assist in the elevation of their successful rivals. Let the aim of each and all of us be, to excel the other in the perpetuation of the glorious doctrines of the Repulican party. Let all heart-burnings and jealousies be banished from our councils. Remember the losses which we sustained during the recent elections, on account of the refusal of some of the candidates to submit their claims to the conventions of their party; and, above all, remember that “Union is strength, and that division ensures defeat.”[BWP]

RE46v43i3p1c5, May 8, 1846: LATER.

The steamship Telegraph arrived here on Thursday evening, bringing accounts to Tuesday. The only additional intelligence is as follows: Just before the Telegraph sailed, news arrived that Lieut. Porter and a detachment of 10 men, who had been sent out on duty not far from Gen., Taylor’s encampment, had been fired upon by 50 Mexicans, killing Lieut. P. and three of his men. The others succeeded in making their escape and returning to camp. Whether the party which made this attack were soldiers or robbers, is uncertain; but we believe the Mexican officers say the latter. These officers had already said to some of ours, that every thicket was infested with banditti who would kill a man for 50 cents or his blanket, and that the Mexican commander could not think of holding himself accountable for any accident which might happen to detached parties venturing incautiously too far from camp.

Gen. Ampudia denies all knowledge of the fate or whereabouts of Col. Cross, but, as the country in the vicinity where he disappeared has been thoroughly searched, and no information of him obtained, it is suspected by many that he has been sent a prisoner into the interior of Mexico, instead of having been murdered.

Impressions as to the probability of a battle are very much divided. It seems highly probable that the Mexican army does not contemplate a general attack, inasmuch as it has allowed favorable opportunities for making one to go unimproved; and in the present position and situation of his forces, Gen. Taylor is much stronger than at any time since his removal from Corpus Christi. He has finished mounting his heavy artillery and fortified his camp completely, so that an attack from the enemy would doubtless be the most welcome event that could happen to our army.
[BWP]

RE46v43i3p1c5, May 8, 1846: PROCLAMATION OF AMPUDIA.

[From the Extra of the Galveston News.]

The General-in-Chief of the 4^th Military Division, to the inhabitants of the interior departments of the East.

Fellow-Citizens: My most ardent prayers are fulfilled, and propitious fortune grants me the pleasure of returning to these departments for which I have so much sympathy.

In entering the East, the greatness of the enterprise which the supreme National Government has thought worthy to confide to my poor abilities does not deter me; for your patriotic virtues and your courage are doubtless superior to the audacity with which the stranger insults us.

Since the cabinet of Washington removed the hypocritical mask which covers its treason to support with effrontery the usurpation of Texas effected by her ungrateful inhabitants, our colonists, my heart possessed with a sacred fire, like that which every good Mexican ought to experience, inspired me with a lively desire to avenge so great an insult by chastising the aggressor, and in March of the last year, I placed my desire in form before the administration of that time, in order either in my own grade, or that of the private soldier with musket upon my shoulder, I might be permitted to make that campaign.

If it be well then that publicity was given to that proposition through the journals, it is much more gratifying to renew it at a time which finds me among you, and that at your side I shall joyously sacrifice my life upon the altars of the country, if, for the happiness of this country, so near to me, my existence may be the victim which destiny shall mark out.

Neither by any motive shall I be brought to forget, nor shall I pass in silence the occasion which is presented to me, to offer a grateful remembrance as a tribute to the inhabitants of Tobasco for the honorable demonstration of their esteem for my person, and the extraordinary efforts which they made that I might remain permanently there; but to the country every thing is due, and for its interest every other thing ought to be postponed; the reason why I am not still in the society of those estimable fellow citizens.

The worthy Chief Magistrate has conceived my poor services important to the nation, and I came with the greatest pleasure to bestow them upon you, for the affection, indeed, which you inspire in me; also, indeed, for the noble and patriotic sentiments to whose influence our enemies can oppose no resistance; they who, as you know, to the scandal of the Christian world, assist barbarous Indians with arms and munitions, in order that they may ravage our people. This ferocious enemy shall be also corrected, and we will chase him from our frontiers with the greatest possible brevity.

My heart has felt the most grateful pleasure in witnessing the public demonstrations of joy and general satisfaction with which the heroic people of Saltillo have received the division which marches under my orders; and no one ought to doubt that the brave men who compose it, united to our comrades, who do-day are entrenching themselves on the field of battle, will know how to give a convincing lesson to the enemy who dares to insult you; making him know the rights and power of a great and warlike people, highly offended in its honor and integrity.

Long live the Mexican Republic! Long live the Departments of the East and its intrepid defenders!!!!
(signed, ) PEDRO DE AMPUDIA.
Saltillo, March 27^th, 1846.

[BWP]

RE46v43i3p1c4, May 8, 1846: [From the N. Orleans Delta, Extra, April 29.] LATER FROM MEXICO.

By the politeness of a commercial house of this city, we have been furnished with the following extract from a letter received by the Brig Orleans, Capt. Pattherson, which sailed on the 23d inst., dated

VERA CRUZ, April 22, 1846.

* * * * The news here is nothing. We are anxiously waiting for intelligence from Matamoras. The last we received was, that Gen. Taylor had been fired on by the Mexicans, but had not returned the fire. This pretended pacific movement of our Government—this eternal dilly-dallying between peace and war, will deprive us of all the advantages which we might obtain by the adoption of an efficient course. Test assured that England is the prime mover in Mexico, and that tot settle the Oregon question favorable she will keep this hornet’s nest hovering over our heads.

Commodore Conner, with the United States squadron, except the John Adams, left this place on Sunday last, for what point unknown, but he is expected soon to return. Yours, &c.
[BWP]

RE46v43i3p1c4, May 8, 1846: FROM TEXAS-WAR BEGUN!

Late and Important from Texas—The War Began—Bloodshed on the Frontier, &c.

By the arrival this morning of the steamship New York, Capt. Phillips, from Galveston, we are in receipt of late and important news from the Army of Occupation.
[BWP]

RE46v43i3p1c4, May 8, 1846: From the Galveston Gazette, April 25^th. FROM THE ARMY.

The schr.L. M. Hitchcock arrived from the Brassos Santiago on Wednesday night, bringing later intelligence from the army and Mexican frontier. Various reports, more or less exaggerated, or altogether fabulous, have grown out of this arrival, but from cautious inquiry we find the following to be the substance of all the information received:

Our army is still encamped on the Rio Grande, some three miles below Matamoras. Gen. Arista sent a message to Gen. Taylor eight days since, that unless the American army retired immediately to the East bank of the Nueces, it would be attacked by that of Mexico without delay or further notice. Gen. Taylor returned for reply, that his present position had been taken under orders from his Government, and that he was prepared to maintain it against all comers. Gen. T. also, immediately despatched orders to our naval vessels on the coast to open a strict blockade, and 0prevent any communication from the Gulf with the Mexicans on shore, which was accordingly done and has since been in full force, the brig Lawrence and schr. Flirt cruising continually off the mouth of the Rio Grande and Brassos Santiago.

We regret to learn that Col. Cross, U. S. Paymaster General, some ten days since, took his usual ride into the country, and has not since returned or been heard of. The general belief is that he has been murdered, but whether by Mexicans, Indians or renegade white men, is a matter of doubt.

A lieutenant from our army a short time since, crossed the river, from what motive seems to be uncertain, and was taken by the Mexican forces, where he remained at the last accounts. It is reported, but we can find no direct authority for the statement, that his liberation has been demanded by Gen. Taylor, and refused.

We understand that Gen. Worth has resigned and gone on to Washington city, in consequence of an old question of rank, which has subsisted the proper duty of Congress, for which they are legally assembled, and who will find no difficulty in giving their irremediable sentence.
[BWP]

RE46v43i3p1c5, May 8, 1846:

The General in Chief of the 4^th Military Division to the Inhabitants of the Frontier.

My Friends: I left the village of________,sick, to come and participate with you in the labors and glories to which the hypocritical and daring North American usurpers invite us, and I instantly longed to find myself upon the banks of the Bravo, to salute them with all the effusion of my soul. I arrived yesterday in this city with the brigade which the brace General Don Anastasio Torrijon directs. At this moment the second is entering, and notwithstanding the necessity which exists for my remaining in this city, to adjust interesting matters, I advance, with a body of cavalry, by forced marches; for, indeed, you know me—I cannot have a moment of tranquility while I am not with you. In the meanwhile, let the sacred fire of your country burn as always in your hearts, and I will answer you with victory.

(Signed, ) PEDRO DE AMPUDIA.

[BWP]

RE46v43i3p1c5, May 8, 1846: From the “Eagle of the North, ” April 8^th, 1846.

We have seen with the greatest satisfaction the manifesto given to the nation by His Excellency the President ad interim, in regard to the correspondence relative to the subject of Texas, held between the Supreme Government and the Envoy Extraordinary of the United States. This document is as satisfactory as could be hoped for after the sincere offers made at San Louis Potosi by the chief of our destinies; in it we see explicitly treated the difficult question which for ten successive years has been the pretext for civil discord, and in it we have a safe guarantee that the existing energetic Government will fulfill without delay the obligations which it contracted with the nation in giving the programme, which unites all divisions, which makes opinion unanimous upon independence, the calumniating point of our social exigencies.

It is true war is not precisely declared in the manifesto referred to, and this will not readily satisfy the anxiety of those who are menaced by the ironically called colossus of the North; but in addition to their being in the expressions of his Excellency, the President, marked indications of a desire for the campaign so long a time talked of, a matter which has no little force in the mouth of the Chief Magistrate of a people, it is also therein expressed, as a fundamental basis, that the forced occupation of our territory by the U. States, and the appearance of their squadrons upon the coasts of Mexico, are regarded as a real aggression; such is the language proper for governments which desire to uphold dignity and decorum; nevertheless, there will not be wanting some malevolent spirits to charge us with not having finally declared war, as if such an act were not for some time between himself and one or two other officers.

The number of the Mexican troops at and near Matamoras is not known with any degree of accuracy, but we cannot learn of any considerable augmentation. Indeed, the impression appears to be, that they have been diminished of late, in consequence of the difficulty of obtaining supplies.

The two armies are encamped on opposite sides of the river, in view, and within some two hundred yards of each other, and both have thrown up fortifications, and added to the strength of their positions.

The steamship Telegraph had arrived from N. Orleans with 200 additional troops for the army under General Taylor. She struck on the bar in going in and drifted over without sustaining any injury worthy of note. She is expected here daily.

The weather has been exceedingly tempestuous off the coast, and fears are entertained that damage has been done to vessels in the vicinity.
[BWP]

RE46v43i3p1c6, May 8, 1846: BLOCKADE IN THE MEXICAN GULF.

The brig Equity, Capt. Place, arrived yesterday, brings information that when off Matamoras, with the intention of entering, on the 17^th inst, she was overhauled by the U. S. brig Lawrence and ordered off the coast. [N. O. Jeffersonian, April 29. [BWP]

RE46v43i3p1c6, May 8, 1846: MATAMORAS.

As this is the anticipated battle ground, opposite which General Taylor is encamped, the following description of the city, from a correspondent of the New York Tribune, may prove interesting:

Matamoras is an old Spanish City, containing about 7,000 inhabitants, and is beautifully situated on the Southern bank of the Rio Grande, within its folds so that its front and rear are both on the river. Seen from the American side, it has every appearance of being an American town. The streets intersect each other at right angles, and appear to be lined with many varieties of shade trees, which give the town an air of coolness, and render its appearance very inviting. Many of the buildings are built of brick and in the modern style of architecture. The Cathedral, market, and buildings occupies by the military, are among the finest. The dwellings of the poorer classes are constructed with canes, brush, mud and the like materials, and are essentially Mexican. The town formerly contained double its present number of inhabitants, and was a place of some importance. This rapid decline is owing to their internal commotions, and the growing indolence of the people. The citizens are all under the rule of the military, and are obliged to provide for them. The military is supreme, and the orders of their General, Mejia, are law.

The city has several fortifications, armed with guns of different calibres, and a force of 500 or 600 men is kept in them constantly. Since our arrival they have increased their force to nearly 3,000 men, and have been working night and day upon the defences of the place. They have thrown up several batteries which bear upon our camp, and we are quietly waiting for them to give us a ball. Should they favor us, we shall return the compliment with a series of them, for the Spanish are very particular in matters of etiquette. Our camp is directly opposite the town, and 800 yards from their batteries. We are engaged in throwing up a field work, constructing gun batteries, and taking such precautions as are necessary to enable us to maintain our position. This seems important since our intercourse with them is entirely prohibited by the Mexican authorities, and their attitude decidedly hostile.
[BWP]

RE46v43i3p1c7, May 8, 1846: The Earl of Aberdeen to Mr. Pakenham. FOREIGN OFFICER, March 3, 1846.

Sir: I have much satisfaction in conveying to you the entire approval of Her Majesty’s Government of the steps which, as reported in your despatch of the 29^th of January, you took, and of the letter which you addressed to the American Secretary of State, for the purpose of ascertaining clearly and authoritatively, whether the United States Government would be disposed to admit the application of the principle of an arbitration of the Oregon Question on any other terms than those which they had already rejected.

In thus acting, you have, in a most judicious and satisfactory manner, anticipated the instructions which I was preparing to forward you on this subject.

We have now nothing to do but to await Mr. Buchanan’s reply to your appeal to him, although I collect from your despatch that your proposal will certainly be refused. Should that reply, however, be of such a nature as to give any ground of hope that the matter in dispute may be brought to an amicable issue by means of direct negotiation, I shall gladly avail myself of such an opening. If not, it will then be for Her Majesty’s Government to consider what measure it may be expedient to adopt, in order to meet any emergency which may arise. I am, &c., [Signed, ] ABERDEEN. The Earl of Aberdeen to Mr. Pakenham. FOREIGN OFFICE, March 3, 6 P. M., 1846. Sir: Since my preceding despatch of this day’s date was written, I have received your despatch of the 5^th of February, with its inclosure, by which you put me in possession of the final rejection by the U. States Government of our proposal of a reference of the Oregon question to arbitration.

There is, of course, no time before the departure of the mail of this evening for the consideration of so serious a question as that which is involved in the President’s decision as now announced. I am, &c.,

(Signed, ) ABERDEEN.

[BWP]

RE46v43i3p1c6, May 8, 1846: No title.

The Oregon question continues to be a fruitful source of discussion with the British journals.—The speech of Mr. Webster, and the propriety of settling the dispute upon the basis of 49 degs., were much commented on. The London Times, by some called the organ of Lord Aberdeen, tho’ it is more probably the mouth-piece of the Hudson’s Bay Company, is as bitter as ever in deriding and opposing the American title North of Columbia river, and states that latitude 49 was as far as the original claim of the U. States extended, and that line had never been conceded by the British statesmen. If conceded now, the Times claims the freedom of the Columbia, the whole of Vancouver’s Island, and the Straits of Fuca, with full indemnity to the Hudson’s Bay Company for resigning their posts.

The London Examiner say England loves peace, but is ready for war.
[BWP]

RE46v43i3p1c6, May 8, 1846: England and the United States—The Oregon Question.

The Times says the accounts from the United States by the Hibernia, to the beginning of April, have excited a good deal of attention. The message of Mr. Polk to Congress is not considered warlike. Indeed, some of the public sureties profess to see the best guaranty for the continuance of peace, in the expense to which the country would be put by arming for a conflict.—Seventy millions of dollars bestowed upon putting the army and navy on a footing for commenting the emergency of the case, would induce every man to contribute this quota to that astonishing sum to inquire into its necessity.

The following extracts from an article in the London Times, of the 18^th ult., show that that paper does not look upon the line of 49 degrees even as a certain line of agreement, and gives also the latest opinion which we find on this question:

* * * In the whole course of these negotiations, that which has changed moist completely, is the claim set up by the Americans. In 1818 and 1826, the territory in dispute was expressly asserted, and clearly understood, to be comprised between the 42d and 49^th degrees of latitude. As for the more Northern tract, between 49 and 54 40, we are not aware that the paramount claims of Britain to that part of it, were then called in question. The proposals of it for partition, ranged between the mouth of the Columbia and the 49^th degree, but not beyond; and the American Plenipotentiaries unsuccessfully claimed the whole of that region, but no more. Since that time, and in their more recent discussions, they have raised their demands; they have laid claim to the whole country; and then, as if it were the farthest limits of condescension and concession, they revert to their former offer, the very same which they before rejected. * * * * *

They have raised a claim to the whole of Oregon, not with any expectation of acquiring the entire province, but in order to reconcile us to terms we have before declared to be admissible.
[BWP]

RE46v43i3p2c4, May 8, 1846: FROM MEXICO.

Yesterday’s Southern mail brings us a few additional items of intelligence from this excited country. The latest dates received at Vera Cruz from Matamoras were of the 2d inst.; they state that General Mejia had not attacked General Taylor on account of the retreat of the latter. Those from Mazatlan were of the 1^st—and in “El Locomotor” of the 22d, we find a list of the American vessels of war which had blockaded that port; they consisted of the frigate Savannah, 60 guns; do.Constitution, 50; sloop of war Portsmouth, 34; do.Levant, 34; and schr.Shark, 12 guns.

A revolution had taken place in the Southern Departments of Mexico, where Gen. Don Juan Alvarez had published the Federal Constitution, and advocated the return to power of Gen. Santa Anna. No further particulars had been received about the revolution, but it was confirmed from several sources.

According to the “Locomotor” of the 20^th ult., the American squadron laying at Sacrificios set sail on the 18^th, and returned on the third day. It is believed that these movements were caused by slight fevers, which had prevailed among the crews of said vessels during those days, and that they went to sea in order to get a cool and pure air.

The news of the death of Signor Don Maximo Garro, late Envoy to the King of the French, had reached Vera Cruz, and this is supposed to have detained at Havana Gen. Almonte, who sent his secretary back to Mexico by the British steamer of the 9^th.

The said journal of the 18^th states, that it was reported that the Mexican government had entered into agreements with the Spanish government for the sale of the steamers of war Montezuma and Guadalupe, for the sum of $80,000; and it suggests that under the actual circumstances, it was not proper for the Mexican government to enter into any such arrangements with Spain, but to offer the said steamers at public sale, and dispose of them to the highest bidder. It has been reported, and it is stated in some private letters, that the steamers have been bought by the English house of Manning, Marshall & co., for the sum of $640,000, and that they were to proceed to Havana immediately. We cannot credit the latter rumor, for we have seen both steamers, and are well acquainted with their force, build and other circumstances, which are not enough to make them worth half the amount which it is said has been paid for them; and there is too great a difference between that sum and the one which the Locomotor states had been offered for them by Spain.
[BWP]

RE46v43i3p2c4, May 8, 1846: FROM THE ARMY OF OCCUPATION.

Below we give farther extracts from the New Orleans papers relative to the U. States troops now stationed on the Rio Grande, under the command of Gen. Taylor. Gen. Worth, Cols. Coffin, Waite, Fisher and Treadwell, Majors Van Ness and March, Captains Duncan, Whitehead and McLellan, and several other officers of the army, arrived at New Orleans on the 30^th April, in the steamship New York.

The iron steamer Hunter was off Galveston bar on the 27^th April, having lost her smokepipe, and being short of provisions. She was then eleven days out from Brazos Santiago.—Some of her passengers were transferred to the New York.

The schr.L. M. Hitchcock, Captain Wright, arrived at Galveston on the 23d April, from Brazos Santiago, having sailed on Sunday, the 19^th—three days after the Colonel Harney—but she brought no news of much interest. The rash attempt of Lieut. Deas to discover the fate of his friend Col. Cross, whereby he fell into the hands of the Mexicans, is fully detailed, with its unfortunate issue, in the letters below from correspondents of the New Orleans Picayune. The remaining intelligence by the Hitchcock has been anticipated by the arrival of the Col. Harney.

About fifty of the American army had deserted, and swarm the river for the Mexican camp; but a number of them were shot as deserters while in the water. The whole number of American troops is estimated at between two and three thousand, and they are said to be in excellent discipline, and eager for an engagement with the enemy. Ampudia’s forces are reported at between three and four thousand. It reported, that Arista is about to supersede Ampudia in the command.
[BWP]

RE46v43i3p2c4, May 8, 1846: Correspondence of the New Orleans Picayune. CAMP OPPOSITE MATAMORAS, Texas, April 18^th, 1846.

The two opposing armies are within five hundred yards of each other—both busily engaged in entrenching themselves and throwing up fieldworks. The most perfect non-intercourse is established. Thousands of reports are in daily circulation with regard to the probable time at which we are to be eaten up, and frequently news reaches us that the Mexicans are crossing the river at some point above or below us, when some unlucky devils [whose detail it happens to be] are detached on a scout for the whole night.

The last report is, that Gen. Arista has taken command of the Mexican army, and that all hostile operations are to be suspended until next June, in order to give the two Governments an opportunity of negotiating peaceably—or, in other words, giving the Mexicans an opportunity of backing out with some show of decency. Take my word for it, we are to have no fun, unless we lead off the dance.

Many of our officers assemble daily on the banks of the river, and gaze with longing eyes at the houses, streets and signoras of the beautiful city of Matamoras. In the course of a week our fortification will be finished, when we may safely defy the whole Mexican army. It is said that Arista is the rival and enemy of Paredes, and will therefore be disposed to favor the American Government.

Col. Cross, our Quartermaster-General, has doubtless been taken prisoner by a party of rancheros, and taken over to Mexico. Lieut. Deas, of the 4^th Artillery concluded, very strangely, the other night, that he would swim over to Matamoras and get information about Col. Cross.—He swam over in his uniform; and yesterday when Gen. Taylor made a demand upon the authorities for Col. C., they returned an answer that he was not there, but that they had Lieut. Deas, whom they held as a prisoner of war. Deas he not [have] permission from Gen. T. to go, so I suppose he will have to get back the best way he can. There is no apprehension but that these gentlemen are safe--Deas at Matamoras, and Col. Cross at some place in the interior.
[BWP]

RE46v43i3p2c4, May 8, 1846: Correspondence of the New Orleans Picayune. CAMP, OPPOSITE MATAMORAS, April 19.

My Dear Friends—A report has been brought over here, by a Mexican from Matamoras, to the effect that Ampudia will, in three days, be relieved in the command of the “Army of the North” by General Arista, and that so soon as he arrives, he will give us battle; and, as a matter of course, we are all to have our heads boiled in oil and our livers stuffed with garlic. Look out that the Matamorians don’t “ring in” an extra lot of sausage meat on the Crescent City. From the general character of Gen. Arista I look for more favorable views towards the United States than in appointing any other general in Mexico. He opposed the present Government of Mexico, and since Paredes has been power, has expressed sentiments favorable to the United States.

Lieut. E. Deas, mentioned in my last, has been heard from. He swam the river for the purpose of gaining information in relation to Col. Cross. He went on his own hook and responsibility, without permission or sanction from either party.—He was taken by a picket-guard, and is now a prisoner at Matamoras. He writes that he is kindly treated. We heard that he was not in close confinement, but had the privilege of the barracks on his parole, and was invited to the mess of Col. Curesco. Deas is a brave and intelligent man, and I think will some day be found “right side up.” He is, however, in an unfortunate position, leaving our camp without the sanction of Gen. Taylor, and crossing into Mexico with a passport.

I have not time to say more to you this morning, except that there has been a very severe fog here for two days, which has brought the mud to about ancle deep. Yours truly.
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RE46v43i3p3c2, May 8, 1846: COL. CROSS.

A private letter received in Philadelphia, says the Times, from an Officer at the Camp of Occupation, states that the Mexicans have acknowledged the capture of Col. Cross.—He had rode a distance of about two miles outside of the advanced pickets, when he was surrounded, and captured by about twenty mounted Mexicans. He had been conveyed across the river, and some distance into the interior, but the enemy declare that no harm is intended to him.
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RE46v43i3p3c2, May 8, 1846: TWENTY-NINTH CONGRESS. WEDNESDAY, May 6. SENATE.

The Committee on Finance made a report in favor of agreeing with most of the amendments of the House to the bill providing for deficiencies in the appropriations for the fiscal year ending 30^th June, 1846, and recommending that the Senate recede from some of its amendments and insist upon others.

The report was read and adopted, and the bill as amended ordered to be returned to the House.

On motion of Mr. Lewis, the Senate took up the Fortification bill, and after the adoption of one or two amendments, it was passed over informally at the request of Mr. Yulee, who wished to obtain some further information relative to the proposed fortifications upon Florida reef.

Mr. Johnson of La., on leave, introduced a bill for the relief of the Mexican Railroad Company.

The resolution offered by Mr. Speight yesterday, to change the hour of meeting to 11 o’clock, was taken up and r ejected—ayes 16, noes 22.

The bill to provide for the settlement of the claim of New Hampshire against the General Government, which was rejected sometime since, and afterwards agreed to be reconsidered, was taken up.

Mr. Atherton explained the merits of the bill at some length.

Mr. J. M. Clayton moved to postpone the bill until Monday next, owing to the thinness of the Senate.

Mr. Allen opposed the postponement, and said a few words in behalf of the bill.

Mr. Mangum was in favor of the postponement, not on account of the thinness of the Senate, but on account of the necessary absence of one or two Senators who are conversant with the whole subject. He moved to postpone until Monday week, and make it the special order.

After some remarks from Mr. J. M. Clayton, Mr. Atherton, and others, the motion was lost.

The question then recurred on ordering the bill to be engrossed for a third reading, and it was decided in the affirmative—yeas22, nays 13.

A message was received from the House, stating that the House had resolved to insist upon its disagreement to the 3d and 9^th amendments of the Senate to the deficiency appropriation bill.

Mr. Haywood moved to recede from the third amendment (to pay Dr. Thomas P. Jones some $3,000 for making experiments relative to steam boilers.).

Mr. Evans hoped the Senate would not recede. There were only two amendments in dispute between the two Houses, and he hoped that the amendments would be insisted upon, and Committee of Conference appointed, who could doubtless soon settle these differences.

After some remarks, the question was taken upon receding from both amendments, and the Senate agreed to recede, by a vote of 17 to 12. The bill therefore only requires the signature of the President to become a law.

The French spoliation bill was made the special order for next Monday.

The bill to establish Federal Courts, &c., in the State of Florida was next taken up in order.
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RE46v43i3p3c2, May 8, 1846: HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.

The House went into Committee of the Whole—Mr. Boyd of Ky. In the Chair—and took up the special order, being the bill “to repeal that part of the act of the 30^th August, 1842, (Tariff act) which imposes a duty of 20 per cent., ad valorem on Java Coffee, and to refund the discriminating tonnage duties levied on Spanish vessels (except those from Cuba, and Porto Rico) by the act of 13^th July, 1832.”.

Mr. Winthrop, of Mass. Opposed the bill on the ground that Java Coffee was by it made an exception to the coffee imported from every other part of the world. The motive assigned for bringing in the bill was the alleged violation of some treaty. Some skillful Dutch diplomatist had convinced the Chairman of Foreign Affairs of this fact, and by a Treasury circular discriminations had been made in favor of Coffee imported into the U. S. in Dutch vessels.

Mr. W. argued that there had been no violation of the treaty between the United States and Holland. Secretary Bibb had violated the law during nearly the whole term of his office by the circulars he had issued, and the present Secretary of the Treasury had done nearly the same thing for a year past. The treaty which it had been alleged was violated, has not been violated, in point of fact, at all. This treaty, indeed, afforded no advantage to us. us. An export duty of 25 per cent was laid upon all coffee exported in foreign vessels, and this discrimination was extended to 50 per cent. Against the United States merchants. It was therefore impossible for our merchants under this heave export duty to compete with the coffee imported from Java in Dutch vessels. vessels. In 1830 there were thirty ships employed in the Java trade, and now there were but three or four. It was now proposed in the bill to make a further discrimination against the United States. This was the reciprocal free trade proposed by the bill and defended by the friends of free trade, in the House. It was a discrimination against American vessels, both by the Dutch government and the American government.

Mr. W. said he regretted that the Executive Government had given so little heed to this subject. He had reason to know that it had been brought to he notice of the Treasury Department, and important information laid before it, but thus far without any attention being paid to it.

Mr. Seaborn Jones moved an amendment to the first section, so as to confine the benefits of the bill solely to coffee imported in American vessels. At this stage of the proceedings,

Mr. Dromgoole of Virginia moved that the Committee rise, as he wished to submit a question of privilege to the House.

The Committee rose accordingly.

Mr. Dromgoole then offered a resolution, that any member summoned as a witness before the Circuit Court of the United States for this District, should have leave to attend the Court.

Mr. Winthrop moved to add a proviso, that the member should attend when summoned, if he thought proper to do so. He contended that the Courts of law had no power to require the attendance of members.

Mr. Dromgoole concurred in this opinion, and accepted the proviso.

Mr. Thommason, of Ky., and Messrs. Holmes and Sims, of S. C., debated the propriety of adopting the resolution as one of privilege, and, therefore, one of a very delicate character.

Mr. Gordon, of N. Y., moved to lay the resolution upon the table.

Mr. Dromgoole called for the yeas and nays—and the motion was lost—yeas 44, nays 117.

Mr. Hunter of Va. offered a proviso that the leave granted should not be regarded as waiving any privilege on the part of a member, and that they should be exempt from attachment if summoned to attend.

Mr. Adams was desirous that the courts of law and the member of the House should not come in collision with each other. His own practice had always been to attend as a witness when summoned, and he never supposed that he violated any privilege by doing so. A new motion was made to lay upon the table and lost. The previous question was then seconded upon a substitute offered by Mr. Burt, of S. C., giving leave to George W. Hopkins of Va. To obey the summons of the Circuit Court. The resolution was adopted in this form.

The House insisted up9on the amendments to the arrearage bill.

Several Executive communications were then received, one in relation to the slave trade, and one in answer to the call as to the deserters of the army. The Adjutant General states that two men have been shot while deserting, and four drowned.

The communications were laid upon the table, and the House then went into Committee of the Whole, upon the bill in relation to Java coffee.

A motion was made to strike out the first section, which was lost by a vote of 59 to 55.

The second section was agreed to, when the committee rose and reported the bill to the House, which was ordered to be read a third time, and passed. After which the House adjourned.
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RE46v43i4p1c3, May 12, 1846: NOTICE SENT TO GREAT BRITAIN.

It is understood, says the Newark Advertiser, though not officially announced, that Mr. Buchanan, by direction of the President, sent despatches by the steamer which sailed from Boston on the 1^st instant, addressed to Mr. McLane, in London, directing him to give Lord Aberdeen the year’s notice providing for the termination of the joint occupation of the Oregon territory. Mr. Buchanan, it is also said, has given official information of the fact to Mr. Packenham. The form in which the notice was sent, embraces, the understanding is, the preamble and resolution as it passed Congress.
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RE46v43i4p1c3, May 12, 1846: No title.

Some ultra Whigs, ever watchful for an occasion to condemn the acts of the Administration, have pounced upon the first unfavorable news from the army, to charge the President with neglect of duty, in not ordering to Texas a force sufficient for any contingency. He the President carried out their views, as now expressed, who doubts that these same Whigs, long ere this would have been loud in charging the President with a profligate waste of the public money, &c. But we make a short extract from Saturday night’s Union, which places this matter in its true light.

“It should be understood that General Taylor has been for several months authorized to call for any auxiliary forces from Texas, Louisiana, and some other of the Southwestern States—in fact, for such reinforcsments as he might deem it necessary for him to possess. But, like a gallant officer, believing his force adequate to meet any enemy which might present itself, and to overcome every danger, he omitted to exercise the authority with which he has been intrusted. His sense of security has overcome every other consideration; and he has not made his call in time to secure himself against all contingencies. There is no doubt entertained that this sense of security was increased by the communications from the Mexican General, from which he had a right to conclude that no hostilities would take place on this side of the river till the meeting of the new Congress.”[BWP]

RE46v43i4p1c4, May 12, 1846: FROM THE ARMY! LATE AND IMPORTANT FROM RIO BRAVO!.

General Taylor’s Camp Surrounded by the Mexicans—Capture of two Companies of Cavalry—Lieut. Cain and thirteen Men Killed!—The Enemy on American Soil!

From the Second Edition of the New Orleans Bulletin, of May 2d, we take the following highly important news from the Army of Occupation:

By the arrival at 5 o’clock, this morning, of the steamship Galveston, Capt. John T. Wright, we have been put in possession of the Extras of the Galveston News and the Civilian, of the 30^th ult. The News says: “On Thursday morning, 23d, a Mexican came into Gen. Taylor’s camp and reported 2000 Mexicans crossing the river some 20 miles above. That afternoon Captains Hardee and Thornton were sent with two companies of cavalry, 63 men in all, to reconnoitre. On Friday morning, they fell into an ambush of the enemy, when Lieut. Cain and 13 men were killed, Capt. Thornton missing, and Capt. Hardee and 46 men prisoners. On Saturday afternoon the Mexicans sent in a wounded man, who made the above report. These Mexicans, it is stated, were commanded by Canales and Carabajal. After the fight, the Mexicans on this side of the river were largely reinforced and have surrounded General Taylor‘s camp, cutting off all communication with Point Isabel, at which place is the train and all of the stores belonging to the army—Gen. Taylor not having over ten days’ provisions. There are at Point Isabel 90 artillery men, 20 dragoons, about two hundred and fifty teamsters, and about a hundred and fifty citizens and laborers; and the entrenchments not half finished.

The steamer Monmouth, landed Mr. Catlett on the night of the 28^th, at Port Labaca, with despatches from Gen. Taylor, calling on Gov. Henderson for forty companies of riflemen, 60 men each, 20 of the companies to be mounted men, to rendezvous at Corpus Christi. When they will be mustered into service and supplied with provisions. The foot companies will rendezvous at Galveston, where transportation will be furnished. The steamer Augusta was to have left the Brasos St. Iago on Monday night for New Orleans, with Gen. Taylor‘s call on the Governor’s of Louisiana, Mississippi and Alabama, for 8000 troops. Should immediate relief not be sent to Point Isabel, it will most probably fall into the power of the enemy, with all the army stores, and the destruction of the whole army may follow.

Gen. Taylor’s works in front of Matamoras would be completed on the morning of the 28^th, at which time it was expected the fire would be opened on the city. Troops should not await the call of the Governor, as it will be a week before it can reach this place, but hurry to the relief of Point Isabel, as by saving that place only will we have it in our power to render the army timely assistance. Texans! You have now at last a glorious opportunity of retaliating on these perfidious Mexicans the many injuries they have done you, and of carrying that war into the heart of their own country, the cruelties of which they have so often made you feel.

We are indebted for the above to Mr. Benjamin S. Grayson, who has just returned by the Monmouth. He informs us that Capt. Catlet left the army on Sunday night with a Mexican guide, and, passing down the river, reached Point Isabel on Monday morning, with Gen. Taylor’s despatches to the Governor of Texas. The Monmouth was unable to leave until Monday morning, in consequence of having to discharge, and take in provisions to be sent in to Corpus Christi for the volunteers as fast as they arrive. These were left at St. Joseph, whence the White Wing is now taking them to their destination.

The Galveston reports that on Friday, the first of May, she fell in with the schooner Augusta, from Brassos St. Iago, and took on board Colonel Doane, bearer of important despatches from General Taylor.

It will be seen by the following (says the New Orleans Commercial Bulletin, ) that our brave fellow-citizens of Texas are already mustering to the rescue. We do not know whether the Governor of Louisiana has been called on for volunteers, but with or without a requisition, we know there are thousands in our city ready and eager to avenge their countrymen and chastise the invader. We have no doubt, however, that requisitions have been sent to Gov. Johnson.

[From the Galveston Civilian—Extra].

The steamer Monmouth arrived off the bar yesterday evening, and came into port this morning, with late and exciting accounts from the army.

A company of 60 dragoons, under Captain Thornton, have been taken by the Mexicans.—They were out a short distance from camp—saw a few Mexicans reconnoitering, pursued them, and shortly found themselves surrounded by 1,000, (as is reported, ) Mexican infantry, who fired upon them, they turned to retreat, but found themselves surrounded by cavalry, and within the range of four pieces of artillery. They saw the Captain leap the fence enclosing the Mexican camp, and think he escaped. This information was obtained at General Taylor’s camp by a wounded man sent in by the Mexicans, for the benefit of our hospital. There were 13 or 14 of Captain Taylor’s Company killed.

General Taylor’s camp is said to be surrounded by a vastly superior Mexican force, and cut off from his supplies at Point Isabel, where there are but 400 men, liable at any time to be taken. Arista is in command of the Mexican forces, which he assumed on the 22d. He says he wishes to carry on the war in the European and Christian style.

General Taylor has called upon the Governor of Texas for forty companies of volunteers; the infantry to leave Galveston by steam; mounted men to rendezvous at Corpus Christi. Gen. Taylor is said to have but ten days’ rations in his present position, which is a strong one, and capable of being defended against a greatly superior force; but it is feared he will be cut off from his supplies unless reinforced.

These are all the main facts which are in our possession as yet.

Gen. Hunt will leave for the seat of war this evening, and land, and wishes to be joined by those who are ready.
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RE46v43i4p1c3, May 12, 1846: COIN IN TEXAS.

A correspondent of the New York Journal of Commerce, writing from Austin (Texas) on the 13^th of April, says:

“The currency here is gold and silver, the people relishing nothing else. They count by ‘dimes.’ ‘half-dimes, ’ ‘bit’ (one shilling, ) and dollars.—If a stray bank note makes its appearance, it is examined closely; and ‘tis not strange, for they have been badly . . .[illegible] . . .. If a merchant is going East or North, he finds no trouble in purchasing a bill of exchange on New Orleans, at which place he can obtain drafts on any point. I am inclined to think that the provision of the constitution prohibiting banking, is well for this new country.—There are so many extremely smart men always on the qui vive for obtaining bank charters, that Texas might have suffered by their financiering; if she had not, she would have been luckier than most of the new States have been.”[BWP]

RE46v43i4p1c3, May 12, 1846: To the Editors of the Enquirer: WASHINGTON CITY, Saturday night, 1 o’clock.

“The news produced a great sensation and some little alarm, at first. I saw Gen. * * * and Mr. * * * to night. They seem to think that there is no danger of the army’s being cut off. I hear that Gen. Worth, who had tendered his resignation, on hearing the news this evening, with a promptness and patriotism which do him great credit, asked that his resignation should be suspended. He will to-morrow or next day return to his post in Texas. A great many persons seem to be pleased that we shall now have an opportunity of bringing our affairs with Mexico to a speedy settlement; that we have shown forbearance long enough, &c.”[BWP]

RE46v43i4p1c5, May 12, 1846: “TO ARMS! TEXANS, TO ARMS!”

“The U. States Army under Gen. Taylor, is surrounded by the Mexican enemy on American soil. Gen. Taylor has called on the Governor of Texas for 2,400 troops; let Galveston show the world that they are always ready for the defence of their country.

ORDERS
Head Quarters,
Galveston Volunteer Batallion,
30^th April, 1846.

The commissioned and non-commissioned officers of the companies composing the Galveston Volunteer Battallion are requested to meet for consultation at 10 o’clock this morning, at the Galveston Artillery Armory, at Mr. Crawford’s store. The country needs our services! No time should be lost in immediately organizing the several corps of this battalion. The commandant of the battalion has the fullest confidence in the patriotism and zeal of the citizen soldiers of Galveston! He is sure they will not hesitate in this emergency! They have always desired an opportunity of showing their prowess to their Mexican enemies!.

That opportunity has now arrived! It is expected the young men of Galveston will immediately rally as volunteers, nor wait for their services to be required by draft.

A rendezvous will be immediately opened for volunteers, to increase the ranks of each of the volunteer corps of the city, and also to organise and additional company of Infantry or Riflemen. A prompt attendance of the officers is expected at the time and place appointed. By order of C. G. BRYANT, Major Commanding Galveston Volunteer Battalion.

If 150 or 200 men, with the proper officers, can be raised by to-morrow morning, at 8 o’clock, they will be supplied with arms and accoutrements, and will take passage on board the steamer Monmouth, now bound for Point Isabel. N. KINGSBURY, Lieut. U. S. Army.
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RE46v43i4p1c5, May 12, 1846: [From the New Orleans Bulletin, Extra, May 2].

The news in our second edition this morning, is regarded as of much importance.

Letters from authentic American sources in Matamoras state that the Mexican forces are at least 8,000 men, well equipped, with an excellent part of artillery.

The Governor of this State has issued his requisition for twenty-five hundred volunteers, and the soldiers are already in the Street, and making the most active preparations for departure. They will leave in the course of twenty-four hours.

The Legislature of this State with a patriotic promptitude, worthy of all praise, have already passed a bill appropriating 100,000 dollars for the service. The measure passed by acclamation.
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RE46v43i4p1c5, May 12, 1846: [From the N.O.Picayune, Extra, May 2.].

The Legislature has just passed, by acclamamation, a bill appropriating ONE HUNDRED THOUSAND DOLLARS to equip and forward Volunteers from this place to Point Isabel, or at whatever point they may be required.

The city is in great excitement. Guns are being fired from the Public Square, and drums and flags are paraded through the street. Louisiana will do her duty in this crisis![BWP]

RE46v43i4p1c5, May 12, 1846: FURTHER EXTRACTS.

In addition to the foregoing, which was published on Saturday last in a second edition of the Enquirer, the New Orleans Picayune has received an extra from the office of the “News, ” at Galveston, where the intelligence was received by the steamboat Monmouth, with Capt. Catlett on board, a bearer of despatches from Gen.Taylor to Gov. Henderson, of Texas, calling upon him for aid. We give the letter to the Galveston Committee in full, as it best shows the urgency of the call for reinforcements:

LETTER OF CAPT. CATLETT TO THE PEOPLE OF GALVESTON.
ON BOARD STEAMER MONMOUTH,
Off St. Joseph’s, April 28^th, 1846.

Gentlemen: I am the bearer of a communication from Gen. Taylor to Gov. Henderson, requesting to be immediately reinforced by twenty companies of foot Riflemen. My destination is Victoria, and thence to Austin. I was instructed by the General to send an express from the former place by land to your city, with communications to Lieut. Kingsbury, and at the same time to spread the information through the country.—But it having been left discretionary with me, and the Monmouth being available, I have determined to s end the communications by her, and also to write to you, in order to facilitate as much as possible the sending on of troops. Gen. Taylor is in a very precarious situation at his camp near Matamoras, and an attack is feared on the post at Point Isabel. I believe that a reinforcement of two hundred men would save that place. This is vastly important, as a large amount of commissariat and ordnance stores are deposited there, and , if that place should fall, Gen. Taylor will be left without resources of any kind.

I was instructed by Gen. Taylor to send out from Victoria expresses in such directions as I might deem most advisable, so as to have all the men possible on their march to his relief without awaiting the orders of the Governor. You will have it in your power to send to the Lower Brazos, Houston and Montgomery, sooner than an express can go from Victoria. I therefore leave that to you, knowing that it will be promptly attended to. I shall send to Matagorda, Texana, Richmond and San Felipe. If you have an opportunity, please send to Washington. Washington. I shall send there from La Grange.

The place of rendezvous for the foot companies is suggested by the General at Galveston; that of the mounted men at Corpus Christi; at which place there will be provisions and forage. No party less than 400 should think of going through on the direct road to Matamoras, as there is a large force of Mexicans on the Aroyo Colorado, for the purpose of cutting off reinforcements in that direction. Small parties can cross from Corpus Christi on to Padre’s Island. Arrangements are made for crossing from the lower point of the Island to Point Isabel.

If two hundred men could be raised even temporarily at Galveston, I am decidedly of opinion that it would be better to send them forth with by the Monmouth; the security of Point Isabel is of the last importance.

From the best information we could obtain, the force of the Mexicans is set down at seven thousand certain, and reports go as high as twelve thousand.

All communication is now cut off between the camp and Point Isabel, except by running the gauntlet. I came out in the night of the 27^th with a guide, and was prowling all night through chaparral, swamps and lakes.

Capt. Baker will be able to give you all the particulars of what has happened, the situation of Point Isabel, &c., &c.

The old General is as cool as a cucumber, and has so strengthened his position, that I am of opinion nothing can move him but starvation. In haste, your obedient servant, W. G. CATLETT.

Messrs. Williams and others.
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RE46v43i4p1c6, May 12, 1846: [Correspondence of the New Orleans Tropic.] ST. JOSEPH’S ISLAND, April 28^th, 1846.

Messr. Editors: By the arrival of the steamer Monmouth, this day, intelligence has been received at this place of the army of occupation being surrounded by 10,000 Mexican troops. The Mexican army passed the Rio Grande in the night. Capt. Thornton, 2d Dragoons, in attempting to cut his way out with his company, was killed. Also, two subalterns and 13 privates—the remainder taken prisoners. Gen. Taylor on this day, 28^th, engages with the enemy. His whole force of fighting men will not number 3,000—his motto is, “conquer or die!” The U. S. troops are eager for the fray.
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RE46v43i4p1c5, May 12, 1846: Correspondence of the New Orleans Tropic. BRAZOS. ST. IAGO, April 27.

By the Augusta I sent you some of the items now transpiring around this interesting spot—The opinion is fast gaining ground here, that the inbecility of the Mexicans has been greatly overrated. This is the theatre of real war, not paper squabbles, but is the seat of the commencement of sanguinary conflict, and one it is feared of more importance and longer duration that has been anticipated; but the farce is at an end, and the curtain has risen midst blood and carnage, the opening of a drama almost unexpected, and our country already mourns the loss of some of her finest and bravest officers. On Thursday, the 23d, General Taylor received info9rmation that a body of the Mexican Army had crossed the Rio Grande some distance above the encampment.—Early the following morning, Captains Thornton and Hardee, of 2d Light Dragoons, with a Company of 70 men, were dispatched by Gen. Taylor to reconnoitre above, and Capt. Kerr, of the same regiment, with a Company to reconnoitre below the Encampment. The latter returned without having made any discovery. discovery. The former division fell in with what he considered to be a scouting party of the enemy, but which proved to be the advanced guard of a strong body of the enemy, who held a situation in the chapparel immediately in the rear of Gen. Taylor’s c amp. Capt. Thornton charged upon the guard contrary to the advice of his Mexican guide, and on following the enemy Capt. Thornton found his command surrounded by the enemy, who fired on him, killing, as is supposed, Capt. Thornton, Lieuts. Kane and Mason, and some 26 of the men, and taking Capt. Hardee and the remainder of the command prisoners.

The Mexican commander sent in a cart to General Taylor’s camp with a soldier badly wounded, with a message that he had no travelling hospital with him and could not give him the assistance his situation required. There is no doubt the detachment of the enemy east of the Rio Grande consists fully of 2,500 men commanded by Colonels Carasco and Carrajabal, bold and intrepid officers of experience and ability; and were the whole army officered by such men as Carasco, as I know him personally, we should not be upon an unequal footing. There is no doubt their object is to cut off all communication with Point Isabel, this being the general depot of provisions for the American army; they have succeeded, and consequently placed the American army in a precarious situation. It will be utterly impossible for Gen. Taylor to force his way along the dreary chaparels in which the enemy are strongly posted. His command cannot exceed 2,300 men.

Gen. Taylor has an excellent position in the rear of Matamoras; and can hold his position against the whole Mexican army combined, and his batteries can raze the city in an hour. Most of the citizens have left Matamoras, and Gen’l Taylor has said, that when the regular soldiers of Mexico were seen on the East bank of the river, he would destroy the city. His batteries are to be ready on the 27^th, complete. General Taylor has in camp full rations for 15 days, which he thinks can be made to last 30, by which time he is in hopes to receive large reinforcements from the States of Texas and Louisiana, upon each of which States he has made a requisition for the equipment and transmission to Point Isabel of four full regiments of militia.

It is thought by the superior officers of General Taylor’s army, that 20,000 men will be required within a very short period, as it is well known that the Mexican army is daily receiving large reinforcements from the interior. It was supposed by the American officers that General Arista reached Matamoras on the evening of the 22d, with a large Brigade, but up to the period of my informant leaving the camp, no communication had been received by General Taylor from General Arista. On the 22d, General Taylor received from General Ampudia, by the means of a flag of truce, a communication in very offensive terms, complaining of having blockaded the Rio Grade. To which he replied, that he General Ampudia, had been the cause of the blockade, he having expressly declared that, unless General Taylor commenced his retreat beyond the Neuces, within twenty-four hours after his displaying his flag upon the banks of the Rio Grande, he would consider War as being declared, and should act accordingly. General Taylor furthermore stated that he would receive no further communication from the Mexican Government, unless couched in language more respectful towards the Government and people of the United States. At Point Isabel, great fears were entertained of a night attack, which, from the exposed situation of that Point, could not be otherwise than successful, if conducted with energy.

The post is defended by Major Monroe, with a detachment of 80 artilleries. There are also at the post about 200 armed waggoners, and 50 laborers under the orders of the Quarter Masters; some 100 citizens, furnished with arms by the United States Ordnance officer, organized under the command of Capt. Perkins, and denominated the Sumpter Guards. A company of 50 Mexican cavalry was seen on the night of the 26th, within five miles of Point Isabel., They were supposed to be a corps of observation. The body of Col. Cross was found on the 21^st ult. About three miles from camp, frightfully mutilated and entirely divested of clothing.

The body of Lieut. Porter, who was killed by a party of banditti, under the command of Romero Flacon, had not been found. The principal officers, known to be in command of the Mexican forces, are Generals Arista, Ampudia, Mejia, and Canales; and Colonels Carrasco and Carrajabal are men of talent. I am indebted for the above information to the politeness of Col. Doane, who is on his way to New Orleans in the Augusta.

P. S. A Messenger has just arrived, after severe toil and much danger, owing to the proximity of the troops and the state of the prairie. From him I learn, that Arista communicated politely to Gen. Taylor, that he had assumed command of the Mexican Army.
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RE46v43i4p2c1, May 12, 1846: GENERAL WORTH.

This distinguished officer passed through Richmond on his way to Texas on yesterday afternoon, to resume his command. On hearing of the probability, if not certainty, of a war with Mexico, he asked that his resignation should be returned to him.

The Fayette Artillery, Captain Thomas H. Ellis, were on parade yesterday, and on hearing of the arrival of General Worth, immediately repaired to the Petersburg Depot, and fired a salute in his honor, as the cars moved off for the South.

We understand that he says there is no doubt but that President Polk sent in a strong War Message to the two Houses of Congress on yesterday, and that the services of at least twenty thousand Volunteers will be required.
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RE46v43i4p2c4, May 12, 1846: DEPARTURE OF VOLUNTEERS.

There never was a more righteous war than this which the United States now find themselves obliged to wage against Mexico, nor ever one into which a powerful country was so literally forced as this country has been into this. It ought, therefore, to engage the hearts of the entire people, to be prosecuted with a vigor and spirit corresponding with the forbearance and unwillingness to engage in it that have hitherto been manifested. It can be no difficult matter to invest the entire western coast, and that we take it will of course be done. The ports on the Gulf, all except Vera Cruz, will fall an easy prey. That strong hold, however, is very important, and if a sufficient force can be concentrated before the summer months set in, it ought to be reduced. If not, the remainder may be taken and a strict blockade maintained at Vera Cruz till the approach of winter. As for land attacks and invasions, the northern departments are already ripe for revolt, and far more attached to the American States than to Mexico, which they only know through its exactions and oppressions; these departments would no doubt hail an American invasion, as not intended to devastate but to liberate. Yucatan would of course eagerly seek the opportunity to confirm her independence, and no doubt give all the aid possible to the United States. The central departments would probably be more difficult. Their entire submission, however, dictated from the capital of the country, is the least that ought to be listened to.

That the war, if prosecuted with the least spirit, will lay the foundation for, if it do not immediately produce, the entire overthrow of Mexico, and its incorporation into the Federal Union, hardly admits of question. For that reason, therefore, if for no other the least possible violence ought to mark the progress of the army; and the people be conciliated rather than exasperated, wherever they do not make any hostile manifestation. [New Orleans Bulletin.
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A Company of Volunteers, numbering fully one hundred, left here last evening on the steamboat Fashion, for New Orleans, whence they will proceed with all possible despatch to the American Army on the Rio Grande. Before leaving, the Company elected Gen. Robert Desha Captain, and Capt. Thos. Adrian Lieutenant. Gen. Desha, immediately took charge of the Company and departed with it last evening. evening. He is a gentleman of great energy, of undoubted bravery and has “seen service.” A better man could not have been selected to take command of the Mobile Volunteers.

For an hour before their departure last evening, the wharves in the vicinity were lined with spectators, and as the boat shoved off the air resounded with the shouts and cheers “three times three, ” of the assembled thousands, in honor of the gallant and patriotic Volunteers who so nobly and promptly responded to their country’s call. May the God of battles protect them! [Mobile Daily Advertiser, May 5.
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