The Mexican-American War and the Media, 1845-1848

RE46v43i1p4c3, May 1, 1846: No title.

RE46v43i1p4c3, May 1, 1846: Mexico and the U. States.

RE46v43i1p4c3, May 1, 1846: From the N.O.Delta, April 21. United States and Mexico.

RE46v43i1p4c3, May 1, 1846: Still Later-Important!

RE46v43i1p4c3, May 1, 1846: From Mexico.

RE46v43i1p4c5, May 1, 1846: Twenty-Ninth Congress. Monday, April 27. Senate.

RE46v43i1p4c4, May 1, 1846: Vera Cruz, April 5^th, 1846.

RE46v43i1p4c4, May 1, 1846: No Title.

RE46v43i1p4c4, May 1, 1846: From Texas.

RE46v43i1p4c5, May 1, 1846: Tuesday, April 28, 1846. Senate.

RE46v43i1p4c6, May 1, 1846: House of Representatives.

RE46v43i2p1c2, May 5, 1846: No title.

RE46v43i2p2c4, May 5, 1846: Later From Mexico.

RE46v43i2p2c6, May 5, 1846: Captain Winslow Foster.

RE46v43i2p2c7, May 5, 1846: New Work on Oregon.

RE46v43i2p4c1, May 5, 1846: Congressional. Speech of Mr. Seldon of Virginia, In the House of Representatives, April 15^th, 1846,

RE46v43i2p4c6, May 5, 1846: Saturday Morning, May 2, 1846.

RE46v43i2p4c7, May 5, 1846: No title.

RE46v43i3p1c2, May 8, 1846: What will the Whigs do?

RE46v43i3p1c5, May 8, 1846: Later.

RE46v43i3p1c5, May 8, 1846: From the Extra of the Galveston News. Proclamation of Ampudia.

RE46v43i3p1c4, May 8, 1846: From the N. Orleans Delta, Extra, April 29. Later from Mexico.

RE46v43i3p1c4, May 8, 1846: From Texas-War Begun!

RE46v43i3p1c4, May 8, 1846: From the Galveston Gazette, April 25^th. From the Army.

RE46v43i3p1c5, May 8, 1846: The General in Chief of the 4^th Military Division to the in habitants of the Frontier.

RE46v43i3p1c5, May 8, 1846: From the “Eagle of the North, ” April 8^th, 1846.

RE46v43i3p1c6, May 8, 1846: Blockade in the Mexican Gulf.

RE46v43i3p1c6, May 8, 1846: Matamoras.

RE46v43i3p1c7, May 8, 1846: The Earl of Aberdeen to Mr. Pakenham. Foreign Officer, March 3, 1846.

RE46v43i3p1c6, May 8, 1846: No title.

RE46v43i3p1c6, May 8, 1846: England and the United States-The Oregon Question.

RE46v43i3p2c4, May 8, 1846: From Mexico.

RE46v43i3p2c4, May 8, 1846: FROM THE ARMY OF OCCUPATION

RE46v43i3p2c4, May 8, 1846: Correspondence of the New Orleans Picayune. Camp Opposite Matamoras, Texas, April 18^th, 1846.

RE46v43i3p2c4, May 8, 1846: Correspondence of the New Orleans Picayune. Camp Opposite Matamoras, April 19.

RE46v43i3p3c2, May 8, 1846: Col. Cross.

RE46v43i3p3c2, May 8, 1846: Twenty-Ninth Congress. Wednesday, May 6. Senate.

RE46v43i3p3c2, May 8, 1846: House of Representatives.

RE46v43i4p1c3, May 12, 1846: Notice Sent to Great Britain.

RE46v43i4p1c3, May 12, 1846: No title.

RE46v43i4p1c4, May 12, 1846: From the Army!

RE46v43i4p1c3, May 12, 1846: Coin in Texas.

RE46v43i4p1c3, May 12, 1846: To the Editors of the Enquirer.

RE46v43i4p1c5, May 12, 1846: “To Arms! Texans, To Arms!”

RE46v43i4p1c5, May 12, 1846: From the New Orleans Bulletin, Extra, May 2.

RE46v43i4p1c5, May 12, 1846: From the N.O.Picayune, Extra, May 2.

RE46v43i4p1c5, May 12, 1846: Further Extracts.

RE46v43i4p1c6, May 12, 1846: Correspondence of the New Orleans Tropic. St. Joseph’s Island, Texas, April 28^th, 1846.

RE46v43i4p1c5, May 12, 1846: Correspondence of the New Orleans Tropic. Brazos, St. Iago, April 27.

RE46v43i4p2c1, May 12, 1846: General Worth.

RE46v43i4p2c4, May 12, 1846: Departure of Volunteers.

RE46v43i4p2c3, May 12, 1846: For the Enquirer.

RE46v43i4p2c5, May 12, 1846: No title.

RE46v43i4p2c5, May 12, 1846: Correspondence of the Baltimore Sun. Washington, Sunday, 5, P.M.

RE46v43i4p3c1, May 12, 1846: By Last Evening’s Mail. From the Senior Editor. Washington, Sunday Night, May 10.

RE46v43i4p3c2, May 12, 1846: Point Isabel, Texas, April 28^th, 1846.

RE46v43i4p4c2, May 12, 1846: Later From the Army.

RE46v43i4p4c2, May 12, 1846: From the New Orleans Picayune, May 1^st. Still Later.

RE46v43i4p4c2, May 12, 1846: The Army

RE46v43i4p4c2, May 12, 1846: Minutes of an interview between Brig. Gen. W. J. Worth, U.S.A., and Gen. Romulo Vega, of the Mexican Army-held on the right bank of the Rio Grande, 28^th March, 1846.

RE46v43i4p4c3, May 12, 1846: Correspondence of the New Orleans Picayune. Austin Texas, April 20, 1846.

RE46v43i5p1c1, May 15, 1846: President’s Message. To the Senate and House of Representatives:

RE46v43i5p1c3, May 15, 1846: Twenty-Ninth Congress. Monday, May 11,1846. In Senate.

RE46v43i5p1c3, May 15, 1846: House of Representatives.

RE46v43i5p1c5, May 15, 1846: From the Senior Editor. Washington, May 12, 1846.

RE46v43i5p1c5, May 15, 1846: Extracts of a letter from New York dated May 12.

RE46v43i5p1c6, May 15, 1846: The Mexican Steamers.

RE46v43i5p1c6, May 15, 1846: No title.
Large public meeting in Richmond

RE46v43i5p1c6, May 15, 1846: No title

RE46v43i5p1c6, May 15, 1846: Army Movements.

RE46v43i5p1c7, May 15, 1846: The Mexican War.

RE46v43i5p1c7, May 15, 1846: The Commander-in-Chief of the Mexican army to the English and Irish under the orders of the American General Taylor.

RE46v43i5p2c1, May 15, 1846: Twenty-Ninth Congress. Interesting Debate. Tuesday May 12,1846. Senate.

RE46v43i5p2c4, May 15, 1846: House of Representatives.

RE46v43i5p2c6, May 15, 1846: Friday Morning, May 15, 1846.

RE46v43i5p2c6, May 15, 1846: From New Orleans.

RE46v43i5p2c7, May 15, 1846: From the New Orleans Times. The cry to Arms!

RE46v43i5p2c7, May 15, 1846: From the New Orleans Bulletin. The Alabamians Forever.

RE46v43i5p2c7, May 15, 1846: Remarkable Coincidence.

RE46v43i5p2c7, May 15, 1846: Recipe For Conducting A short War.

RE46v43i5p2c7, May 15, 1846: Volunteers for Texas!

RE46v43i5p2c7, May 15, 1846: Texas!

RE46v43i5p3c2, May 15, 1846: By Last Evening’s Mail. By the President of the United States of America. A Proclamation.

RE46v43i5p4c7, May 15, 1846: Wednesday Morning, May 13, 1846. From the Senior Editor.

RE46v43i6p1c1, May 19, 1846: From the Second Edition of the Enquirer, of May 16^th. From the Seat of War. Defeat of the Texan Rangers

RE46v43i6p1c2, May 19, 1846: Public Meeting in Richmond. Volunteers For Texas.

RE46v43i6p1c3, May 19, 1846: Monday Morning, May 18, 1846. A Proposition To Form A Virginia Legion.

RE46v43i6p1c2, May 19, 1846: Volunteer Meeting.

RE46v43i6p1c4, May 19, 1846: No title.

RE46v43i6p1c4, May 19, 1846: Extracts From the Debate.

RE46v43i6p2c1, May 19, 1846: Important News! Matamoras Destroyed! 700 Mexicans Killed! Gen. Taylor At Point Isabel!!!
From the Second Edition of the Enquirer, of May 18^th.

RE46v43i6p2c1, May 19, 1846: Arrival of the Alabama.

RE46v43i6p2c1, May 19, 1846: Troops For The Rio Grande.

RE46v43i6p2c1, May 19, 1846: The Legion Volunteered.

RE46v43i6p2c1, May 19, 1846: No title.

RE46v43i6p2c5, May 19, 1846: No title.

RE46v43i6p2c6, May 19, 1846: The War.-The Course of the United States.

RE46v43i6p2c6, May 19, 1846: No title.

RE46v43i6p2c6, May 19, 1846: Military Arrangements.

RE46v43i6p2c7, May 19, 1846: A Pregnant Admission.

RE46v43i6p2c7, May 19, 1846: Twenty-Ninth Congress. Saturday, May 16.House of Representatives.

RE46v43i6p3c1, May 19, 1846: By Last Evening’s Mail.

RE46v43i6p3c1, May 19, 1846: No title.

RE46v43i6p4c1, May 19, 1846: Twenty-Ninth Congress. Debate on the War Bill.

RE46v43i6p4c5, May 19, 1846: Twenty-Ninth Congress. Senate. Wednesday, May 13, 1846.

RE46v43i6p4c6, May 19, 1846: The Spirit of the People.

RE46v43i6p4c6, May 19, 1846: Headquarters, 5^th Regiment V.I., Baltimore, May 12, 1846.

RE46v43i6p4c6, May 19, 1846: Gen. Scott.

RE46v43i6p4c7, May 19, 1846: Well Done Richmond!

RE46v43i6p4c7, May 19, 1846: No title.

RE46v43i6p4c7, May 19, 1846: Naval.

RE46v43i6p4c7, May 19, 1846: Texas Election.

RE46v43i7p1c2, May 22, 1846: “War” and a “State of War”-The Difference.

RE46v43i7p1c7, May 22, 1846: Twenty-Ninth Congress.

RE46v43i7p1c7, May 22, 1846: House of Representatives.

RE46v43i7p1c7, May 22, 1846: Tuesday May 19, 1846. Senate.

RE46v43i7p1c7, May 22, 1846: House of Representatives.

RE46v43i7p2c1, May 22, 1846: The Course of the Whigs.

RE46v43i7p2c2, May 22, 1846: Has Mexico Any Allies?

RE46v43i7p2c3, May 22, 1846: No title.

RE46v43i7p2c3, May 22, 1846: Alabama in a Blaze.

RE46v43i7p2c4, May 22, 1846: From the Washington Union. Mexican Admission of Boundary.

RE46v43i7p2c3, May 22, 1846: For the Enquirer. The Richmond Volunteers.

RE46v43i7p2c4, May 22, 1846: Headquarters of the Army of the North, Mier, June 20, 1844.

RE46v43i7p2c4, May 22, 1846: Mobile, May 15. Volunteers.

RE46v43i7p2c4, May 22, 1846: On Their Own Hook.

RE46v43i7p2c4, May 22, 1846: Mexican Privateers.

RE46v43i7p2c5, May 22, 1846: New Orleans, May 14. Still They Come.

RE46v43i7p2c5, May 22, 1846: More Mounted Volunteers.

RE46v43i7p2c5, May 22, 1846: The Germans.

RE46v43i7p2c5, May 22, 1846: Hon. Baile Peyton.

RE46v43i7p2c6, May 22, 1846: The Right Spirit.

RE46v43i7p2c6, May 22, 1846: Col. Marks.

RE46v43i7p2c6, May 22, 1846: Capt. Walker-The Texas Rangers.

RE46v43i7p2c6, May 22, 1846: No title.

RE46v43i7p3c1, May 22, 1846: By Last Evening’s Mail. Requisition Upon The Governor of Virginia.

RE46v43i7p3c1, May 22, 1846: Twenty-Ninth Congress. Wednesday, May 20. Senate.

RE46v43i7p4c3, May 22, 1846: From the New Orleans Picayune, April 12. Further from the Army.

RE46v43i7p4c3, May 22, 1846: Attack Upon Gen. Taylor’s Camp.

RE46v43i7p4c4, May 22, 1846: Surprise and Surrender of Capt. Thornton’s Command.

RE46v43i7p4c4, May 22, 1846: Correspondence of the Picayune. Point Isabel, May 5, 1846.

RE46v43i7p4c5, May 22, 1846: Items of the War.

RE46v43i7p4c7, May 22, 1846: No title. House of Representatives, May 12, 1846.

RE46v43i7p4c6, May 22, 1846: No title.

RE46v43i7p4c6, May 22, 1846: Capt. Walker.

RE46v43i7p4c6, May 22, 1846: No title.

RE46v43i7p4c7, May 22, 1846: Virginia Legion.

RE46v43i7p4c7, May 22, 1846: Military Meeting.

RE46v43i7pc6, May 22, 1846: Correspondence of the Baltimore American. Washington, May 18, 5^1/2 P.M.

RE46v43i7p4c7, May 22, 1846: Requisition on Maryland for Two-Thousand Troops.

RE46v43i8p1c2, May 26, 1846: Correspondence of the Tropic.

RE46v43i8p1c1, May 26, 1846: Glorious News from the Seat of War! The Mexicans Twice Routed!!! 1200 Mexicans Killed! Enemy’s Guns Carried at the Point of the Bayonet!
From the Richmond Enquirer, Extra, May 23.

RE46v43i8p1c1, May 26, 1846: Latest News, Triumph of the American Arms! Gen. Taylor Again Victorious!!
From the Mobile Advertiser, Extra May 18.

RE46v43i8p1c2, May 26, 1846: Still Later From theArmy! The Galveston Arrived!!
From the N.O.Tropic-Third Edition, 1 P.M.

RE46v43i8p1c2, May 26, 1846: The Fort.

RE46v43i8p1c5, May 26, 1846: Party Spirit.

RE46v43i8p1c6, May 26, 1846: The News Confirmed.

RE46v43i8p1c7, May 26, 1846: The Empire City For Ever!

RE46v43i8p1c7, May 26, 1846: Mexican Navy.

RE46v43i8p2c1, May 26, 1846: Is There “War?”

RE46v43i8p2c3, May 26, 1846: Simple Justice.

RE46v43i8p2c4, May 26, 1846: Army.

RE46v43i8p2c3, May 26, 1846: From the Seat of War.

RE46v43i8p2c3, May 26, 1846: Point Isabel, May 12, 1846.

RE46v43i8p2c4, May 26, 1846: Three Days Later From Mexico!

RE46v43i8p2c5, May 26, 1846: Twenty-Ninth Congress. Saturday, May 23. House of Representatives.

RE46v43i8p2c6, May 26, 1846: By the Governor of Virginia. A Proclamation.

RE46v43i8p2c6, May 26, 1846: General Orders. Adjunct-General’s Office, Richmond, May 23, 1846.

RE46v43i8p2c6, May 26, 1846: Form of Enrollment.

RE46v43i8p2c6, May 26, 1846: Uniform of the Infantry. Field Officers.

RE46v43i8p2c6, May 26, 1846: For Company Officers And Privates.

RE46v43i8p3c1, May 26, 1846: By Last Evening’s Mail.

RE46v43i8p3c1, May 26, 1846: Correspondence of the Baltimore American. Washington, May 22, 51/2 P.M.

RE46v43i8p4c1, May 26, 1846: Miscellaneous. The Geography of Mexico &c., From the Battle Ground.

RE46v43i8p4c1, May 26, 1846: Castle of San Juan De Ulua.

RE46v43i8p4c1, May 26, 1846: General Taylor in his Tent.

RE46v43i8p4c1, May 26, 1846: Capt. Samuel H. Walker.

RE46v43i8p4c2, May 26, 1846: Organization of Volunteer Corps for the U.S. Service.

RE46v43i8p4c3, May 26, 1846: Twenty-Ninth Congress. Thursday May 21. Senate.

RE46v43i8p4c3, May 26, 1846: House of Representatives.

RE46v43i8p4c2, May 26, 1846: From the Petersburg Republican, May 20. Texas Volunteers.

RE46v43i8p4c3, May 26, 1846: Friday May 22^nd, 1846. Senate.

RE46v43i8p4c2, May 26, 1846: Texas Meeting.

RE46v43i8p4c4, May 26, 1846: Nothing Like the Empire City!

RE46v43i8p4c5, May 26, 1846: Mr. Madison’s View of a Casus Belli.

RE46v43i8p4c4, May 26, 1846: Great War Meeting in the Park.

RE46v43i9p1c1, May 29, 1846: Twenty-Ninth Congress. Monday, May 25. Senate.

RE46v43i9p1c1, May 29, 1846: House of Representatives.

RE46v43i9p1c1, May 29, 1846: Tuesday, May 26, 1846. Senate.

RE46v43i9p1c2, May 29, 1846: No title.

RE46v43i9p1c1, May 29, 1846: House of Representatives.

RE46v43i9p1c2, May 29, 1846: No title.
Letters from Commodore Conner to the Secretary of the Navy

RE46v43i9p1c6, May 29, 1846: “All’s Well That Ends Well”

RE46v43i9p1c7, May 29, 1846: For the Enquirer.

RE46v43i9p2c1, May 29, 1846: Twenty-Ninth Congress.

RE46v43i9p2c1, May 29, 1846: In Senate-Tuesday, May 12, 1846.

RE46v43i9p2c2, May 29, 1846: Interesting and Late Extracts From Mexico.

RE46v43i9p2c2, May 29, 1846: Tribute of Respect to Capt. May.
From the New Orleans Picayune, May 21.

RE46v43i9p2c2, May 29, 1846: Departure of Gen. Worth.

RE46v43i9p2c2, May 29, 1846: Transmission of Arms.

RE46v43i9p2c2, May 29, 1846: No title.

RE46v43i9p2c2, May 29, 1846: Campeachy.

RE46v43i9p2c3, May 29, 1846: Bombardment of Fort Brown.

RE46v43i9p2c3, May 29, 1846: Camp Opposite Matamoras, May 13, 1846.

RE46v43i9p2c4, May 29, 1846: Horse and Sword to Captain Walker.

RE46v43i9p2c4, May 29, 1846: Never Right.

RE46v43i9p2c5, May 29, 1846: Did the President Begin the War?

RE46v43i9p2c5, May 29, 1846: No title, Whig Presses.

RE46v43i9p2c5, May 29, 1846: No title, Louisiana Legislature

RE46v43i9p2c6, May 29, 1846: No title.*

RE46v43i9p2c5, May 29, 1846: No title, from the Baltimore Patriot.

RE46v43i9p2c7, May 29, 1846: For the Enquirer. Texas; or “New Estremadura.”

RE46v43i9p2c7, May 29, 1846: Texas, March 20^th, 1846.

RE46v43i9p3c1, May 29, 1846: Correspondence of the Alexandria Gazette.

RE46v43i9p3c1, May 29, 1846: Twenty-Ninth Congress. Wednesday, May 27. Senate.

RE46v43i9p3c1, May 29, 1846: House of Representatives.

RE46v43i9p4c1, May 29, 1846: Our Relations with England.

RE46v43i9p4c1, May 29, 1846: No title.

RE46v43i9p4c2, May 29, 1846: No title.

RE46v43i9p4c4, May 29, 1846: Items of War.

RE46v43i9p4c3, May 29, 1846: A Good Hit.

RE46v43i9p4c3, May 29, 1846: No title.

RE46v43i9p4c4, May 29, 1846: No title.

RE46v43i9p4c3, May 29, 1846: No title.

RE46v43i9p4c5, May 29, 1846: Official.

RE46v43i9p4c5, May 29, 1846: Headquarters of the Army of Occupation, Point Isabel, Texas, May 7, 1846.

RE46v43i9p4c5, May 29, 1846: Headquarters of the Army of Occupation, Camp at Palo Alto, Texas, May 9, 1846.

RE46v43i9p4c5, May 29, 1846: Headquarters of the Army of Occupation, Camp at Resaca de la Palma, 3 miles from Matamoras, 10 o’clock, P.M. May 9, 1846.

RE46v43i9p4c5, May 29, 1846: Headquarters of the Army of Occupation, Resaca de la Palma, May 11, 1846.

RE46v43i9p4c5, May 29, 1846: Headquarters of the Army of Occupation, Point Isabel, (Texas, ) May 12, 1846.

RE46v43i9p4c6, May 29, 1846: Headquarters of the Army of Occupation, Fort Polk, Texas, May 12, 1846.

RE46v43i9p4c6, May 29, 1846: Headquarters of the Army of Occupation, Point Isabel, Texas, May 12, 1846.

RE46v43i9p4c6, May 29, 1846: United States Ship Cumberland, Off Brazos Santiago, May 13, 1846.

RE46v43i9p4c6, May 29, 1846: A Chapporal.

RE46v43i9p4c6, May 29, 1846: No title.

RE46v43i9p4c7, May 29, 1846: By the Governor of Virginia. A Proclamation.

RE46v43i9p4c7, May 29, 1846: General Orders. Adjunct-General’s Office, Richmond, May 23, 1846.

RE46v43i9p4c7, May 29, 1846: Form of Enrollment.

RE46v43i9p4c7, May 29, 1846: Uniform of the Infantry. Field Officers.

RE46v43i9p4c7, May 29, 1846: For Company Officers And Privates.

June

RE47v64i9p2c1 June 1, 1847 From the Brazos

RE47v64i9p2c2 June 1, 1847 From Vera Cruz -Mexican Treachery

RE47v64i9p2c4 June 1, 1847 Prospects of Peace

RE47v64i10p1c5 June 4, 1847 Late From the City of Mexico

RE47v64i10p2c1 June 4, 1847 Important from Mexico

RE47v64i10p2c2 June 4, 1847 Later from the Brazos

RE47v64i10p2c4 June 4, 1847 News from the Army

RE47v64i10p4c1 June 4, 1847 Late from General Scott's Army

RE47v64i10p4c3 June 4, 1847 Captain Tuttwall

RE47v64i11p2c1 June 8, 1847 General Taylor and the battle of Buena Vista

RE47v64i11p4c7 June 8, 1847 From General Taylor's Army

RE47v64i12p1c7 June 11, 1847 Operations of the Gulf Squad

RE47v64i12p1c7 June 11, 1847 The Mexican Pirates

RE47v64i12p2c1 June 11, 1847 Important from Mexico

RE47v64i12p2c6 June 11, 1847 The Mexican tariff

RE47v64i12p2c7 June 11, 1847 From General Taylor's Army

RE47v64i12p3c1 June 11, 1847 To Arms

RE47v64i12p4c1 June 11, 1847 Very Late from the City of Mexico

RE47v64i12p4c2 June 11, 1847 Prospects of a Speedy Peace

RE47v64i12p4c5 June 11, 1847 News from Mexico

RE47v64i13p1c3 June 15, 1847 Spanish Opinions on Mexican War

RE47v64i13p2c1 June 15, 1847 Later from Mexico

RE47v64i13p2c1 June 15, 1847 Later from the Army of General Taylor

RE47v64i13p2c3 June 15, 1847 General Scott's Proclamation

RE47v64i13p4c2 June 15, 1847 Later from Vera Cruz

RE47v64i13p4c3 June 15, 1847 Conditions of Peace

RE47v64i14p1c7 June 18, 1847 Important to Discharged Soldiers

RE47v64i14p2c1 June 18, 1847 From Mexico

RE47v64i14p4c1 June 18, 1847 Prospects of Peace

RE47v64i15p1c2 June 22, 1847 The President and Santa Anna

RE47v64i15p2c1 June 22, 1847 From the Army of General Scott

RE47v64i15p2c1 June 22, 1847 From the Army of General Taylor

RE47v64i15p2c2 June 22, 1847 Important from Mexico City

RE47v64i15p2c2 June 22, 1847 Latest from Vera Cruz

RE47v64i15p2c3 June 22, 1847 Letter from Mexico

RE47v64i15p4c1 June 22, 1847 Important from Mexico

RE47v64i15p4c3 June 22, 1847 The Army in Mexico

RE47v64i16p2c1 June 25 1847 Later from Vera Cruz

RE47v64i16p4c2 June 25 1847 Mexican Items

RE47v64i16p4c3 June 25 1847 British Opinions

RE47v64i17p2c1 June 29 1847 Highly Important from Mexico

RE47v64i17p2c2 June 29 1847 Later from Vera Cruz

January

February

REv42n79p1c5, February 3, 1846: MEXICO

The following, which we take from the New Orleans Delta of the 98^th ult., received Saturday morning, will explain the rumor circulated in Washington, of Mr. Slidell’s having been murdered. It now seems to be clearly ascertained that our Minister has not been received – though a renewal of diplomatic relations had been invited by the late brittle Mexican Government. To preserve our rights, and to ward off the evils of a devastating war, our Government should adopt the most prompt and efficient measures. Its course, we doubt not, will be materially influenced by the dispatches received by this last arrival from Mexico. We anxiously await for further developments.

By the arrival of the Pario, from Vera Cruz, which place she left on the 13^th inst, we learn verbally – for she brought no papers that we can hear of – that President Herrera has resigned; that Paredes has been elevated to the Presidency by a sort of popular election, but whether by the leperos of Mexico alone, or with the assistance of their brethren in the other Departments, we cannot ascertain; that Almonte, the friend and counselor of Santa Anna, is Secretary of State; and that the military, such as it is, is in possession of the Government.

On the assession of Paredes, our Minister, Mr. Slidell, (probably after demanding to be recognized, and the demand refused.) asked for his passports, but was informed that as he had never been received as Minister, no passport in that quality, could be given to him; he then requested that the Government would give him an escort to Vera Cruz, which was peremptorily refused. Upon the news reaching Vera Cruz, seven officers of the United States brig Somers, which arrived at that port on the 6^th inst., started for Mexico, well armed, to escort him through the country.

Such is the information which we have received. Whether it be true or not, we cannot avouch – but, if not true, it is very truthlike. It corresponds exactly with what might be expected from the Mexicans, from the Minister, and from the ardent and fearless officers of the Navy.

Since the above was written, we have conversed with a gentleman who had read a letter from a well informed source dated at Vera Cruz, the 12^th instant, and who had conversed with the only passenger who arrived here by the Pario. Both – the letter and the passenger – concur in stating that Paredes has been proclaimed President; that Almonte has been appointed Secretary of War, not of State, as public report has it; that Mr. Slidell is at Puebla, (at the previous advices he was at Jalapa, ) awaiting the further instructions of the Government. Everything was perfectly quiet in the capital and in the country. This letter says not a word, nor does this passenger, of Slidell’s being ordered to leave the country – not a word of an escort being denied him – and not a word of the officers and men of the brig Somers arming themselves and going on to Mr. Slidell, with the view of forming his body-guard through the country to Vera Cruz. This much of the verbal reports, which circulated through the city so freely yesterday, may therefore be put down as being doubtful.

The Pario brought dispatches for our Government at Washington.

We are indebted to the editor of the Bulletin for the following extract of a letter, dated:

“VERA CRUZ, January 13^th, 1846.

“The new President, Gen. Paredes, has established his Ministry, viz – Gen. Almonte, late Minister to the United States, Minister of War; Luis Parres, of Finance; Joaquin Maria del Castillo y Lanuzas, of Foreign Affairs; and Bishop Becerra, of Justice. These gentlemen appear to inspire general confidence. The American Minister has demanded his passports, having failed in the object of his mission.”
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REv42n79p2c2, February 3, 1846: MEXICAN AFFAIRS

We have always thought that the European powers, following the lead of Mr. “Balance-of-Power” Guizot, were busily intriguing in the internal concerns of ill-fated Mexico. Baffled in the Texas affair, by the wisdom, foresight and energy of our Government, they have cunningly thrust themselves into Mexico, and by artful appeals to the anti--American feelings of that country, have succeeded in putting down an administration which was supposed to have a desire of settling amicably the difficulties with the United States. That the powers of Europe have had a finger in this matter, we are confirmed in the belief by the following paragraph in the Memorial Historico, published in Mexico under the eyes of the new authorities:

“By way of Havana, it is known that Spain, France and England have entered into an alliance to place in Mexico and Guatemala a stable and liberal Government, for which purpose each power will furnish a quota of men; at the same time, it is assumed that England has already at sea thirty ships of the line, which are on their way to the Gulf of Mexico.”

The Yucatan Imparcial so far corroborates this view, by expressing its opinion, that the three powers possess means to give effect to the projected movement.

In proof of the deep-seated hatred of many Mexicans for the people of the United States, we may refer to the proceedings of the Assembly of Notables; wherein a motion was made by Gen. Bustamente that a clause should be added to the oath to be taken by the President, compelling him to swear “to repel the invasion of the United States.” After a long debate, this motion was voted down upon the ground that the oath demanded by Gen. Bustamente would be equivalent to a declaration of war, and that the Assembly had no power to declare war.

The oath finally taken by the new President, Paredes, is as follows:

“You swear to God to sustain the independence and integrity of the national territory against any foreign aggression whatever; and the Republican, popular, representative system; and the plan of administration of the Republic, agreed to by the Act of the Army on the 2d of January.”

The General Bustamante, (says the New Orleans Picayune, ) who took part in this assembly, was not the Ex-President of that name. Both he and General Herrera were invited to take a part in the proceedings, but indignantly refused.

No one can doubt that the monarchists of Europe are attempting, from the fulcrum of Mexico, to wield the lever of the monarchial principle upon the future destiny of the American continent. The safety of our own territorial rights and of our Republican institutions demands from our Government firm and decided measures. This quasi was should not be allowed longer to continue. Mexico should be made to show her hand. If she is for peace the controversy can not be too soon settled. If war be her policy, let us have it over at once. The present state of affairs is dangerous to our rights and to the permanent peace of the country.
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REv42n80p4c5-6, February 6, 1846: MEXICO

Monday night’s Union sets forth Mr. Slidell’s position in Mexico in rather a different light from what most of the New Orleans press represent it. It says:

We perceive that the accounts received on Saturday evening from New Orleans are not confirmed by the official accounts. The “Picayune” reports as one of the pieces of intelligence brought by the brig Pario, that “a letter written at Vera Cruz on the 13^th ultimo, the day on which the Pariosailed, simply says “Mr. Slidell demanded his passports, having failed in the object of his mission.” We do not understand that Mr. Slidell has yet demanded his passports, or that he has received any thing like a definitive answer from the Government. A letter has been received from Jalapa on the 12^th January, which states that Mr. Slidell was expected to arrive in that town via Puebla on that or the following day.

There is too much reason to apprehend, that the mission may not be productive of the success which there was some reason to anticipate. The access of Almonte and Tornel to the existing administration is no very flattering sign of a favorable result. Mr. Slidell will do, however, every thing which is to be expected from his acknowledged talents when he receives his omission under the recent confirmation of the Senate.

Some rumors are still afloat of a design on the part of Great Britain, France and Spain to place a European prince on the throne of Mexico. We cannot couch for the correctness of so extravagant a report.
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REv42n81p1c6-7, February 10, 1846: PRONUNCIAMENTO

Proclamation by General Mariano Paredes y Arrillaga

To the Mexican Nation: - In undertaking the enterprise which the acclamation of the army and the will of the people have confided to me, my first care is to address myself to the nation. A soldier of my country, elevated by that country far beyond my merits, I owe it the duty in moments solemn as the present, to give it an account of my conduct, of my projects and intentions. It is now twenty-four years since Mexico presented herself, for the first time, among the exiled nations of the earth, demanding an equal and independent position among them. The army of the “three guaranties” had just taken possession of the Capitol, and the Mexican people saluted with shouts of joy, the first dawn of national prosperity. Our independence of the mother country had been finally secured; and the long and bloody struggle had ended in the union of all parties; and the constancy, patriotism and valor of the hero of Iguala had reconciled the conflicting interests of the various factions, and the confidence and satisfaction which seemed everywhere to prevail, entitled the nation to look forward to long years of peace and prosperity. The conditions of the administration justified these hopes. The ability, moderation and prudence of the chiefs of 1821 had conquered our independence without our internal broils, and in casting our eyes over the broad lands won by our valor, we could not fail to be struck with the rich inheritance that had fallen to our lot. Our revenue had suffered to defray the expenses of a splendid Government, without the citizens feeling oppressed by the burden of taxation. Spain had raid with it her army, her navy, her judiciary, and in short, her whole civil list, besides giving her occasional succor to her then distressed colonies of Cuba and the Philippine Islands, and carrying to the peninsula, after all these drains, a large surplus. The tribunals of justice were a model of integrity, and the army of the revolution was numerous, well disciplined and warlike.

We thus possessed all the elements of a great nation, and during the first year of our independence the whole world believed that we were about to form, on this new continent, a powerful and prosperous empire. Commerce, relieved from the letters which had bound her, already began to develop her resources; and agriculture, in like manner set free, supplied the markets of Europe with its projects – many of them hitherto unknown beyond the limits of our territory. – The mines recovered their ancient vigor and foreign capital from all quarters flowed into the country, to give life and animation to the national industry. All the American nations had recognized our independence – some of the European monarchies had followed their example, and we had every reason to hope, that in a short time, the principal powers of both continents would enter into commercial treaties with us, based upon our mutual interests. Every thing, then, seemed to justify our most flattering hopes – a prosperous condition of the finances, more than sufficient for our necessities; a well organized and rigorous administration; a numerous and warlike army; a laborious and obedient population; the sympathies of the rest of the world; and, in order to develop the elements of prosperity vouch safe to us by Providence, the union of all domestic parties; public confidence; and above all, the blessings of independence and the hopes of liberty. – The present condition of the country but too plainly shows how these promises have been fulfilled. Selfish parties, without patriotism, and without honor, have succeeded to the chief command the sole purpose of tyrannizing over, and ruining the Republic. Civil discords have consumed our strength, and the foundations of society have been sapped by corruption. We have been now twenty-four years trying all kinds of systems, and the whole of this time has been marked by constant revolutions. And what has been the result.

If we cast our eyes abroad, we shall behold a nation insulted, and humiliated as well by the aims as the policy of strangers. The wealth and improvement administrations who have succeeded each other is power, have permitted Texas to be torn from our grasp, and we are threatened, if we attempt to reconquer the rebel province, with a disastrous war by a powerful neighbor. Our foreign relations in other quarters are far from being satisfactory. Our neighbors publicly predict, and the prediction is echoed by European politicians, that the North American stars and stripes will soon wave over the towers of Mexico and be carried in triumph as far as the isthmus of Panama. Such is the idea which the world has formed of our internal divisions, of our weakness and misery. If on the other hand we withdraw our glance from abroad and throw it for a moment over our own land, we see nothing but confusion and anarchy. The republic seems to be literally dropping to pieces, in all quarters – Texas has been separated from the national union – and the disaffected in other departments, calculating upon the imbecility of the central governments, are openly preaching insurrection. The administration, wholly under the influence of party, and occupied by its miserable quences, abandons the frontier departments to the sanguinary incursions of the savages. The army diminished in its numbers and neglected more and more from day to day, is unequal to the task of preserving internal quiet, or carrying on the foreign war. Its forbearance and its fortitude are constantly put to the severest test. While the soldier is neither fed nor clothed, the administration of military affairs seems to have been utterly abandoned.

The revenue, which in former times was sufficient to support the government in splendor, has fallen a prey to a combined system of robbery and quackery. The old servants of the republic – the judiciary, and the army, are suffered to remain in indigence and misery, whilst in some of the departments the most colossal fortunes are made, as if by magic. Bankruptcy stares us in the face, both abroad and at home. A public debt, which is daily increasing, threatens finally to overwhelm us. The revenues of the nation are hypothecated to its creditors, and the government like a mendicant, is obliged to beg its bread from day to day; paying the most enormous usury for its petty loans. The scales of justice have been thrown from their balance by the hand of the partisan, and we have witnessed in a recent and solemn trial, sedition itself, covered with the shield of impunity. Our agriculture is perishing for want of proper protection and security, while our commerce, already exhausted, threatens to abandon altogether our coasts, which it formerly promised to cover with rich and populous cities. This sad picture of our condition is unfortunately not exaggerated. It is a faithful account of what all observing men see and feel. Consider what we were 23 years ago, and what we might have been with 24 years of peace and prosperity, and then contemplate the picture here drawn. – In the vain hope of remedying these evils, every day has witnessed more revolutions. These revolutions having been the offspring of private interest, have brought us no relief. Congress and Presidents have been changed buy the evils under which we labor have remained the same – the same abuses and corruptions continue to eat up the substance of the Sate. No movement hitherto made has been more popular than that of December last. The nation rose up as one man to overthrow a degrading dictatorship. But has our situation been improved? Have not rather these evils been increased? The demagogue has but grasped at the power let fall by Gen. Santa Anna. But little satisfied with the important concessions of the Government, he has preached up war to strengthen his party, while he has been laboring hard to destroy the army. Hiding under the cloak of ultra federalism his well known projects of vengeance and his love of anarchy, he cares little for the interests of a country which he is bound by no ties, and whose ruin even he [illegible] and his adherents could fatten on the spoils. Governed by a set of partisans whom he frats, he travels from concession to concession. Defamation, calumny and threats extract from his weakness the most pernicious measures, whilst anarchy is daily organizing its forces to overthrow the nation anew. The army has at length determined to save the country and put a stop to the precarious and insane state in which it has existed for some time past. I, who have had the honor of combating for the independence of my country; I, who have had the honor of being the first to raise the standard of insurrection in Jalisco against a hateful tyranny, feel myself called upon to carry out the grito which the nation raised on that occasion. Mexico has not beaten down one tyrant to elevate others in his stead. She has not overthrown a soldier to deliver herself, bound hand and foot, to the demagogue. If such had not already been my conviction, the entreaties which I have received from my countrymen, and the spontaneous election of the army, to put myself at the head of the present movement, would be sufficient to inspire me with them.

While marching upon the capital to crown the glorious enterprise entrusted to my care, I declared in the most solemn manner, in presence of the whole nation, that we do not go, simply to effect a change of persons in the Government but that we aspire to a more noble object. We have not undertaken to usurp the Presidency, and to change the members of Congress. Our object is, to call upon the nations, in order that, without the fear of turbulent minorities, it may embody its will in a set of representatives, who will raise a barrier against the dissolution which threatens us – prevent the administration from falling in the hands of factions who will bring disgrace upon the nation. Our object is to restore to the productive classes the wealth and influence which they have lost, and to give to the industrial and laboring classes the position which belongs to them in the Government. The nation, tired of living amid eternal broils, cries aloud for some guaranty of peace and tranquility. For this reason I have decided and the army have decided with me, to make a new revolution, in order that it may be the last and that we may at length commence, beneath the shade of peace and internal tranquility, to develop those resources with which we have so abundantly been blessed by Providence. As for myself, I desire no place, no power. Those ephemeral dictatorships, which have heretofore served only to heap ill-gotten wealth upon their possessors, hove no illusions for me. On this point my opinions are well known, and they have been proved more than once during my arduous career.

The stain of avarice and corruption has never fallen upon my character. My ambition is more elevate; and if I despise political intrigues, and are usually bestowed upon those in power, I aspire in exchange to a more brilliant and lasting glory. These are not the hypocritical declarations of an ambitious man, seeking to hide his real objects from the public view, and I shall no sooner enter into the city of Mexico, that I will convoke an assembly, duly elected by all the voters in the state, and clothed with unlimited authority, for the purpose of remodeling the government according to the will of the people. All classes of society – the clergy, the military, the magistracy, the literary professions, commerce, industry and agriculture, will be represented in this assembly, and from the moment it meets, all power will cease to exist, except such as may emanate from it. Happy then, as having conscientiously discharged my duty, I shall either retire to private life, or I shall ask the privilege of marching to the frontier, to encounter the usurpers of our territory and the enemies of our independence and prosperity.

San Luis Potosi, Dec. 15^th, 1845 .

(Signed) MARIANO PAREDES Y ARRILLAGA

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REv42n81p2c1-2, February 10, 1846: POSITION OF MEXICO

The New York Herald publishes the following “Ultimatum of Mexico, ” which, it says, has been furnished by an individual intimately associated with Gen. Almonte in this country, and well acquainted with his views:

“Mexico can enter into no new treaty of boundary with the United States. The treaties of boundary and amity antecedent to the revolt in Texas, are still in force; though, in effect, repudiated by the United States. If the treaties already in existence are, and have been, no protection to Mexico, of what use will it be to her to enter into any other treaty? The merchant will not trust a merchant without a guaranty, after his bond is once broken – neither can a nation. If the United States, through a friendly power or powers, shall offer regret and reparation for the injury done, and that regret and reparation prove satisfactory and be accepted by Mexico – Mexico will, in that case, enter upon the subject of a new boundary, to be guaranteed to her by Spain, France and England. A new treaty of boundary, without such a guaranty Mexico can, in no case (excoriated as she is by the citizen and governmental perfidy of the United States) enter into or put faith in.

“Mexico cannot view annexation as the simple act of two independent nations. Annexation, in the eye of Mexico, commenced when Gen. Jackson’s friend, Sam Houston, went to Texas to ‘raise a flag of revolt therein, ’ after the former found his earnest offers to purchase Texas would not be acquiesced in by the government of Mexico. Annexation, in the view of Mexico, progressed when the U.S. government, by ‘masterly inactivity, ’ permitted its citizens to make war upon a neighbor with whom, for itself and citizens’ the United States had entered into a treaty of ‘perpetual amity.’ Mexico has claims, therefore on the United States for her public lands in Texas and for the expenses of the war in her vain attempt thus far, to establish the national authority lost therein, solely by the aforesaid ‘masterly inactivity, ’ of the United States, in respect to curbing its own citizens.

“Mexico denies that Texas was estranged from her rule by Mexicans. The government and citizens of the United States are solely responsible for all the evil brought upon Mexico by the Texas revolt.

“Under these circumstances, to send a message into Mexico to make offers for a still larger territory than even Texas, cannot but be viewed by her other than an additional insult to her nationality; especially as the presses of the U. States are advocating the like emigration to that larger territory (California) where with to re-enact the T exas wrong. Whether Mexico accede or not to the offers of purchase by the United States, then the territory in question must, by United States’ accounts, be lost to Mexico. The independence of Mexico thus jeopardized by a stronger republic she has no alternative but to throw herself under the protection of powers stronger than the United States – unless, as we have above shown, the U. States proffer ample reparation, and a new treaty of boundary, guaranteed by Spain, France and England, settle all differences between the two governments.

“The first aggressive movement of the U.S. fleet in the Gulf, or the U.S. army at Corpus Christi, will be the signal for Mexico to throw herself on the protection of Spain, France and England. The navies of these powers concentrated at Havana, will then sail to Vera Cruz and there intimate the fact to the commander of the United States squadron. If the latter, in defiance of this intimation, proceeds to a demonstration against Mexico, the combined fleets will proceed to capture it, in much the same way as the Turkish fleet was captured at Navarino.

Last summer, we became so accustomed to these valorous threats, this bruim fulmer of Mexican arrogance, that we can, with but little difficulty, credit the above terrible revelations. – Every one knows that the United States have no more bitter and uncompromising enemy than Gen. Almonte, the fierce master-spirit of the present revolutionary Administration of Mexico. – He is a man of powerful intellect and burning ambition – and he will spare no means to thwart the progress of the United States.

We should not be surprised, were he seriously to count upon the aid of France, England and Spain to put down our power. We cannot yet believe that these European nations are willing to thrust themselves into the controversy, and break up the peace of the world. We have done no injury to Mexico, and therefore have no “regrets or reparation” to make to her. It is Mexico herself who has been guilty of bad faith, and of wanton mischief and insult, to our citizens and to our nation. She talk of violated treaties! The notion is absurdly false. It was her own bad faith which forced the people of Texas to rise up in defense of a broken Constitution, and to demand the restoration of their rights. True, they had been our citizens, but they had gone to Texas, in good faith resolved to live under the Mexican confederation, but as soon as the Constitution which bound the States together had been violated by Mexico, the Texans rose up and declared their independence of Mexican tyranny. Many of our citizens went over, as individuals, to push on because of liberty. Our Government had no right nor power to prevent their emigration, and it Is the flimsiest pretext in the world to make it responsible for the acts of its citizens, which it could not restrain.

Before Mexico demands reparation of us, let her do justice to our own injured and insulted citizens. The annexation of Texas is justified by every law of justice and right. She was forced by the perfidy and tyranny of the Central Government to stand up for herself. She was recognized as free and independent by the great powers of Europe, and by the voluntary consent of the two Republics she was made an important element of our Union of States. If we have done wrong, we have been justified in it, by the acts of Mexico’s sympathizing friends, England and France, who, in conjunction with us acknowledged the full and perfect independence of Texas, to do whatever she thought right.

Mexico, under the sinister influence of Almonte, may call in the aid of France, England and Spain to sustain her extravagant hopes. – It is needless to say, that these threats will have no other effect but to urge our Government to take prompt and wise measures to meet the crisis. We ought to know from Mexico her real designs, whether for peace or for war. And if she persists in her arrogant bearing we will be prepared to defend our just rights, we will be prepared to defend our just rights, even though all the powers of Europe be arrayed to put down the progress of Republican institutions. Would it not be wiser, however, for Mexico to summon some of her European allies to keep together her own rebellious provinces? Already has Yucatan raised the flag of independence. Others will follow her example, and fly off from the central power. Mexico will have enough to employ her at home, and without rushing into a desperate encounter with us. But in any event, it is the duty and policy of our Government to maintain our rights and to reserve peace, by prompt and firm measures.
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REv42n81p2c2, February 10, 1846: GEN’L PAREDES’ PRONUNCIAMENTO

In the critical condition of our relations with Mexico, our readers must take an interest in every thing connected with that ill-fated, but arrogant nation. We shall, therefore, publish on Monday the “Pronunciamento” of Gen. Paredes, the newly installed President – before whose victorious march Herrera, the constitutional President, fell without a struggle. It is ably and eloquently written. It sets forth the wretched and crumbling condition of that country – but, true to the characteristic boasting and arrogance of Mexicans, it flaunts the flag of war in the face of the United States.

We have no fear of any alarming assaults by these vaunting Bobadils. In the excitement produced, last Summer, in consequence of our bloodless victory in annexing Texas, we learned how lightly to treat the “raw head and bloody bones” threats and denunciations of Mexican Generals and statesmen. We have no more fears of their present vaporings. Nor would we declare war upon them, or send our vessels of war to bombard their towns, because they have thought proper to refuse to receive our Minister, whom a previous Government had specially invited, or because our name and conduct had been traduced by their Chief. All must admit, however, that our relations with Mexico have continued too long in a nervous and uneasy state. Though we had the power to cut the Gordian knot, and dispel the excitement, we have, in our generosity, suffered this state of quasi-war to be kept up too long. We trust that our Government will promptly take the matter in hand, call upon Mexico for specific information as to her real intentions towards us, and whether she is for peace or for war. When we shall know the true grounds which she means to assume, we can then take our own course finally – a course in which we shall be justified in the eyes of God and of man. We would not crush Mexico in her weakness. We would not wield against her a giant’s strength, because we have the power, and she is on the brink of annihilation. But a due regard to our own interests, safety and quiet demands that we should break up the present entangling state of affairs and that, while we are generous to a weak people, we should be just to ourselves. No one can say whether the rumored intrigues of England, France and Spain, to place a French Prince on the Throne of Mexico, may not, if things are suffered to remain as they are, ere long become matters of history. No one can say, that a vacillating course on our part towards Mexico may not, in itself, induce European powers to thrust themselves into the controversy, and secretly to give practical effect to their famous doctrine of the “balance of power.” For the sake, then, of our future peace, and for the protection of Republican institutions against the insidious movements of the monarchists of Europe our Government should call upon Mexico for a clear and unequivocal exposition of her designs touching the unsettled difficulties between her and the United States.

The dark outline drawn by Paredes of the condition of Mexico, is applicable to nearly every one of the Spanish-American Republics. Alternate anarchy and tyranny characterize each and every one of them. As Paredes most justly and mournfully remarks of Mexico, these various States seem constantly on the verge of disruption. How different has been the progress of our own Republic. We have been peacefully extending our bounds to the South and to the West, and increasing our strength and durability by adding rich and fertile regions. Our policy and our practice have been to enlarge the Union of the States. Mexico and her Spanish American neighbors, on the contrary, since they repudiated the Spanish yoke and set up for themselves, have continually split up into crumbling and disjointed fragments. Anarchy and revolution at home, and threatened invasion from abroad, have marked their tottering career.

Doomed though Mexico may be, we would have our Government to treat her with anything but harshness. But in being charitable and generous towards Mexico, we should take care to be just to ourselves. The safety of our own institutions should overrule every other consideration.
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REv42n83p2c5, February 17, 1846: MOVING TO TEXAS

News that Virginians are leaving for Texas and the expressions of general good wishes to those people.

The last Clarksville, Mecklenburg, Herald speaks of the great excitement in that country, produced by a projected movement to the new and fertile State of Texas. While we regret to see the citizens of Virginia, and from such a Democratic region too, quitting in a body their native Sate, to establish a new colony in a distant portion of our wide Republic, we must confess that the Herald advances some good reason, why they should turn their faces towards the great Southwest. We hope that it will not always be so. We trust to see the day, when the abandoned fields of Virginia will be cultivated with industry and success – and when the footsteps of our wandering citizens shall be turned back to their reinvigorated native State. But if our brethren of Mecklenburg will leave us for a richer soil and a more genial climate, we wish them “God speed” in their pilgrimage.

The Herald say:

“Some of our citizens are busy in forming a company for the purpose of journeying to the sunny South. We know several men of families who have pledged themselves to join the expedition – and we think they are entitled to much praise for their wise determination. This country in which we live have claims upon us scarcely to be resisted. We have friends – we have relatives – who are near and dear to us; but there is another friend for whom all others must be sacrificed – SELF. The rich landholder, whose situation is already that of plenty, would be much to blame to quit this country for any other; but we whose fortunes lie just in the palms of our hands – we, who, by the sweat of our brow, but barely receive enough to stop the mouths of our children, should better our condition if possible. It is a hard task, truly, for a man to ‘make both ends meet, ’ who rents lands and negroes, and pays an enormous price. Such cases, when compared to our vast population, are few; but when together would, of themselves, make a nation. We learn that it is the determination of the projectors of this enterprise to settle a town in Texas, and to accomplish their object, a committee is to be appointed to proceed to Texas to hunt out a suitable site and purchase the same. There is to be a country meeting on the subject at an early day, of which due notice will be given.”
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March

April

May

RE46v43i1p1c1, May 1, 1846: MESSR. INGERSOLL AND WEBSTER.

As we wish to furnish to our readers an insight into the merits of the personal controversy now being waged between these two gentlemen, involving moreover important and delicate questions of State policy, we go back a few days, and first present the remarks of Mr. Webster delivered in the Senate on Wednesday, the 22d April, , immediately after the reception by the H. of Representatives of the President’s message, declining, for proper reasons, to make public the information called for in regard to the secret service fund –and at the same time stating, that the papers could be exhibited to a Committee of the House:

Mr. Webster rose and said: I have a few, and but a few, remarks to make on the President’s message in answer to the resolution of the House of Representatives, calling for an account of the disbursements during the period in which I had the honor to be Secretary of State, out of the fund for the contingent expenses of foreign intercourse.

In the first place, Sir, I am happy to say, that I entirely approve the course of proceeding which the President has adopted. In my judgment, he could not have acted otherwise than he has done, without the violation of law and of his own duty. Sir, as I know that not a dollar was disbursed from that fund without the sanction of the President, and as I am conscious that every disbursement was made for a proper and necessary public purpose, it might be thought that I should desire the publication of the papers, in order that every body might see what they are, or what they show. But this is a matter of so little concernment to me, (and I presume it is of as little to the late President, ) that I certainly would not wish to see an important principle, and an important law, violated and broken for any personal convenience in that respect. I am not at all apprehensive that the country will suspect either President Tyler, or me, acting under his authority, of any thing improper in the disbursement of a few hundred or a few thousand dollars, in a case in which the law reposes confidence in the President, and gives him a discretion as to making the expenditure public.

Sir, a President of the United States, or the head of a Department acting by his authority, must think but poorly of his own reputation and standing with the country, if he is afraid of being suspected of having violated his duty and his oath in a matter of so little moment. I will add, that a person who entertains such a suspicion, without reason, of any public man, may himself be well suspected of having held a no very complimentary dialogue with himself.

Sir, we all know that the head of a Department cannot touch a dollar of this fund except with the President’s sanction. The whole power and the whole responsibility is with the President. The President’s Message states this so fully and clearly, that I need not dwell upon it. I will say, in the first place, that no expenditure, improper in itself, or improper in its amount, was made to my knowledge, judgment, or belief. And I will say, in the next place, that the late President of the United States, in all things respecting the expenditure of the public moneys, was remarkably cautious, exact and particular.

And I here say, Sir, that all declarations, averments, statements, or insinuations, made any where, or by any body, which impute perversion, misapplication, or waste of the public funds, committed or made by me while Secretary of State, are utterly groundless and untrue. And I will conclude with one remark, the bearing of which, I shall leave to the Senate and to the country.

Whoever charges me with having either misapplied or wasted the public funds, while in the Department of State, has either seen the papers, or has, in some other way, obtained knowledge on the subject, or he has not. If he has seen no papers, and has no knowledge, then his imputations are purely wanton and slanderous. If he has seen the papers, or has any knowledge, then he would be sure to state what he knows, if he knows any thing to sustain him in his charge. Silence, under such circumstances, is conclusive that he knows nothing, because he is under no obligation of secresy, and, in absence of all other proof, he would, of course, tell all he knew, if he knew any thing which could, in the slightest degree, bear him out. The charge, therefore, was either made in utter ignorance of any facts to support it, or else with the knowledge that the facts which do exist would, if made known, entirely disprove it. As to the source of this miserable vituperation, I have nothing to say. I am afraid I shall be thought to have paid too much attention to it already. Sir, I leave the author of these slanders where he is—I leave him in the worst company I know of in the world—I leave him with himself.

Last Monday, in the House, Mr. C. J. Ingersoll made the follow remarks, by way of personal explanation:

Mr. Speaker: When Mr. Webster, in virulent terms, in Senate, assailed my truth, concerning transactions of which proofs ought to be in the Department of State, I went there in search of them for my vindication. As member of the Committee on Foreign Affairs, for some years, I have some freedom of access there, though probably none which any other member of Congress is not entitled to.

Searching for proofs, not to expose him, but vindicate myself, I fell most unexpectedly on others which led me next day, to denounce him as a delinquent.

When the President’s answer to the resolution of the House of Representatives refused certain documents, I repeated, in general assertion, the fact of his delinquency, and added that it is easily susceptible of proof. My friends advised me to go no further, supposing that Mr. Webster would challenge investigation.

Not having done so, but having again, with opprobious language, in Senate, charged me with slander, and called on me to substantiate my accusation of him, I now submit a short statement, which may be tested as to truth.

There are three charges of delinquency:

First. Unlawful use of the fund appropriated for the contingent service of foreign intercourse, commonly called the secret service fund.

Secondly. Misapplying part of that fund to corrupt party presses.

Thirdly. Leaving the Department of State in default to that fund.

First. Congress appropriates annually a small sum, commonly 30,000 dollars, for the contingent expenses of foreign intercourse; the disbursement of part of which is sometimes usefully clandestine, but never, as has been erroneously supposed, corrupt. Whenever, in the President's opinion, it would be wrong to make public how any part of it is disposed of, he so certifies, and, by act of Congress, his mere certificate is sufficient voucher at the Treasury for the required settlement.

These funds have, for the last sixteen years, if not always, been in the hands of a clerk, called, by acts of Congress, the disbursing agent of the Department of State, who kept them in banks, as agent. The official routine is for the President, on the requisition of the Secretary of State, to authorize the payment of the money from the Treasury to the disbursing agent of the State Department. The disbursing agent is debited at the Treasury with the sum drawn into the Department of State, keeps it to his credit as agent, in bank, and gives checks as required by the Secretary, for payment to any person he may designate.

In this way, the first check I saw, when I went to the department, was drawn by the agent for the service at New York in McLeod’s case, 1,000 dollars.

But shortly after President Harrison’s death, and before Vice President Tyler was at home in chief magistracy—in April, 1841—Mr.Secretary Webster began an entirely novel method of dealing with the secret service fund. Instead of directing the disbursing agent to pay any third person, Mr. Webster required the money to be paid to himself.

In this way he drew to himself from the disbursing agent twelve thousand dollars during the first nine months of Mr. Webster’s incumbency as Secretary, about 1,300 dollars a month, in 1841, and 3,000 dollars more early in 1842.

Thus he took into his own hands 15,000 dollars in his first twelve months. The President, there is written evidence in the department to show, never authorized this, knew nothing of it, and when first apprised of it, more than fourteen months after it had been going on, to the large amount of fifteen thousand dollars, refused it his sanction.

It was not till July, 1842, as the evidence in the department shows, in Mr. Webster’s handwriting, that he got a President’s certificate for four thousand four hundred and sixty dollars, ($4,460.).

That President’s certificate, of which I took a minute, dated 19^th July, 1842, is—.

To J. J. Crittenden, for expenses of journey to New York, $100.

To F. O. J. Smith, for services connected with the North eastern Boundary, 2,000.

To Alexander Powell, for journey to, and stay on the frontier in 1841, on the subject of disturbances, 1,000.

With several other items.

The first item in this short account concerning McLeod, will show how I was led from that to other objects; and some of the other items will show the agents whom, as Secretary of State, Mrs. Webster employed. Both houses of Congress, if not the public at large, have not been left in ignorance of the characters of some of those on whom the Secretary of State bestowed large sums of public money, if their receipts correctly vouch what they got.

In a memorandum of payments to Mr. Webster, by authority of the President, there is a minute dated June 23, 1842, “By cash returned, $5,000.”.

After drawing $15,000 to himself during fifteen months, during which period there is no trace of what he did with those large sums, he appears to have returned one-third of the amount withdrawn. Why return it, if taken for any public purpose? Where he it been kept? If in any place of deposite, was it separate from Mr. Webster's private funds? funds? Did he use it?.

These $5,000 were returned ten days after, according to the published correspondence, his negotiation with the British Envoy Extraordinary, began by conversational and confidential intercourse, without protocols or other usual records of such transactions.

In 1843 Mr. Webster took to himself $2,000 more, making altogether $17,000.

On closing his account, crediting the $5,000 returned, and various other sums, there remained a balance against him of $2,290 of the secret service fund. One of his credits against it was for $1,400, published in House document, report No. 29, first session, 28^th Congress—report of Mr. Rogers, for maps, charts, surveys and expenses of bringing them to the seat of Government, and for copies of transcripts, and for various agencies to procure information connected with the boundary treaty.

This inarticulate and comprehensive mixture of many incongruous items, without specification of prices, dates, or any apparent test of rectitude, Mr. Secretary Webster certified himself as a proper credit for himself and deducted from his debit to the secret service fund. Without that credit his default to that fund would have been $3,690, instead of $2,290, which it was when he was removed from office.

The $17,000 were in his hands, contrary to the uniform usage; if used by him contrary to the sub-treasury act. Whether so, is for him to make appear. The burden of proof is on him.

Secondly: Application of the secret services fund to corrupt party presses. The Ashburton treaty bears date the 9^th August, 1842. Congress were then in session; and as Mr. Adams has charged me lately, and I confess I did what little I could as one of a small minority in the House of Representatives (we had forty votes, I think, under the previous question) to resist a treaty which Mr. Webster has lately stated in the Senate granted near half a million of dollars from the treasury of the United States to the people of Maine and Massachusetts, I then desired to contend, when put down by the previous question, that the House of Representatives had a constitutional right to pass on such a treaty.

What I am now enable to add, of revelation from the Department of State, will prove that my instincts of aversion to the treaty were even truer than reason.

In the Department of State there is now a letter signed F. O. J. Smith, marked private, dated Portland, the 12^th of August, 1842, addressed to Mr. Webster, Secretary of State, substantially as follows:

It begins by congratulating Mr. Webster on his settlement of the Maine boundary question by a new mode of approaching the subject, after forty years of diplomacy without which new mode another forty years of diplomacy would have come to nothing.

[Mr. F. O. J. Smith seems to have suggested the boast with which his correspondent, Mr. Webster, hugged himself in his elaborate vindication in Senate.].

Mr. Smith informs Mr. Webster by this letter, that he had occasion to resort to services and influences, in order to adjust the tone and direction of THE PARTY PRESSES, and through them of public sentiment, to a purpose so desirable of accomplishment under Mr. Webster’s administration.

Mr. Smith, therefore, submits a claim or account, if I recollect right, in blank for Mr. Webster to fill up, of which he calls for payment out of the contingent fund. Mr. Smith presumes that the contingent fund will be ample, and Mr. Webster’s control of it complete, to do whatever he may think just.

The sums Mr. Smith vouches as got by him from Mr. Webster are $2,000 for services connected with the North-eastern boundary, and two years after he vouches $500 more, as will be shown.

Thirdly: Leaving the Department of State in debt to the secret service fund $2,290.

The records of the department show this default beyond all denial or question.

They show, furthermore, that it was neither paid or accounted for during nearly two years after Mr. Webster’s removal from office.

They show several letters sent to him by President Tyler’s direction, urging payment, and evasive letters of excuse from Mr. Webster for non-payment.

At length, a peremptory letter that exposure would or might be the consequence of more delay, produced reimbursement. But settlement did not take place until the 1^st February, 1845, ten days before President Polk arrived in Washington to be inaugurated, when Mr. Webster produced another voucher from Mr. F. O. J. Smith for an additional $500, and other vouchers, one from George Smith for $500.

George Smith, since dead, denied that he had ever been paid or vouched more than $150, to which sum Mr. Webster reduced the $500 at first demanded, as his agent now in Washington will prove.

Granting all the vouchers Mr. Webster produced, there was nevertheless a balance of about 1,200 dollars due from him, at all events, when he left the department. That sum he was in default to the secret service fund, after crediting every thing in the way of repayment, offset or voucher that he claimed.

In all I have said in this affair, no allusion has been made to any private aggravation. Regretting the exposure forced from me, having afforded Mr. Webster several opportunities to meet the charges in his own way, that which he chose left me no alternative but this forbearing justification of myself.

A resolution, or committee, which I cannot institute, will soon test the truth of my statements.

On a question by Mr. Hunter of Virginia, Mr. Ingersoll said that he had received no information or intimation of any sort on this subject from Mr. Trist, who was then acting Secretary of State; and on a question by Mr. Bayly of Virginia, Mr. Ingersoll repeated that he had disclaimed imputing to Mr. Tyler, late President of the United States, any fault in reference to the abuses that had been committed in this fund.

We continue a sketch of the proceedings to the end, omitting the points of order raised and decided, in endless confusion.

Mr. Ashmun of Massachusetts said, I was very confident, Mr. Speaker, that the sense of justice that prevails in this House would not preclude me from an opportunity of replying to the member from Pennsylvania. After the repeated, deliberate cold-blooded ebullitions of that gentleman here—.

The Speaker interposed to order. The gentleman from Massachusetts must avoid personalities.

Mr. Ashmun. Well, I suppose it was perfectly in order for the member from Pennsylvania to utter all sorts of abusive epithets about an absent gentleman, and that a senator, calling him by name too, and yet it is not strictly parliamentary to impute any bad motive to—.

The Speaker. The Chair has no power between present and absent gentlemen, but he has power between present gentlemen, and it must be exercised.

Mr. Ashmun, (resuming.) I intend to keep myself strictly within the rules of order. order. I was saying, that I was sure, after the repeated deliberate, premediated assaults, which the member from Pennsylvania has made on the distinguished member from Massachusetts, this House would not refuse to hear a word or two in reply, and the vote of the House, just taken, has not disappointed me. I think the House, as the nation, are not only surprised, but are mortified at the scenes which have been exhibited here. The House has been denounced abroad in the press, and by the people, for its wanton violation of good taste and good manners, but I think an offence has been committed here higher than that against good taste and good manners. I think an offence has been committed against society, as well as against the reputation of this House.—Is it not a matter of mortification that this House should be the vehicle of such repeated vituperation as we have heard and witnessed? Is it not a matter of astonishment, pure and unmingled astonishment, that a member, who has lived so long in public life, and who ought to know what reputation is worth, (if indeed it is worth any thing to him, ) should be willing so often, repeatedly, with words written down, to come into this House and attempt to destroy the fame of a distinguished man—a fame which is a part of the property of the people of the United States?—If he was a young member, just entering into political life, who desired to gain some fame by connecting his name with the name of the high and distinguished individual whose character he was endeavoring to traduce, it would not be so strange. The member from Pennsylvania told us the other day, that he first met Mr. Webster in public life thirty odd years ago. Well, from that time to this, has he ever received the slightest cause of offence from Mr. Webster? I appeal to the whole nation to say that, however strongly Mr. Webster has spoken of parties or of principles, all his speeches have been free from personalities. I do not believe, or know, that any, the slightest, cause of offence has been given by Mr. Webster—unless it may be that one that may rankle in his bosom; that he (Mr. W.) has left him alone, that he has fathomed enough of his character to know that it was not worth while for him to say anything about him. Sir, he has never attacked him. Why then, why then, I ask, on the 9^th of February, when we had been discussing great and grave questions, involving peace and war, why then did the Chairman of the Committee on Foreign Affairs, when permitted by common consent to make the closing reply in that debate, instead of a statesmanlike argument on the important questions involved in that discussion, go out of his way to attack that gentleman, bringing in accusations which had no sort of connexion with the subject under discussion—accusations which have been proved to be false? And for what sort of motives? During thirty years he had known Mr. Webster as a public man, and for a considerable portion of that time the gentleman himself had been a public man.—I think when he was about to make that attack and when he recalled the recollections of that Congress in which he met Mr. Webster for the first time, that there might have been awakened up a remembrance that should have cautioned him how again he undertook to attack the name and character of a distinguished citizen.

Sir, there was in that Congress a gentleman of the highest patriotic virtue, chivalry, intelligence, character, and standing, in every respect—a gentleman from New Jersey—a gentleman he knows at once—his thoughts ran at once to the name of Stockton. There was in that Congress, when he first commenced public life, a gentleman who was slandered to his face. That Mr. Stockton was falsified in this hall; and the retribution that immediately followed; the “scarifying’ process that immediately began, is within the recollection of those who lived at that time.—Sir, tradition tells us of the withering, blasting attack of Mr. Stockton, in reply to the slander of that day; and that the man who uttered this slander left this hall crying like a whipped schoolboy; and I should wonder that that lesson had ever been forgotten. At least it has taught him one thing—never again to utter an attack upon a gentleman in his presence. And I believe now, as was intimated by my colleague the other day, that, sooner than he would have made this attack upon Mr. Webster, if present, he would have bitten his tongue off. But Mr. Webster is not here. He relies on his name, character, the fame of his public life, and the weak efforts of a few friends here to defend him.

Sir, this attack is but a continuation of that course of vituperation that commenced with Mr. Stockton, that followed upon Judge Marshall and the Judges of the Supreme Court, in a charge of corruption in their decision on the question of the extending of the charter of the Bank of the United States. That course of vituperation has lived till now.

The gentleman the other day, with the most bold simplicity—I might say with audacious simplicity—said that whatever thing had been said of him, he never knew before that his truth had been called in question. Now I beg to say, that the gentleman must either be very deaf or very blind, for that is the precise question that all the world make in relation to this matter. It is the truth of the charges—the slander, the vituperation, the villification which has been poured upon great men from the same course.

Sir, he is the accuser and the witness in relation to Mr. Webster. It becomes us, then, to know who the accuser is, and what is the character of the witness. He has brought us here, from the secret recesses of the State Department, certain memoranda, letters, and documents, and we are expected to take them on the credit of his veracity—his truthfulness—for no otherwise can we judge in relation to it. The President of the United States says the seal is too safe to allow him to break it, even upon the call of this House; and yet, with boldness that is unparalleled, the member from Pennsylvania stands up and says he has found out a way to get into these secret archives, and he comes here and asks us and the nation to believe he has told the truth in relation to this matter.

Now, what, then, says the accuser and the witness in this case? Why, on the 9^th of February, he made five or six specific charges against Mr. Webster. He charged him in the most imposing manner, and with a shake of the finger, and a solemn gravity that impress this House with the importance of his communication, with having written a letter marked “private” to the Governor of New York, with certain contents; with having sent it by express. And he said the next step taken by the administration, of which Mr. Webster was a member, was to procure to be employed, as counsel for McLeod, a gentleman who was lately removed from the office of district attorney in New York, and that a fee of five thousand dollars was put into his hands for that purpose.

Now, these were specific charges. All of them have been proved false. It is true that a private letter was sent; but not by express. Why, then, did the gentleman get up here and declare the circumstantial manner in which this letter was sent in order to make the House think it a matter of great importance?.

Mr. Ingersoll, (in his seat.) Did I say it was sent by express?

Mr. Ashmun. I think so.

Mr. Ingersoll. I remember I did not.

Mr. Ashmun, (continuing.) And when he says, with that child-like simplicity, that he never knew his truth called in question, that is an excellent consideration to be looked at in this connexion.

Well, he did state that a fee of 5,000 dollars had been put into the hands of the gentleman, late district attorney. Has that not been proved false?.

Mr. Ingersoll, (in his seat.) True.

Mr. Ashmun. “True!” Sir, there is not one word of truth in it. On the contrary, if the gentleman undertakes to bolster up his former statements by the evidence produced this morning, it entirely fails to show that any money was paid by the Administration as a fee for the counsel of McLeod.

Mr. Ingersoll was understood to say, that he had not said that it was paid by the Administration.

The Speaker Called Mr. I. To order for interruption.

Mr. Ashmun. I am not afraid of this interjectional conversation; for the more this matter is stirred, the more truth will be elicited.

The gentleman says he did not say that it was paid by the Administration. I put it to the honest sense of this House, if it was not so stated as to be understood that it was paid by the Administration?.

Mr. Ingersoll, (in his seat.) No.

Mr. Ashmun. I did not put it to you. I put it to the honest sense of this House.

Well, he says that a note was written by Mr. Webster to the Committee on Foreign Affairs, for a minister to go to Great Britain to settle the Oregon question. Well, if he did so, I think the 51 degrees 40 minutes men should be glad that he moved so early. But this is only important as to the matter of truth. Mr. Webster says that he did not send a note. It is true that a verbal communication with Mr. Adams, or Mr. Cushing, or both took place. So far I admit the statement, and give the member from Pennsylvania the credit of having told one truth in the whole. And it reminds me of an ancedone of an Indian, who came by a farmer’s house, desirous of getting something to drink. Knowing that the farmer was rather surly and tight-fisted, he told the farmer that he had just come by the bend of the b rook, where was a tree, and that a deer was feeding by that tree.—“and now, ” says he, “give me something to drink for this information.” The farmer now complied with his request, and was off with his rifle after the deer. He got there and found the tree, and the bend of the brook, but no deer.—Upon coming back he denounced the Indian for deceiving him. “Well, ” says the Indian, “did you not find a brook and a tree? Well, did I not tell you two truths to one lie?” Now the gentleman gets up here and says—although I know the word “lie is not parliamentary—.

Mr. B. Martin rose to a point of order.

Mr. Ashmun resumed. I did not intend to apply that term to the gentleman from Pennsylvania. His were mistakes and if he has one accuracy to five mistakes, it is doing pretty well.

Well, these charges were denounced as false, and proved, as I said, falst. There was no attempt on the part of the gentleman from Pennsylvania to prove them to be true; and the gentleman says under these circumstances he went to the State Department in search of further materials. Well, sir, it was very natural, if he had the free run of the State Department, that he should go there; that, following the bent of his inclination, he should get all the means in his power to traduce Mr. Webster.

But now the question comes before this House and the nation—and it is an important question in judging of the witness and the accuser—by what means, foul or fair—how has this pretended information been extracted from the secretary-chives of the State Department? Why, Sir, the House made a solemn call by a majority of this body upon the President to furnish this information from the State Department. The President of the United States, in a solemn message addressed to this House, refused to communicate the information. The President stated, that the laws and the Constitution, and the oath he had taken, imposed upon him a duty which forbade him to expose to any eye any thing contained in that Department. He said there was a seal of confidence upon it that he could not break; that this House could not require him to break, unless it was in a case of impeachment; and yet the member from Pennsylvania stands up here, with a boldness most admirable, and says he has been prowling there, that he knows what is there, and that he has got there all this information which he has communicated to this House. Now, I want to know how he got there. The President says there is a seal of obligation, of confidence, upon this Department. Who broke that seal? He exempts the Secretary of State and the President, he says. I exempt them. I have no idea that the honorable men had any thing to do with that transaction. Was it some underling in that Department, that has been a pander upon this occasion? If assisted by anybody, it must have been by an underling, for I say no honorable man would have any connection with the subject.—Who furnished him with a key? Or did he take one from his own picket? Or did he pick the lock to ascertain what was contained in the secret archives of the Department? Who was the guilty man? If the gentleman does not reveal him, the responsibility is upon him, (Mr. I.)—He broke into the State Department where he had no right to go—knowing that he had no right to go. Has there been anybody removed from office in the State Department for breach of confidence? Has the gentleman, as a member of the administration party communicated to the Executive the foul agent? No, he takes the responsibility; he chooses to shield the conspirator, if there is any; it is upon him. And he admits he has gone and broken in where the President says he had no right to go, and where this House has no right to go. Now the gentleman states, this morning, that these documents are in possession of one of the clerks of this Department.—Dare the gentleman rise in his place and state who that clerk is? Was it he?.

Well, the gentleman described to us how he “stumbled upon this information to his entire amazement.” And for my life, I could not bur think it was like a man who has feloniously broken into a house for one thing and stumbles upon another, and, after laying his hands upon all he can get, decamps and sets fire to the house. It did seem to me so stealthlike, groping about where he had no right to be, doing injury, and lighting upon information which he says surprised him.

I have something important (he continued) in relation to the character of the witness. Well, it is by these means he avows before the world he has procured the means of uttering this accusation against the distinguished Senator from Massachusetts. Now, in judging of the character of the witness and accuser, you must always take into consideration, to some extent, the position he has assumed upon the trial. He has brought against the Senator from Massachusetts four or five distinct specific allegations. Among others he has charged him with the personal use of the money of the people of the United States, and of being a defaulter while in office, and going out of office a defaulter.

Sir, the member from Pennsylvania is the last man, so far as the public records show, that I should suppose would have ventured upon stirring an inquiry into official peculations—the last man in this House. The records of Congress I should suppose would have stared him in the face, and have palsied his tongue, when he begins to speak of the personal use of the money of the people of the United States. Is it probable that for the purpose of withdrawing public attention from one state of things, this charge has been made upon another officer? Why, the member from Pennsylvania has held office under this government. He held it for a course of years, until he was turned our of office by President Jackson.—In the first month of his administration, he was turned out for official peculations and the use of the moneys of—.

[Several points of order were here raised—which, having been settled, Mr. Ashmun proceeded.].

I have just stated, Sir, in order that the House and the country might judge of the weight of the accusation and the testimony which is brought to sustain it, that the accuser himself was formerly a public officer; that on the accession of General Jackson to office on the 4^th of March, 1829, he was dismissed from that office; that he was dismissed for abuses in office connected with public moneys. We all know that when General Jackson came into office, one of the pledges he give us in his Inaugural Address was, that there were abuses which were to be reformed, and he considered himself pledged to reform them. This was on of the first acts of his Administration—to remove from office the District Attorney of the Easter District of Pennsylvania, on the ground which I have stated. Well, I hole in my hand the volume of Executive documents for 1839 and 1840, which contains the history of the transaction to which I allude. The gentleman was removed from office in March, or the 1^st of April, 1829; his term of office would expire in February, 1830; it had less than a year longer to run; and yet General Jackson, with that honest indignation which, whatever may have been his other faults, he had of all sorts of peculations, did not permit him to enjoy the remainder of the term. He removed him, and appointed in his stead Mr. Dallas. Dallas. And the official account was not closed; the balance of that account was not paid into the Treasury until 1839; nearly ten years after he was removed from office. Sir, in 1836, a suit was commenced against him; he had been reported as a defaulter to the department; he presented large and enormous charges to offset the balance against him, and they were disallowed by the accounting officers of the Treasury. A suit was commenced against him for some 37,000 dollars: dollars: he presented an account—an account which is presented in this document, of the most monstrous items that official eyes ever saw, and in that suit, in the year 1837, with the assistance of such means as he could get upon the spot in Pennsylvania, he so far reduced the claim of the Government, that judgment was rendered against him for 3,985 dollars and 78 cents—almost 4,000 dollars. That was about 1^st of May, 1837. A liquidated balance was then found by the Court of the United States for that amount, and yet it was not until the 19^th January, 1839, that the last amount of that indebtedness was paid into the Treasury of the United States nearly two years after that amount had been found by the jury, and judgment entered by the Court. The first payment was made in March, 1838, of 1,800 dollars, and on the 19^th January, 1839, (most two years after, ) the balance was paid.

Now, I say, if any gentlemen and all gentlemen will—I think the whole public ought to—investigate these accounts, they will find that he retained in his hands an immense amount of public money; that, when pressed to suit by the agents of the United States, he brought in an account composed of the most monstrous items as an offset; and that finally judgment of nearly four thousand dollars was found against him, and that judgment was not satisfied till two years afterwards. Well, how his account was made up tradition tells us somewhat—this document tells us somewhat. This is the certificate of Judge Hopkinson. Under the direction of the district attorney the grand jury returned 651 bills of indictment in a certain tea case—which was all one transaction. It arose upon two or three cargoes of tea that were delivered out in violation of the laws to A, B, C, &c. The district attorney was directed to prosecute them; and, instead of libelling them in one or two accounts, he libelled each package, having 651 bills of indictment issued out, on each of which he levied his charge of costs. Now, it may be said it was according to law; Judge Hopkinson certified this enormous amount, it was true, but he considered it was an unusual charge, as every lawyer knows. And it was a charge much greater than he was entitled to under the spirit of the law.—And, besides this, he brought in a charge for other services—for extra official services. And, after this amount was made up, judgment was rendered against him for nearly four thousand dollars in 1837, and it was not satisfied till March, 1837. I am reminded it is a fact, that the jury only allowed about one-fifth of the account presented.

Mr. J. R. Ingersoll interposed (Mr. Ashmun yielding the floor) and said: I regret the necessity which constrains me to take any part whatever in this proceeding. From the beginning it has been to me a cause of much pain; and I have carefully refrained from everything in connexion with it, except when duty has required that I should give a vote. I have voted, and I have done no more. In relation to the particular statement now made, I am not at liberty to preserve silence. Thus far the controversy has been one in which my feelings of affectionate relationship were alone concerned. A different situation is now created. I was counsel for the district attorney in the suit with the U. States. On the trial of the cause, I was his only counsel. I know, Mr. Speaker—I well know—the facts connected with the case. They were such as did not, for a moment, that I have ever heard, excite a suspicion of official or personal delinquency on the part of the individual concerned in them. He had lone held the office of district attorney. Very large sums of money had, during a course of years, passed through his hands. It was interesting to himself, and, as might have been supposed, it was scarcely less interesting to the government that his accounts should be settled. He endeavored repeatedly, and for a length of time, to bring about a settlement. His efforts were fruitless. No adjustment was made. He could not, in the nature of the thing, bring suit against the Government, or otherwise compel what he so much desired, and so anxiously sought. He, therefore, with the advice of counsel, gave notice to the proper department that he had some funds in his hands, and that he would require suit to be brought against him as the only means of effecting a full and final settlement, and that in the mean time the fund should be invested for the benefit of the United States. Suit was brought. An account of items was exhibited, amounting to more than a million of dollars, which had been officially required to exhibit voucher for the payment of them to the proper authority. He did so with entire clearness, and to the satisfaction of the judge and jury. A balance of between three and four thousand dollars remained, and a verdict was found accordingly. The conduct of the district attorney during the whole transaction was, in my estimation, perfectly honorable, and I have never, that I recollect, until this moment, heard a suggestion from any quarter to the contrary.

It has been in a collateral manner only—one known especially to myself—that I have felt myself at liberty, and under an obligation, to interpose. It is my intention, from motives that will meet with unhesitating response—motives of peculiar delicacy—to refrain as much as possible in the future, as I have done in the past, from taking any part in this controversy.

Mr. Ashmun resumed. I yielded with the utmost cheerfulness to the gentleman from Pennsylvania, whose near relation to the other gentleman from Pennsylvania entitles him to be heard, and whose high and honorable character entitles him to belief, as far as he states facts. So far as his opinions may be influenced by the delicate position in which he stands to the other gentleman, I leave for the House to decide.

But, in relation to these facts, I agree that the gentleman from Pennsylvania did urge time and again a settlement—a suit to be commenced—and, when that suit was commenced, its result was, that judgment was rendered against him for nearly 4,000 dollars, and that balance was not paid up until two years afterwards. The gentleman says, in his opinion, his whole course was highly honorable. I leave it for the House, for the world, to judge in relation to his bringing 651 cases out of one transaction—out of which he sought to accumulate a monstrous amount as an offset to the charges of the treasury against him.

Mr. C. J. Ingersoll (in his seat.) Did you read the printed testimony in that document? document? Mr. Ashmun. It is of two students in the district attorney’s office. office. A certificate furnished years afterwards by the foreman of the grand jury. Did not every lawyer know that the grand jury were directed, instructed, counselled in their course by the advice of the district attorney?.

But I leave this matter, with the facts of the gentleman from Pennsylvania, which are all true, and with the opinions he has pronounced; and I ask the House and the world to pronounce upon these facts. Sir, for what was it that on the immediate accession of General Jackson to office, this district attorney was tumbled head and heels out of office? Gen. Jackson scented it out; his keen sagacity hit upon it, and he was immediately displaced.

Well, now, under such circumstances, and from such a source, these charges come. What are the charges? Charges of peculation—charges upon Mr. Webster of the personal use of this fund. Now, no proof has been produced to sustain the truth of his charge. charge. It has not been sustained by one particle of evidence that the gentleman has undertaken to state to the House, that that secret service fund was taken possession of by Mr. Webster. The House knows that it is utterly impossible, that it cannot be true; that that fund is under the direction and control of the President, and can only be obtained on the certificate of the President, and when I saw the little by play by which the gentleman from Virginia [Mr. Bayly] called upon the gentleman from Pennsylvania to exempt Mr. Tyler from any connexion with this transaction, I understood it perfectly well, and I know equally well that Mr. Tyler has said, and now says, that not one dollar was expended but under his direction. And I know, further, the insidious efforts that have been resorted to, to get Mr. Tyler to take ground on this subject against Mr. Webster.

Mr. C. J. Ingersoll. By me?.

Mr. Ashmun. Yes.

Mr. Ingersoll. It is utterly false.

The Speaker rapped to order.

Mr. Ingersoll (still standing and continuing his sentence.) It is a lie; the lie of a coward.

Mr. Ashmun (resuming.) Yes, the aged Pennsylvanian—.

Mr. Ingersoll (interposing.) I am quite young enough.

Mr. Ashmun. Yes; the aged Pennsylvanian comes here to use language towards me which he supposes can provoke a personal conflict. I come from a section of country where they neither believe in duelling, bowie-knives, nor pistols. We are neither afraid of them nor do we use them.

Mr. C. J. Ingersoll (in his seat.) Nor of getting drunk?.

Mr. Ashmun (continuing.) The member from Pennsylvania supposed by using that phrase he would disturb my equanimity. If he chooses to try whether I am afraid, let him try and he will find out.

I stated that insidious efforts have been made to induce Mr. Tyler to take ground on this subject against Mr. Webster. I believe when the gentleman first found he was to be disappointed in the proof, that efforts were made by him, or at least with his connivance, for this purpose. And it has been stated in the public papers that certain gentlemen were requested to do so. I will not vouch for all that is said in the papers; but when I have seen the means resorted to—that the secret archives of the Government have been broken into for obtaining the means of detraction, I am at liberty to state all I know in relation to other efforts.

I come back, Mr. Speaker, to the charge that Mr. Webster has used the public funds. The gentleman says seventeen thousand dollars.—Where is the proof? It rests entirely upon the gentleman from Pennsylvania. Pennsylvania. He says he has obtained it; and in so saying, he admits his own shame; that he has been were he has no right to be. He professed to read what he called a letter. How much of that was his own comments, and how much the true letter we do not know.—It purports to be fore the corruption of the press.—Well, I beg the gentleman to answer how much money it will take to buy up the Democratic press of Maine. Even if a thousand or two of dollars had been used by Mr. Tyler and Mr. Webster for the purpose of circulating information among the people of Maine, so as to bring them to agree upon a conventional boundary, of the justice of which they were satisfied, Mr. A. considered it no worse than the giving the public printing to editors of the political press. But was this corrupting the public press? It is all idle, said he. There is not the slightest evidence of it, except the mere statement of the member from Pennsylvania. How much that is worth, I leave the House to decide.

Sir, this embraces substantially all the charges made by the member. It have not time to go more particularly into details. He has again written a communication on this subject, which will probably receive notice elsewhere. I have said all I intended to say. I have endeavored to discharge what I conceive to be my duty—to hold up this odious slander before the community for their disgust and their contempt. And although I know, until humanity is somewhat purified, there will be some that will countenance the member from Pennsylvania in the alrocious vilification he has pursued, yet I do believe that men of all parties—gentlemen of honor—high-minded gentlemen who hold the character of our public men to be part of the public property, will do full justice to all parties in relation to this accusation; that they will fix upon its author the mark of reprobation and condemnation which will stand uneffaced until repentance—long, deep and sincere—shall have claimed mercy for him.

Mr. Schenck offers the following resolution;.

Whereas this House, on the 9^th day of April instant, passed a resolution, which is in the words and terms following: “Resolved, That the President of the United States be requested to cause to be furnished to this House an account of all payments made on President’s certificates from the fund appropriated by law through the agency of the State Department, for the contingent expenses of foreign intercourse since the 4^th day of March, 1841, until the retirement of Daniel Webster, from the Department of State, with copies of all entries, letters, receipts, vouchers, memorandums, or other evidence of such payments, to whom paid, for what, and particularly all concerning the North Eastern Boundary dispute with Great Britain. Also copies of whatever communications were made from the Secretary of State during the last session of the 27^th Congress, particularly February, 1843, to Mr. Cushing and Mr. Adams, members of the Committee of this House on Foreign Affairs, of the wish of the President of the United States to institute a special mission to Great Britain. Also copies of all letters on the books of the Department of State to any officer of the United States, or any person in New York, concerning Alexander McLeod.Provided that no document or matter is requested to be furnished by the foregoing resolution, which, in the opinion of the President, would improperly involve the citizen or subject of any foreign power, ” which said resolution was communicated to the President of the United States: And whereas, the President, on the 20^th day of April instant, communicated to this House his reply to said resolution, In which he declined to disclose, or furnish any information in regard to the expenditure of the secret service fund, assigning, among other reasons, the following: that if the President may answer the present call, he must answer similar calls for every such expenditure of a confidential character, made under every Administration, in war and in peace, from the organization of the Government to the present period; that to break the seal of confidence imposed by law, and heretofore uniformly preserved, would be subversive of the very purpose for which the law was enacted, and might be productive of the most disastrous consequences, and that the expenditures of this confidential character, it is believed, were never before sought to be made public, and he should greatly apprehend the consequences of establishing a precedent which would render such disclosures thereafter inevitable.

And whereas Charles Jared Ingersoll, a member of this House, and one of the representatives from the State of Pennsylvania, has this day declared to this House, in his place here, that he is in possession of, or has had access to, the information in relation to the expenditure of the secret service fund which was asked for in said resolution, and refused to the House, or of some portion thereof, with proof and documents in relation thereto, and has disclosed the same to the House and to the public, and the said Ingersoll avers that he found or procured the said information from the Department of State, therefore.

Resolved, That a Select Committee of five members to be appointed to inquire how the seal of confidence imposed by law, heretofore uniformly preserved in relation to the expenditure of said secret fund, has come to be broken; and how the said Charles J. Ingersoll has obtained the information which he has communicated to this House and to the public, and through whose agency such information has been procured; whether by the act of said Ingersoll himself, or by any officer of any department of this Government: And if by a member, then, whether he does not deserve, by such conduct, punishment by the House, and whether in such transaction there has not been an offence committed against the dignity and privileges of the House: And that the said Committee have power to send for persons and papers; and the they report to the House as soon as practicable the result of their investigation.

Mr. Pettit moved to amend the resolution by adding thereto the following:

“And that another select committee of five be appointed, to inquire into the truth of the charges this day made in this House by Mr. C. J. Ingersoll against Mr. Daniel Webster, with a view to founding an impeachment against said Daniel Webster; and that said committee have power to send for persons and papers, books and vouchers.”.

Mr. Pettit’s amendment was agreed to, and the resolution adopted—so that two select committees will have to be appointed.
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RE46v43i1p1c6, May 1, 1846: Thursday Morning, April 30, 1846.

The Whig papers, aroused by the unexpected gains in a number of Democratic counties, and our divisions, raise the cry that the Whigs have gained ground, and the Democratic party is losing the confidence of the people—that Mr. Polk’s course on the Oregon question, the proposed modification of the Tariff, and Sub-treasury, have operated upon the public mind of Virginia, and produced a reaction.

The reverse may justly be said to be the case. It is not our weakness, but our strength, which has perilled our success. In November, 1844, the Democracy swept the State so victoriously—last Spring, they wrested from the Whigs so many doubtful counties, that they were tempted to try experiments with their luck. Instead of organizing and concentrating their strength upon single candidates in the Northwest, they divided their votes upon several candidates, and the most thorough Democratic counties will have the mortification to be misrepresented by Whigs. Aided by these foolish antics in our ranks, and by the double-voting which has secured them several counties, the Whigs have run us much closer than they themselves had any idea of, or than we expected—for we have, all along, feared the effects of a want of concentration, especially in the West. The Whig paper in Raleigh, referring to the Virginia Elections, said it expected a defeat, for Virginia had never “gone right, ” (that is, voted for the Whigs, ) save “by accident.” It was this “accident” alone that we feared. feared. We felt, and we now feel, that Virginia is more strongly Democratic than ever. At the late elections, had the parties been fairly arrayed against one another, even with the disadvantage of double votes and the general apathy, we should have carried the Legislature by as large a majority as last year. Eastern Virginia has done her duty. It is in the North-west that we have lost so many counties, because our friends were so strong, that they cut up their forces, and were captured by the enemy. They have learned a lesson, we hope, which will cause them hereafter to act with an unbroken front. In that case, they are invincible.
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RE46v43i1p2c2, May 1, 1846: To the Hon. EDWARD BURLESON, President of the Senate of the State of Texas:

SIR—I cannot leave the seat of Government of your State, without returning my most grateful and respectful acknowledgments to the body over which you preside, for the very distinguished honor they have done me, by adopting with an unanimity which greatly enhances its value, a resolution expressive of the gratitude of the people of Texas for my early friendship to the country, my defence of the character of its people in the Legislature of South Carolina, and (as the Senate is pleased to say, ) for my ability and success in procuring a recognition of your independence by some of the principal powers of Europe.

With whatever ability my negotiations may have been conducted, I will not be guilty of the absurd affectation of saying that I do not feel that I have a just claim to the residue of the applause which you have so generously accorded. Yes, sir, I was your early and fast friend when you Star rose over the surface of these verdant prairies, full of the light reflected from your arms.—South Carolina had just emerged out of the fearless struggle, which single-handed she waged, against the whole Union, in defence of the Constitution of the United States, as expounded by him who drew the Declaration of Independence, and those principles of free trade which are at once the vital element and just reward of human industry.

I confess that I flung myself, without scarcely a moment’s relaxation, from the toils of a distinguished post, which I had occupied in my own State, with an irrepressible enthusiasm in your cause. Independently of the just sympathy I felt in your heroic struggle, I could not but venture to anticipate that what we had contended for in South Carolina was to be realized in the auspicious fortunes which were dawning on your country.

My purse, pen and tongue, in the exercise of all the faculty of speech with which God had endowed me, were dedicated to your service. My arm would not have been wanting (feeble as it may have been) if the reapers whom you sent down to the harvest of death, at San Jaeinto, had left a single enemy to subdue or a single garland to be won. But valor had left nothing for ambition to glean.

Of the events connected with my civil and foreign services to the late Republic, I am admonished both of the propriety and delicacy of my being brief. Such as they were, they were rendered with fidelity and zeal. The recognition of your independence by Great Britain gave you the sovereign faculty of making the compact of annexation which you have consummated with the Government of the United States. You, are, doubtless, aware that many millions of your pubic domain had been mortgaged by the Government of Mexico to the British bond holders; and but for the recognition of Great Britain ofd your power in contract treaties and form alliances, some very delicate questions might have risen, or some new or complicated points of public law, which the sword alone could have solved.

And here you will permit me to offer some explanation of an apparent inconsistency that I, who had been so strenuous an advocate for the recognition of your sovereignty and independence by other nations, should subsequently have been an ardent champion for their being merged (at lease in a qualified sense) in the government of this confederacy.

I have never had an opportunity of giving this explanation. I will now do it briefly and explicitly. On my visit to Europe in 1842, after I had ceased to have any official connexion with your Government, I satisfied myself, from the course of public opinion there, that Texas, independent, would soon become the fulcrum on which the lever of European politics would be planted; that our of the Union the vast preponderance of European emigrants coming into her territory would separate her in sympathy and affection from the people of the United States; that in less than a quarter of a century, her interests would be played against those of our now common country, and that she would soon become the Flanders of the North American States, at once an object and theatre for the struggles, ambition and policy of other States. On my return from Europe, passing through Washington in the autumn of 1842, I communicated these views to President Tyler, and found they had been anticipated by his own patriotism, sagacity and just ambition. Now that annexation has been consummated, and the grave has closed over the bright and unfinished labors of the lamented and highly gifted Upshur, I may say, without violating the semblance of confidence, that my private correspondence with the gentleman on this subject, would more entirely sustain the opinions which I have thus ventured to give you a hasty sketch. These opinions may not have belonged to the comprehensive views of a statesman, who looks far into futurity, but I believe they will find a response in every American bosom.

In reference to the subject of my pecuniary negotiations for your Government, I have but a few words to say: Money is undoubtedly a very pleasant thing to possess, but it is rather a stale and flat subject to write about. It is sufficient to say, that I never negotiated a loan for your, except at par, when your paper was at a heavy discount in the stock market of the United States, and what is far better, I have, in obedience to your order filed my accounts with the Comptroller of your Treasury, accounting for every farthing I ever received. My contract with Messr. Laffite & Co. of Paris, in 1841, has been grossly misrepresented by those who never read that contract. contract. It was a financial projet, drawn, as I have reason to believe, out by James Laffite, that valiant champion of liberty, and distinguished Banker, to convert, eventually, 37 millions of money certificates into land warrants, at seven francs per acre. This measure was defeated by the perfidy and injustice of the French Minister of Finance, without, as I have the best reasons to think, consulting his Government, and I believe, with the regret of the enlightened King of the French, and his highly accomplished Minister of Foreign Affairs, M. Guizot, of whom nothing more need be said, than that his great public and private virtues are on a level wit his distinguished genius. But enough of this subject.

It has given me infinite pain to appear before your Legislature, holding and representing, as I do, large claims against your Government. In reference to the former, if the interests of others were not involved, I do not know that, in the self-sacrificing affection of my children, I would not have found a justification so entirely in harmony with my own inclination in abstaining from presenting them. But in reference to the claims of others, whom I induced, in the darkest hours of your fortunes, to adventure their money in your service, I have a higher duty to perform—a duty which I could not neglect, without infidelity to them and dishonor to myself.

That Texas has both the willingness and the ability to pay every debt, which a fair and equitable examination can be justly brought against her, cannot be doubted by those who have any knowledge of her intelligent population and of her public resources; and as the best means of meeting the legitimate demands of her creditors, permit me (who like yourselves is a land holder, free holder and tax payer in Texas) to suggest the policy of transferring your public lands to the Government of the United States upon such terms as would place the character and credit of your State upon lofty grounds, and secure to her an immediate prosperity. The public domain now an inert mass, far too unwieldy for your State Government to handle, would become, under such arrangement, a source of value and beneficent usefulness to yourselves and the whole Union.—Their purchase by the United States, is a great measure of national policy, which has no more to do with the assumption of State debts than the purchase of Louisiana from France, necessarily involved an assumption of her revolutionary assignats.

It is Wholly immaterial what ordinances of annexation the United States may have passed, they cannot take your Custom Houses, appropriate to themselves its revenues, with all the attributes which belong to the sovereign faculty of indirect taxation, without providing for debts, for which those very revenues were pledged; when, therefore, you propose to surrender your domain for the purpose of paying your public debt, you make a gratuitous concession to the sacred object of your public faith equally creditable to your honor and integrity.

With a renewed assurance of my gratitude to your honorable body for the distinguished compliment they have paid—I am, with greatest respect, your ob’t serv’t, JAMES HAMILTON.
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RE46v43i1p2c4, May 1, 1846: FURTHER ITEMS BY THE GREAT WESTERN.

Excitement with regard to the Oregon question seems in a great measure to have passed away.

The news from the Continent is not important.

In Persia the cholera is raging with devastating effect.

PARLIAMENTARY. Three months have nearly elapsed since the tariff was introduced, and the measure still lingers in the House of Commons. It was vehemently opposed on its introduction by the enemies of free trade, and respective of extraneous delays, the protectionists showed anxiety enough to procrastinate its final triumph.

The fight about the tariff ceased, and the still more fierce wrangle about the “Curfew Bill” commenced. In this humor the House separated, ready, with renewed ardor, to begin the conflict when it meets again. Sir Robert Peel states that the Irish Bill will be taken up again on the re-assembling of Parliament, and passed to a first reading.

Arrived at that stage, the Corn Bill, which stands committed to Monday week, will be once more on the tapis, , pressed to a third reading, and sent to the House of Lords for acceptance or rejection. Had it not been for the fastidious deterence to the Peers, which induced Sir Robert to shelve his pet measure of Commercial Reform, for the purpose of discussing the odious Coercion Bill, the former healing measure would, ere this, have passed through its legislative formulas in the lower House, and the Peers would have been in a position to say aye or not to it.

ENGLAND AND THE UNITED STATES.

We repeat most emphatically that the only line of conduct to be feared by England is the plausibilities involved in the laissez aller system. The clear perception of this has made us true prophets, and Mr. Calhoun a formidable antagonist.

It is the right policy for America. It was so from the first. It was only exceptionable on the score of its being unintelligible. unintelligible. When first promulgated the feelings of the people and the prejudices of the people were against it. The North was distrustful, the West ambitious. A change has since come upon them. Action has engendered re-action—that is one thing. Free Tariffs have engendered commercial interests—that is another.

The true appreciation of the apparently pacific position of England has engendered a valuation of the chances of war, as well as of the blessings of peace—this is the third and best point.—One with another, these elements in American calculation are beginning to make Mr. Calhoun intelligible, even in Ohio and Missouri.

The only policy formidable to England is Mr. Calhoun’s; and it is formidable simply because it encourages the natural nonchalance of Great Britain. The Hudson’s Bay Company is a strong company; so strong that it consists of the stronger sex only.

The American squatter takes his wife with him. The child follows. The different character of the immigration will make all the difference ten years hence.—Leave it till then. So says Mr. Calhoun; and for a Malthusian American he says rightly.

The sine die policy is Mr. Calhoun’s. Can we in England meet it? At present we are the strongest within the Oregon; or, illustrating the distinction within rules, the constabulary is stronger than the thievedom.

But let the thieves multiply—what will happen then? Just what Mr. Calhous reckons on—an unequal battle ten years hence. The sinc die doctrine, if ever admitted in England, must be met with an antagonistic one—thepari passu policy. What they do in the way of immigration, let us do likewise.

The 54-40 doctrine is a mere stalking-horse.Facilis descensus—it is an imaginary point of right, created for the occasion of making the appearance of a descent. By letting themselves down from a fictitious position, the Americans take the credit of making concessions.

Mr. Calhoun’s speech has had the effect of reducing the question to it generalities. The sense of the country, (so says the press, ) “will be taken upon the latitudes 49 and 54 40.” Latitude enough. On the question itself, however, there is no sense to be taken.

Pending, however, the processes of reasoning, which the country undergoes in making up its mind between the two parallels, (between the impossible whole and the equitable half) negotiations are to cease. So much the better, always assuming the pari passu system on the side of England.00[Morning Chronicle.
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RE46v43i1p2c4, May 1, 1846: OREGON.

The article in the last number of the Quarterly Review, on the subject of Oregon, is beginning to attract attention, now that the hubbub, arising out of the Indian victories, is fast subsiding. The gist of the article is to promote a compromise, and the reviewer would be content with the 49^th parallel.

We have contended from the first that any fair settlement of the dispute would be hailed with avidity by the English people, in order to avoid the horrible consequences which an appeal to force would produce; and the semi-official character of the article to which we allude, embodying the feelings of the great Conservative party on the subject, is confirmatory of our views.

The arrival at Havre with New York papers to the 18^th ult., brings the debates in Congress, on this subject, three weeks later than the previous packet. The ultra Oregon men appear to be losing ground, and the g general feeling of the country, as well as of Congress, leaves little to apprehend now from belligerent results. Indeed, it is generally believed here that the dispute is virtually settled. We sincerely hope that this is not an assumption, but a fact. fact.Wilmer & Smith’s European Times.
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RE46v43i1p2c3, May 1, 1846. [Correspondence of the N. Y. Journal of Commerce.] WASHINGTON, Saturday, April 25.

It will be the fault of the British Government, if a treaty be not made on the Oregon question in sixty days from this time. If it is wise, it will avail itself of the ebb tide here, and offer terms at once, while they can be accepted. Whatever terms may be offered, the President will submit for the advice of the Senate. If they are too exacting, the Senate will show an undivided front in opposition to it; and, after that, there will be but one party to the question in this country.

If the British Government wait, after the Notice, for the action of Congress on the Oregon bill—if, for any reason, they continue their reserve, they may lose the opportunity of a pacific and liberal adjustment. The present unexpectedly moderate policy and measure of the Senate, on this subject, cannot be expected to continue beyond the present session. The temper of the people would not permit it.

The Senate would now undoubtedly advise that the country be divided by forty-nine and the Straits of Fuca; and they might even be willing to consent to concede to Great Britain the navigation of the Columbia river for half a century.

There are some reasons, as it is understood, for the opinion that the British Government will make an overture, or accept one of a reasonable kind.

The President, it is understood, will send out the Notice by the packet of the 1^st of May. He will not make an overture, but he will accompany it with an expression of his wish for an amicable and speedy adjustment of the question, repeating, perhaps, the assurance on that subject which he gave through Mr. Buchanan, in the last correspondence with the British Minister.
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RE46v43i1p3c2, May 1, 1846: From the N. Y.Journal of Commerce of Wednesday.

THE OREGON CONTROVERSY SETTLED.
By Last Evening’s Mail.

By last night’s mail we received no New York papers, but find the following in a P. S. of yesterday’s Baltimore American. While we do not put great confidence in its statements, we learn from Washington that the news by the Great Western is regarded as pacific. We give it for what it is worth—expressing our surprise that the Journal of Commerce, generally a coop paper, should speak with so much warmth and confidence. There may be some probability of the prospective realization of the settlement described:

Letters by the Great Western, from high sources, say that the Oregon question is settled, and give the details, viz: latitude 49 to the Straits of Fuca, and thence through said Straits to the Pacific, leaving the whole of Vancouver’s Island to Great Britain, the navigation of the Columbia for a term of years, &c. We understand the fact to be, that the arrangement made through the medium of several gentlemen in Washington, and which we announced perhaps two months ago, but which was retarded by the uncourteous manner in which the offer of arbitration was rejected, has now been recognized and confirmed. The forms of diplomacy will be gone through with at Washington, as we presume—for the formal negotiation has never by our Government been committed to Mr. McLane, though the generous confidence existing between him and Lord Aberdeen has doubtless enabled him to render important aid in bringing the controversy to a favorable issue.

The President, we have reason to know, is ready and will be prompt to accept the terms stated above, and the Senate not less prompt in confirming what he does. Let the dogs of war bawl and go to 54 40—the prey has escaped them. The “national heart” needs not now to “be prepared for war.”.

The paragraph from a Liverpool paper of the 11^th, mentions the above intelligence as having been rumored on Change, but does not speak confidently of its correctness. Our regular correspondent writes us, under date of the 10t^hinstant, that the war party in England, as well as here, was completely down; but he does not appear to have been aware that the terms of an arrangement had been agreed on.
[BWP]

RE46v43i1p3c2, May 1, 1846: TWENTY-NINTH CONGRESS. Wednesday, April 29. SENATE.

A communication was received from the Secretary of War, transmitting the information recently called for, in relation to the copper mines on Lake Superior.

Mr. Jarnagin, in pursuance of notice, introduced his joint resolution to establish a home board to adjust the claims of our citizens against Mexico. It was referred to the Committee on Foreign Relations.

The preamble to the resolution, after setting forth the conduct of Mexico, says that our Government has now no other alternative but to make a peremptory demand for settlement.

On motion of Mr. Morehead, the Committee on the Library was instructed to inquire into the expediency of distributing the copies of the American Archives belonging to the Government among the Literary Institutions of the country.

The Senate then took up the bill granting alternate sections of the public domain to aid in the completion of certain works of Internal Improvement in the State of Michigan.

Mr. Calhoun said it was not only the right, but the duty of the Government to afford aid to works running through the public lands, by which the value of those lands would be enhanced.

Mr. Niles opposed the bill and expressed his surprise at the new doctrine to which the Senator from South Carolina had so recently become a convert.

Mr. Calhoun denied that he had become a recent convert to any new doctrine, but that he had acted upon the principles he now declared upon many occasions.

The debate was continued by Messrs. Cass, Niles, Breese, Westcott, Archer, J. M. Clayton, Woodbridge, and Benton.

The bill was then ordered to be engrossed and read a third time.

Mr. Speight gave notice that he should offer a bill of a similar nature to-morrow.

The Senate then adjourned.
[BWP]

RE46v43i1p3c2, May 1, 1846: HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.

The House went into Committee of the Whole, Mr. Burt of S. C. in the Chair, and resumed the consideration of the bill to establish the “Smithsonian Institution.”

Mr. Hamlin, of Me., addressed the Committee in favor of the bill, and in opposition to the substitute offered by Mr. Adams. He had no doubt about the constitutional power of Congress to accept the trust, and he hoped the present opportunity would not be suffered to pass, without some steps being taken to carry into effect the expressed design of the testator. Mr. H. contended that the money should properly be considered in the Treasury, and that it could not rightfully be any where else. He suggested some modifications of the bill, but would support any measure that would give a start to the noble design of Mr. Smithson.

The debate was continue by Messrs. Wood of N.Y., Giles of Md., and Wick of Ia., until the expiration of the hour, when the Committee proceeded to vote upon the various amendments which had been offered.

After spending some three hours in acting upon the amendments, the Committee finally adopted a substitute for the whole bill, proposed on the 21^st inst. By Mr. Hough of N.J., with some modifications, and reported the same to the House.

The bill as amended was then passed—yeas 85, nays 76.

The House then adjourned.
[BWP]

RE46v43i1p4c3, May 1, 1846: No title.

In order to bring about a perfect and secure confidence of a speedy settlement of the Oregon question, the N. Y. Evening Post suggests that the Government should “despatch to England some able man enjoying the confidence of the country, such a clear-headed, persuasive and universally acceptable envoy, for example, as Silas Wright, charged with the mission of adjusting the dispute on such a basis as would be satisfactory to the mass of the American people.” The same paper makes the following additional remarks. While we would perhaps go with the writer in allowing to British subjects certain commercial privileges for a term of years, we cannot see the propriety or the necessity of our Government making the first overture. The British Government must be satisfied, through the representations of Mr. Pakenham, that no party in this country would consent to a surrender of an inch of territory South of the 49^th degree. On this platform the most fiery advocate of war and the most timid friend of peace, stand, side by side, ready to draw the sword, rather than yield an inch farther. The declarations of the British press indicate that Great Britain is willing to take the first step in the renewed negotiation. She knows our views, and will probably tender such terms as she thinks we can honorably accept. Our position will be sensibly weakened, if, under the circumstances, we exhibit too anxious a desire to settle the question, by making the first offer. The giving the “notice, ” will be evidence, strong enough, that we wish a speedy and amicable adjustment. That step taken by us, the first offer will come with propriety from Great Britain:

“The notice will, we suppose, be given promptly. The President has the consent of the Senate, that the time and expediency of giving the notice shall be left to his discretion, and the desire of the House of Representatives, a body in closer relation to public opinion than the Senate, has been expressed by its vote that he should give it immediately.

“The giving of the notice will make an early adjustment of the dispute necessary. For that purpose, negotiations must be renewed, and it matters very little from whom the first overtures come. Nor is it necessary, in our view, that the settlement of this dispute should be made to depend merely on the right of territory. The Hudson’s Bay Company has drawn from their trade in furs, now carried on in Oregon, a prodigious revenue, the desire to retain which perhaps, as much as any other cause, has made Britain slow to consent even to a partition of the territory. But this trade must gradually decline, and in a few years come to an end, as the animals who are hunted for their furs decrease in number. It is probable that if we were to allow British subjects certain commercial rights in the territory for a term of years, the difficulties in the way of a settlement would be considerably diminished.

“This view of the matter might furnish, we venture to suggest, an opportunity on our part of re-opening the negociations, without receding one inch from the ground our Government has taken. That the British Government does not desire to go to war with us for Oregon, is manifest enough, not merely to those who reflect on the consequences of such a step to herself, but to those who have observed the manner in which the subject is treated in quarters, to which we look for an indication of the intentions of that Government. A certain amount of bluster and insolence must always be expected in British journals, whenever there is any collision of interests, apparent or real, between their own country and any other; but from this, no inference can well be drawn, one way or the other. But the article in the Quarterly Review, to which we alluded the other day, as well as other indications, seems to show that the British Government is no3w prepared to assent to a settlement of the dispute, on terms considerably short of its previous demands.”[BWP]

The following is the substance of a report made by the Select Committee of the House of Representatives of the Texas Legislature, on the subject of the public debts and public lands of Texas. It had not been finally acted upon, and was expected to produce a violent discussion. It is said that Gen. J. Hamilton has recommended the measure:

Resolved, That our delegation in Congress be requested, and authorized forthwith, to open a negotiation with the Government of the United States, in such form as they may think fit, for the cession of the public lands of Texas to the United States, for an adequate consideration, to enable Texas to pay her public debt; and negotiation to be subject to the ratification of the Legislature of the State of Texas, according to the ordinary forms of legislation.

The following are the classes of debts incurred by the Republic of Texas, included in the bill to be entitled, “An act to ascertain and establish the public debt, and to define how the same is to be paid.”.

1. All bonds issued by her authority, for which she received par in gold and silver, or its equivalent, together with the interest stipulated to be paid on the face of the bonds, shall be paid at par.

2. All bonds issued under special contract for munitions of war, vessels of war, and naval supplies, which continue in first hands, or have not been assigned at a discount, shall be paid at---with the interest stipulated on the face of the bonds, at whatever rate they might have been taken, provided such bonds can be traced to have originated under such special contract, and can be clearly authenticated and identified.

3. The bonds of the Consolidated Fund of Texas, having been funded when the Treasury notes and audited papers were at an average of less than 33 ½ cents on the dollar, shall be paid at 33 ½ cents on the dollar, with the interest on the same stipulated to be paid on the face of the bonds from the date of said bonds to the day of payment.

4. All other certificates of stock under the seal of the Treasury, shall be paid at 30 cents on the dollar, with interest from the date of issue to the date of payment.

5. The average value of Treasury notes and 8 per cent bonds, having been from the date of their issue less than 25 cents on the dollar, they shall be paid at 25 cents on the dollar, with the interest called for on their face; and when no interest is stipulated to be paid on the promissory notes, then with five per cent interest from the 1^st of Feb’y, 1842, to the day of payment.

6. All audited certificates issued by the Republic for public service or supplies at par, shall be paid at par with interest at five per cent per annum from date; and all issued at less than par at the rate at which they were issued with similar interest.

7. All debts or open accounts charged at par, for services or supplies, ascertained and declared valid by law, shall be paid at par, with an interest of five per cent, or if charged at the rates of paper currency, shall be paid at the par rates equivalent.
[BWP]

RE46v43i1p4c3, May 1, 1846: MEXICO AND THE U. STATES.

The Mexican artillery is of a very poor description, it is said, and they have no field train. It appears that shortly after Gen. Taylor pitched his camp, a battery was with much labor constructed commanding it. Our gallant countryman quietly looked on, until all was finished when he quietly struck his tents and removed his camp a little further up the river, quite out of range of the Mexican battery, which is therefore entirely useless. This is the explanation of the story regarding Gen. Taylor’s moving away from the vicinity of the Mexican army, which went the rounds of the appears a week or so back.
[BWP]

To the Editors of the Enquirer:
NEW ORLEANS, 5½ o’clock. P.M. April 20, 1846.

The long agony is over—It has come at last. War is declared by Mexico, and her ports are blockaded by our fleet.

This morning about 6 o’clock, while the steam boat Alabama, from Galveston, was lying off the Balize waiting for a pilot, the United States steamer Col. Harney, direct from “Brassos St. Jago” came along side, and reported the above news. The Harney doubtless has despatches for our government, and will reach here probably to-night, or in time in the morning for slips to be sent off by the 11 o’clock mail. But as she may be detained by fogs or some other cause, I shall forward this. The city is in a state of great excitement, and the fever is getting up to “54 40.”—Perhaps by the morning it may be beyond that point. I write in great haste. Yours, &c. J. A. P.

April 21.—The “Harney” arrived last night, and I send you the “Delta: containing the news brought by her. It does not fully confirm the report as annexed. I also send you the Galveston Gazette, of the 18^th. Yours, Yours, J. A. P.
[BWP]

RE46v43i1p4c3, May 1, 1846: UNITED STATES AND MEXICO.

[From the N. O. Delta, April 21.]

War Rumor—News from the Army—Later from Mexico—Warlike Tone of the Press, etc.

FROM MATAMORAS—The Army—The schr.Wm. C. Preston, Capt. Taylor, left Matamoras on the 3d. inst. Capt. T. reports that Gen. Ampudia arrived at Matamoras, at the head of 3000 troops, on the 28^th ult., from Monterey; and that volunteers continued to be brought in daily in small numbers.

Gen. Taylor was encamped opposite Matamoras, and it is said has full possession of the two ferries on the west bank of the river, running to the city.

The Mexican forces at Matamoras number about 4000 men. Capt. T. reports that the difficulties between the two countries had been amicably settled. They had not yet heard at Matamoras of the departure of Mr. Slidell.
[BWP]

RE46v43i1p4c3, May 1, 1846: STILL LATER—IMPORTANT!.

The Galveston News, speaking of the proclamation of the Mexican General Mejia, says;--“Capt. Foster, of the Woodbury, informed us that this warlike document was sent by a messenger to Gen. Taylor when he was within a few miles of the Rio Grande. Upon reading it Gen. T. threw it back to the messenger, saying that he might tell Gen. Mejia, in answer, that his army would encamp on the banks of the Rio Grande that night, which was accordingly done, regardless of the fearful threat of the manifesto, that the banks of the Rio Grande shall be witness of the ignominy of the haughty sons of the North, and its deep waters shall be the sepulchre of those who dare approach them.”[BWP]

By the arrival last night of the U. S. steamer “Col. Harney, ” Capt. Wood, from the Brazos San Jago, whence she sailed on the 16^th inst., we received late and interesting verbal news from that point. We learn from a passenger that Gen. Ampudia arrived at Matamoras on the 11^th inst. With 2000 troops, 1000 cavalry and an equal number of foot, which increased the Mexican force to about 5000 men. Gen. Ampudia, immediately after his arrival, notified Gen. Taylor that if he did not abandon the position that he then occupied, he should consider it as equivalent to a declaration of war.

On the 12^th, Gen. Ampudia fortified himself opposite to Gen. Taylor’s position. Gen. Taylor also raised breast-works on the bend of the river, so as to command the river and the works raised by the Mexicans. So advantageously was Gen. T. situated, that it was evident no possible force at the command of the Mexican General could dislodge him; and on the 13^th Gen. Ampudia notified Gen. Taylor that he would not act further until he received definite instructions from his Government.

It is reported that Gen. Taylor, hearing that there were two vessels off the mouth of the Rio Grande from this place, with provisions for the Mexican army at Matamoras, despatched Lieut. Renshaw, of the U. S. brig Lawrence, with the revenue cutter St. Anna to cut off all communications with that place.

The army was in good health and in fine spirits ardently wishing for an opportunity to give the Mexicans a lesson.

[The report in circulation in the city during the afternoon of yesterday, of a declaration of war on the part of Mexico, evidently grew out of Gen. Ampudia’s message to Gen. Taylor on the 12^th—his decision of the 13^th not having been made public. After the Mexican General’s declaration, Gen. Taylor was certainly justified in taking the precaution to cut off his supplies.][BWP]

RE46v43i1p4c3, May 1, 1846: FROM MEXICO.

By the barque Clermont, Captain Lermond, we have received Mexican papers to the 1d April, from the City of Mexico. Although the Clermont sailed from Vera Cruz on the 6^th, there is in the papers nothing of local interest, not even a report of the revolution which was to have taken place on the afternoon of the 3d, according to the information brought by the barque Mandarin.

The papers we have perused are all filled with warlike clamors of the editors, and they all say that a war could not be long deferred now, as Mr. Slidell had been driven out, and the Mexicans, including the President himself, were all disposed to fight the Americans. Paredes had given a manifesto, in which he stated, that he will always defend the Republic, and shed the last drop 0of his blood to preserve a Constitutional and Republican Government in Mexico. The journals that opposed the doctrines of El Tiempo, seem to be quite delighted with this disclosure.

We have neither time nor space to translate all the rhodomontades of the Mexican press in relation to their affairs with this country. We give but one specimen.

El Monitor Republicano, of the 2d instant, in speaking of the United States and Mexico, and war between the two nations, says the departure of Mr. Slidell, on account of his not having been received as Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary of the United States, and the manifesto of his Excellency the President, ad interim, which we publish to-day, are sufficient to authorise us to believe that the moment has arrived when the justice of the question between the two nations must be decided on the field of battle. All the public writers, and among them ourselves, have demonstrated that the Mexican Republic has been seriously injured by our neighbor of the North; that to their intrigues is owing the first separation of Texas and its final annexation to the American Union; that their ambition, not satisfied with the rich territory of Texas, now contemplates by force new usurpations. We will not stop to prove the justice of the Mexican position in the struggle which is to follow. It must be apparent to the eyes of all the world, and there is not a Mexican that will not endure the hazards, horrors and disasters of war before he will succumb to the shameful humiliation of consenting to abandon one point of national honor. Terrible is war! Great are the calamities which it causes. causes. Humanity is horrified at its outrages; but more terrible still is the duty of a people to avenge its injured national honor. The greatest calamity that a nation can suffer is to see itself humiliated by the advances and usurpations of another nation; and it is a thousand times preferable to acquire glory in the field of battle, fighting for independence, than to secure life by ignominy and slavery. Mexico in this case must meet one of two extremes, and its selection cannot be doubtful. It must be that which will sacrifice everything to free its country from the yoke which is now attempted to be imposed upon it and to preserve the independence which it heroically achieved twenty-five years ago.

Mexicans! We have arrived at the solemn moment in which we must show to the world that we are worthy our name, in which we sink all other interests in the great and sublime interests of the country—that we prefer a glorious death to a life covered with reproach and ignominy; and that in truth we can imitate the sublime virtues of our fathers—shedding our blood to preserve the independence which we enjoy as the fruits of their heroic sacrifices. Mexico will assert the integrity of its territory; it will transmit to its descendants a name pure and without stain; or it will succumb with honor and glory in the present war; but it will never in the slightest degree compromise its honor or its nationality.

El Monitor Republicano, of the same date, contains an extract from a letter from Mazatian, of the 21^st March, containing information that that port was blockaded by the American vessels of war.

The Monitor of the 27^th ult. Complains bitterly, and with much apparent reason, of the efforts made by the government to restrain the free expression of opinion by the press; declaring, besides that it seems to be the intention of the government, through the intervention of its spies, to regulate the private affairs of every citizen of Mexico.

Although Paredes has declared in favor of the Republican form of Government, yet the discussion is continued in the city and provinces of Mexico, upon the propriety of establishing a monarchical Government, and calling a Spanish Prince to the throne; and the monarchical party embraces the men of wealth and influence in the nation; but such is the firm hold which Republican ideas have taken on the minds of the Mexicans, and so vivid is the remembrance of the wrongs which they and their fathers endured from the Spanish Monarchy, that the very name of King is too hateful to them to permit us to believe for an instant that they could, under any circumstances, tolerate the thing.
[BWP]

RE46v43i1p4c5, May 1, 1846: TWENTY-NINTH CONGRESS. Monday, April 27. SENATE.

During the morning hour, numerous petitions were received and referred.

Among the reports from committees was one authorising Mr. Powers to execute certain Statues for the Capitol.

Several unimportant matters having been disposed of, the Senate resumed the consideration of the bill providing for the settlement of claims for French Spoliations prior to 1800.

Mr. Dix having the floor, made a long speech in reply to the remarks of Mr. Clayton, and in opposition to the bill.

HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.

As soon as the journal was read, Mr. CX. J. Ingersoll rose and asked leave to make a personal explanation.

Objection being made, the rules, by a vote of 102 to 25, were suspended.

Mr. Ingersoll then read a statement in reply to the speech of Mr. Webster in the Senate, relative to the charges of official misconduct, etc.—The substance of it is as follows:

Mr. Ingersoll commenced by observing that, having gone to the Treasury Department to procure proof of what Mr. Webster had denied, he there fell upon proof of more serious matters, the charges of which he had intimated to the House. He did not proceed to furnish the proof at that time, because his friends were of opinion that Mr. Webster, himself, would demand an investigation. No such investigation having been demanded, but abuse having been substituted therefor, he (Mr. Ingersoll) now felt bound to bring forward his proofs. He then went on to state that there is undeniable evidence in the State Department to show that, shortly after Mr. Webster commenced drawing upon the secret service fund, he suddenly changed his plan, and for the first time since the formation of the Government, began to draw the money out of the Treasury, payable to his own order, so that no one but himself could tell what disposition he made of the funds.

In this way more than fifteen thousand dollars in about fifteen months were drawn out. At a subsequent period, five thousand dollars were returned by Mr. Webster. Now the question was, where had these five thousand dollars been deposited all the time. Had it been placed to the private and personal credit of Mr. W., or where? where? After further remarks on this branch, Mr. Ingersoll said that there was evidence to show that this mode of procedure on he part of Mr. Webster, was not sanctioned by the President, but was disapproved by him.

Mr. Ingersoll next went into the proof of the alleged unlawful use of the fund in bribing the party press. He referred to letters in the department from Mr. F. O. J. Smith, which spoke of a “new and effectual” mode of settling the N. E. boundary question, by acting upon and giving a tone to public opinion.

In the last place, Mr. Ingersoll said there was written and undeniable evidence in the department to show that when Mr. Webster left the Department, after deducting all he claimed, he was a defaulter to the amount of about two thousand three hundred dollars. There was also evidence in the Department to show that President (Tyler) had caused him to be written to time after time to refund the money, but without success. At length, on the writing of a letter by the President in vbery strong language, informing Mr. Webster that unless the amount was made up forthwith, and expose must ensue, a considerable protion of the money was refunded, but it was not till within ten days of the inauguration of Mr. Polk, that the amount was made up in the shape of another voucher from Mr. H. Smith, of Maine, of five hundred dollars. Mr. Smith, however, having stated that the whole amount of his claim was only one hundred dollars, and this fact being mentioned to Mr. Webster, the amount of the voucher was reduced by him, on the first application, to one hundred dollars, instead of five. This could be proved by an agent now in this city. In the concluding remarks of Mr. Ingersoll, he was understood to disclaim attaching any blame to Mr. Tyler.

Mr. Ashmun of Mass., desired to reply, but as objection was made, the House, by a vote of 135 to 22, suspended the rule.

Mr. Ashmun then took the floor, and in a very severe manner, proceeded to comment upon the course of Mr. Ingersoll in this assailing Mr. Webster. He contended, that had Mr. Webster been present, and a member of the House, Mr. Ingersoll would not have dared make the attack. He went on to ask how it was that Mr. Ingersoll had obtained his information, after the President had refused to answer the resolution of the House upon the ground that the seal of secresy could not be broken. Had any of the underlings been corrupted, or had Mr. Ingersoll entered the Treasury and with a key of his own opened the desk?—After further remarks, of a very severe and personal character, Mr. Ashmun said it ill became Mr. Ingersoll to talk about “peculation” etc., when he himself had been turned out by General Jackson for peculation of the public money.

[Here there were loud cries of order, but the chair decided that as all rules had been suspended, it was a difficult matter for him to decide what was in order or what was not, provided improper and personal language was avoided.].

After considerable noise and confusion, Mr. Ashmun proceeded. He referred to a document for the purpose of showing that Mr. Ingersoll when removed from the office of U. S. District Attorney in Pennsylvania, had been sued by the Government as a defaulter, and that he had not paid the amount of the verdict found against him for several years.

Mr. Joseph R. Ingersoll here rose. He said that, as a matter of delicacy, it was proper that thus far he should have abstained from taking any part in this matter, but now he was placed in a different attitude, for, upon that trial, he was counsel for his brother. He then stated, on the word of a gentleman, that Mr. C. J. Ingersoll had, at the time referred to, been trying in vain for a long period to bring the Government to a settlement of his accounts as District Attorney. Attempt after attempt was made, but without success. At length, Mr. Ingersoll, having a sum of money in his hands, and being anxiously desirous of a settlement, proposed to the Government that the matter should be settled by a jury. This was finally agreed to, and the trial was had, when the whole matter was honorably settled to the satisfaction of all.

Mr. Ashmun resumed his remarks, and contended that the charges of Mr. C. J. Ingersoll, upon Mr. Webster, were totally false, and that the respectable portion of the community would be disgusted with them. Mr. A. then proceeded to assert, that an insidious attempt had been made to induce Mr. Tyler to break ground on the subject, and to disavow that he sanctioned the disbursement.

Mr. C. J. Ingersoll.—By me, Sir? By me?.

Mr. Ashmun.—Yes, Sir; by you, Sir.

Mr. Ingersoll.—It is false! It is a lie!.

[Here a great uproar ensued, with loud calls to order, during which Mr. Ingersoll again rose and denounced Mr. Ashmun as a liar and coward.].

Mr. Ashmun said, if the member thought to provoke a personal quarrel by using such language, he was mistaken. He [Mr. A.} came from a part of the country where they did not fight duels. duels. He came from among people who did not use pistols, daggers nor bowie knives, neither were they afraid of them.

Mr. Ingersoll. And where they never get drunk. [Understood to be an allusion to Mr. Webster.].

Mr. Ashmun went on to say, that although he was not duellist, if any one doubted his courage, let them try it. He spoke of Mr. Ingersoll as the aged member from Pennsylvania.

Mr. Ingersoll. Plenty young enough, sir—plenty young enough.

Mr. Schenck rose to a question of privilege. He desired to offer a Preamble and Resolutions, setting forth, that after the President had declined to answer the resolution of the House touching this matter, Mr. Ingersoll states, that he has had access to the department, &c; therefore, that a Select Committee of Five be appointed to ascertain by what means the said Mr. Ingersoll obtained the information—said Committee to have power to send for persons and papers.

After various ineffectual motions to lay the whole matter on the table, and decisions upon points of order, Mr. Petit moved to amend the resolution of Mr. Schenck, by providing that a Committee be also appointed to inquire into the truth of the charges made by Mr. Ingersoll against Mr. Webster, and that the Committee also have power to send for persons and papers.

The resolution thus amended was adopted, and here the matter for the present terminated.

After an ineffectual attempt to fix a time for the termination of the debate on the Smithsonian Bequest Bill, the House adjourned.
[BWP]

RE46v43i1p4c4, May 1, 1846: VERA CRUZ, April 5^th, 1846.

Dear____: I would send you news if I had any, but, bless me, I am like the needy knife grinder—“I have no story to tell.” We had a fair prospect for a little revolution here some days since, which was to recall Santa Anna, establish the republic, make peace with the United States, and hereafter go on swimmingly and prosperously. But the segar-smoking, mustachioed dons of the billiard rooms, like all this talking, bragging nation, end their acts like their segars—in smoke.

The Government of Parades, however, has no stability; he is looked upon with distrust by all parties. The monarchists—few here—dislike him for his proclamation in favor of republicanism; the real republicans—fewer still—hate him as an usurper and a hypocrite; and the partisans of Santa Anna, the strongest and best organized, are ready for a revolt whenever they re assured of the presence and assistance of their chief.—One thing is certain—the government of Paredes must fall.

I do not pretend to be deeply versed in the politics of this country, but I cannot, from my intercourse with the citizens, come to any other belief than that the recall of Santa Anna and the establishment of permanent peace with the United States, is the dearest wish of their hearts.

We have heard of the advance of Gen. Taylor, on the Rio Bravo, but as the movement was long expected it has caused no particular excitement. The only fear is, that on the arrival of Mr. Slidell in the United States, our ports may be blockaded, and the army so increased as to justify an advance upon this side of the river. Believe me, however, that even Paredes has no intention of fighting, and you will find that your Yankee legions will have no chance of reaping either glory or securing booty on the Mexican soil. Put that in your pipe and smoke it.

At the anchorage are the American ships of war Cumberland, Potomac, John Adams, St. Mary’s and Falmouth; others, however, as I learn, are soon expected. The merchant vessels are the Clermont and Mandarin, up for your port; and the Ann Louisa for New York. Yours. &c.
[BWP]

RE46v43i1p4c4, May 1, 1846: No Title.

In addition, we gather from the Courier of last evening, “that Mr. Slidell’s demand for his passports and his departure appeared so hostile to the Mexicans that they were making all the preparations in their power for war, which they thought inevitable, but which they would not begin themselves. The Mexican papers are filled with official orders and circulars, from the Executive Departments, for the speedy organization of the army and its march to the frontier of Texas.

In one of the papers we find a passage from a circular of the War Minister, as follows:

“The army is called upon to defend the country, and it should triumph or perish with glory.—It should triumph by great deeds over the calumnies circulated by its enemies, and acquire a monument and imperishable title to public affection. Inculcate in your subordinates the important duties which they have to discharge—tell them the President, in the name of the nation, will reward their valor and punish all who shall misbehave.

“The President ad interim expects that the rights of the nation will be defended with energy, and that the officers will prevent and punish all attempts to commit disorder, and take all proper measures to maintain the public tranquillity.—Understanding the wishes of the President, you will see that they are complied with in your orders, and justify your country’s confidence.

“God and Liberty!
TORNEL”

[BWP]

RE46v43i1p4c4, May 1, 1846: FROM TEXAS.

By the arrival of the steamship Alabama, Capt. Windle, , arrived at this port yesterday, in 36 hours from Galveston, we are in receipt of late papers.

We have no further election news, (says the Civilian of the 18^{th, )}except from passing reports from Jackson, Victoria and Robertson counties. These leave scarcely a doubt of Col. Williams’ election.

The Galveston News publishes a letter from General Hamilton in relation to his connection with the Texan Government, diplomatic and financial. It appears a Joint Committee of both Houses was raised, to whom was referred the memorial and claim of General James Hamilton, against the Republic of Texas; they refused to act upon the claim, (says the Austin Democrat, ) referring the claimant to the Auditorial Court, which the Legislature contemplates establishing; but reported to their respective Houses a resolution of thanks to General Hamilton. The resolution passed the Senate, but was rejected by the House, upon the grounds, as urged by gentlemen who spoke on the occasion, that it is connected with the General’s claim—was an expression of opinion favorable hereto, or at least recommendatory, and might be construed into a partial approbation of the claim, which the House felt unwilling to give.

The News says that they have good authority for stating that the 90 emigranis, wrecked on the Pauline, (near St. Joseph Island) were actually robbed of a large part of the property saved from the wreck.

The Legislature has passed a law for the establishment of free schools in the city of Galveston. It authorizes the corporation of that city to levy and collect a tax on real estate for their support.

A “Bachelors’ Ball” is announced to come off at Galveston this evening, (the 21^st) in commemoration of the battle of San Jacinto.
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RE46v43i1p4c5, May 1, 1846: TUESDAY, , APRIL 28, 1846. SENATE.

Petitions were presented by Messrs. Archer, Ashley, Breese, Speight and others.

Mr. Miller presented the resolutions of the Legislature of New Jersey, against a repeal of the Tariff of 1842; also, in favor of the erection of a light-house at Turker’s Beach, or Absecom, New Jersey.

A number of private bills were reported.

Mr. Jarnagin gave notice, that on to-morrow, or on some convenient day, he would introduce a joint resolution to authorize a home board for the purpose of adjudicating the claims of our citizens against the Government of Mexico.

The resolution heretofore offered by Mr. Sevier, requesting the Secretary of the Treasury to transmit to the Senate a supplement to the synopsis of instructions from the Treasury with regard to the revenue laws from 1789 to the present, coming up in order, gave rise to a slight debate, in which Messr. Archer, Benton, Sevier, Allen, Davis and others took part; after which the further consideration of the resolution was postponed until Thursday.

The bill for the relief of Nathaniel Goddard and others coming up on its third reading, Mr. Turney addressed the Senate at length in opposition to the bill.
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RE46v43i1p4c6, May 1, 1846: HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.

The journal was read, from which it appears that the Speaker had appointed the following committees:

On Mr. Schenck’s resolution—Messrs. Schenck of Ohio, Dobbin of N. C., McIlvane of Pa., Thurman of Ohio, and John A. Rockwell of Conn.

On Mr. Pettit’s amendment—Messrs. Pettit of Ia., Vinton of Ohio, Jefferson Davis of Miss., D. P. King of Mass., and Wilmot of Pa.

Mr. Thurman said he should be under the necessity of leavng the city to-morrow or next day, at farthest, and he therefore asked to be excused from serving upon the committee on which he had been appointed. The request was granted.

Mr. Giles offered a resolution, which was adopted, granting the use of the Hall, after the adjournment to-day, for an exhibition of the pupils from the Institutions for the Blind, of Boston, Philadelphia and Virginia.

The Speaker announced the Smithsonian Bill to be the first subject in order.

Mr. J. R. Ingersoll hoped the House would first take up and act upon a very important bill, in relation to certain Treasury notes which were purloined from the Custom House at New Orleans, and had fallen into the hands of innocent holders, who were suffering from the neglect of Congress to provide for their relief.

The Speaker said the Smithsonian bill being the special order, it would require the unanimous consent of the House to take up any other.

Mr. Owen moved to go into Committee of the Whole, which motion prevailed, and (Mr. Burt of S. C. in the Chair, ) the consideration of the Smithsonian bill was resumed.

Mr. Sims of S. C., spoke briefly against the constitutionality of accepting the trust devised by Mr. Smithson, and hoped that the fund would be returned unimpaired, and in the meantime be considered as in the Treasury of the United States—and the States of Arkansas, Illinois and Michigan deemed indebted to the Treasury to the amount of their bonds in which this fund was invested.

Mr. John Q. Adams advocated the substitute which he had offered for the bill. He wished to catch the bear before we sold the skin. He denied that the fund was in the Treasury, and it would be necessary to collect the bonds before we could establish this institution.

Mr. Sims said, that in a report made by the honorable member from Massachusetts a few years since, he had taken the ground that the bequest should be deemed to be in the Treasury, and that the States whose bonds were held, were to be taken as debtors to the Treasury, and not to the fund.

Mr. Adams said, that since that report was made, he had had some experience which had taught him that the money was not in the Treasury.

[Mr. Adams was here interrupted by a message from the President of the United States, stating that he had yesterday approved and signed “a joint resolution concerning the Oregon Territory.”].

Mr. Adams. A very auspicious interruption, Mr. Chairman—a very auspicious interruption.

Mr. A. then went on to argue, that the money was not in the Treasury, and that it must first be got there before it could be expended.

Mr. Thurman said he had heard it stated that this fund had been invested in the bonds of Arkansas, &c., without any authority in law, and he respectfully requested the gentleman from Mass to enlighten him on the point.

Mr. Adams replied that the fund was not invested without authority, and that before its arrival in this country proposals were invited from capitalists and others by public advertisement to take the money upon interest. The offer of the Arkansas bonds was accepted for the greater portion of the amount, but as to the particular reason which led to the selection, he must refer the gentleman to a certain Senator from Arkansas, who knew more about it than any one else.

Mr. Adams was opposed to most of the provisions of the present bill, and particularly to the Normal School. He was in favor of collecting an extensive library.

Mr. Rathbun thought the delay that had taken place in executing the trust was a disgrace to the country, and he maintained that we were under the obligation, both in law and morality, to make good the fund if we had either wasted it or misappropriated it.

The debate was continue by Messr. Jones of Tenn., Ficklin of Ill., and others.

The debate was continue until half past three o’clock, when the Committee rose, and the House, after adopting Mr. Hopkins’s resolution, to terminate the debate in one hour after going into Committee, adjourned.
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RE46v43i2p1c2, May 5, 1846: No title.

As we expected, the emphatic and confident announcement by the Journal of Commerce, of the “Settlement of the Oregon Question, ” wants confirmation. However flattering the prospect of a pacific adjustment, no definite steps have yet been taken to close the question. It is not likely that any proposition will be made, until; Great Britain hears of the final action of Congress on the Oregon Question. The notice has probably gone out by the steamer of Friday, and it may be a month and a half, or two months, before we receive a response from Great Britain. The Union says:

“The New York editor may spare his rebukes upon “our government journals, ” for we can hear nothing of this settlement in England, or of these despatches by the Caledonia. In fact, we have no reason to believe either of them. them. It is further our impression, that Great Britain will make no offer until she hears of the disposition of the question of notice by Congress. The procrastination which has marked our counsels has probably had its effect upon the British policy.—If Congress had passed the naked notice in December last, we might by this time have witnessed a much more decided and cheering state of our relations with England. There is no knowing how far she expected the resolution of notice to be defeated, or how much she calculated on our divisions. As at present advised, we hear of nothing to justify the statements in the ‘Liverpool Mercury, ’ or in the ‘New York Journal of Commerce.’”[BWP]

RE46v43i2p1c2, May 5, 1846: No title.

The Whigs boast of their triumph over the Administration on the Oregon Notice. They confidently assert, that but for their amendment of the form of the notice, the country would have been plunged into war. But which is the greater triumph? The form or the substance? The Whigs originally denounced the notice as the cause of ruin and war. Have they not retreated from that position, by unanimously endorsing and recommending the notice as the most efficient means of peace? They may have the form. We never attached very great consequence to that, as we felt satisfied that Mr. Polk was, as he avowed himself to be, in favor of an honorable peace. And even now the Whigs admit that the President holds in his hands the issue of peace or war, and they have given him full “discretion” in the matter. We believe that we shall have a pacific adjustment, but the same result would have occurred had the notice been given in the form as it came from the House of Representatives. The President is now, as he has ever been, for an honorable peace. He can now, as well as if the naked notice had been authorized, break up the pacific relations with Great Britain. Where, then, is the great triumph of the Whigs? The Baltimore American, Whig, says;.

“In any form in which the ‘notice’ could be passed, unless it were accompanied by a definite naming of the boundary in Oregon, the President would retain in his hands the power of defeating any compromise arrangement, if he should be so determined. The preliminaries of negotiation are under his control; he could reject every proposition offered by England; he could withhold all proffers, on his own part, except such as she would reject. True, the sentiment of both Houses, expressed in the language of the resolution of notice, may impose, and doubtless will impose upon him, a strong obligation to seek an amicable adjustment of the grave question in dispute. Still he has, in point of fact, a great, and, we may say, a decisive power of control over the issue.”[BWP]

RE46v43i2p2c4, May 5, 1846: LATER FROM MEXICO.

There was an arrival at New Orleans on the 24^th ult. from Vera Cruz, bringing a few days later accounts than were before received. Nothing had occurred to change the aspect of affairs in the country. We copy from the Picayune the following items:

“We perceive that the Government is determined to be ready to meet Santa Anna, should the ex-President determine to return, as we have no doubt he will do. It may be known that criminal proceedings were instituted against Santa Anna for his transactions just prior to the revolution which hurled him from power. The proceedings in the case have been published by order of the Supreme Court, and they make a pamphlet of 130 pages. A general circulation of these may, it is thought, have some influence on the minds of people, and prepare them for any measure of severity which the Government may take against Santa Anna.

“The Puritano of the 2d April publishes two letters from Santa Anna to Senor Tornel, the first written in May last, when Santa Anna was about to retire from the country. The other is dated in Havana, on the 9^th March, congratulating Tornel on his appointment as Secretary of War, and exhibiting much satisfaction with Paredes administration for its liberality in appointing many of his (Santa Anna’s) friends to office.

La Reforma of the 28^th March says that orders have been given to the administrator of the mails from Jalapa and Vera Cruz, that any extraordinary courier from the latter port to the capital should be strictly detained at Puebla; and the drivers even are enjoined to preserve silence as to what may transpire at Vera Cruz. This may be an invention of La Reforma, but it shows what men are thinking about in the capital, and that Paredes knows well from what quarter danger threatens.

It is mentioned in the papers that the President has increased very considerably the detachment assigned to guard his residence, as if he were not without apprehension of difficulties in the city of Mexico.

The Mexican papers now deny the blockade of Mazatlan, and tell a long story to show how the rumor was started.

Mention is also made of an ineffectual attempt of the Incians in the South of Mexico, to get up an insurrection for purposes of rapine and plunder.

The press in the Department of Durango still complain of Indian outrages, such as robbery and murder, and suggest that the only remedy for the evil is the re-establishment of the old presidial guards.

The papers abound with more than usual complaints of the insecurity of the public roads for travellers.”.

From the New Orleans Delta of the 25^th April, we copy the following additional particulars:

By the arrival yesterday of the Mexican schr.Ventura, Capt. Dorantes, at this port, 12 days from Vera Cruz, we are in receipt of later Mexican dates.

The political news is unimportant. The contest between the monarchists and r republicans still continues, and it would seem from El Monitor, that the government has at last fairly embraced the principles of the monarchical party, for in its number of the 4^th April, it remarks that El Tiempo is but a second edition of El Diario del Gobierno; so much so, that it advised the subscribers of the two papers not to fatigue themselves by looking at both, as the reading of one will answer the same purpose as the reading of the other.

It has been announced in several of the papers, that the government has assembled a junto of several members of the liberal party, for the purpose of taking such measures, agreeable to them, as will prevent a revolution. The editor of El Monitor, however, thinks this is something of a fiction.

We copy the following items from El Monitor of the 4^th April. According to the Diario official, the government has received advices that the brigade under the commnad of Gen. De la Vega had effected a junction at Matamoras with the command of Gen. Mejia; and that the division of Gen. Ampudia had departed on the 1^st April from Monterey; from which it was naturally concluded that the whole Mexican army would shortly be concentrated in front of the enemy, who had advance to Santa Isabel. The regiment of cavalry of Oaxaca, and the battalion of Jamiltepec, had march to Jalapa. A considerable quantity of munitions of war, particularly artillery, had been despatched to Vera Cruz.

On the 3d of April the President and all the principal officers of the Government visited the powder manufactory of Santa Fe, and after a minute examination of all its departments, made such arrangements and alterations in the administration of the manufacture, as it was deemed necessary to secure a speedy and constant supply of this first element of war.

The advices from Mazatlan are to the 23d of March, and they state that the report that that city is blockaded, is, as we well knew, false, although the American squadron is laying at anchor in front of that place.

The Department of Sinaloa is, for a wonder, perfectly quiet, and has submitted to the control of Paredes. The troops under the command of Col. Telles have left Guadalajara for Tepic. The South of Mexico is covered by a respectable body of troops under the command of General Guzman, and tranquillity is perfectly established. The remainder of the army is being equipped with the utmost activity.

We learn from El Espectador, that, on the 19^th of March, a party of some forty Americans entered the town of Monterey and disarmed about twenty men in a garrison, and arrested Capt. Cavazos, whom they soon set free, however. They demanded corn, meat, and other provisions. The civil authorities armed the inhabitants against these barbarians, and finally defeated them. The good people of Monterey appeared to think them the advanced guard of a Texan General named Ges, of whom we never heard before.

In a late number of La Hesperia, the editor remarks that the Senate of the United States is proceeding with great caution in the consideration of the Oregon question—an opinion very prevalent in our own country.

The Mexican Government has prosecuted two newspapers and two officers of the army. The Reforma and the Contra-Tiempo, journals in the interest of Santa Anna, have been seized, and Cerecero, editor of the former, and Luis Espino, of the latter, have been arrested. General Lino Alcoria has been ordered to proceed to Oaxaco—Capt. Schiafino has been ordered to San Juan de Ulloa.

The Reforma and Contra-Tiempo advocated openly and boldly the restoration of Santa Anna.
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RE46v43i2p2c6, May 5, 1846: CAPTAIN WINSLOW FOSTER.

In consequence of several charges having been made by some of the late, as well as the present officers, and some of the crew of the United States Revenue Cutter Woodbury, against Captain Foster, orders were sent on from the Secretary of the Treasury, about five weeks ago, for Capt. Foster to yield up the command of the cutter to the next officer in rank to him, on board at the time of his receiving such notice, and to prepare himself for an examination into the charges against him on arrival at New Orleans. Lieut. Nimmo, the bearer of these despatches, from Washington, intercepted the Cutter on her late return from Brazos St. Jago, delivered his instructions, and on arriving at the South West Pass, the Captain complied with the Secretary’s orders yielding up the command to Lieut. Benson. Yesterday Captain Foster appeared before Mr. A. A. Cohen, the United States Commissioner, for an examination, at which Mr. Prieur, the Collector and the officers of the Cutter were present, but it being deemed necessary to have the assistance of the United States District Attorney, the Court of Inquiry was adjourned until to-morrow at twelve o’clock. The charges embrace tyrannical conduct to his officers and crew, ungentlemanly behavior, and withholding portions of the wages of the seamen, under frivolous pretensions and without just cause.N. O. Delta, April 24.
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RE46v43i2p2c7, May 5, 1846: New Work on Oregon.

Oregon Territory, its History and discovery including an account of the Convention of the Escurial; also the Treaties and Negotiations between the United States and Great Britain held at various times for the settlement of a boundary line; and an examination of the whole question in respect to facts and the laws of nations. By Travers Twiss, D. C. L, Professor of Political Economy in the University of Oxford. I vol. 12m.

In this impartial examination of a most important question, Dr. Twiss has industriously collected from every available source, a vast amount of information bearing on the respective claims of Great Britain and the United States to an exclusive right to the Oregon Territory. In the course of his inquiries he was lead to investigate “the records of ancient discoveries and other matters of history connected with the Northwest coast of America, ” commencing with the . . .[illegible] . . . of Ulloa in 1539.

We particularly admire Dr. Twiss’ volume for the lucid manner in which he has arranged the quantity of materials he has collected, and for the impartial mode in which he has conducted the inquiry. [Westminster Review].

This work aims to establish by documentary evidence that on the two strong grounds of prior discovery, and prior possession, the claim of Great Britain to the river Columbia is clearly proved.

Lately published—History of Oregon and California—Accompanied with a Geographical view and Map. By Robert Greenhow. 1 vol. 8vo.

Narrative of the U. S. Exploring Expedition to Oregon and North California. By Capt. J. C. Fremont, 8vo. Paper cover 25 cts. For sale at the Bookstore of DRINKER & MORRIS. May 5 97 Main Street.
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RE46v43i2p4c1, May 5, 1846: CONGRESSIONAL. SPEECH OF MR. SEDDON OF VIRGINIA

In the House of Representatives, April 15^th , 1846.

On the bill to protect the rights of American Settlers in the Territory of Oregon, until the termination of the joint occupation of the same.

The House being in Committee of the Whole on the state of the Union—.

Mr. SEDDON rose and addressed the committee as follows:

Mr. Chairman: In much that I had intended to say, glad I succeeded in obtaining the floor at an earlier period, I have been anticipated by the able gentlemen who have preceded me, and especially by the honorable member from Ohio, [Mr. Vinton, ] who so forcibly addressed the committee on yesterday in support of the amendment offered by himself. But for being so anticipated, I should myself have offered a similar amendment; for so important and essential in its character do I deem that amendment, that my own ultimate vote upon this bill must be determined by its acceptance or rejection. It proposes to limit the operation and effect of the bill to the period during which the existing convention between the U. States and Great Britain for the joint occupation of the Oregon territory, shall continue in force. The bill, as reported, Mr. Chairman, will operate in two very different and distinct states of our relations with reference to the Oregon territory. Ostensibly, judging from the title of the bill, which is for the protection of American settlers until the termination of the joint occupancy, and from most of its provisions, its aim and purpose were simply to provide for the extension of the laws and jurisdiction of the United States over our citizens in Oregon during the continuance of the convention at present subsisting; but in actual operation and effect without the limitation proposed by the amendment, being indefinite in duration, it must extend beyond the continuance of that convention and have an application and efficacy far exceeding, as I presume, the contemplation and purpose even of those who reported and now sustain it.

Mr. James Thompson here rose, and (Mr. S. giving way for explanation) said that the gentleman was mistaken. The effect of the bill, after the termination of the convention, had been contemplated and intended by those who reported it, and they had now come to the determination, when the proper time arrived, to propose to amend the title so as to make it read, “A bill to protect the rights of American settlers west of the Rocky mountains.”.

Mr. Seddon resumed. Well, sir, I must be permitted to express both my surprise and regret, if such effect was designed to be given to the bill, that it should have been reported with a title so incorrect and delusive. From the title as reported, and even a cursory examination of its leading provisions, members might readily have been misled to believe its operation was designed to be limited to the duration of the convention and be determined with it; and thus the House might have been betrayed, through misconception, into the heedless adoption of a measure repugnant to its sense of policy and justice. I am happy that, though late, such delusive guise is to be cast aside, and that the bill is to be made to avow on its face its real purpose and extent.

The bill, then, Mr. Chairman, is to have a double operation, and, as I have said, under essentially different circumstances. It is first to operate during he convention, and while our rights are determined by treaty stipulations, and then after the proposed and expected determination of that convention, it is to continue active in the assertion of our pretensions as maintained under the law of nations independently of that convention. I shall proceed to examine it with reference to each state of circumstances separately.

In its operation during the continuation of the Convention, I confess, Mr. Chairman, I see no just objections to its provisions; but, on the contrary, deem it with the saving clause embodied, which protects all the rights and privileges of Great Britain and her subjects under the Convention, salutary and just. During that period, it but extends the jurisdiction of the laws of Iowa, so far as applicable, in entire subserviency to the Convention, and with an e express saving of all rights secured by it to British subjects over the territory West of the Rocky mountains belonging to the United States. Such extension is consistent with the rights, while it is demanded by the honor and obligations of the Government. We have citizens settled already in considerable numbers in the territory West of the Rocky mountains, and they are daily, by emigration and otherwise, increasing and multiplying. They have gone, and are going to the remote territory under the invitation and inducements of our Government in both its branches, Executive and Legislative. They are without laws, under no competent jurisdiction, and destitute of all regular government. Their exigencies have so imperatively demanded the sanctions of law and government, that they have been driven to the feeble substitute of self-constituted associations, and an appeal to general acquiescence in their decrees. They have appealed to this Government for the redemption of its obligation, impliedly at least given for their security and protection, and in evoke the aegis of our laws and jurisdiction over them. We have no exclusive ownership or jurisdiction under the Convention over the territory so occupied by them, it is true, but we have certain admitted rights and privileges there as defined and ascertained by that Convention itself. Coextensive with such rights and privileges, may our jurisdiction be most fully carried; and so far as we may, I humbly conceive we should not under the circumstances, hesitate, by the extension of our laws, to give the security and protection demanded.

The eloquent gentleman from South Carolina, [Mr. Holmes, ] who addressed the House yesterday, urged that the extension of jurisdiction as contemplated by this bill would violate the provisions of the joint convention. I am generally proud to concur with that gentleman, but from this view I must be permitted wholly to dissent. During the convention, the bill is made to operate in subserviency to it, and all the rights and privileges of Great Britain and her subjects are expressly saved and excluded from its action.—How, then, can it violate or contravene the provisions of the convention? Is the objection that urged with zeal by the gentleman from Tennessee, [Mr. Brown, ] that our laws should be extended over persons only, and not be made to operate on property, or “territorially, ” as this bill does?—I hold, Sir, that our laws, in their application, should be made coextensive with the rights and privileges ascertained and secured by that convention to our citizens, and sufficient for the protection and guarantee of those rights and privileges. Now, under the convention, have we not something more than the mere right of entry to our citizens? The eminent domain is indeed in abeyance; exclusive sovereignty is not to be claimed or exercised either by the United States or Great Britain; but our citizens are not merely free to enter; they may take their effects and property; they may trade and hunt; may build, settle, and even occupy the land, enjoying the usufruct, though not holding the absolute or exclusive title. We may, then, by our laws, do more than guard mere personal immunities; we may protect the property and effects of our citizens, and secure them in the peaceable possession and usufruct of their temporary settlements—nay, more, as among our own citizens on their acknowledging allegiance to the government of the United States in that territory, having complete jurisdiction, we may regulate their claims and rights in regard to the lands settled or occupied temporarily by them as well as all other matters of right or contract. We may then legitimately, during the convention, legislate not merely over persons, but (as it has been called, ) “territorially” likewise. We have done nothing more in extending “the laws of Iows, as far as applicable, ” over the territory West of the Rocky Mountains; and to exclude the possibility of misconstruction, we have inserted an express saving of the rights secured to Britain and her subjects. Such saving was not, indeed, of absolute necessity, and might, perhaps, with safety, have been omitted. We could not, if we would, by legislation, violate the convention; for, under the constitution, treaties constitute a part of the “lex legum”—the supreme law—and under judicial construction, the full effect of the saving clause, even if omitted from the bill, would have been secured, and all enactments in violation of the convention would be annulled and vacated. Still the insertion of the saving clause was wise and just, because we owe it to ourselves and the honor of our government that even the seeming of bad faith, or an equivocal purpose in our legislation, should be avoided and disclaimed.

Satisfied by the reasoning I have used, I, for one, do not need, in the extension of our jurisdiction as contemplated by this bill during the convention, the precedent and sanction of English example; nor is it my wont to guage by such measure the extent either of our rights or obligations. Yet, if such additional warrant for the extension of our jurisdiction under the convention be required, I insist, notwithstanding the argument of the gentleman from Tennessee, [Mr. Brown, ] it is afforded by the British legislation of 1821, to which reference has been frequently made.—That act of the British Parliament, I submit, is in equal sense, and to the like extent with the present bill, territorial in its operation. By it, “the courts of judicature in the province of Upper Canada” have conferred on them “the same civil jurisdiction, power and authority, within the Indian territories and other parts of America not within the limits of Lower or Upper Canada, or of any civil government of the United States, and the said courts have, or are invested with, within the limits of the said province of Upper or Lower Canada, ” &c. Nor is the saving of the rights of the citizens of the United States under the convention, by any means so clear and satisfactory as the saving in this bill in behalf of British subjects. A full examination of the provisions of the British act will, I think, satisfy every one that, in the assertion of jurisdiction, it goes at least as far, if not farther, than do the provisions of this bill. But the gentleman from Tennessee [Mr. Brown] argued that this act of the British Parliament must be held to have been superceded by the subsequent convention of 1827, which is the one now subsisting in relation to the Oregon territory, and, therefore, was not now in force.—The validity of this argument cannot be admitted. The convention of 1827, so far as it relates to the rights and privileges secured to the citizens of this country and Great Britain respectively, is identical with that of 1818, which was in force at the very time the English statute was enacted. If that statute was enacted, and operated during and under the joint convention of 1818, how could the renewal of the identical convention in 1827 (with no other change than its extension indefinitely, with a provision for its termination on twelve months’ notice in lieu of a specified term of years) annul and supersede the provisions of the statute?—Such effect cannot be ascribed to the renewal of the convention in 1827; but even if it could, and the British act were really non-existent, still the full effect of the British precedent would remain. For by that act, passed in 1821, after and during the convention of 1818, a clear manifestation is afforded that, according to the understanding and construction of the convention by the British Parliament, provisions for the extension of jurisdiction, as in that act, (like unto those in the bill before the committee, ) were not in contravention or violation of the joint convention.

This precedent, Mr. Chairman, may suffice to relieve the scruples of such members as would not wish, in legislating under the convention, to give ground of complaint ton Great Britain that it had been violated. But if apprehensions on this score are still entertained by any, they must, I think, be dissipated, by reference to the despatch of Mr. Gallatin, who, as minister of the United States, negotiated the convention of 1827. In that despatch he states the conferences had between the British negotiators and himself, in relation to the powers which might be exercised by the Government of the U. States under the convention. He says:

“The establishment of a distinct territorial government on the west side of the Stony mountains, would also be objected to as an attempt to exercise exclusive sovereignty. I observed that, although the Northwest Company might, from its being incorporated, from the habits of the men they employed, and from having a monopoly with respect to trade, so far as British subjects were concerned, carry on a species of government without the assistance of that of Great Britain, it was otherwise with us. Our population there would consist of several independent companies and individuals. individuals. We had always been in the habit in our most remote settlements, of carrying laws, courts and justices of the peace along with us. There was an absolute necessity on our part to have some species of government. government. Without it, the kind of sovereignty, or rather jurisdiction which it was intended to admit, could not be exercised on our part.It was suggested, and seemed to be acquiesced in, that the difficulty might be obviated, provided the erection of a new territory was not confined exclusively to the territory west of the mountains; that it should be defined as embracing all the possessions of the United States west of a line that should be at some distance from, and east of the Stony mountains.”

In pursuance, probably of this very suggestion, the present bill has been so framed as to include within its operation undoubted territory of the United States lying east of the Rocky mountains, viz: “the intermediate country west of the Missouri river, between the 40^th and 43d parallels of north latitude.” The acquiescence of the British commissioners must apply to this bill, and preclude objection on the part of their government, that it is violative of the joint convention.

I trust, Mr. Chairman, to have now established that, so far as this bill operates during the continuance of the convention of 1827, its provisions are needed; that they are just in themselves, not violative of the convention, but only commensurate in the protection afforded, and authority exercised, with the rights and privileges ascertained and secured by it; that they have the sanction of English precedent and example, and are only in conformity with suggestions received and acquiesced in by the British government through its commissioners, at the negotiation of the treaty.—So far the bill has my approbation and support.

Before proceeding, Mr. Chairman, to consider the bill in its further, and, to my mind, most objectionable operation after the termination of the Convention, allow me, the more especially as it will have a material tendency to elucidate such subsequent operation, to ascertain with precision and certainty the limit of territory or latitude to which, during the Convention the jurisdiction of the United States is by the bill to extend. The object of the bill, during the continuance of the Convention, is to protect and secure all the rights and privileges ascertained to belong to our citizens by its stipulations, and consequently, to effect that end, its operation must be commensurate, as to limits, with the territory in which such rights and privileges exist. It will then cover the whole territory embraced by the Convention of joint occupancy; and as that territory unquestionably extends to the Russian line—to the utmost limit of 55 degrees 40 minutes North latitude—the operation of the bill must be to that extend likewise. On this point there can surely be no question; (here several members around expressed acquiescence aloud, and Mr. S. added) and I am happy to hear the position admitted by honorable gentlemen of all parties around me. I shall proceed on such admission.

I come now, Mr. Chairman, to the consideration of this bill in the more important view of its purpose and operation after the termination of the Joint Convention. What, then, will be its aim and effect? I maintain, with entire confidence, they will be to extend over the whole territory of Oregon, to the utmost limit of 54 degrees 40 minutes North latitude, or the Russian line, the absolute and exclusive jurisdiction of the laws and government of the United States, to the dispossession of Great Britain, as of all other nations; and that, for the accomplishment of such result, the power substantially of making war, and employing the military force of the Union, is intrusted to the discretion, not even of the President, but of the Executive of a distant territory.

The bill is indefinite in duration, and no distinction whatever is made in the language prescribing the limits to which jurisdiction shall extend before and after the convention. The phraseology is loose and vague, viz: “over all that portion of the territory of the United States which lies west of the Rocky mountains;” and after, as before, the termination of the convention, the proper construction to be given to the bill must be determined by the officers to administer it, or by judicial interpretation, as I have already established, Mr. Chairman. The object of the bill, during the pendency of the convention, being to assert jurisdiction coextensive with the rights ascertained by its stipulations to belong to us and they extending to 54 degs.40 minutes, the necessary construction of the phraseology of the bill, both in common understanding and judicial interpretation, will be to extend jurisdiction to that extreme limit. To precisely the same language must not, after the termination of the convention, this necessary interpretation, previously ascertain, be continued and enforced? With nothing in the bill to limit or restrict such construction, the meaning, once ascertained and affixed to the phraseology, identical both before and after the convention, must remain unchanged.

Precedent and common understanding as to the interpretation before, will extend after the termination of the convention. Could the stringency of such previous interpretation fail to conclude in the construction of the law, the result would probably not be changed. In the a administration of the law, after the convention shall be terminated, the construction of the vague phraseology, to which I have alluded, must devolve on the executive of Iowa, or the Indian agent and officers to whom, by the bill, the executive power over the territory is given. With the feelings and influences operative on such functionaries, can it be doubted they will hold “the territory owned by the United States, West of the Rocky Mountains, ” to extend to the utmost limit of 54 deg. 40 min. Or should they hesitate, and submit the matter to judicial construction? It will fall under the decision of the United States judges, or the justices of the peace, resident in the territory of Oregon, to be appointed under this bill.—Think you not, Mr. Chairman, that they will carry our jurisdiction to the utmost extent of 54 deg. 40 min.? From position and the appliances to which circumstances would expose them, such would assuredly be their determination. Indeed it is worthy of the consideration of grave jurists, whether they would not, in judicial decision, be bound so to do; whatever may be the real title, the just rights, according to the law of nations, of the United States in Oregon, its government throughout all administrations, have asserted claims and maintained pretensions to the whole territory up to the Russian line. In the absence of any conventional stipulations to overrule, would not the courts of the United States, and the justices acting under the appointment of the Executive, be bound to maintain and respect the claims so asserted? I incline to think their duty would so constrain; but whether it did or not, no practical man can doubt but that, in fact, they would so decide and act.After, then, as before, the termination of the convention, it may be safely affirmed the jurisdiction to be exercised under this bill would extend over the whole of Oregon to the extreme limit of 54 deg. 40 min.

Then, Mr. Chairman, comes the grave, the all-important inquiry, what is the character and degree of jurisdiction you will thus extend after the termination of the convention? Absolute and exclusive must it not be? As was on yesterday ably shown by the learned gentleman from Ohio, [Mr Vinton, ] we shall then be remitted to our rights as claimed under the law of nations, and to the assertion of the only sovereignty known in the absence of conventional arrangements—a sovereignty over the eminent domain; or, in other words, to the assertion of exclusive dominion over the territory. I will not attempt to add to his view, which was full and complete, of the assumption of title, and consequent obligations, which, under the law of nations, would result from the position in which, by this bill, we would be placed. But I may refer to the words of the bill, only glanced at in his more general view, as compelling the same conclusion. The language of the bill already quoted is: “The laws of the Territory of Iowa, as far as applicable over all the territory west of the Rocky mountains owned by the United States.” No treaty will exist to limit the applicability of the laws of Iowa. Some mere local enactment for bridges or court-houses may not apply; but all the general laws of Iowa will be extended to, and operate over, the whole territory. Those laws, as over Iowa, maintain exclusive and absolute jurisdiction and sovereignty; so, likewise, must they do over the whole of Oregon. They are to be operative over it as territory owned by the United States in the absence of any treaty to limit or define that ownership. Who ever heard of a divided or limited jurisdiction on the part of an independent nation over the territory owned by it? The laws of Iowa assert over it exclusive jurisdiction—maintain the eminent domain, and exclude all pretensions to sovereignty or jurisdiction on the part of all other nations. Extended to Oregon, as territory owned by the United States, they must have no less efficacy and exclusive operation.—It might as well be contended that Great Britain, or her subjects, have rights of sovereignty, or are entitled to exercise jurisdiction over the spot on which we stand, in this, the Capital of the Union, as they will have any such rights or title recognised or respected in any part of the Oregon territory after we shall have extended the jurisdiction of our laws and government over it as territory “owned by the United States.” It surely is not necessary to elaborate this view. The simple statement of the terms of the law is conclusive to show that after the convention shall, by its termination, have ceased to restrict the applicability of the laws of Iowa, their extension over the whole territory of Oregon involves the claim of entire sovereignty, and the exercise of exclusive jurisdiction, to the complete ouster of the sovereignty and jurisdiction of Great Britain and all other nations.

The exclusive character of the sovereignty and jurisdiction to be exercised under this bill, after the termination of the convention, having been thus ascertained, it remains to enquire, Mr. Chairman, by what means, and with what consequences, such jurisdiction and sovereignty are to be enforced.

The executive of Iowa, or the mere subordinate agents to whom this bill intrusts the execution of its provisions, will be bound immediately after the termination of the convention, to extend our exclusive jurisdiction, and take possession of the whole territory, dismantling all forts or other establishments in which the flag of a foreign sovereignty waves, closing and abrogating all tribunals in which a foreign jurisdiction is exercised, and ejecting all companies, settlers or traders, who will not acknowledge allegiance to the Government of the United States, and submit to accept the protection of its laws. The powerful Hudson Bay Company, with its army of agents and employees, and its tribes of savage auxiliaries, will be in the possession of much of the territory and most of its strongholds. Numerous British subjects, settlers, or traders, will be in different parts, relying on the asserted rights of their nation, and her pledged faith to protect and defend them. Great Britain having asserted, with singular unanimity on the part of her leading statesmen, that she has rights in the territory, which, at all hazards, she will maintain, and placed by such legislation in a position when to yield would be dishonor and the violation of the most sacred engagements of a nation to her subjects, must and will sustain her claims to the utmost of her power. At the first attempt, then, on the part of the Executive of Iowa, or this new Oregon territory, to enforce the provisions of this act, he must and will be resisted with the strong hand. The whole military force at his command and subsequently at that of the Executive of the Union, must be invoked, under his clear obligation to extend and maintain jurisdiction over the territory declared by clear enactment to belong to the United States. And this, Sir, will be war—nothing but war—the beginning of a dire contest, the end whereof no man can know.

This bill, Sir, has been regarded, in its application to the state of affairs after the termination of the Convention, as ricketty and imbecile. Certainly but little foresight or sagacity has been manifested in framing provisions for the exigencies which will then demand much wise and cautious legislation. But, Sir, it is anything else but imbecile—for mischief, it will be found all-potent. It will render hostile collision of inevitable necessity, and will place at the discretion of the Executive of a remote territory, or to the petty officers to be appointed in Oregon, the issues of peace and war, with the full power of compelling the support of the whole military force of the country. Is the House prepared thus, in anticipation, to part with the dread power reposed in Congress alone, of declaring war? And if even so, are they so infatuated as to intrust it to the discretion of some distant territorial Executive, or petty ministerial officer in Oregon? I cannot believe it, while I retain respect for its wisdom or patriotism.

In view of the operation of this bill after the termination of the convention, in extending over the whole of Oregon to the Russian line, the exclusive sovereignty and jurisdiction of the United States with the certain consequence of collision and war, I feel that I may appeal, with entire confidence, to all such members as have thought our title limited to the 49^th degree or thereabouts, or as entertain such conscientious scruples about the extent of our rights as to have been unwilling to assert absolute title to 54 deg. 40 min., to array themselves in form opposition to its passage, without the amendment limiting it to the duration of the convention. They cannot, without abandonment of their fixed opinions and ascertained positions, give it their support, and they are too wise not to see it.

But is there not even a more numerous class to whom this bill, without the amendment, must be repugnant? I refer to those who boast of entire concurrence on this Oregon question with the President, and manifest a peculiar desire to comply exactly with all the recommendations of his message, in all our legislation on the subject. The language and spirit of the message are clearly opposed to legislating now for the period after the termination of the convention, and the exigencies that may then exist. His recommendations are for the adoption of measures to protect our emigrants and conciliate the Indian tribes during the intermediate time before the abrogation of the convention. I will not detain the committee by reading the passages in the message which, during this debate, have been already exhibited, showing the nature of the executive recommendations. They all refer to the “mean time” before the termination of the convention, and contemplate only provisional legislation. The President, in this respect, acting wisely and prudently, so far from recommending ulterior legislation, has even abstained from develop9ng his opinions as to the measures which should, after the termination of the convention, be adopted, or to what extent, and in what degree, exclusive sovereignty and jurisdiction should then be asserted in Oregon. He has, indeed, intimated his opinion of our title; but in reference to the position of things after the expiration of the convention, he has contented himself with say9ng that we shall then have “reached a period when the national rights in Oregon must either be abandoned or firmly maintained;” and that they cannot be abandoned without the sacrifice of national honor and interest. No intimation is given what specific measures will then be necessary; and mush less does he advise legislation now for that period. Should not, then, his peculiar adherents on this matter of Oregon abstain where he has abstained, and shrink from legislating where he has not ventured even to advise?.

To all, Sir, it must be a consideration of no little moment, that such premature legislation may most seriously embarrass and involve the relations of the country in the pending negotiations. They are already in a situation of delicacy and embarrassment, and a further element of offence or difficulty should not be cast in by improvident legislation. From the first, the notice has been strongly presented and advocated by its friends as a peace measure. That being stipulated for by the Convention, and given in pursuance of an undoubted right, expressly reserved, it could afford no just cause of offence, while it must tend to bring both countries to a settlement of their conflicting claims. We were told, repeatedly, that by the notice there was no manifestation of hostile intent, or of a purpose to invade the rights of Great Britain. That we would not even be committed to the assertion of our rights over the territory one inch further than, according to the conscientious convictions of the majority of this House, our title should be clear and unquestionable. In giving the notice, would any, even the most infatuated 55 degrees and 40 minutes men, (as they are here styled, ) have dreamed of accompanying it with the declaration or intimation that, at its expiration, we meant to take possession of, and maintain exclusive sovereignty over the whole Oregon territory to the Russian line? Who does not see that to have done so would have excluded the idea of a purpose to induce and expedite amicable settlement?—would have implied a most offensive menace to Great Britain, and have rendered negotiation impracticable, and hostilities inevitable? Yet if by contemporary legislation, we not merely declare such purpose, but actually provide for its execution, the course is not materially different, and scarce less dangerous. We are probably now warranted by what has proceeded from various influential quarters in England, in concluding that the mere notice, being but the exercise of a privilege reserved by Treaty, will not be regarded as war measure; but if the “quo animo, ” the intent to follow it up by taking and holding exclusive possession of the whole country be thus plainly stamped on our present legislation, how can the notice, thus explained, be regarded otherwise than as most offensive and aggressive? I have heretofore shown that the practical operation of the bill, on the termination of the Convention, would be direct collision and war. But is there not the most serious reason to apprehend that such dread result may more speedily, nay, even immediately ensue? Would Great Britain be liable to the censure of the civilized worlds, if, with an unequivocal manifestation of our purpose to seize and appropriate the whole territory, and in view of legislation formally enacted for the dispossession of her subjects and her complete expulsion, she should not await the termination of the Convention, but waiving notice, and availing herself of her superior state of preparation, strike at once a fearful, if not decisive blow. Whether thus near or more remote, war by our reckless course will be made almost certain. certain. And what, Mr., Chairman, must be the nature and probable consequences of such a war?.

Under any circumstances, Mr. Chairman, war is a great evil, perhaps the greatest which can befal a nation, except dishonor. Between two such nations as Great Britain and the United States, each of bravery unsurpassed, possessed of immense resources, and aided in the work of mutual destruction by the inventions and improvements of modern science, the conflict would be frightful and the devastation shocking. I wish not to dilate on the mere horrors of war. But, Mr. Chairman, if from the dreadful aggregate of misery, anguish, and death which must result from even a single field of carnage, we could segregate and individualize to the minds’ full conception each case of the wounded or the dying, with all its attendant suffering, and its mournful result to the home of the bereaved—to the widow and the orphan—we must have hearts more savage than that of the bloodiest despot who ever outraged humanity, it holding in our power the blessings of peace, without the most palpable necessity, we should “cry havoc, and let slip the dogs of war.” To my mind, the character of the Duke of Wellington is not more illustrated as a conqueror in the annals of history by the decisive victory of Waterloo, than as a man in the view of enlightened humanity, by his simple answer to a friend who, congratulating him on his glorious achievement, expressed wonder at the absence of all elation on his part. “Be not surprised, (he said, ) for, in my view, save a defeat, the greatest of all calamities is a glorious victory.” He was right, Sir, and the noble moral of his sentiment is of peculiar applicability to us.—For, if assured—as we are far from being—of triumph in war beyond our sanguine anticipations, of what profit would it be compared with the destruction of human life, the outpouring of treasure, the devastation of property, the jeopardy to our institutions, and the retardation of our progress in improvement and happiness by which its blood-stained laurels would be gained?.

The genius of our institutions are essentially peaceful, and it is the glorious privilege of our position on this continent that we are most surely aggrandized as a nation by the noblest instrumentalities, the culture and peopling of the earth. Our Government is admirable adapted for the development and prosperous display of the individual energy and industry of its citizens; and in every form of human effort—in agriculture, in commerce, and in manufactures—we have thriven and prospered in a manner wholly unexampled in the annals of mankind. Many a hoary head is yet seen amongst us, whose possessor, having seen our nation emerge from colonial vassallage, has witnessed its progress with scarce a check, till now, by the acknowledgement of the first statesmen of Europe, it ranks among the greatest of the earth. For the conduct of war I will not say our government is incompetent, for on the sufficiency of its energies for every want, I have great confidence; but certainly in its capacity for the concentrated executive efforts essential for war it contrasts less favorable with the monarchies and aristocracies of Europe, and especially with the government of Great Britain, than in its adaptation to inspire incentives to industry and secure the triumphs of peace. There have been frequent manifestations on this floor of feelings hostile in England, and as if to incite to resentment and vengeance. We have had paraded in vivid array all the crimes and atrocities alleged to have been perpetrated by her for ages back in all quarters of the world, and have listened to fervid appeals in behalf of the groaning and down-trodden millions of her subjects, who, it is said, writhe beneath the oppression of her boasted aristocracy. Sir, if we are to be animated by such national Quixotry, or be betrayed into a crusade for the deliverance of those who desire not our sympathy and would spurn our proffered aid, let me say, that in my opinion, they would greatly err who would resort to war for vengeance or redress. The most certain means for us to overthrow English power—to avenge the past and remedy the present ills of her inflicting—is by our peaceful progress, by successful competition in commerce and manufactures, on her superiority in which rests the main staff of her dependance. Our agriculture of course exceeds hers; our commercial marine is fast approximating to hers; in many branches of manufacture, for which our country with our artificial stimulants is ripe, we are underselling her in the markets of the world. Let us but await our growth, and time and peace will, in a few years, do more to gratify such national antipathy, if it unfortunately exists, than present war could by possibility accomplish.

By, sir, what would be the probable consequences of war, should it come, in relation to this disputed country of Oregon? It has been well remarked, in a leading English journal, “What can England justly dread in that territory, when she has command of the seaboard and the interior—of the forts and the Indians?” Her resources there would be far greater than ours, and her facilities of access superior. Between nations, at least kindred in valor and skill, these advantages would seem decisive. Elsewhere we might, and probably would, obtain indemnities, especially in the Canadas. But, after all, the great struggle must be on the oceans, and for nothing short of the supremacy of the seas. Immense present odds must there be against us; yet, for one, iof the conflict begin, I should not despair of at least an equal result. With all our national energies roused, and our immense r esources fully directed to naval ascendancy, the God of battles could along foresee and award the ultimate issue. But against conflict so doubtful, and consequences as dire as must ensue, every patriot should strive while honor will permit.—Such I confidently believe to be the feeling of the enlighted constituency I have the honor to represent on this floor. Prepared as one man to breast the shock of arms whenever necessary, they are too sagacious not to perceive that in the ways of peace their true honor and interest lie, and too conscious of real valor to dread the idle imputation of timidity in adopting the counsels of prudence and wisdom. In their name, humble as I am, I protest against and denounce the folly and the madness which, by such improvident legislation as this bill proposes, would expose them and the country to the hazards and sacrifice of a needless war.

To the grave objections which have been urged to this bill without the restriction of the proposed amendment, one answer, having sufficient plausibility to require notice, has been given. It is, that the English legislation applicable to this Oregon territory is co-extensive with the proposed operation of this bill; and that in adopting it we but follow the precedent and example of Great Britain, who will consequently be precluded from complaint. Now, Mr. Chairman, I am not disposed to cavil and technicalities, or quibble on the precise construction to be given to some of the clauses of the English act of 1821. I am inclined to admit that the general phraseology of that act may be justly susceptible of the construction contended for. But it must be remember when that act was passed, and with what assurances it was followed. The enactment was as far back as 1821, after the adoption of the convention of 1818, and when it was to endure for years; and it has been subsequently continue under the renewed convention of 1827, which was indefinite in its duration.—After its passage too, as is well know, on the application of Government, who apprehended its provisions might be inconsistent with the convention, satisfactory assurances were given by the Government of Great Britain that its provisions were not intended, and should not be construed, to extend to citizens of the United States, or invade the rights secured by the convention. Practically and substantially, then this English enactment was passed with reference only to the continuance of the convention, and to operate under and in strict subserviency to its provisions. For more than twenty-five years during which it has been in existence, such has been its actual operation, and not a complaint has been made or heard that it has ever been extended beyond British subjects, or made to apply to citizens of the U. States.

[Here Mr. Jacob Thompson, of Mississippi, interrupted Mr. Seddon with the remark: “But in the English act, what savings in favor of American citizens exist? Are there any others than the simple right to hunt?”]

I have stated, sir, (resumed Mr. Seddon, ) my inclination with entire candor, to admit that the general words of the English statue may admit of a construction which would be less favorable to our citizens than under the convention they would have been entitled to expect. But to the existing convention, in view of which the act was passed, top the full assurances given in explanation of it, and to its practical operation for so long a time, I refer with confidence, to demonstrate the real character of that law, and to show that it was personal to British subjects and their possessions—not injurious to our citizens.

[Here Mr. McDowell, of Va., who was sitting by, handed to Mr. Seddon a book containing the English act, and desired him to read to the committee in this connexion, and in answer to the remark of the gentleman from Mississippi, the clause in that act in which the jurisdiction of the courts of Canada is extended to the Indian country, but so as not to apply to any part under the civil government of the United States, &c.].

Mr. Seddon proceeded. My honorable colleague, whose opinions are entitled to the highest deference, has obligingly handed me the English act, and desired me to read one of its sections. Feeling the utmost respect for his judgment, I do so. [Here Mr. S. read the section.] From its language it is apparent that the authority of the government of the United States is not meant to be injuriously invaded.

[Here Mr. James Thompson interrupted Mr. Seddon with the inquiry, whether, at the time of the passage of the English act, there was any civil government of the United States in the Oregon territory, or any part of it, and whether the jurisdiction established by the English act could be ousted by any subsequent establishment of the civil government of the United States in it?].

Mr. Seddon resumed. I wish, Mr. Chairman, to deal with this subject in no spirit of mere partisanship, or for seeming triumph in argument, but with perfect candor and frankness. I therefore do not hesitate to reply to the gentleman, that there was not, to my knowledge, at that time, any civil government of the United States in Oregon, and that the law may probably be held to apply to the countries as they were. Opinions, however, as to the construction of the law differ; and, as I have stated, I have read this clause in deference to the wish of a respected colleague whose judgment is of more worth than my own. At least, on any construction, the clause proves that more respect was shown to American citizens than merely to save their right of hunting, since all under any civil government of the United States at the time are excluded wholly from the operation of the act. As I have said, however, I am not disposed to controvert the view taken by gentlemen of the mere language of the act. My argument is based on thetime and circumstances of its passage; on the assurances which were solemnly given of its intended operation, and on the undoubted fact that its application has been to British subjects alone, and never extended to the invasion of the rights of our government or its citizens. Instead of ferreting out this musty act and wrangling on the exact construction to be given to its mere words, let the matter be viewed practically and substantially. Candor must admit that in the time and circumstances of the English legislation, as contrasted with those or our proposed bill, consists the greatest imaginable difference. There was then no reference beyond the convention, and the legislation of England was in contemplation of, and in subservience to its provisions. Now, having already in this House voted to give notice, and not doubting the concurrence of the other branch of the legislature in some form, our legislation is proposed in direct reference to the termination of the convention, and in full contemplation of the ulterior state of affairs when no treaty stipulations are to exist.—Bills, in general words of which, if adopted soon after the convention was entered into, or while it was indefinite in duration, would have been of little moment and no danger would, under present circumstances, possess peculiar significance and convey most offensive menace. To such a law as now proposed had it been brought forward when the English act passed, serious objection might not have been entertained. I might myself have voted for it without note or care for its operation beyond the convention, the termination of which was not contemplated. But now thoughtlessness or recklessness in our legislation would be both foolish and criminal. It is no fair test of the wisdom or safety of passing this bill to compare its provisions with the mere phraseology of the English act. The true touchstone is to reverse the attitudes of Great Britain and our government, and to bring home to our own breasts the thoughts and emotions which conduct like that we propose, if adopted by Great Britain, would excite.

Suppose, in the absence of any cause of irritation on our part, in the course of a pending negotiation for amicable adjustment of the conflicting claims of the two nations, the government of Great Britain were to give us notice for the abrogation of the existing convention, and her Parliament were cotemporaneously not merely to show an intent, but provide by actual legislation immediately thereafter to take possession of the whole yterritory, and dispossess our citizens and exclude all claim on our part to jurisdiction or sovereignty in any portion of the country even south of the Columbia, weould not indignation deep and intense be kindled in all American hearts? And would not suich course be deemed most significant of hostile intent, and the prelude to certain war? We might indeed deem it wise in our present state of preparation to nurse our wrath and delay an immediate outbreak of hostilities, but all would feel that prudence, not international obligations, feel that prudence, not international obligations, withheld, and that we would be warranted, so soon as by vigorous efforts we should adequately prepare, to seek the ultimate resort of nations.—In the reverse of positions, we find an admirable admonition to forbear from the rashness and aggression this bill unamended would exhibit; for what we would not endure, we may justly expect Great Britain—a nation as potent and sensitive to honor as our own—will promptly resent.

A strong additional argument, Mr. Chairman, for limiting this bill by the amendment proposed is afforded by the unanimity which will then be secured to its passage. This is a consideration which should be strongly felt by those honorable gentlemen, its immediate advocates in its present objectional form, who have been so solicitous and clamorous for unanimity—cordial and united action in our measures about Oregon. We have been stunned by honorable members here, till we scare heeded the no less frequent appeals of the press, with assurances of the mighty influences to be exerted at home andf abroad by the moral effect of united action and harmonious cooperation of all branches of the Government in relation to Oregon. Now, surely, if union and harmony constitute such potent levers wherewith to move the world on this subject, they cannot be less essential on the manifestation of our purpose to encourage and protect our settlers in Oregon, than in the form in which the notice to terminate the convention is to be given.

There will scarce by any dissent in the provisions of the bill for these objects; whereas, by extending its operation to the dispossession and exclusion of Great Britain, after the convention is terminated, from the whole territory, the bill, it passed at all, can be carried only by a meagre majority. I appeal to gentlemen, on their own arguments, to meet us fairly, and accord, where all may agree, and not to legislate as if the isolation of friends, rather than the attainment of ends common to all parties and sections of parties, were their real object.

All considerations of prudence and policy conspire, Mr. Chairman, to dissuade us from legislating now for the exigencies which are to exist after the termination of the convention. There is certainly no occasion for Congress to anticipate events so far. far. Another session must occur before the convention can expire, and then, with much fuller lights, and in view of all intermediate events, we may adjust our legislation to the necessities of existing affairs. Should a settlement be effected in the intermediate time, your present legislation would be intercepted and overruled. Should conflict prove inevitable—and by that time the development of events will probably allow a correct decision—many members, who are now averse to the assertion of exclusive sovereignty and jurisdiction, would be prepared to go for the whole. If fight the nation must, then let it fight for all that the fate of arms can bestow. But now our negotiations are pending—our relations in a doubtful and embarrassing condition. We are on the eve of events to be decisive of our future course in relation to this whole Oregon matter. How, then, can we prudently or wisely legislate in advance, when we literally “know not what a day may bring forth.”.

[Here the Chairman’s hammer fell, and Mr. S. was cut off from further remarks].

*The same clause has been heretofore quoted.
[BWP]

RE46v43i2p4c6, May 5, 1846: Saturday Morning, May 2, 1846.

Let the President do what he may, he will be denounced by some of the Whig press. If, under the obligations of his oath, he lay before Congress his solemn convictions of our rights to the Oregon territory, and recommend the adoption of measures for the ascertainment of those rights, and the permanent security of the honor and peace of the nation, the Whig press assail him for wantonly invoking a war, to subserve his own personal ambition. But no sooner has this Oregon storm blown over, quelled by the firm, yet dignified and moderate stand of our Government, than some of the Whig journals turn around and denounce the administration for want of courage and energy in its bearing towards Mexico. The Philadelphia North American, that once shuddered with horror at the shadow of British power, and shrieked with fear when it was announced that the people of the United States would be ready, if forced to do so, to vindicate their rights and honor against Great Britain, has suddenly changed its dove-like note, and raises a warlike cry against weak and unfortunate Mexico. It calls for the most stringent and uncompromising measures. It would no longer give quarter to our Southern neighbors, but would at once sweep them from the face of the earth. We give a few passages of its bellicose article:

“Our country is made by the Mexican government the subject of the most dishonoring vituperation; a quasi war is declared against us; our Minister is discarded; and, in short, we are subjected to more of humiliation and wrong than we have endured since the Tripolitan war. Where is the Executive? All that was characterized by the President as demanding national resentment, has occurred. The insults we have invited, by sending our Minister we have received. What new dishonor is necessary to arouse our Government to action? And why is it that the administration, which so anxiously seeks to embroil us with Great Britain in relation to an abstract question of title to a disputed territory, submits to be kicked and cuffed, wronged and dishonored by a power like Mexico? It is true, that, as the stronger party, we may, without shame, exercise a magnanimous forbearance; but there are limits beyond which submission to a wrong is a sanction, and tameness and invitation to fresh injury.—What government in existence would have borne what we have borne from the Mexicans, if not conscious that it was in the wrong?.

“Is this the secret of the inertness of the Administration? The acquisition of Texas seems to have cowed the better part of man in our Government. Its sword is glued in its scabbard; and while it protest against the wrongs and insults which are showered upon its head, a shrug of the shoulders is the only response. Now, the act, whatever it be, has been adopted by the nation: it is toot late to debate about it. The reputation of the country is at stake—not merely its reputation for honor, but the credit of possessing the strength and courage to protect our commerce abroad—and it is necessary that should be vindicated, or we may expect that every petty power, whether despot or anarch, will conclude that it is safe to prey upon our people. It is an insult so deliberate, a wrong so profound, that to endure it is to invite, from the meanest of the communities of the earth, indignity and oppression.—Our duty is plain. We should either retrace our steps or go on. To stand still and permit Mexico to treat us and our citizens as robbers of her territory, and, therefore as unworthy of recognition under the laws of nations, is a degradation that cannot be endured.

“War is a great evil; but there are greater evils. The issue between this country and Mexico has reached a point where there is no room for turning. Our government should act with promptness and decision, and upon a scale worthy of the republic. The police force now on our borders is wholly inadequate; and it is doubted whether our squadron is of sufficient strength. There will, we apprehend, be no action until the administration shall have received the sanction of Congress; but it should then be backed by a force sufficient to close the war by a blow. The country anticipates, and with anxiety, early and earnest action upon this subject.”.

Now let us suppose the reverse of what is actually the case. Let us assume that, instead of pursuing the forebearing but dignified and vigilant measures which have been taken, Mr. Polk had drawn the sword of war--—d directed General Taylor to cross the Rio Grande, attack and destroy the Mexican army, and had ordered our fleet to bombard Vera Cruz, and blockade the other ports of Mexico. This we would have been justified in doing, on account of the various insults thrown out by Mexico, her repeated declaration of war by her Presidents, Generals, &c. But had this been done, the Whig press would have come out against the “wanton, bloody war, ” which Mr. Polk had waged against weak, unoffending and powerless Mexico! The acquisition of Texas, instead of being said to have “cowed the better part of man, ” as sneeringly charged by the North American, would at once have been paraded, as inflaming the Southern blood of the President against a wretched and unprotected nation. Texas, as now, would be made the scape-goat for all the offences imputed to Mr. Polk.

But, no; the Administration, while it has practised a praiseworthy forbearance towards Mexico, has vigilantly consulted the honor and interest of the United States. Gen. Taylor has been stationed on the banks of the Rio Grande, not to assail the Mexicans, but to guard our own rightful territory. Our fleet is in the Gulf, in striking distance of the scene of action, and ready to act at the first signal. Mr. Polk would willingly avoid, if possible, violent measures towards Mexico; but we are satisfied that he has at heart, as sincerely as the North American, the honor and interests of this country. He is certainly better acquainted with all the points of the case, and will, at the proper time, recommend what he thinks is necessary and politic, to settle all our difficulties with Mexico. He will do his duty, regardless of the sneers or assaults of his opponents. We have no fear that he will recklessly take any step which may endanger the peace or dim the honor of the nation.

The Union says that the Administration “has the Mexican case under its best consideration, and will act in its own good time, without waiting upon Santa Ana, or for a new revolution, or play9ng at all the part of what Walter Scott calls ‘a waiter upon Providence.’”[BWP]

RE46v43i2p4c7, May 5, 1846: No title.

While we differ from some of the views in Mr. Seddon’s speech, on one of the Oregon bills published to-day, we cannot suffer it to go forth without referring to the talent and powers of amendment which it displays. His constituents will be pleased to see the distinguished part which he has taken in the proceedings of Congress.
[BWP]

RE46v43i3p1c2, May 8, 1846: WHAT WILL THE WHIGS DO?

The question “What will the Whigs do?” frequently suggests itself to our mind. Their old weapons are all broken or taken away from them—and, although they excel particularly in manufacturing, yet they used up nearly all their raw materials in ’44, and what little was then left has since been consumed in vain attempts to create war panics, currency panics, and every other imaginable panic, since the commencement of the present session of Congress. The Oregon question is in a fair way to be amicably and honorable settled—the Tariff will doubtless in a very short time be reduced to the revenue standard, yielding a sufficient amount to meet the economical wants of the Government—the Independent Treasury bill will soon become the law of the land—and Texas has already been peaceably brought into our sisterhood. Then, we repeat, what will the Whigs do? All of their predictions have proved erroneous, and their hopes of the dismemberment of the Repulican party have wofully deceived them. The Democratic party have come out of every contest since the election of Mr. Polk with their brows crowned with victorious laurels—and the Whig party have met with nothing but defeat and discomfiture.

But we must remain united—the little germs of discord must be crushed. Every man who expects to rise should be ever willing to submit his claims to his party, and if selected by them, the others should forget their own personal aspirations, think only of the success of our common principles, and assist in the elevation of their successful rivals. Let the aim of each and all of us be, to excel the other in the perpetuation of the glorious doctrines of the Repulican party. Let all heart-burnings and jealousies be banished from our councils. Remember the losses which we sustained during the recent elections, on account of the refusal of some of the candidates to submit their claims to the conventions of their party; and, above all, remember that “Union is strength, and that division ensures defeat.”[BWP]

RE46v43i3p1c5, May 8, 1846: LATER.

The steamship Telegraph arrived here on Thursday evening, bringing accounts to Tuesday. The only additional intelligence is as follows: Just before the Telegraph sailed, news arrived that Lieut. Porter and a detachment of 10 men, who had been sent out on duty not far from Gen., Taylor’s encampment, had been fired upon by 50 Mexicans, killing Lieut. P. and three of his men. The others succeeded in making their escape and returning to camp. Whether the party which made this attack were soldiers or robbers, is uncertain; but we believe the Mexican officers say the latter. These officers had already said to some of ours, that every thicket was infested with banditti who would kill a man for 50 cents or his blanket, and that the Mexican commander could not think of holding himself accountable for any accident which might happen to detached parties venturing incautiously too far from camp.

Gen. Ampudia denies all knowledge of the fate or whereabouts of Col. Cross, but, as the country in the vicinity where he disappeared has been thoroughly searched, and no information of him obtained, it is suspected by many that he has been sent a prisoner into the interior of Mexico, instead of having been murdered.

Impressions as to the probability of a battle are very much divided. It seems highly probable that the Mexican army does not contemplate a general attack, inasmuch as it has allowed favorable opportunities for making one to go unimproved; and in the present position and situation of his forces, Gen. Taylor is much stronger than at any time since his removal from Corpus Christi. He has finished mounting his heavy artillery and fortified his camp completely, so that an attack from the enemy would doubtless be the most welcome event that could happen to our army.
[BWP]

RE46v43i3p1c5, May 8, 1846: PROCLAMATION OF AMPUDIA.

[From the Extra of the Galveston News.]

The General-in-Chief of the 4^th Military Division, to the inhabitants of the interior departments of the East.

Fellow-Citizens: My most ardent prayers are fulfilled, and propitious fortune grants me the pleasure of returning to these departments for which I have so much sympathy.

In entering the East, the greatness of the enterprise which the supreme National Government has thought worthy to confide to my poor abilities does not deter me; for your patriotic virtues and your courage are doubtless superior to the audacity with which the stranger insults us.

Since the cabinet of Washington removed the hypocritical mask which covers its treason to support with effrontery the usurpation of Texas effected by her ungrateful inhabitants, our colonists, my heart possessed with a sacred fire, like that which every good Mexican ought to experience, inspired me with a lively desire to avenge so great an insult by chastising the aggressor, and in March of the last year, I placed my desire in form before the administration of that time, in order either in my own grade, or that of the private soldier with musket upon my shoulder, I might be permitted to make that campaign.

If it be well then that publicity was given to that proposition through the journals, it is much more gratifying to renew it at a time which finds me among you, and that at your side I shall joyously sacrifice my life upon the altars of the country, if, for the happiness of this country, so near to me, my existence may be the victim which destiny shall mark out.

Neither by any motive shall I be brought to forget, nor shall I pass in silence the occasion which is presented to me, to offer a grateful remembrance as a tribute to the inhabitants of Tobasco for the honorable demonstration of their esteem for my person, and the extraordinary efforts which they made that I might remain permanently there; but to the country every thing is due, and for its interest every other thing ought to be postponed; the reason why I am not still in the society of those estimable fellow citizens.

The worthy Chief Magistrate has conceived my poor services important to the nation, and I came with the greatest pleasure to bestow them upon you, for the affection, indeed, which you inspire in me; also, indeed, for the noble and patriotic sentiments to whose influence our enemies can oppose no resistance; they who, as you know, to the scandal of the Christian world, assist barbarous Indians with arms and munitions, in order that they may ravage our people. This ferocious enemy shall be also corrected, and we will chase him from our frontiers with the greatest possible brevity.

My heart has felt the most grateful pleasure in witnessing the public demonstrations of joy and general satisfaction with which the heroic people of Saltillo have received the division which marches under my orders; and no one ought to doubt that the brave men who compose it, united to our comrades, who do-day are entrenching themselves on the field of battle, will know how to give a convincing lesson to the enemy who dares to insult you; making him know the rights and power of a great and warlike people, highly offended in its honor and integrity.

Long live the Mexican Republic! Long live the Departments of the East and its intrepid defenders!!!!
(signed, ) PEDRO DE AMPUDIA.
Saltillo, March 27^th, 1846.

[BWP]

RE46v43i3p1c4, May 8, 1846: [From the N. Orleans Delta, Extra, April 29.] LATER FROM MEXICO.

By the politeness of a commercial house of this city, we have been furnished with the following extract from a letter received by the Brig Orleans, Capt. Pattherson, which sailed on the 23d inst., dated

VERA CRUZ, April 22, 1846.

* * * * The news here is nothing. We are anxiously waiting for intelligence from Matamoras. The last we received was, that Gen. Taylor had been fired on by the Mexicans, but had not returned the fire. This pretended pacific movement of our Government—this eternal dilly-dallying between peace and war, will deprive us of all the advantages which we might obtain by the adoption of an efficient course. Test assured that England is the prime mover in Mexico, and that tot settle the Oregon question favorable she will keep this hornet’s nest hovering over our heads.

Commodore Conner, with the United States squadron, except the John Adams, left this place on Sunday last, for what point unknown, but he is expected soon to return. Yours, &c.
[BWP]

RE46v43i3p1c4, May 8, 1846: FROM TEXAS-WAR BEGUN!

Late and Important from Texas—The War Began—Bloodshed on the Frontier, &c.

By the arrival this morning of the steamship New York, Capt. Phillips, from Galveston, we are in receipt of late and important news from the Army of Occupation.
[BWP]

RE46v43i3p1c4, May 8, 1846: From the Galveston Gazette, April 25^th. FROM THE ARMY.

The schr.L. M. Hitchcock arrived from the Brassos Santiago on Wednesday night, bringing later intelligence from the army and Mexican frontier. Various reports, more or less exaggerated, or altogether fabulous, have grown out of this arrival, but from cautious inquiry we find the following to be the substance of all the information received:

Our army is still encamped on the Rio Grande, some three miles below Matamoras. Gen. Arista sent a message to Gen. Taylor eight days since, that unless the American army retired immediately to the East bank of the Nueces, it would be attacked by that of Mexico without delay or further notice. Gen. Taylor returned for reply, that his present position had been taken under orders from his Government, and that he was prepared to maintain it against all comers. Gen. T. also, immediately despatched orders to our naval vessels on the coast to open a strict blockade, and 0prevent any communication from the Gulf with the Mexicans on shore, which was accordingly done and has since been in full force, the brig Lawrence and schr. Flirt cruising continually off the mouth of the Rio Grande and Brassos Santiago.

We regret to learn that Col. Cross, U. S. Paymaster General, some ten days since, took his usual ride into the country, and has not since returned or been heard of. The general belief is that he has been murdered, but whether by Mexicans, Indians or renegade white men, is a matter of doubt.

A lieutenant from our army a short time since, crossed the river, from what motive seems to be uncertain, and was taken by the Mexican forces, where he remained at the last accounts. It is reported, but we can find no direct authority for the statement, that his liberation has been demanded by Gen. Taylor, and refused.

We understand that Gen. Worth has resigned and gone on to Washington city, in consequence of an old question of rank, which has subsisted the proper duty of Congress, for which they are legally assembled, and who will find no difficulty in giving their irremediable sentence.
[BWP]

RE46v43i3p1c5, May 8, 1846:

The General in Chief of the 4^th Military Division to the Inhabitants of the Frontier.

My Friends: I left the village of________,sick, to come and participate with you in the labors and glories to which the hypocritical and daring North American usurpers invite us, and I instantly longed to find myself upon the banks of the Bravo, to salute them with all the effusion of my soul. I arrived yesterday in this city with the brigade which the brace General Don Anastasio Torrijon directs. At this moment the second is entering, and notwithstanding the necessity which exists for my remaining in this city, to adjust interesting matters, I advance, with a body of cavalry, by forced marches; for, indeed, you know me—I cannot have a moment of tranquility while I am not with you. In the meanwhile, let the sacred fire of your country burn as always in your hearts, and I will answer you with victory.

(Signed, ) PEDRO DE AMPUDIA.

[BWP]

RE46v43i3p1c5, May 8, 1846: From the “Eagle of the North, ” April 8^th, 1846.

We have seen with the greatest satisfaction the manifesto given to the nation by His Excellency the President ad interim, in regard to the correspondence relative to the subject of Texas, held between the Supreme Government and the Envoy Extraordinary of the United States. This document is as satisfactory as could be hoped for after the sincere offers made at San Louis Potosi by the chief of our destinies; in it we see explicitly treated the difficult question which for ten successive years has been the pretext for civil discord, and in it we have a safe guarantee that the existing energetic Government will fulfill without delay the obligations which it contracted with the nation in giving the programme, which unites all divisions, which makes opinion unanimous upon independence, the calumniating point of our social exigencies.

It is true war is not precisely declared in the manifesto referred to, and this will not readily satisfy the anxiety of those who are menaced by the ironically called colossus of the North; but in addition to their being in the expressions of his Excellency, the President, marked indications of a desire for the campaign so long a time talked of, a matter which has no little force in the mouth of the Chief Magistrate of a people, it is also therein expressed, as a fundamental basis, that the forced occupation of our territory by the U. States, and the appearance of their squadrons upon the coasts of Mexico, are regarded as a real aggression; such is the language proper for governments which desire to uphold dignity and decorum; nevertheless, there will not be wanting some malevolent spirits to charge us with not having finally declared war, as if such an act were not for some time between himself and one or two other officers.

The number of the Mexican troops at and near Matamoras is not known with any degree of accuracy, but we cannot learn of any considerable augmentation. Indeed, the impression appears to be, that they have been diminished of late, in consequence of the difficulty of obtaining supplies.

The two armies are encamped on opposite sides of the river, in view, and within some two hundred yards of each other, and both have thrown up fortifications, and added to the strength of their positions.

The steamship Telegraph had arrived from N. Orleans with 200 additional troops for the army under General Taylor. She struck on the bar in going in and drifted over without sustaining any injury worthy of note. She is expected here daily.

The weather has been exceedingly tempestuous off the coast, and fears are entertained that damage has been done to vessels in the vicinity.
[BWP]

RE46v43i3p1c6, May 8, 1846: BLOCKADE IN THE MEXICAN GULF.

The brig Equity, Capt. Place, arrived yesterday, brings information that when off Matamoras, with the intention of entering, on the 17^th inst, she was overhauled by the U. S. brig Lawrence and ordered off the coast. [N. O. Jeffersonian, April 29. [BWP]

RE46v43i3p1c6, May 8, 1846: MATAMORAS.

As this is the anticipated battle ground, opposite which General Taylor is encamped, the following description of the city, from a correspondent of the New York Tribune, may prove interesting:

Matamoras is an old Spanish City, containing about 7,000 inhabitants, and is beautifully situated on the Southern bank of the Rio Grande, within its folds so that its front and rear are both on the river. Seen from the American side, it has every appearance of being an American town. The streets intersect each other at right angles, and appear to be lined with many varieties of shade trees, which give the town an air of coolness, and render its appearance very inviting. Many of the buildings are built of brick and in the modern style of architecture. The Cathedral, market, and buildings occupies by the military, are among the finest. The dwellings of the poorer classes are constructed with canes, brush, mud and the like materials, and are essentially Mexican. The town formerly contained double its present number of inhabitants, and was a place of some importance. This rapid decline is owing to their internal commotions, and the growing indolence of the people. The citizens are all under the rule of the military, and are obliged to provide for them. The military is supreme, and the orders of their General, Mejia, are law.

The city has several fortifications, armed with guns of different calibres, and a force of 500 or 600 men is kept in them constantly. Since our arrival they have increased their force to nearly 3,000 men, and have been working night and day upon the defences of the place. They have thrown up several batteries which bear upon our camp, and we are quietly waiting for them to give us a ball. Should they favor us, we shall return the compliment with a series of them, for the Spanish are very particular in matters of etiquette. Our camp is directly opposite the town, and 800 yards from their batteries. We are engaged in throwing up a field work, constructing gun batteries, and taking such precautions as are necessary to enable us to maintain our position. This seems important since our intercourse with them is entirely prohibited by the Mexican authorities, and their attitude decidedly hostile.
[BWP]

RE46v43i3p1c7, May 8, 1846: The Earl of Aberdeen to Mr. Pakenham. FOREIGN OFFICER, March 3, 1846.

Sir: I have much satisfaction in conveying to you the entire approval of Her Majesty’s Government of the steps which, as reported in your despatch of the 29^th of January, you took, and of the letter which you addressed to the American Secretary of State, for the purpose of ascertaining clearly and authoritatively, whether the United States Government would be disposed to admit the application of the principle of an arbitration of the Oregon Question on any other terms than those which they had already rejected.

In thus acting, you have, in a most judicious and satisfactory manner, anticipated the instructions which I was preparing to forward you on this subject.

We have now nothing to do but to await Mr. Buchanan’s reply to your appeal to him, although I collect from your despatch that your proposal will certainly be refused. Should that reply, however, be of such a nature as to give any ground of hope that the matter in dispute may be brought to an amicable issue by means of direct negotiation, I shall gladly avail myself of such an opening. If not, it will then be for Her Majesty’s Government to consider what measure it may be expedient to adopt, in order to meet any emergency which may arise. I am, &c., [Signed, ] ABERDEEN. The Earl of Aberdeen to Mr. Pakenham. FOREIGN OFFICE, March 3, 6 P. M., 1846. Sir: Since my preceding despatch of this day’s date was written, I have received your despatch of the 5^th of February, with its inclosure, by which you put me in possession of the final rejection by the U. States Government of our proposal of a reference of the Oregon question to arbitration.

There is, of course, no time before the departure of the mail of this evening for the consideration of so serious a question as that which is involved in the President’s decision as now announced. I am, &c.,

(Signed, ) ABERDEEN.

[BWP]

RE46v43i3p1c6, May 8, 1846: No title.

The Oregon question continues to be a fruitful source of discussion with the British journals.—The speech of Mr. Webster, and the propriety of settling the dispute upon the basis of 49 degs., were much commented on. The London Times, by some called the organ of Lord Aberdeen, tho’ it is more probably the mouth-piece of the Hudson’s Bay Company, is as bitter as ever in deriding and opposing the American title North of Columbia river, and states that latitude 49 was as far as the original claim of the U. States extended, and that line had never been conceded by the British statesmen. If conceded now, the Times claims the freedom of the Columbia, the whole of Vancouver’s Island, and the Straits of Fuca, with full indemnity to the Hudson’s Bay Company for resigning their posts.

The London Examiner say England loves peace, but is ready for war.
[BWP]

RE46v43i3p1c6, May 8, 1846: England and the United States—The Oregon Question.

The Times says the accounts from the United States by the Hibernia, to the beginning of April, have excited a good deal of attention. The message of Mr. Polk to Congress is not considered warlike. Indeed, some of the public sureties profess to see the best guaranty for the continuance of peace, in the expense to which the country would be put by arming for a conflict.—Seventy millions of dollars bestowed upon putting the army and navy on a footing for commenting the emergency of the case, would induce every man to contribute this quota to that astonishing sum to inquire into its necessity.

The following extracts from an article in the London Times, of the 18^th ult., show that that paper does not look upon the line of 49 degrees even as a certain line of agreement, and gives also the latest opinion which we find on this question:

* * * In the whole course of these negotiations, that which has changed moist completely, is the claim set up by the Americans. In 1818 and 1826, the territory in dispute was expressly asserted, and clearly understood, to be comprised between the 42d and 49^th degrees of latitude. As for the more Northern tract, between 49 and 54 40, we are not aware that the paramount claims of Britain to that part of it, were then called in question. The proposals of it for partition, ranged between the mouth of the Columbia and the 49^th degree, but not beyond; and the American Plenipotentiaries unsuccessfully claimed the whole of that region, but no more. Since that time, and in their more recent discussions, they have raised their demands; they have laid claim to the whole country; and then, as if it were the farthest limits of condescension and concession, they revert to their former offer, the very same which they before rejected. * * * * *

They have raised a claim to the whole of Oregon, not with any expectation of acquiring the entire province, but in order to reconcile us to terms we have before declared to be admissible.
[BWP]

RE46v43i3p2c4, May 8, 1846: FROM MEXICO.

Yesterday’s Southern mail brings us a few additional items of intelligence from this excited country. The latest dates received at Vera Cruz from Matamoras were of the 2d inst.; they state that General Mejia had not attacked General Taylor on account of the retreat of the latter. Those from Mazatlan were of the 1^st—and in “El Locomotor” of the 22d, we find a list of the American vessels of war which had blockaded that port; they consisted of the frigate Savannah, 60 guns; do.Constitution, 50; sloop of war Portsmouth, 34; do.Levant, 34; and schr.Shark, 12 guns.

A revolution had taken place in the Southern Departments of Mexico, where Gen. Don Juan Alvarez had published the Federal Constitution, and advocated the return to power of Gen. Santa Anna. No further particulars had been received about the revolution, but it was confirmed from several sources.

According to the “Locomotor” of the 20^th ult., the American squadron laying at Sacrificios set sail on the 18^th, and returned on the third day. It is believed that these movements were caused by slight fevers, which had prevailed among the crews of said vessels during those days, and that they went to sea in order to get a cool and pure air.

The news of the death of Signor Don Maximo Garro, late Envoy to the King of the French, had reached Vera Cruz, and this is supposed to have detained at Havana Gen. Almonte, who sent his secretary back to Mexico by the British steamer of the 9^th.

The said journal of the 18^th states, that it was reported that the Mexican government had entered into agreements with the Spanish government for the sale of the steamers of war Montezuma and Guadalupe, for the sum of $80,000; and it suggests that under the actual circumstances, it was not proper for the Mexican government to enter into any such arrangements with Spain, but to offer the said steamers at public sale, and dispose of them to the highest bidder. It has been reported, and it is stated in some private letters, that the steamers have been bought by the English house of Manning, Marshall & co., for the sum of $640,000, and that they were to proceed to Havana immediately. We cannot credit the latter rumor, for we have seen both steamers, and are well acquainted with their force, build and other circumstances, which are not enough to make them worth half the amount which it is said has been paid for them; and there is too great a difference between that sum and the one which the Locomotor states had been offered for them by Spain.
[BWP]

RE46v43i3p2c4, May 8, 1846: FROM THE ARMY OF OCCUPATION.

Below we give farther extracts from the New Orleans papers relative to the U. States troops now stationed on the Rio Grande, under the command of Gen. Taylor. Gen. Worth, Cols. Coffin, Waite, Fisher and Treadwell, Majors Van Ness and March, Captains Duncan, Whitehead and McLellan, and several other officers of the army, arrived at New Orleans on the 30^th April, in the steamship New York.

The iron steamer Hunter was off Galveston bar on the 27^th April, having lost her smokepipe, and being short of provisions. She was then eleven days out from Brazos Santiago.—Some of her passengers were transferred to the New York.

The schr.L. M. Hitchcock, Captain Wright, arrived at Galveston on the 23d April, from Brazos Santiago, having sailed on Sunday, the 19^th—three days after the Colonel Harney—but she brought no news of much interest. The rash attempt of Lieut. Deas to discover the fate of his friend Col. Cross, whereby he fell into the hands of the Mexicans, is fully detailed, with its unfortunate issue, in the letters below from correspondents of the New Orleans Picayune. The remaining intelligence by the Hitchcock has been anticipated by the arrival of the Col. Harney.

About fifty of the American army had deserted, and swarm the river for the Mexican camp; but a number of them were shot as deserters while in the water. The whole number of American troops is estimated at between two and three thousand, and they are said to be in excellent discipline, and eager for an engagement with the enemy. Ampudia’s forces are reported at between three and four thousand. It reported, that Arista is about to supersede Ampudia in the command.
[BWP]

RE46v43i3p2c4, May 8, 1846: Correspondence of the New Orleans Picayune. CAMP OPPOSITE MATAMORAS, Texas, April 18^th, 1846.

The two opposing armies are within five hundred yards of each other—both busily engaged in entrenching themselves and throwing up fieldworks. The most perfect non-intercourse is established. Thousands of reports are in daily circulation with regard to the probable time at which we are to be eaten up, and frequently news reaches us that the Mexicans are crossing the river at some point above or below us, when some unlucky devils [whose detail it happens to be] are detached on a scout for the whole night.

The last report is, that Gen. Arista has taken command of the Mexican army, and that all hostile operations are to be suspended until next June, in order to give the two Governments an opportunity of negotiating peaceably—or, in other words, giving the Mexicans an opportunity of backing out with some show of decency. Take my word for it, we are to have no fun, unless we lead off the dance.

Many of our officers assemble daily on the banks of the river, and gaze with longing eyes at the houses, streets and signoras of the beautiful city of Matamoras. In the course of a week our fortification will be finished, when we may safely defy the whole Mexican army. It is said that Arista is the rival and enemy of Paredes, and will therefore be disposed to favor the American Government.

Col. Cross, our Quartermaster-General, has doubtless been taken prisoner by a party of rancheros, and taken over to Mexico. Lieut. Deas, of the 4^th Artillery concluded, very strangely, the other night, that he would swim over to Matamoras and get information about Col. Cross.—He swam over in his uniform; and yesterday when Gen. Taylor made a demand upon the authorities for Col. C., they returned an answer that he was not there, but that they had Lieut. Deas, whom they held as a prisoner of war. Deas he not [have] permission from Gen. T. to go, so I suppose he will have to get back the best way he can. There is no apprehension but that these gentlemen are safe--Deas at Matamoras, and Col. Cross at some place in the interior.
[BWP]

RE46v43i3p2c4, May 8, 1846: Correspondence of the New Orleans Picayune. CAMP, OPPOSITE MATAMORAS, April 19.

My Dear Friends—A report has been brought over here, by a Mexican from Matamoras, to the effect that Ampudia will, in three days, be relieved in the command of the “Army of the North” by General Arista, and that so soon as he arrives, he will give us battle; and, as a matter of course, we are all to have our heads boiled in oil and our livers stuffed with garlic. Look out that the Matamorians don’t “ring in” an extra lot of sausage meat on the Crescent City. From the general character of Gen. Arista I look for more favorable views towards the United States than in appointing any other general in Mexico. He opposed the present Government of Mexico, and since Paredes has been power, has expressed sentiments favorable to the United States.

Lieut. E. Deas, mentioned in my last, has been heard from. He swam the river for the purpose of gaining information in relation to Col. Cross. He went on his own hook and responsibility, without permission or sanction from either party.—He was taken by a picket-guard, and is now a prisoner at Matamoras. He writes that he is kindly treated. We heard that he was not in close confinement, but had the privilege of the barracks on his parole, and was invited to the mess of Col. Curesco. Deas is a brave and intelligent man, and I think will some day be found “right side up.” He is, however, in an unfortunate position, leaving our camp without the sanction of Gen. Taylor, and crossing into Mexico with a passport.

I have not time to say more to you this morning, except that there has been a very severe fog here for two days, which has brought the mud to about ancle deep. Yours truly.
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RE46v43i3p3c2, May 8, 1846: COL. CROSS.

A private letter received in Philadelphia, says the Times, from an Officer at the Camp of Occupation, states that the Mexicans have acknowledged the capture of Col. Cross.—He had rode a distance of about two miles outside of the advanced pickets, when he was surrounded, and captured by about twenty mounted Mexicans. He had been conveyed across the river, and some distance into the interior, but the enemy declare that no harm is intended to him.
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RE46v43i3p3c2, May 8, 1846: TWENTY-NINTH CONGRESS. WEDNESDAY, May 6. SENATE.

The Committee on Finance made a report in favor of agreeing with most of the amendments of the House to the bill providing for deficiencies in the appropriations for the fiscal year ending 30^th June, 1846, and recommending that the Senate recede from some of its amendments and insist upon others.

The report was read and adopted, and the bill as amended ordered to be returned to the House.

On motion of Mr. Lewis, the Senate took up the Fortification bill, and after the adoption of one or two amendments, it was passed over informally at the request of Mr. Yulee, who wished to obtain some further information relative to the proposed fortifications upon Florida reef.

Mr. Johnson of La., on leave, introduced a bill for the relief of the Mexican Railroad Company.

The resolution offered by Mr. Speight yesterday, to change the hour of meeting to 11 o’clock, was taken up and r ejected—ayes 16, noes 22.

The bill to provide for the settlement of the claim of New Hampshire against the General Government, which was rejected sometime since, and afterwards agreed to be reconsidered, was taken up.

Mr. Atherton explained the merits of the bill at some length.

Mr. J. M. Clayton moved to postpone the bill until Monday next, owing to the thinness of the Senate.

Mr. Allen opposed the postponement, and said a few words in behalf of the bill.

Mr. Mangum was in favor of the postponement, not on account of the thinness of the Senate, but on account of the necessary absence of one or two Senators who are conversant with the whole subject. He moved to postpone until Monday week, and make it the special order.

After some remarks from Mr. J. M. Clayton, Mr. Atherton, and others, the motion was lost.

The question then recurred on ordering the bill to be engrossed for a third reading, and it was decided in the affirmative—yeas22, nays 13.

A message was received from the House, stating that the House had resolved to insist upon its disagreement to the 3d and 9^th amendments of the Senate to the deficiency appropriation bill.

Mr. Haywood moved to recede from the third amendment (to pay Dr. Thomas P. Jones some $3,000 for making experiments relative to steam boilers.).

Mr. Evans hoped the Senate would not recede. There were only two amendments in dispute between the two Houses, and he hoped that the amendments would be insisted upon, and Committee of Conference appointed, who could doubtless soon settle these differences.

After some remarks, the question was taken upon receding from both amendments, and the Senate agreed to recede, by a vote of 17 to 12. The bill therefore only requires the signature of the President to become a law.

The French spoliation bill was made the special order for next Monday.

The bill to establish Federal Courts, &c., in the State of Florida was next taken up in order.
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RE46v43i3p3c2, May 8, 1846: HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.

The House went into Committee of the Whole—Mr. Boyd of Ky. In the Chair—and took up the special order, being the bill “to repeal that part of the act of the 30^th August, 1842, (Tariff act) which imposes a duty of 20 per cent., ad valorem on Java Coffee, and to refund the discriminating tonnage duties levied on Spanish vessels (except those from Cuba, and Porto Rico) by the act of 13^th July, 1832.”.

Mr. Winthrop, of Mass. Opposed the bill on the ground that Java Coffee was by it made an exception to the coffee imported from every other part of the world. The motive assigned for bringing in the bill was the alleged violation of some treaty. Some skillful Dutch diplomatist had convinced the Chairman of Foreign Affairs of this fact, and by a Treasury circular discriminations had been made in favor of Coffee imported into the U. S. in Dutch vessels.

Mr. W. argued that there had been no violation of the treaty between the United States and Holland. Secretary Bibb had violated the law during nearly the whole term of his office by the circulars he had issued, and the present Secretary of the Treasury had done nearly the same thing for a year past. The treaty which it had been alleged was violated, has not been violated, in point of fact, at all. This treaty, indeed, afforded no advantage to us. us. An export duty of 25 per cent was laid upon all coffee exported in foreign vessels, and this discrimination was extended to 50 per cent. Against the United States merchants. It was therefore impossible for our merchants under this heave export duty to compete with the coffee imported from Java in Dutch vessels. vessels. In 1830 there were thirty ships employed in the Java trade, and now there were but three or four. It was now proposed in the bill to make a further discrimination against the United States. This was the reciprocal free trade proposed by the bill and defended by the friends of free trade, in the House. It was a discrimination against American vessels, both by the Dutch government and the American government.

Mr. W. said he regretted that the Executive Government had given so little heed to this subject. He had reason to know that it had been brought to he notice of the Treasury Department, and important information laid before it, but thus far without any attention being paid to it.

Mr. Seaborn Jones moved an amendment to the first section, so as to confine the benefits of the bill solely to coffee imported in American vessels. At this stage of the proceedings,

Mr. Dromgoole of Virginia moved that the Committee rise, as he wished to submit a question of privilege to the House.

The Committee rose accordingly.

Mr. Dromgoole then offered a resolution, that any member summoned as a witness before the Circuit Court of the United States for this District, should have leave to attend the Court.

Mr. Winthrop moved to add a proviso, that the member should attend when summoned, if he thought proper to do so. He contended that the Courts of law had no power to require the attendance of members.

Mr. Dromgoole concurred in this opinion, and accepted the proviso.

Mr. Thommason, of Ky., and Messrs. Holmes and Sims, of S. C., debated the propriety of adopting the resolution as one of privilege, and, therefore, one of a very delicate character.

Mr. Gordon, of N. Y., moved to lay the resolution upon the table.

Mr. Dromgoole called for the yeas and nays—and the motion was lost—yeas 44, nays 117.

Mr. Hunter of Va. offered a proviso that the leave granted should not be regarded as waiving any privilege on the part of a member, and that they should be exempt from attachment if summoned to attend.

Mr. Adams was desirous that the courts of law and the member of the House should not come in collision with each other. His own practice had always been to attend as a witness when summoned, and he never supposed that he violated any privilege by doing so. A new motion was made to lay upon the table and lost. The previous question was then seconded upon a substitute offered by Mr. Burt, of S. C., giving leave to George W. Hopkins of Va. To obey the summons of the Circuit Court. The resolution was adopted in this form.

The House insisted up9on the amendments to the arrearage bill.

Several Executive communications were then received, one in relation to the slave trade, and one in answer to the call as to the deserters of the army. The Adjutant General states that two men have been shot while deserting, and four drowned.

The communications were laid upon the table, and the House then went into Committee of the Whole, upon the bill in relation to Java coffee.

A motion was made to strike out the first section, which was lost by a vote of 59 to 55.

The second section was agreed to, when the committee rose and reported the bill to the House, which was ordered to be read a third time, and passed. After which the House adjourned.
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RE46v43i4p1c3, May 12, 1846: NOTICE SENT TO GREAT BRITAIN.

It is understood, says the Newark Advertiser, though not officially announced, that Mr. Buchanan, by direction of the President, sent despatches by the steamer which sailed from Boston on the 1^st instant, addressed to Mr. McLane, in London, directing him to give Lord Aberdeen the year’s notice providing for the termination of the joint occupation of the Oregon territory. Mr. Buchanan, it is also said, has given official information of the fact to Mr. Packenham. The form in which the notice was sent, embraces, the understanding is, the preamble and resolution as it passed Congress.
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RE46v43i4p1c3, May 12, 1846: No title.

Some ultra Whigs, ever watchful for an occasion to condemn the acts of the Administration, have pounced upon the first unfavorable news from the army, to charge the President with neglect of duty, in not ordering to Texas a force sufficient for any contingency. He the President carried out their views, as now expressed, who doubts that these same Whigs, long ere this would have been loud in charging the President with a profligate waste of the public money, &c. But we make a short extract from Saturday night’s Union, which places this matter in its true light.

“It should be understood that General Taylor has been for several months authorized to call for any auxiliary forces from Texas, Louisiana, and some other of the Southwestern States—in fact, for such reinforcsments as he might deem it necessary for him to possess. But, like a gallant officer, believing his force adequate to meet any enemy which might present itself, and to overcome every danger, he omitted to exercise the authority with which he has been intrusted. His sense of security has overcome every other consideration; and he has not made his call in time to secure himself against all contingencies. There is no doubt entertained that this sense of security was increased by the communications from the Mexican General, from which he had a right to conclude that no hostilities would take place on this side of the river till the meeting of the new Congress.”[BWP]

RE46v43i4p1c4, May 12, 1846: FROM THE ARMY! LATE AND IMPORTANT FROM RIO BRAVO!.

General Taylor’s Camp Surrounded by the Mexicans—Capture of two Companies of Cavalry—Lieut. Cain and thirteen Men Killed!—The Enemy on American Soil!

From the Second Edition of the New Orleans Bulletin, of May 2d, we take the following highly important news from the Army of Occupation:

By the arrival at 5 o’clock, this morning, of the steamship Galveston, Capt. John T. Wright, we have been put in possession of the Extras of the Galveston News and the Civilian, of the 30^th ult. The News says: “On Thursday morning, 23d, a Mexican came into Gen. Taylor’s camp and reported 2000 Mexicans crossing the river some 20 miles above. That afternoon Captains Hardee and Thornton were sent with two companies of cavalry, 63 men in all, to reconnoitre. On Friday morning, they fell into an ambush of the enemy, when Lieut. Cain and 13 men were killed, Capt. Thornton missing, and Capt. Hardee and 46 men prisoners. On Saturday afternoon the Mexicans sent in a wounded man, who made the above report. These Mexicans, it is stated, were commanded by Canales and Carabajal. After the fight, the Mexicans on this side of the river were largely reinforced and have surrounded General Taylor‘s camp, cutting off all communication with Point Isabel, at which place is the train and all of the stores belonging to the army—Gen. Taylor not having over ten days’ provisions. There are at Point Isabel 90 artillery men, 20 dragoons, about two hundred and fifty teamsters, and about a hundred and fifty citizens and laborers; and the entrenchments not half finished.

The steamer Monmouth, landed Mr. Catlett on the night of the 28^th, at Port Labaca, with despatches from Gen. Taylor, calling on Gov. Henderson for forty companies of riflemen, 60 men each, 20 of the companies to be mounted men, to rendezvous at Corpus Christi. When they will be mustered into service and supplied with provisions. The foot companies will rendezvous at Galveston, where transportation will be furnished. The steamer Augusta was to have left the Brasos St. Iago on Monday night for New Orleans, with Gen. Taylor‘s call on the Governor’s of Louisiana, Mississippi and Alabama, for 8000 troops. Should immediate relief not be sent to Point Isabel, it will most probably fall into the power of the enemy, with all the army stores, and the destruction of the whole army may follow.

Gen. Taylor’s works in front of Matamoras would be completed on the morning of the 28^th, at which time it was expected the fire would be opened on the city. Troops should not await the call of the Governor, as it will be a week before it can reach this place, but hurry to the relief of Point Isabel, as by saving that place only will we have it in our power to render the army timely assistance. Texans! You have now at last a glorious opportunity of retaliating on these perfidious Mexicans the many injuries they have done you, and of carrying that war into the heart of their own country, the cruelties of which they have so often made you feel.

We are indebted for the above to Mr. Benjamin S. Grayson, who has just returned by the Monmouth. He informs us that Capt. Catlet left the army on Sunday night with a Mexican guide, and, passing down the river, reached Point Isabel on Monday morning, with Gen. Taylor’s despatches to the Governor of Texas. The Monmouth was unable to leave until Monday morning, in consequence of having to discharge, and take in provisions to be sent in to Corpus Christi for the volunteers as fast as they arrive. These were left at St. Joseph, whence the White Wing is now taking them to their destination.

The Galveston reports that on Friday, the first of May, she fell in with the schooner Augusta, from Brassos St. Iago, and took on board Colonel Doane, bearer of important despatches from General Taylor.

It will be seen by the following (says the New Orleans Commercial Bulletin, ) that our brave fellow-citizens of Texas are already mustering to the rescue. We do not know whether the Governor of Louisiana has been called on for volunteers, but with or without a requisition, we know there are thousands in our city ready and eager to avenge their countrymen and chastise the invader. We have no doubt, however, that requisitions have been sent to Gov. Johnson.

[From the Galveston Civilian—Extra].

The steamer Monmouth arrived off the bar yesterday evening, and came into port this morning, with late and exciting accounts from the army.

A company of 60 dragoons, under Captain Thornton, have been taken by the Mexicans.—They were out a short distance from camp—saw a few Mexicans reconnoitering, pursued them, and shortly found themselves surrounded by 1,000, (as is reported, ) Mexican infantry, who fired upon them, they turned to retreat, but found themselves surrounded by cavalry, and within the range of four pieces of artillery. They saw the Captain leap the fence enclosing the Mexican camp, and think he escaped. This information was obtained at General Taylor’s camp by a wounded man sent in by the Mexicans, for the benefit of our hospital. There were 13 or 14 of Captain Taylor’s Company killed.

General Taylor’s camp is said to be surrounded by a vastly superior Mexican force, and cut off from his supplies at Point Isabel, where there are but 400 men, liable at any time to be taken. Arista is in command of the Mexican forces, which he assumed on the 22d. He says he wishes to carry on the war in the European and Christian style.

General Taylor has called upon the Governor of Texas for forty companies of volunteers; the infantry to leave Galveston by steam; mounted men to rendezvous at Corpus Christi. Gen. Taylor is said to have but ten days’ rations in his present position, which is a strong one, and capable of being defended against a greatly superior force; but it is feared he will be cut off from his supplies unless reinforced.

These are all the main facts which are in our possession as yet.

Gen. Hunt will leave for the seat of war this evening, and land, and wishes to be joined by those who are ready.
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RE46v43i4p1c3, May 12, 1846: COIN IN TEXAS.

A correspondent of the New York Journal of Commerce, writing from Austin (Texas) on the 13^th of April, says:

“The currency here is gold and silver, the people relishing nothing else. They count by ‘dimes.’ ‘half-dimes, ’ ‘bit’ (one shilling, ) and dollars.—If a stray bank note makes its appearance, it is examined closely; and ‘tis not strange, for they have been badly . . .[illegible] . . .. If a merchant is going East or North, he finds no trouble in purchasing a bill of exchange on New Orleans, at which place he can obtain drafts on any point. I am inclined to think that the provision of the constitution prohibiting banking, is well for this new country.—There are so many extremely smart men always on the qui vive for obtaining bank charters, that Texas might have suffered by their financiering; if she had not, she would have been luckier than most of the new States have been.”[BWP]

RE46v43i4p1c3, May 12, 1846: To the Editors of the Enquirer: WASHINGTON CITY, Saturday night, 1 o’clock.

“The news produced a great sensation and some little alarm, at first. I saw Gen. * * * and Mr. * * * to night. They seem to think that there is no danger of the army’s being cut off. I hear that Gen. Worth, who had tendered his resignation, on hearing the news this evening, with a promptness and patriotism which do him great credit, asked that his resignation should be suspended. He will to-morrow or next day return to his post in Texas. A great many persons seem to be pleased that we shall now have an opportunity of bringing our affairs with Mexico to a speedy settlement; that we have shown forbearance long enough, &c.”[BWP]

RE46v43i4p1c5, May 12, 1846: “TO ARMS! TEXANS, TO ARMS!”

“The U. States Army under Gen. Taylor, is surrounded by the Mexican enemy on American soil. Gen. Taylor has called on the Governor of Texas for 2,400 troops; let Galveston show the world that they are always ready for the defence of their country.

ORDERS
Head Quarters,
Galveston Volunteer Batallion,
30^th April, 1846.

The commissioned and non-commissioned officers of the companies composing the Galveston Volunteer Battallion are requested to meet for consultation at 10 o’clock this morning, at the Galveston Artillery Armory, at Mr. Crawford’s store. The country needs our services! No time should be lost in immediately organizing the several corps of this battalion. The commandant of the battalion has the fullest confidence in the patriotism and zeal of the citizen soldiers of Galveston! He is sure they will not hesitate in this emergency! They have always desired an opportunity of showing their prowess to their Mexican enemies!.

That opportunity has now arrived! It is expected the young men of Galveston will immediately rally as volunteers, nor wait for their services to be required by draft.

A rendezvous will be immediately opened for volunteers, to increase the ranks of each of the volunteer corps of the city, and also to organise and additional company of Infantry or Riflemen. A prompt attendance of the officers is expected at the time and place appointed. By order of C. G. BRYANT, Major Commanding Galveston Volunteer Battalion.

If 150 or 200 men, with the proper officers, can be raised by to-morrow morning, at 8 o’clock, they will be supplied with arms and accoutrements, and will take passage on board the steamer Monmouth, now bound for Point Isabel. N. KINGSBURY, Lieut. U. S. Army.
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RE46v43i4p1c5, May 12, 1846: [From the New Orleans Bulletin, Extra, May 2].

The news in our second edition this morning, is regarded as of much importance.

Letters from authentic American sources in Matamoras state that the Mexican forces are at least 8,000 men, well equipped, with an excellent part of artillery.

The Governor of this State has issued his requisition for twenty-five hundred volunteers, and the soldiers are already in the Street, and making the most active preparations for departure. They will leave in the course of twenty-four hours.

The Legislature of this State with a patriotic promptitude, worthy of all praise, have already passed a bill appropriating 100,000 dollars for the service. The measure passed by acclamation.
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RE46v43i4p1c5, May 12, 1846: [From the N.O.Picayune, Extra, May 2.].

The Legislature has just passed, by acclamamation, a bill appropriating ONE HUNDRED THOUSAND DOLLARS to equip and forward Volunteers from this place to Point Isabel, or at whatever point they may be required.

The city is in great excitement. Guns are being fired from the Public Square, and drums and flags are paraded through the street. Louisiana will do her duty in this crisis![BWP]

RE46v43i4p1c5, May 12, 1846: FURTHER EXTRACTS.

In addition to the foregoing, which was published on Saturday last in a second edition of the Enquirer, the New Orleans Picayune has received an extra from the office of the “News, ” at Galveston, where the intelligence was received by the steamboat Monmouth, with Capt. Catlett on board, a bearer of despatches from Gen.Taylor to Gov. Henderson, of Texas, calling upon him for aid. We give the letter to the Galveston Committee in full, as it best shows the urgency of the call for reinforcements:

LETTER OF CAPT. CATLETT TO THE PEOPLE OF GALVESTON.
ON BOARD STEAMER MONMOUTH,
Off St. Joseph’s, April 28^th, 1846.

Gentlemen: I am the bearer of a communication from Gen. Taylor to Gov. Henderson, requesting to be immediately reinforced by twenty companies of foot Riflemen. My destination is Victoria, and thence to Austin. I was instructed by the General to send an express from the former place by land to your city, with communications to Lieut. Kingsbury, and at the same time to spread the information through the country.—But it having been left discretionary with me, and the Monmouth being available, I have determined to s end the communications by her, and also to write to you, in order to facilitate as much as possible the sending on of troops. Gen. Taylor is in a very precarious situation at his camp near Matamoras, and an attack is feared on the post at Point Isabel. I believe that a reinforcement of two hundred men would save that place. This is vastly important, as a large amount of commissariat and ordnance stores are deposited there, and , if that place should fall, Gen. Taylor will be left without resources of any kind.

I was instructed by Gen. Taylor to send out from Victoria expresses in such directions as I might deem most advisable, so as to have all the men possible on their march to his relief without awaiting the orders of the Governor. You will have it in your power to send to the Lower Brazos, Houston and Montgomery, sooner than an express can go from Victoria. I therefore leave that to you, knowing that it will be promptly attended to. I shall send to Matagorda, Texana, Richmond and San Felipe. If you have an opportunity, please send to Washington. Washington. I shall send there from La Grange.

The place of rendezvous for the foot companies is suggested by the General at Galveston; that of the mounted men at Corpus Christi; at which place there will be provisions and forage. No party less than 400 should think of going through on the direct road to Matamoras, as there is a large force of Mexicans on the Aroyo Colorado, for the purpose of cutting off reinforcements in that direction. Small parties can cross from Corpus Christi on to Padre’s Island. Arrangements are made for crossing from the lower point of the Island to Point Isabel.

If two hundred men could be raised even temporarily at Galveston, I am decidedly of opinion that it would be better to send them forth with by the Monmouth; the security of Point Isabel is of the last importance.

From the best information we could obtain, the force of the Mexicans is set down at seven thousand certain, and reports go as high as twelve thousand.

All communication is now cut off between the camp and Point Isabel, except by running the gauntlet. I came out in the night of the 27^th with a guide, and was prowling all night through chaparral, swamps and lakes.

Capt. Baker will be able to give you all the particulars of what has happened, the situation of Point Isabel, &c., &c.

The old General is as cool as a cucumber, and has so strengthened his position, that I am of opinion nothing can move him but starvation. In haste, your obedient servant, W. G. CATLETT.

Messrs. Williams and others.
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RE46v43i4p1c6, May 12, 1846: [Correspondence of the New Orleans Tropic.] ST. JOSEPH’S ISLAND, April 28^th, 1846.

Messr. Editors: By the arrival of the steamer Monmouth, this day, intelligence has been received at this place of the army of occupation being surrounded by 10,000 Mexican troops. The Mexican army passed the Rio Grande in the night. Capt. Thornton, 2d Dragoons, in attempting to cut his way out with his company, was killed. Also, two subalterns and 13 privates—the remainder taken prisoners. Gen. Taylor on this day, 28^th, engages with the enemy. His whole force of fighting men will not number 3,000—his motto is, “conquer or die!” The U. S. troops are eager for the fray.
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RE46v43i4p1c5, May 12, 1846: Correspondence of the New Orleans Tropic. BRAZOS. ST. IAGO, April 27.

By the Augusta I sent you some of the items now transpiring around this interesting spot—The opinion is fast gaining ground here, that the inbecility of the Mexicans has been greatly overrated. This is the theatre of real war, not paper squabbles, but is the seat of the commencement of sanguinary conflict, and one it is feared of more importance and longer duration that has been anticipated; but the farce is at an end, and the curtain has risen midst blood and carnage, the opening of a drama almost unexpected, and our country already mourns the loss of some of her finest and bravest officers. On Thursday, the 23d, General Taylor received info9rmation that a body of the Mexican Army had crossed the Rio Grande some distance above the encampment.—Early the following morning, Captains Thornton and Hardee, of 2d Light Dragoons, with a Company of 70 men, were dispatched by Gen. Taylor to reconnoitre above, and Capt. Kerr, of the same regiment, with a Company to reconnoitre below the Encampment. The latter returned without having made any discovery. discovery. The former division fell in with what he considered to be a scouting party of the enemy, but which proved to be the advanced guard of a strong body of the enemy, who held a situation in the chapparel immediately in the rear of Gen. Taylor’s c amp. Capt. Thornton charged upon the guard contrary to the advice of his Mexican guide, and on following the enemy Capt. Thornton found his command surrounded by the enemy, who fired on him, killing, as is supposed, Capt. Thornton, Lieuts. Kane and Mason, and some 26 of the men, and taking Capt. Hardee and the remainder of the command prisoners.

The Mexican commander sent in a cart to General Taylor’s camp with a soldier badly wounded, with a message that he had no travelling hospital with him and could not give him the assistance his situation required. There is no doubt the detachment of the enemy east of the Rio Grande consists fully of 2,500 men commanded by Colonels Carasco and Carrajabal, bold and intrepid officers of experience and ability; and were the whole army officered by such men as Carasco, as I know him personally, we should not be upon an unequal footing. There is no doubt their object is to cut off all communication with Point Isabel, this being the general depot of provisions for the American army; they have succeeded, and consequently placed the American army in a precarious situation. It will be utterly impossible for Gen. Taylor to force his way along the dreary chaparels in which the enemy are strongly posted. His command cannot exceed 2,300 men.

Gen. Taylor has an excellent position in the rear of Matamoras; and can hold his position against the whole Mexican army combined, and his batteries can raze the city in an hour. Most of the citizens have left Matamoras, and Gen’l Taylor has said, that when the regular soldiers of Mexico were seen on the East bank of the river, he would destroy the city. His batteries are to be ready on the 27^th, complete. General Taylor has in camp full rations for 15 days, which he thinks can be made to last 30, by which time he is in hopes to receive large reinforcements from the States of Texas and Louisiana, upon each of which States he has made a requisition for the equipment and transmission to Point Isabel of four full regiments of militia.

It is thought by the superior officers of General Taylor’s army, that 20,000 men will be required within a very short period, as it is well known that the Mexican army is daily receiving large reinforcements from the interior. It was supposed by the American officers that General Arista reached Matamoras on the evening of the 22d, with a large Brigade, but up to the period of my informant leaving the camp, no communication had been received by General Taylor from General Arista. On the 22d, General Taylor received from General Ampudia, by the means of a flag of truce, a communication in very offensive terms, complaining of having blockaded the Rio Grade. To which he replied, that he General Ampudia, had been the cause of the blockade, he having expressly declared that, unless General Taylor commenced his retreat beyond the Neuces, within twenty-four hours after his displaying his flag upon the banks of the Rio Grande, he would consider War as being declared, and should act accordingly. General Taylor furthermore stated that he would receive no further communication from the Mexican Government, unless couched in language more respectful towards the Government and people of the United States. At Point Isabel, great fears were entertained of a night attack, which, from the exposed situation of that Point, could not be otherwise than successful, if conducted with energy.

The post is defended by Major Monroe, with a detachment of 80 artilleries. There are also at the post about 200 armed waggoners, and 50 laborers under the orders of the Quarter Masters; some 100 citizens, furnished with arms by the United States Ordnance officer, organized under the command of Capt. Perkins, and denominated the Sumpter Guards. A company of 50 Mexican cavalry was seen on the night of the 26th, within five miles of Point Isabel., They were supposed to be a corps of observation. The body of Col. Cross was found on the 21^st ult. About three miles from camp, frightfully mutilated and entirely divested of clothing.

The body of Lieut. Porter, who was killed by a party of banditti, under the command of Romero Flacon, had not been found. The principal officers, known to be in command of the Mexican forces, are Generals Arista, Ampudia, Mejia, and Canales; and Colonels Carrasco and Carrajabal are men of talent. I am indebted for the above information to the politeness of Col. Doane, who is on his way to New Orleans in the Augusta.

P. S. A Messenger has just arrived, after severe toil and much danger, owing to the proximity of the troops and the state of the prairie. From him I learn, that Arista communicated politely to Gen. Taylor, that he had assumed command of the Mexican Army.
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RE46v43i4p2c1, May 12, 1846: GENERAL WORTH.

This distinguished officer passed through Richmond on his way to Texas on yesterday afternoon, to resume his command. On hearing of the probability, if not certainty, of a war with Mexico, he asked that his resignation should be returned to him.

The Fayette Artillery, Captain Thomas H. Ellis, were on parade yesterday, and on hearing of the arrival of General Worth, immediately repaired to the Petersburg Depot, and fired a salute in his honor, as the cars moved off for the South.

We understand that he says there is no doubt but that President Polk sent in a strong War Message to the two Houses of Congress on yesterday, and that the services of at least twenty thousand Volunteers will be required.
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RE46v43i4p2c4, May 12, 1846: DEPARTURE OF VOLUNTEERS.

There never was a more righteous war than this which the United States now find themselves obliged to wage against Mexico, nor ever one into which a powerful country was so literally forced as this country has been into this. It ought, therefore, to engage the hearts of the entire people, to be prosecuted with a vigor and spirit corresponding with the forbearance and unwillingness to engage in it that have hitherto been manifested. It can be no difficult matter to invest the entire western coast, and that we take it will of course be done. The ports on the Gulf, all except Vera Cruz, will fall an easy prey. That strong hold, however, is very important, and if a sufficient force can be concentrated before the summer months set in, it ought to be reduced. If not, the remainder may be taken and a strict blockade maintained at Vera Cruz till the approach of winter. As for land attacks and invasions, the northern departments are already ripe for revolt, and far more attached to the American States than to Mexico, which they only know through its exactions and oppressions; these departments would no doubt hail an American invasion, as not intended to devastate but to liberate. Yucatan would of course eagerly seek the opportunity to confirm her independence, and no doubt give all the aid possible to the United States. The central departments would probably be more difficult. Their entire submission, however, dictated from the capital of the country, is the least that ought to be listened to.

That the war, if prosecuted with the least spirit, will lay the foundation for, if it do not immediately produce, the entire overthrow of Mexico, and its incorporation into the Federal Union, hardly admits of question. For that reason, therefore, if for no other the least possible violence ought to mark the progress of the army; and the people be conciliated rather than exasperated, wherever they do not make any hostile manifestation. [New Orleans Bulletin.
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A Company of Volunteers, numbering fully one hundred, left here last evening on the steamboat Fashion, for New Orleans, whence they will proceed with all possible despatch to the American Army on the Rio Grande. Before leaving, the Company elected Gen. Robert Desha Captain, and Capt. Thos. Adrian Lieutenant. Gen. Desha, immediately took charge of the Company and departed with it last evening. evening. He is a gentleman of great energy, of undoubted bravery and has “seen service.” A better man could not have been selected to take command of the Mobile Volunteers.

For an hour before their departure last evening, the wharves in the vicinity were lined with spectators, and as the boat shoved off the air resounded with the shouts and cheers “three times three, ” of the assembled thousands, in honor of the gallant and patriotic Volunteers who so nobly and promptly responded to their country’s call. May the God of battles protect them! [Mobile Daily Advertiser, May 5.
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RE46v43i4p2c3, May 12, 1846: For the Enquirer.

The following American vessels of war, and perhaps others which we do not now recollect, are at present in the Gulf, and , we may suppose, are in communication with Gen. Taylor, and will proceed to blockade the entire Gulf coast, on learning that the Mexicans have commences hostilities, viz: the flag ship Cumberland, Com. Connor, the Potomac, Raritan, John Adams, St. Mary’s, Lawsrence, steamer Mississippi, and schooner Flirt.—There is also quite a strong naval force on the Western coast of Mexico; quite sufficient, we think, with the aid of American settlers in California, to take possession of that entire line—very probably too, with the free consent of its inhabitants. We trust our vessels in the Gulf did not allow the Mexican steamers of war, recently pretended to have been sold to a mercantile house in Havana, to leave the ports of Mexico. There is scarce a doubt that the sale was a ruse, intended to get the vessels out of port without opposition, in order to fit them for privateers. [New Orleans Bulletin.
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The news last received from the Rio Grande is such as leaves great scope for speculation.—The ablest Mexican Generals are in the field. The little Texan Republic, it seems, has only angered this huge Spanish bull—we have infuriated him. By the union of Texas with the United States, he lost forever a portion of territory which he claimed, (though unjustly;) and now he is fighting to sustain himself. How his sides swell, and his mouth, how it foams! He is noble in his madness, and it is a great pity his means are not equal to his valor. He may loss about as much as he chooses, for that is all he can do; and, to my thinking, it gives him a little fatigue, and us no great alarm. Poor fellow, he will not see the ground presently for his blood; but not until he shall have gored some one. The overthrow of Capts. Thornton and Hardee’s companies is deplorable in one sense, which will presently be shown. I think Point Isabel is already taken.—I think the enemy have attacked Gen. Taylor. If they have not done so, Mexican ingenuity is not a forerunner of Mexican foresight and ability. If the first blow be not followed by a last and general one, the Mexican war will be of short duration. It is their policy to drive Gen. Taylor’s forces to destruction, and that is what they may do. If they do it, the war is only begun. With an advantage to the skill of Mexican generalship generalship and the arms of their forces, there will come out of this affair more than is looked for. If we play with Mexico, England will fight with us—and thereby lose more lives and more glory than if we were to crush her at once.

No man cares much about defeats and victories who is far removed from them; nor even much about a war that is about to break out just under his nose. He only cares when he sees it begin, and begins with it. If there shall be found cause of mourning in the conflict of the two armies on the Rio Grande, we will be the first to find it. But the poor Mexicans, as they will be the first to find cause of rejoicing, so will they be first to lament the haste and imprudence of their proceedings. proceedings. How can they expect to govern others who cannot govern themselves? Or how expect to show the treachery of others, when they are so treacherous themselves? I will await the issue of this conflict., satisfied that the valor of our arms will achieve a great and decisive triumph. triumph. But those of our army who are already in the field, I am afraid will never more return to their homes. They must fall, or I have little confidence in the foresight of the ablest of the Mexican generals. I hope all will yet be well; but I fear a few days will tell us an unwelcome tale. JONATHAN FORESIGHT.
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RE46v43i4p2c5, May 12, 1846: No title.

No later information has been received from the army on the Rio Bravo than was published in our second edition of Saturday morning. We have seen, however, a number of private letters, which give a clearer insight into the state of affairs. From the best information we can get, we do not anticipate any serious disaster to the main body of the American army. The camp of Gen. Taylor is so well situated and entrenched that letters from himself and other officers of the army evince no apprehensions whatever. We infer that it is entirely impregnable except to an assault by greatly superior numbers. We do not remember any instance in which the Mexican soldiery have attempted to carry a stronghold by a coup de main; and, although we are far from placing the low estimate that is usually put on the character of the Mexican forces—we do not believe they have the degree of discipline, courage or resolution required to storm a breastwork in the face of a heavy cannonade. We doubt not therefore that Gen. Taylor will be able to keep his encampment, at least, if he do not find it expedient to match our and attack the enemy.

With regard to Point Isabel, we do not feel so confident, although that place is also well defended by nature and art, and would also receive, as we hope, seasonable succor from Texas. There was every inducement, however, for the Mexicans to make an attack on that place, and if they moved with any degree of celerity, after the skirmish in which Capt. Thornton’s party was cut off, it is not improbable they may have succeeded. But Point Isabel, as well as the main encampment, would be able to make a gallant defence, and require a most skillful and courageous attack from numbers greatly superior.

Every, however, that reinforcements are delayed serves to render the position of American troops more precarious; and, moreover, the occupation of our territory, and especially the besieging of our army on our own soil, are highly disgraceful, even should no branch of the service meet with a serious disaster. [New Orleans Bulletin, May 4.
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RE46v43i4p2c5, May 12, 1846: Correspondence of the Baltimore Sun. WASHINGTON, Sunday, 5, P.M.

Since the arrival of the mail last evening, fearful apprehensions have been entertained in every circle, that our brave little army on the banks of the Rio Grande have suffered loss from its sanguinary foe.

The President and Cabinet are at their posts; and the Clerks of the Navy and War Office have been busy during this whole Sabbath in preparing despatches for the Seat of War.

In the Capitol, the Committees on Military and Naval Affairs have been closely engaged all day. I learn that the former have resolved to recommend to-morrow, that the President be authorized to accept the services of 650,000 volunteers, and that ten millions of dollars be appropriated therefor.

On to morrow, President Polk will transmit a message to Congress, recommending certain measures, which will doubtless, he promptly responded to by both branches of Congress. Immediately on receipt of the news last evening, General Worth called on the Secretary of War, and inquired whether any action had been taken on his resignation? He was replied to in the negative, when he instantly withdrew it, and volunteered to return to the camp. He will leave here to-morrow morning. The mail is not yet in. The excitement increases as the moment of arrival approaches. Democrats and Whigs, Natives, and adopted citizens, are now all one family.
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RE46v43i4p3c1, May 12, 1846: By Last Evening’s Mail. FROM THE SENIOR EDITOR. WASHINGTON, Sunday Night, May 10.

I should have been with you at this moment—but the stirring scenes of the last few hours have induced me to remain a few days, and see what is to come out of the present critical condition of affairs. At the National Metropolis I may be enabled to gather something to interest the readers of the Enquirer, in this, the most striking period of our history within my personal knowledge. All eyes are now turned towards Washington, and to the best of my poor ability I shall endeavor, from day to day, to furnish you a dim reflection of what is transpiring her.

For several days the proceedings of Congress were marked with no especial interest. Many of the members, in the short holyday of last week, had dispersed over the country, and returned to their posts slowly and in small force. Consequently, legislation went on at a halting gait, and with but little excitement. On Thursday, a question sprung up, leading to an animated debate which did great credit to the Virginia Representatives who took part in it, and which resulted in a manner highly complimentary (though it was nothing but strict justice) to a distinguished son of Virginia, the accomplished Attorney General, John Y. Mason. The Post Office appropriation bill was before the House. A movement was made to set aside the action of the Postmaster General, making up to the Postmasters, out of the Treasury, the deficiencies of their compensation under the present system of reduced postages. This action, you will remember was taken under the opinion of the Attorney General. Mr. Garrett Davis, of Kentucky, who loses no opportunity of assailing the Administration, undertook to impeach the legality of this opinion, but he was met and triumphantly refuted by Messrs. Seddon and Hunter, and the House sustained the positions which had been taken by the officers of the Government.

Again, on Friday, Virginia was brought forward prominently on the carpet, and most gallantly did her sons sustain her before the nation. The question was the bill retro-ceding the City and County of Alexandria to Virginia. You will remember that the past Winter our Legislature, by an unanimous voice, and with an unexampled energy, suspended the rules, and in one day signified her consent to take back to the bosom of Virginia what had once belonged to her, and which she had surrendered for benefit of the Union. We are satisfied of the constitutionality of the measure, and advocated it, for reasons which it is unnecessary here to repeat. A law of Congress was requisite to consummate the re-annexation; and Mr. Hunter, the Chairman of the Committee on the District of Columbia, had recommended it in an able and conclusive report. On Friday, it came up as a special order, and Mr. Hunter delivered an argument, which I regret I did not hear, but which was represented to be a strong and beautifully vindication of the measure. For reasons which I cannot appreciate, Mr. Payne of Alabama assailed the bill, and though Mr. Payne has proved himself a consistent and efficient member of the Republican Party, on this occasion he went out of his way, and violated every principle of States’ Rights, by appealing to Congress to interfere in the domestic legislation of our State in regard to a Convention. The fallacies of his views were thoroughly exposed and refuted by General Bayly. The debate was closed by an address from Governor McDowell, as the representative of Western Virginia, which was a chef d’auvre of the kind. It was his first speech in the present Congress, and he was listened to with the deepest attention and interest. Much was expected from the graceful orator, and I am happy to inform you that, from all quarters, I heard the most unfeigned commendations of his oratorical powers. It was a most just, as well as beautiful, vindication of our dear Old Commonwealth, that had been so unwarrantable attacked. No report can do justice to its many beauties. I warmly urged Governor McDowell to prepare his remarks for the press. It is due not only to Virginia, but to himself, that he should do so. I hope that you will publish the debate, which will be so interesting to the people of Virginia. In listening to it I felt proud of the Old Dominion--I felt, that from whatever quarter she was assailed and taunted for her declining strength, her sons were ever ready to step forward and defend her good name and honor—that her principles were immortal and would make themselves respected in the eyes of the whole nation. This was fully proved on Friday, and Virginia may rest assured that she can always take care of herself, and that, though she may be shorn of some of her strength, her influence is still felt in the councils of the nation.—All of our delegation sustained the bill, with the exception of Gen. Dromgoole, who strongly protested against its unconstitutionality, and Mr. Johnson, who thought the addition of so many voters to the East would jeopardize the anxious wishes of the West for a State Convention.—While I regret that they did not vote for a measure which I regard as so important to Virginia, and above all, as striking from the northern abotionists a platform from which they may direct their attacks upon our domestic peace and safety, fully appreciate the high motives which regulated the votes of these most worthy representatives of Virginia. I cannot doubt that the Senate will sanction this bill and re-unite to Virginia a . . .[illegible] . . . proportion of her old soil, peopled as it is with a most valuable population.

This city is intensely excited by the recent news from the Rio Grande, and the general impression is, the President will send to Congress to-morrow an earnest recommendation to exert, promptly, the whole energies of the Government, to repel the insolent attacks of the Mexicans, and to avenge the blood of our citizens, which has been shed upon our own soil. As war does actually and avowedly exist no formal declaration may be recommended; although the raising of a large . . .[illegible] . . . and the appropriation of the most ample means will probably be urged.

Mexico has declared the war—it will be for us to say, as Gen. Worth said to Gen. Viega, when peace shall be made. Not only Matamoras, but Vera Cruz, Pampico and the City of Mexico, will feel the force of our avenging arm, and before peace will be restored, indemnity will be required for past offences, as well as for all the expenses of the war. Some members of Congress have expressed the expectation that a bill will be passed at once, for raising 25 or 50,000 volunteers for 12 months, if their services shall be required for long. But I will not attempt to anticipate the result of the important deliberations of to-morrow.

We were rejoiced to find, by the enclosed letter that the gallant Capt. Thornton and Lieut. . . .[illegible] . . . have, in all probability, escaped the doom of the lamented Cross, Porter and Kane, and the other brave men who have fallen with them in their country’s service. This, you will see, is the very latest intelligence.

Gen. Worth returns to-morrow to the Camp, which he expects to reach in eleven days. The moment he heard last evening of the disasters that had occurred, he addressed a letter to the Government, requesting leave to withdraw his resignation, and to be restored forthwith to his recent command. The same delicate sense of honor which prompted him to tender the resignation of his commission, which he valued more than his life and less only than his . . .[illegible] . . ., induced him to tender his services to Gen. Taylor, in any and every shape or form that might be desired. Gen. T. wrote him that there was not the remotest probability of a conflict with the Mexicans, and that he need not remain a moment on that account. In the confidence of the truth of this opinion he came on here, but upon the instant of hearing that hostilities had commenced, he withdrew his resignation, and waives all consideration in regard to himself, till the question between his country and her enemies shall be settled. This spontaneous, prompt and voluntary act harmonizes with the chivalry of his character, and all are delighted who have heard of it. No man in the army possesses more of the confidence of the country. I have heard several anecdotes about him, that show an enthusiasm and ardor of temperament, which, combined with his known intelligence and heroism make him the man for the crisis. When that part of the letter I now s end you, relating to Captain Thornton’s cutting his way through the enemy with his own hand, was read to him, he exclaimed, “That was my sword—I knew it would never disgrace its country in that noble fellow, Thornton’s, hand. As I left the camp, he asked me for it. I buckled it on him, and nobly and gallantly has he used it”—his manner, much more than his language, indicating the generous warmth of his feelings.

I have also been much interested in another incident in his history. As his brigade approached the Colorado of the West, he was warned by the Mexicans not to cross—that they would regard the attempt as a declaration of war, and fire upon them instantly. He replied, he had been ordered to take a position on the Rio Grande, and should do so, regardless of consequences. Many of the Mexicans lined the Western banks, and a larger body was represented to be in the rear. Gen. W., in speaking of it to a friend of mine, said, “I never saw a brigade display a finer spirit;; yet I knew but few of them had ever been in action, and that the bravest were often appalled when first going into battle; I knew the importance of avoiding the slightest disaster, and that it would have a good effect for an officer of rank to set the example. I bade the men to follow me, and took to the water. The brave fellows followed in perfect order, with their cartridge-boxes tied to their heads, and their muskets raised above. The best troops of Europe could not have acted better. But as we took to the water, the Mexicans took to their heels.” “Yes, ” as his Aid subsequently repeated the story in his absence, “he directed us to carry orders to a r emote point of the brigade, and then, on his fine charger, plunged into the water—we soon saw his object was to send us out of danger, while he placed himself in front of it, and of course we soon returned to him.”.

I confess this little incident has added much in my eyes to the beauty of this gallant officer’s character, and unless I am much mistaken, you will not reproach me for this detail, imperfectly and tediously given as it is. I got most of it from his interesting Aid, who will pardon me, I trust, for sending it to you. In great haste, W. F. R.
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RE46v43i4p3c2, May 12, 1846: POINT ISABEL, Texas, April 28^th, 1846.

Dear ______: By the time you receive this you will have heard of the sad fate of the lamented Col. Cross. His body was found within four miles of camp, bearing upon it the marks of not only being shot, but that the assassin’s knife had done its work. Not a vestige of clothing was found upon his person, and were it not for a single shoulder-strap found near him, there would still be some doubt as to his fate. Sad as is the fate of Col. Cr., other things have subsequently transpired which I consider far more distressing, if we take into consideration the moral effect.—Lieut. Porter with ten men and a sergeant was sent, some twelve or thirteen days since, on a secret expedition up the Rio Grande, (the object I believe was the capture of a party of marauders.) On his route he observed a sentinel on the border of the chaperelle, [a thicket of thorns.] The sentinel snapped his gun and retreated. Porter followed, and came upon the camp of a party of Mexicans, who immediately retreated, leaving nine horses. These Porter mounted and pursued his march. On his return, some five or six days since, he was overtaken by an overwhelmning force, and ordered to surrender. Porter faced his men about and gave the word “fire, ” but not a gun would go off. Porter was wounded in the groin, but not, however, before he had fired both barrels of his gun with effect. After firing his gun, he called to a soldier near him to hand him a musket. He was seen to stagger and fall, and remarked to his faithful follower—“Never mind the gun, I am wounded, do the best you can.” But his advice was too late. This man, (the only one that remained with him, ) was seen to fall, when the Mexicans rushed on him and despatched him with their knives. Porter shared the same fate. You knew Porter. Poor fellow, he was cool as he was brave. The Mexicans have done him the honor to say he was the bravest man they ever saw.

Thornton was sent out with a squadron of Dragoons four days since. Observing a party of Mexicans, he ordered the charge, when, to his astonishment, he found that it was a trap laid for him, and he was actually surrounded by about two thousand men. Thornton, nevertheless, cut his way through them with his own hand.—Lieutenant Mason and himself were the only two who passed through the ranks of the enemy. Captain Hardee, with forty men, were captured. Lieutenant Kane was killed in the charge. None have yet returned to Camp, save one wounded man, sent in by the Mexicans.—Thus, you see, the ball has opened at last.—Gen. Taylor despatched a messenger to this place last night. The steamer Monmouth will leave this place in half an hour with a requisition for ten thousand volunteers. Three thousand Mexicans are on this side of the river. river. Their object is no doubt to cut off the supplies from General Taylor’s Camp. Lieut. Montgomery informs me that there is but ten days’ provisions with the army. If so, I am afraid that they will be compelled to fight very hard for their “grub.”.

I sincerely hope that Gen. Worth’s friends have persuaded him to withdraw his resignation. We cannot lose him in our present situation—particularly so, when I t ell you that, out of seven regiments, there are not six field officers with the army. army. Write me, my dear_____, and let me know what Gen. W. has done. I write you in haste, as the Monmouth is now firing up.—With my kindest regards to the General, whom I hope I shall have the pleasure of seeing soon among us. I remain, very truly, &c.
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RE46v43i4p4c2, May 12, 1846: LATER FROM THE ARMY.

Colonel Cross Murdered—His Body Found.

The brig Apalachicola, Capt. Smith, which arrived at New Orleans on the 1^st May, from Brazos Bay, whence she sailed on the 24^th ult., reports that on the 22d she left Point Isabel, where Major Thomas, the acting Quarter Master, informed Captain Smith that the body of Col. Cross had been found about four miles from Gen. Taylor’s camp on the Rio Grande. From the wounds upon the body it seems evident that he was killed by a lance. It was further reported that a person in Matamoras had acknowledged that he was the murdered, and had the watch and clothing of Col. Cross in his possession; and, also, that Gen. Taylor had made a formal demand for the murderer.

All open communications were permitted to pass by the commandant at Point Isabel between that post and Matamoras. The Mexican schooner Juanita, from New Orleans for Matamoras, was taken into Brazos Bay on the 22d ult. by the pilots—no doubt by permission of the blockading force.

We have the Galveston papers to the 29^th, from which the following extracts are gleaned:

The Legislature will probably adjourn on the 5^th proximo.

R. D. Johnson, Esq., has received the appointment of Postmaster, at Galveston, from the United States Government.

Daniel J. Toler, Esq., has been appointed special Agent of the Post Office Department in Texas.

Col. James Love, of Galveston, has been nominated and confirmed, as Judge of the District, including that city.

The Brazoria Planter of the 17^th April, informs us that the Brazos has risen to within six feet of the top of the bank, but adds that it was then beginning to fall rapidly.

Verbal accounts state that the country has been nearly impassable in consequence of a long and quick succession of rains, which have extended from the Sabine to the Rio Grande. So much cloudy and wet weather has probably never been known in Texas, as has prevailed during the last six months.

The following is an extract of a letter, dated, Galveston, 27^th April:

“The schooner Luda, Capt. Hunt, is supposed to be lost, with all on board; and the sloop Orange Branch, it is feared, is gone also; but this is not so certain. There are two other vessels wrecked, supposed to be from N. Orleans. Parts of vessels and bodies, have been picked up along the shore, from St. Joseph'’ island to the Brasos Santiago. It is feared that there has been great loss of life and property.
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RE46v43i4p4c2, May 12, 1846: From the New Orleans Picayune, May 1^st. STILL LATER.

The schr.Cornelia, Capt. Stark, arrived last evening from Brazos Santiago, whence she sailed on the evening of the 24^th ult. She reports that about three hours before she sailed an express arrived from Gen.Taylor, stating that the commander of the Mexican forces had made a formal declaration to General Taylor that if he did not move his army from the position he then occupied within thirty-six hours, the Mexican batteries would be opened upon them.

The same express also stated, that at that time a body of 2,000 Mexicans had crossed the Rio Grande near Boretta—a small town about eight miles below Matamoras, on the West bank of the river—and taken up a position between Point Isabel and General Taylor’s camp. The design of this movement is evidently to cut off the American troops from their supplies. A private letter was also received last evening from an officer in General Taylor’s camp, confirming in part the above report of the Mexicans having crossed the river, but stating the number at 1,000 only. There had previously been so many rumors to the same effect in the camp, that little reliance was placed upon this one, which was first communicated by a Mexican, who was prudently detained by order of Gen. Taylor.

The accounts by the Cornelia confirms the melancholy news given above as to the fate of Col. Cross. He was found entirely stripped and wounded as before stated.

We have a letter from an officer in the camp, dated the 21^st ult., the postscript to which states, what we had not doubt of that the Americans “had not retired one foot from the bank of the river, nor does the General mean to do anything that can look like it” “Our flag waves over the waters of the Rio Grande, and we have a fixed battery of 18 pounders, that can ‘spot’ anything in Matamoras.”

While upon the subject of the army, we may state that the steamer Col. Harney, which left here on Wednesday for Brazos Santiago, took with her a battery of ten long twelve pounders, and a quantity of munitions of war, and that she was to take in more at Galveston for the same destination. The New York, which sailed yesterday for the same point, had a detachment of 180 men on board for the army, under the command of Lieut. McPhail. Four companies of infantry are expected here in two or three days, who will be despatched immediately for the same destination.

The steamer Gen. Worth, twelve hours later from Brazos Santiago, and bringing, it is s aid, one day’s later intelligence from Gen. Taylor’s camp was in the river late last night, eight or ten miles below the city, waiting for a tow. It is said a bearer of despatches from Gen. Taylor was on board. Colonel Hunt immediately despatched a boat to bring her up. Mr. Marks, attached to the American Consulate at Matamoras, is on board the Gen. Worth. There was a rumor brought by one of the schooners last night, that our Consul at Matamoras, apprehending imprisonment from the Mexicans, had left his post and repaired to Gen. Taylor’s camp.
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RE46v43i4p4c2, May 12, 1846: THE ARMY. MISAPPREHENSION CORRECTED.—GENERAL WORTH.

Our readers cannot fail to have been struck by the number of officers reported by the city press to have arrived here on the New York on her last trip from Galveston. Enough were reported to have officered several regiments. This was entirely the result of misapprehension. We learn that but three gentlemen connected with the army did in fact arrive; these were General Worth, Major Van Ness and Lieutenant Smith. General Worth, it is know, has transmitted his resignation to Washington; the other gentlemen named came here on important business connected with the service.

We have before expressed the deep regret that would be felt by the nation at the resignation of General Worth. He has conferred lustre upon our arms by his distinguished services in Florida and elsewhere, and the country looked to him as one of the chief of the gallant spirits who were to sustain the national fame, should our difficulties with Mexico terminate in open war. But he felt himself constrained to pursue the the course he did, in consequence of recent decisions of the Executive upon the subject of rank. His resignation was not tendered until all prospect of an immediate conflict with the Mexicans had passed. After it was tendered he remained for some days in camp as a private individual, nor did he leave so long as there was any probability that his services, in ant contingency, could be rendered available.

Gen. Worth led the advance of the Army across from Corpus Christi to Matamoras, and hoisted with his own hand the American flag upon the banks of the Rio Grande, within 350 yards of the Mexican batteries. It was the flag of his own regiment—the 8^th Infantry—which he had brought with him from Florida, and was the first American ensign hoisted by the army west of the Nueces, and, strange to say, it is the only one with the army on the banks of the Rio Grande del Norte.

As a matter of curiosity not without general interest, we have placed in another column an account of a conversation held between Gen. Worth and Gen. Vega, the latter being the representative of the Mexican commander-in-chief, and Gen. Worth representing Gen. Taylor. We received it from a correspondent at the camp opposite Matamoras, and full reliance may be placed in its accuracy.
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RE46v43i4p4c2, May 12, 1846: Minutes of an interview between Brig. Gen. W. J.WORTH, U. S. A., and Gen. ROMULO VEGA, of the Mexican Army—held on the right bank of the Rio Grande, 28^th March 1846.

On exhibiting a while flag on the left bank of the Rio Grande, a boat with two officers—represented as cavalry officers—with an interpreter—the same who appeared at the crossing of the Colorado—and a fourth person, crossed from the right bank of the river.

It was stated through an interpreter—Mr. Mitchell—that a general officer of the U. S. Army had been sent by his commanding general, with despatches, to the commanding general at Matamoras, and to the civil authorities; and that an interview was requested.

After some conversation explanatory of the above, the Mexican party recrossed the river, to report in the commanding general at Matamoras, and return with his reply. An open note for the American forces wished a conference with the commanding general of the Mexican forces, it would readily be acceded to; but as a junior to the commanding general, on the part of the American troops, had requested a conference, General Mejia could not entertain such a proposition; but that an officer of corresponding rank and position, in the Mexican forces, would be ready to receive any communication sent by Gen. Taylor.

It was perceived that the relation of the parities was misapprehended, they supposing that a conference was requested; this was corrected immediately, and it was reiterated that Gen. Worth was merely the bearer of despatches, with authority to relate verbally certain matters of interest to the commanding general at Matamoras.

The proposition of Gen. Mejia was then acceded to, with the remark that this was a mere question of form, which should not be permitted to interfere with any arrangements necessary to the continuance of the friendly relations now existing between the two governments.

The Mexican party recrossed to the right bank, and after a short absence returned, stating that Gen. Romulo Vego would receive Gen. Worth on the right bank of the river—their own selection—for the reception of any communication which Gen. Worth might have to make from the commanding general.

Gen. Worth then crossed the river; accompanied by Lieut. Smith, aid-de-camp; Lieuts. Magruder, Deas and Blake, attached to his staff, together with Lieut. Knowlton as interpreter. On arriving at the right bank of the river, Gen. Worth was received by Gen. Vega with becoming courtesy and respect, and introduced to the “authorities of Matamoras, ” represented in the person of the Licenciado Casares. On he Mexican part were present, Gen. Vega, the Licenciado Casares, two officers represented as cavalry officers, and interpreter, with a person names Juan N. Garza, Official de Defensores.

After the usual courtesies on meeting, it was stated by Gen. Worth that he was the bearer of despatches from the commanding general of the American forces to Gen. Mejia, and to the civil authorities of Matamoras. A written and unsealed document was produced, and Gen. Vega desiring to know its contents, it was carefully read, and translated into French by Lieut. Knowlton, and afterwards translated into Spanish by the Mexican interpreter. Gen. Vega then stated, that he had been directed to receive such communications as Gen. Wroth might present from his commanding general; going on to say, that the march of the U. S. troops into a part of the Mexican territory, Tamaulipas, was considered as an act of war.

Gen. Worth.—“I am well aware that some of the Mexican people consider it an aggressive act, gut [interrupted by the Mexican interpreter, and after a slight discussion of the international question on the part of Gen. Vega] Gen. Worth repeated the above remark, adding that it was not so considered by his Government; that the army had been orderedthere by his Government, and there it would remain; whether rightfully or other wise, that was a question to be settled between the two Governments. Gen. Vega, still disposed to argue the merits of the case, was told by Gen. Worth, that “he came to state facts, not to argue them.”.

Gen. Worth then stated that he had been sent with despatches from his commanding general to Gen. Mejia; that Gen. Mejia had refused to receive it from him personally, adding, with emphasis and some degree of warmth—“I now state that I withdraw this dispatch, having read it merely as an act of courtesy to Gen. Vega; that, in addition to the written despatch to Gen. Mejia, I am authorized to express verbally the sentiments with which the commanding general proposed to carry out the instructions of his Government, in which he hoped to preserve the peaceable relations between the two Governments, leaving all questions between the two countries to be settled between the two Governments; and if hereafter Gen. Mejia wished to communicate with Gen. Taylor, he must propose the means—assuring Gen. Vega that, should Gen. Mejia present himself or send his communications by a subaltern officer, in either case, he would be received with proper courtesy and respect. The question of right of territory was again opened by Gen. Vega, who asked how the United States’ Government would view the matter should the Mexican troops march into or occupy a portion of the territory of the United States. Gen. Worth replied, that Gen. Vega might probably be familiar with the old proverb, “sufficient for the day is the evil thereof.” And that “it would be time enough to consider such matters when the act was perpetrated.”.

This proverb did not appear to have been translated by the Mexican interpreter, but was received by General Vega with a smile and slight shrug.

Gen. Worth.—“Is the American Consul in arrest or in prison?”.

Gen. Vega.—“No.”.

Gen. Worth.—“Is he now in the exercise of his proper functions?”.

Gen. Vega, after apparently consulting with the Licenciado Casares for a moment, replied that he was.

Gen. Worth.—“Then, as an American officer, in the name of my Government and my commanding general, I demand an interview with the Consul of my country.”

No Reply.

Gen. Worth.—Has Mexico declared war against the United States?”.

Gen. Vega.—“No.”.

Gen. Worth.—“Are the two countries still at peace?”.

Gen. Vega.—“Yes.”.

General Worth.—“Then I again demand an interview with the Consul of my Government in Matamoras—in presence, of course, of these gentlemen, or any other that the Commanding General in Matamoras may be pleased to designate.”.

General Vega reiterated that he was in the proper exercise of his functions—that he was not in arrest, nor were any Americans in Matamoras in arrest; that he would submit the demand to General Mejia, adding that he thought there would be great difficulty. This demand was repeatedly made, in the most emphatic manner, and a reply requested. General Vega stating that the Consul continued in the exercise of his functions, and that the demand would be submitted to General Mejia.

Here the interview was suspended, while the Licenciado left the party, to submit, as we understood, the demand for an interview with the Consul to General Mejia. While engaged in friendly intercourse, General Worth stated to General Vega, in an informal manner, as an evidence of the good faith, intentions and dispositions of his Commanding General, that he was well aware of the importance of Brazos Santiago to the commerce and business community of Matamoras—that he would respect their laws and customs, and freely grant entrance and exit to all Mexican and other vessels trading with Matamoras on the same terms as before its occupation by the United States, leaving all questions arising therefrom to be settled hereafter by the two Governments. At the expiration of about a quarter of an hour, the Licenciado returned, and reported that General Mejia would not accede to the request for an interview on the part of General Worth, saying nothing, however, relative to the question of the Consul.

Gen. Vega was then again informed that the despatches intended to be delivered to Gen. Mejia by Gen. Worth in person would be returned by him (Gen. W.) to his commanding General, considering any other disposition of them as disrespectful to him, repeating that they had been read to Gen. Vega in courtesy to him, and that Gen. Mejias must take his own means of communicating with Gen. Taylor; that whether Gen. Mejia sent a superior or subaltern officer to Gen. Taylor, at all times accessible, he would be received with becoming courtesy and hospitality, presenting at the same time a written and sealed document for the civil authorities of Matamoras, which was received by Gen. Vega and immediately transferred to the Licenciado Casares.

Gen. Vega.—“Is it the intention of Gen. Taylor to remain on the left bank of the Rio Grande?”.

Gen. Worth—“Most assuredly; and there to remain until directed otherwise by his Government.”.

Gen. Vega remarked that “we felt indignation at seeing the American flag placed on the Rio Grande, a portion of the Mexican territory.—Gen. Worth replied, “that was a matter of taste; notwithstanding, that, there it would remain.”—The army had been ordered to occupy its present position by its Government; it came in a peaceful rather than belligerant attitude, with a determination to respect the rights and customs of those on the right bank of the Rio Grande, while it offers protection to all on the left bank within their own territory.

No reply having been received from Gen. Vega relative to the demand for an interview with the American consul, the question was again introduced by Gen. Worth, and the demand for the last time reiterated.

Gen. Vega promptly refused to accede to the demand, replying, without waiting for the interpretation, “No, no.”.

Gen. Worth.—“I have now to state, that the refusal of my demand to see the American consul is regarded as a billigerent act; and in conclusion I have to add, that the commanding general of the American forces on the left bank of the river will regard the passage of any armed party of Mexicans, in hostile array, across the Rio Grande, as an act of war, and pursue it according.”.

The interview here terminated, and General Worth and staff returned to the left bank of the river.

The above contains the substance of the interview between Generals Worth and Vega, and, as far as possible, the exact words and expressions used on the occasion. Lieutenants Knowlton and Magruder, of the 1^st Artillery, Lieut. Deas, of the 4^th Artillery, Lieut. Blake, of the Topographical Engineers, and Lieut. Smith, of the 8^th infantry, were present at the interview.
[BWP]

RE46v43i4p4c3, May 12, 1846: [Correspondence of the New Orleans Picayune.] AUSTIN, TEXAS, April 20, 1846.

The establishment of the seat of Government here, has completely “resurrected” the place.—Last year at this time the only denizens of the houses were hogs and fleas—now every one is filled, and they are even building more. So far as regards news, I have not a word to give, other than what you will find in the papers. I have been told, since my arrival here, that the public debt of Texas, which does not amount to more than $8,000,000, will be repudiated—one person tells me that they will not give even a league of land to cancel it.

We are off this afternoon for the scene of the treaty which Governor Butler is endeavoring to form with the Indians of Texas, and are told that the buffalo are to be found in immense herds between here and that place. G. W. K.

The following intelligence from the Army of Occupation, though not so late as the above, contains considerable of interest at the present time:

“On the morning of the 10^th ult., when Gen. Taylor found himself exposed to the enemy’s fire, with his right and left unprotected in consequence of the peculiar bends of the river, he ordered one division of his army to take position in the bend above and the bend below the town, while with the main army he maintained his first position, where he still remains. Gen. Taylor has used all diligence to strengthen his position by throwing up breastworks, by intrenchments, fortifications, &c, and the Mexican General, Ampudia, has been equally industrious in fortifying, the town, defensively keeping his soldiers employed night and day.

“Gen. Taylor’s heavy ordnance of eighteen pounders are said to be situated within point blank shot of Gen.Ampudia’s house in the middle of the city, at a distance of 300 yards. Thus the two armies have been situated for upwards of two weeks up to our present dates, neither having committed any positive act of hostility upon the other.” [BWP]

RE46v43i5p1c1, May 15, 1846: President’s Message.

To the Senate and House of Representatives:

The existing state of the relations between the United States and Mexico, renders it proper that I should bring the subject to the consideration of Congress. In my message at the commencement of your present session, the state of these relations, the causes which led to the suspension of diplomatic intercourse between the two countries in March, 1815, and the long continued and unredressed wrongs and injuries committed by the Mexican Government on citizens of the United States in their persons and property, were briefly set forth.

As the facts and opinions which were then laid before you were carefully considered, I cannot better express my present convictions of the condition of affairs up to that time, than by referring you to that communication.

The strong desire to establish peace with Mexico on liberal and honorable terms, and the readiness of this government to regulate and adjust our boundary, and other causes of difference with that power on such fair and equitable principles as would lead to permanent relations of the most friendly nature, induced me in September last to seek the re-opening of diplomatic relations between the two countries. Every measure adopted on our part had for its object the furtherance of these desired results. In communicating to Congress a succinct statement of the injuries which we had suffered from Mexico, and which have been accumulating during a period of more than twenty years, every expression that could tend to inflame the people of Mexico, or defeat or delay a pacific result, was carefully avoided. An envoy of the United States repaired to Mexico with full powers to adjust every existing difference. But though present on the Mexican soil, by agreement between the two governments, invested with full powers, and bearing evidence of the most friendly dispositions, his mission has been unavailing. The Mexican government not only refused to receive him, or listen to his propositions, but, after a long continued series of menaces, have at last invaded our territory, and shed the blood of our fellow-citizens on our own soil.

It now becomes my duty to state more in detail the origin, progress, and failure of that mission. In pursuance of the instructions given in September last, an inquiry was made, on the 13^th of October, in 1845, in the most friendly terms, through our consul in Mexico, of the minister of foreign affairs, whether the Mexican government “would receive an envoy from the United States intrusted with full powers to adjust all the questions in dispute between the two governments;” with the assurance that “should the answer be in the affirmative, such an envoy would be immediately despatched to Mexico.” The Mexican minister, on the 16^th of October, gave an affirmative answer to this inquiry, requesting, at the same time, that our naval force at Vera Cruz might be withdrawn, lest its continued presence might assume the appearance of menace and coertion pending the negotiations. This force was immediately withdrawn. On the 10^th of November, 1845, Mt. John Slidell, of Louisiana, was commissioned by me as envoy extraordinary and minister plenipotentiary of the United States to Mexico, and was intrusted with full powers to adjust both the questions of the Texas boundary and of indemnification to our citizens. The redress of the wrongs of our citizens naturally and inseparably blended itself with the question of boundary. The settlement of the one question in any correct view of the subject involves that of the other. I could not, for a moment, entertain the idea that the claims of our much injured and long suffering citizens, many of which had existed for more than twenty years, should be postponed, or separated from the settlement of the boundary question.

Mr. Slidell arrived at Vera Cruz on the 30^th of November, and was courteously received by the authorities of that city. But the Government of Gen. Herrera was then tottering to its fall. The revolutionary party had seized upon the Texas question to effect or hasten its overthrow. Its determination to restore friendly relations with the United States, and to receive our minister, to negotiate for the settlement of this question, was violently assailed, and was made the great theme of denunciation against it. The Government of General Herrera, there is good reason to believe, was sincerely desirous to receive our minister, but it yielded to the storm raised by its enemies, and on the 21^st of December refused to accredit Mr. Slidell upon the most frivolous pretexts. These are so fully and ably exposed in the note of Mr. Slidell of the 24^th of December last to the Mexican minister of foreign relations, herewith transmitted, that I deem it unnecessary to enter into farther detail on this portion of the subject.

Five days after the date of Mr. Slidell’s note, Gen. Herrera yielded the Government to General Parades without a struggle, and on the 30^th of December resigned the Presidency. This revolution was accomplished solely by the army, the people having taken little part in the contest; and thus the supreme power in Mexico passed into the hands of a military leader.

Determined to leave no effort untried to effect an amicable adjustment with Mexico, I directed Mr. Slidell to present his credentials to the government of Gen. Paredes, and ask to be officially received by him. There would have been less g round for taking this step had Gen. Paredes come into power by a regular constitutional succession. In that event his administration would have been considered but a mete constitutional continuance of the government of Gen. Herrera, and the refusal of the latter to receive our minister would have been deemed conclusive, unless an intimation had been given by Gen. Paredes of his desire to reverse the decision of his predecessor.

But the government of General Paredes owes its existence to a military revolution, by which the subsisting constitutional authorities had been subverted. The form of government was entirely changed, as well as all the high functionaries by whom it was administered.

Under these circumstances, Mr. Slidell, in obedience to my direction, addressed a note to the Mexican minister of foreign relations, under date of the 1^st of March last, asking to be received by that government in the diplomatic character to which he had been pointed. This minister, in his reply, under date of the 12^th of March, reiterated the arguments of his predecessor, and in terms that may be considered as giving just g rounds of offence to the government and people of the United States, denied the application of Mr. Slidell. Nothing, therefore, remained for our envoy but to demand his passports, and return to his own country.

Thus the Government of Mexico, though solemnly pledged by official acts in October last to receive and accredit an American envoy, violated their plighted faith, and refused the offer of a peaceful adjustment of our difficulties. Not only was the offer rejected, but the indignity of its rejection was enhanced by the manifest breach of faith in refusing to admit the envoy, who came because they had bound themselves to receive him. Nor can it be said that the offer was fruitless from the want of opportunity of discussing it: our envoy was present on their own soil. Nor can it be ascribed to a want of sufficient power: our envoy had full powers to adjust every question of difference. Nor was there room for complaint that our propositions for settlement were unreasonable: permission was not even given our envoy to make any proposition whatever.—Nor can it be objected that we, on our part, would not listen to any reasonable terms of their suggestion: the Mexican Government refused all negotiation, and have made no proposition of any kind.

In my message at the commencement of the present session, I informed you that upon the earnest appeal both of the Congress and convention of Texas, I had ordered on efficient military force to take position “between the Nueces and the Del Norte.” This had become necessary to meet a threatened invasion of Texas, by the Mexican forces, for which extensive military preparations had been made. The invasion was threatened solely because Texas had determined, in accordance with a solemn resolution of the Congress of the United States to annex herself to our Union: and, under these circumstances, it was plainly our duty to extend our protection over her citizens and soil.

This force was concentrated at Corpus Christi, and remained there until after I had received such information from Mexico as rendered it probable, if not certain, that the Mexican government would refuse to receive our envoy.

Meantime, Texas, by the final action of our Congress, had become an integral part of our Union. The Congress of Texas by its act of December 19^th, 1836, had declared the Rio del Norte to be the boundary of that republic. Its jurisdiction had been extended and exercised beyond the Nueces. The country between that river and the Del Norte had been represented in the Congress and in the convention of Texas, had thus taken part in the act of annexation itself; and is now included within one of our Congressional districts. Our own Congress had, moreover, with great unanimity, by the act approved December 31^st, 1845, recognised the country beyond the Nueces as part of our territory by including it within our own revenue system; and a revenue officer, to reside within that district, has been appointed by and with the advice and consent of the Senate. It became, therefore, of urgent necessity to provide for the defence of that portion of our country. Accordingly, on the thirteenth of January last, instructions were issued to the general in command of these troops to occupy the left bank of the Del Norte. This river—which is the South-western boundary of the State of Texas—is an exposed frontier. From this quarter invasion was threatened; upon it, and in its immediate vicinity, in the judgment of high military experience, are the proper stations for the protecting forces of the government. In addition to this important consideration, sever others occurred to induce this movement. Among these are the facilities afforded by the ports at Brazos Santiago and the mouth of the Del Norte for the reception of supplies by sea, the stronger and more healthful military positions, the convenience for obtaining a ready and a more abundant supply of provisions, water, fuel and forage and the advantages which are afforded by the Del Norte in forwarding supplies to such posts as may be established in the interior and upon the Indian frontier.

The movement of the troops to the Del Norte was made by the commanding general, under positive instructions to abstain from all aggressive acts towards Mexico, or Mexican citizens, and to regard the relations between that Republic and the United States as peaceful, unless she should declare war, or commit acts of hostility indicative of a state of war. He was specially directed to protect private property and respect personal rights.

The army moved from Corpus Christi on the 11^th of March, and on the 28^th of that month arrived on the left bank of the Del Norte, opposite to Matamoras, where it encamped on a commanding position, which has since been strengthened by the erection of field works. A depot has also been established at Point Isabel, near the Brazos Santiago, thirty miles in rear of the encampment. The selection of his position was necessarily confided to the judgment of the General in command.

The Mexican forces at Matamoras assumed a belligerent attitude, and on the 12^th of April, General Ampudia, then in command, notified General Taylor to break up his camp within twenty-four hours, and to retire beyond the Nueces river, and in the event of his failure to comply with these demands, announced that arms, and arms alone, must decide the question. But no open act of hostility was committed until the 24^th of April. On that day, General Arista, who had succeeded to the command of the Mexican forces, communicated to General Taylor that “he considered hostilities commenced, and should prosecute them.” A party of dragoons of sixty-three men and officers were on the same day despatched from the American camp up the Rio del Norte, on its left bank, to ascertain whether the Mexican troops had crossed, or were preparing to cross the river, “became engaged with a large body of these troops, and after a short affair, in which some sixteen were killed and wounded, appear to have been surrounded, and compelled to surrender.”.

The grievous wrongs perpetrated by Mexico upon our citizens throughout a long period of years, remain unredressed; and solemn treaties, pledging her public faith for this redress, have been disregarded. A Government either unable or unwilling to enforce the execution of such treaties, fails to perform one of its plainest duties.

Our commerce with Mexico has been almost annihilated. It was formerly highly beneficial to both nations; but our merchants have been deterred from prosecuting it by the system of outrage and extortion which the Mexican authorities have pursued against them; whilst their appeals through their own Government for indemnity have been made in vain. Our forbearance has gone to such an extreme as to be mistaken in its character. Had we acted with vigor, in repelling the insults and redressing the injuries inflicted by Mexico at the commencement, we should doubtless have escaped all the difficulties in which we are now involved.

Instead of this, however, we have been exerting our best efforts to propitiate her good will. Upon the pretext that Texas, a nation as independent as herself, thought proper to unite its destinies with our own, she has affected to believe that we have served her rightful territory, and, in official proclamations and manifestoes, has repeatedly threatened to make war upon us for the purpose of reconquering Texas. In the mean time, we have tried every effort at reconciliation. The cup of forbearance had been exhausted, even before the recent information from the frontier of the Del Norte. But now, after reiterated menaces, Mexico has passed the boundary of the United States, has invaded our territory, and shed American blood upon the American soil. She has proclaimed that hostilities have commenced, and that the two nations are now at war.

As war exists, and, notwithstanding all our efforts to avoid it, exists by the act of Mexico herself, we are called upon, by every consideration of duty and patriotism, to vindicate, with decision, the honor, the rights, and the interests of our country.

Anticipating the possibility of a crisis like that which has arrived, instructions were given in August last, “as a precautionary measure, ” against invasion, or threatened invasion, authorizing Gen. Taylor, if the emergency required, to accept volunteers, not from Texas only, but from the States of Louisiana, Alabama, Mississippi, Tennessee and Kentucky; and corresponding letters were addressed to the respective Governors of those States. These instructions were repeated; and in January last, soon after the incorporation of “Texas into our union of States, ” Gen. Taylor was further “authorized by the President to make a requisition upon the Executive of that State for such of its militia force as may be needed to repel; invasion, or to secure the country against apprehended invasion.” On the 2d day of March, he was again reminded, “in the event of the approach of any considerable Mexican force, promptly and efficiently to use the authority with which he was clothed to call to him such auxiliary force as he might need.” War actually existing, and our territory having been invaded, Gen. Taylor, pursuant to authority vested in him by my direction, has called on the Governor of Texas for four regiments of State troops—two to be mounted, and two to serve on foot; and on the Governor of Louisiana for four regiments of infantry, to be sent to him as soon as practicable.

In further vindication of our rights and defence of our territory, I invoke the prompt action of Congress to recognise the existence of the war, and to place at the disposition of the Executive the means of prosecuting the war with vigor, and thus hastening the restoration of peace. To this end I recommend that authority should be given to call into the public service a large body of volunteers to serve for not less than six or twelve months unless sooner discharged. A volunteer force is, beyond question, more efficient that any other description of citizen soldiers; and it is not to be doubted that a number far beyond that required would readily rush to the field upon the call of their country. I further recommend that a liberal provision be made for sustaining our entire military force and furnishing it with supplies and munitions of war.

The most energetic and prompt measures, and the immediate appearance in arms of a large and overpowering force, are recommended to Congress, as the most certain and efficient means of bringing the existing collision with Mexico to a speedy and successful termination.

In making these recommendations, I deem it proper to declare, that it is my anxious desire not only to terminate hostilities speedily, but to bring all matters in dispute between this government and Mexico to an early and amicable adjustment; and, in this view, I shall be prepared to renew negotiations, whenever Mexico shall be ready to receive propositions, or to make propositions of her own.

I transmit herewith a copy of the correspondence between our envoy to Mexico and the Mexican minister for foreign affairs; and so much of the correspondence between that envoy and the Secretary of State, and between the Secretary of War and the General in command on the Del Norte, as are necessary to a full understanding of the subject.

JAMES K. POLK.
Washington, May 11^th, 1846.

[BWP]

RE46v43i5p1c3, May 15, 1846: TWENTY-NINTH CONGRESS. MONDAY, May 11,1846. IN SENATE.

The journal having been read—.

A Message was received from the President of the United States by Mr. Walker, his private Secretary, which was read by the Secretary of the Senate.

Mr. Sevier moved to refer the message and accompanying documents to the Committee on Foreign Relations, with leave to sit during the sessions of the Senate, and that they be printed.

Mr. Davis called for the reading of the documents.

Mr. Speight moved to print 20,000 extra copies.

Mr. Calhoun said that we were placed in a position calling for solemn consideration, and which it might take years to terminate. He hoped that the Senate would act with that calm deliberation which became so important a subject, and meet the crisis firmly and in a proper spirit. He hoped the printing would be confined to the usual number, and the Committee of Foreign Relations could then determine upon the propriety of printing an extra number. He was opposed to any precipitation.

Mr. Speight said he offered his motion to print at the suggestion of Senators around him. He approved of the views of the Senator from South Carolina, but as the documents would be spread before the public in the newspapers, he could see no impropriety in printing an extra number.—He approved of the message, which did not ask for a declaration of war, but merely for the means of repelling invasion.

Mr. Allen advocated the printing of an extra number of copies. The Senator from Mississippi had stated that the President asked no declaration of war; but he forgot to mention the important fact which the President communicated, that war already exists. Mr. A. asked for the ayes and noes, on the motion to print an extra number.

Mr. Sevier inquired whether his motion to refer the message and documents, and to print the usual number of copies, had been carried?.

The President said the question had not been put.

Mr. Sevier asked that it should be put, before the question was taken on the motion to print an extra number.

Mr. Calhoun pointed out the distinction between a state of war and a state of hostilities.—According to the Constitution, war could not exist without action on the part of Congress. The President may repel invasion, but cannot make war without the advice of Congress. Mr. C. said his objection to the motion to print was made with a view to prevent any precipitate action, or by the printing of so large a number, to give the endorsement of the Senate to the sentiments of the message.

Mr. J. M. Clayton moved to refer to the Committee on Military Affairs. War existed, and the message called upon us for troops and money. The Military Committee was therefore the proper Committee to refer to.

Mr. Morehead regretted that he could not concur in the motion of reference made by his friend from Delaware. He thought the Committee on Foreign relations was the proper Committee to which the subject ought to be referred. He agreed with the Senator from South Carolina, that there was a distinction between a state of war and a state of hostilities, and that war could not exist, according to the Constitution, without the action of Congress.

Mr. J. M. Clayton said the Military Committee was, in his opinion, the proper one to refer the subject to. The President had informed us that war existed, and he was not going to pause to enquire whether we were at war according to the Constitution or not, but to vote the supplies of men and money at once, and by so doing he did not indicate any approval of the course of the President in b ringing about such a state of things. Our first care was to adopt measures to defend the honor of the country, and inquire into causes afterwards.

Mr. Archer opposed the reference to the Military Committee. He was surprised that his friend from Delaware had not discovered the distinction pointed out by the Senator from South Carolina. He did not understand the message as saying that war actually existed. It could not exist legally and constitutionally. constitutionally. If we recognise the assertion that war did exist, we placed it in the power of our Military commanders on the frontier to involve the country in a war at their pleasure.

He would remind the Senate that an American vessel was destroyed a few years since in our own waters by an authorized force of Great Britain. Did that constitute a state of war between this country and Great Britain? Certainly not, and neither did the attack of the Mexican troops.

Mr. Benton said that two distinct questions were presented in the message. One involving the voting of supplies and recognizing the call made for volunteers, and the other in reference to the political relations between the two countries. He moved to refer so much of the message as related to the former subject to the Military Committee, and so much as referred to the latter to the Committee on Foreign Relations.

Mr. Sevier accepted the modification.

Mr. Cass said he approved highly of the sentiments expressed by the Senator from Delaware. They were sentiments which did honor to him as a man and as a Senator. In reference to a state of war, he said that it took but one country to make a war, although it took two to make peace. There were recent occurrences in Europe which showed that war could take place, without a formal declaration on either side.

After some further remarks from Mr. Allen and Mr. Calhoun.

Mr. Morehead expressed surprise that the Senator from Michigan should have taken occasion to congratulate the Senator from Delaware for the expression of sentiments, patriotic and honorable in themselves and beautifully expressed, but which he ventured to say were the sentiments of every member upon the floor. Mr. M. said that if we were at war in the proper sense of the term, the President had the power of bringing about a state of war without the action of Congress.

Mr. Cass said he certainly could not have been understood, in congratulating the Senator from Delaware upon the expression of his sentiments, as intending to cast any imputation upon any other Senator. He repudiated any such idea and said that he was satisfied that there was not a Senator upon that side of the chamber who would not go as far as he (Mrs. Cass) would in defending the honor of his country.

After an interesting debate, in which, Messrs. Sevier, J. NM. Clayton, Allen, Calhoun, Crittenden, and others, took part, the resolution of Mr. Sevier, as modified by Mr. Benton, was adopted with a division.

The motion to print 20,000 extra copies was also adopted.

The bill to increase the rank and file of the Army was taken up, slightly amended, and passed.

The bill from the House to retrocede the county of Alexandria to the state of Virginia, was read twice and referred to the Committee on the District of Columbia.

Mr. Archer moved a reconsideration of the vote by which the bill to increase the rank and file of the Army was passed. The motion will come up to-morrow.

After an Executive session, the Senate adjourned.
[BWP]

RE46v43i5p1c3, May 15, 1846: HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.

Long before the hour of meeting the galleries commenced filling, and the members were gathered in groups upon the floor, discussing the important matters about to be brought up.

As soon as the journal was read, the rules were suspended in order to receive reports from committees.

A bill was reported from the post office committee to amend the act of 1845, regulating the rates of postage. It was twice read and referred to a Committee of the Whole. Whole. A great number of private and local bills were also reported.

An ineffectual attempt was made to introduce all orders which have been given to General Taylor since he has assumed the command of the army on the frontiers of Texas.

On motion of Mr. McKay the House then went into Committee of the Whole, and took up the bill making appropriation for the support of the Military academy at West Point.

The usual motion to strike out the enacting clause of the bill, was made and rejected by a large vote.

Mr. Sawyer having given the Senate a scorching rebuke for its tardiness in passing the Oregon bills, to the great amusement of the Committee, was still upon the floor, when the private Secretary of the President of the United States appearing at the bar, the Committee immediately rose, and the Speaker resumed the Chair.

The Message was then received, and read by the Clerk amidst breathless silence, after which Mr. Haralson, the Chairman of the Military Committee, moved that the Message, with the accompanying documents, be laid on the table and printed. On that motion he moved the previous question, alleging as a reason the importance of prompt action.

Messrs. G. Davis and Schenck warmly advocated the reading of the whole of the accompanying documents before the House should be called upon to vote on the printing.

After a sharp skirmish upon various points of order, the previous question was insisted upon, and a division of the question on the laying on the table, and printing ordered.

The motion to lay on the table having been carried, and the motion to read the papers having been negatived, Mr. Schenck rose, and with some warmth held a controversy with the Chair, relative to certain points of order.

The resolution of Mr. Schenck differing from that of the Chair, Mr. S. exclaimed that the question of peace or war involved the honor of the Speaker.

The Speaker promptly replied, that a question of peace or war involved the honor of the country, and not of the Speaker.

Finally, in the midst of great confusion, during which it was very difficult to hear, Mr. Schenck moved a reconsideration of the vote by which the House had refused to have the papers accompanying the message read. This motion was laid on the table by a vote of 116 ayes . . .[illegible] . . .

Mr. Haralson then, amidst great uproar and calls to order, succeeded in explaining that the only motive he had in objecting to the reading of the papers at this timer, was in order that the House might have the benefit of them in Committee of the Whole. After further remarks, he moved that the House resolve itself into Committee of the Whole, for the purpose of taking up the bill reported from the military committee some weeks ago, authorizing the President of the United States, in case of invasion of any portion of the United States, to accept the services of volunteers, &c.

The motion to go into committee was carried without a division, whereon the House went into committee and took up the above bill.

As soon as it had been read through by the Clerk, on motion of Mr. Brinkerhoff, the committee rose, in order that he might offer a resolution to the effect that all debate on the bill, when next taken up in committee, shall cease in two hours.

A motion was made to lay the re solution on the table, but without success.

The resolution was then adopted, after which the House went again into Committee of the Whole, and resumed the consideration of the bill.

All the documents accompanying the message having been read, Mr. Brinkerhoff, a member of the Military Committee, moved to amend the bill, so that, in conformity to the wish of the President, the actual existence of war might be clearly recognized, and the means given at once to the Executive to prosecute it with vigor, so as to bring it to a speedy termination.

Mr. Brockenbrough moved to amend, by authorizing the President of the United States to retaliate upon Mexico, and to take as much as possible of the Mexican Territory, with a view of holding it until the conclusion of an honorable peace.

Mr. Isaac E. Holmes made an appeal to the Committee, and warned members not to be too precipitate in their declaration of war. He reminded them that it was possible that the Government of Mexico might disown the act of her Commander; and, if so, in what a situation should we be placed by a premature declaration of war? He denied that any information received warranted the belief that Mexico has declared war. If, therefore, we shall declare war, he know that in several quarters letters of marque were in readiness to be given to vessels which, under Mexican colors, would sweep our merchantmen from the seas.

With a view of preventing his disastrous result, and of allowing time to our merchants to recall their vessels, he was in favor of waiting until we could get more information, and ascertain whether the Congress of Mexico would recognize the act of the Commander, etc. The noise and confusion at this period was so great that it was utterly impossible to hear the conclusion of the gentleman’s speech.

Mr. Rhett gave his views, after which Mr. Haralson, the Chairman of the Military Committee, took the floor. He was for no timid or halfway measures. measures. He wanted firm and decisive (unreadable). If energetic measures were not adopted, the cost and trouble of prosecuting the war, and of sustaining our right and honor, would be increased twenty fold. Would members refuse to authorize the President to send troops into the Mexican territory, after the Mexicans had come over upon our soil, and shed the blood of our citizens?.

Here the time allotted for debate expired, and the Committee commenced voting on the amendments.

A slight amendment having been made to the first section of the bill, Mr. Burt moved that the committee rise and he desired to give his reasons, but it was not in order. The question on rising was then rejected by a large majority.

Mr. Tibbatts moved to amend the 1^st section of the bill by authorizing the President to employ the naval and military forces of the country in invading Mexico. This was rejected without a count.

An amendment was then offered, to the effect that the President be authorised to employ the naval and military forces of the country in the vigorous prosecution of the war now existing between this country and Mexico.

Tellers being ordered, the amendment was rejected, ayes 58, noes 91.

Mr. Holmes of New York moved to amend, by providing that the first section of the bill shall not apply except so far as it may relate to the removal or rescue of our army from the Rio Grande. Tellers being had, the amendment was rejected, ayes 8, noes 122.

Mr. Chipman moved to amend by a declaration of war against Mexico for her misdeeds, and tried to get in a little speech, but he was called to order. His amendment was rejected.

Numerous other amendments of a similar character were also rejected.

The question was then taken by tellers on the amendment of Mr. Brinkerhoff, recognising the actual existence of war, &c., and it was rejected ayes 80, noes 82.

Several other propositions to amend having been negatived, at 4 o’clock, Mr. J. R. Ingersoll moved that the committee rise, but without success.

Mr. Boyd moved to strike out the first part of the bill and to insert a substitute for that portion, which was agreed to.

At a late hour the committee rose and reported the bill to the House as amended.

The question then was on concurring in the amendment of the committee.

The question was first taken on the amendment of Mr. Boyd, striking out the first part of the bill and inserting a substitute for the same, in substance ads follows: “Whereas, the recent acts of Mexico have caused a state of war to exist between the government of Mexico and the government of the United States, be it enacted, etc., that with a view of prosecuting the war and bringing it to a speedy termination, the President is authorized to employ the Naval and Military forces of the United States, and to accept the services of sufficient number of volunteers not exceeding fifty thousand, who will serve for twelve months, or to the termination of the war, unless, sooner discharged.

“Also, that the sum of t en millions of dollars be appropriated out of any money in the Treasury, or which may come into the Treasury, to carry the provisions of this act into effect.”.

This substitute was agreed to by a vote of –yeas 123, nays 67.

The third section provides that the volunteers shall furnish their own clothes, and of cavalry, their own horses, and when mustered into service to be armed and equipped at the expense of the United States.

The other sections are unimportant.

The bill as amended, of Mr. Haralson, was then passed by a vote of 174 ayes to 14 nays.—Those who voted in the negative are Messrs. John Q. Adams, Ashmun, Cranston, Culver, Delano, Giddings, Grinnell, Hudson, D. P. King, Root Severance, Strohm, Tilden and Vance.

The House then adjourned.
[BWP]

RE46v43i5p1c5, May 15, 1846: FROM THE SENIOR EDITOR. Washington, May 12, 1846.

Another deeply interesting day in the history of the country. From 12 o’clock till half past 4 P. M., I listened to the most engaging debate in the Senate which it was ever my good luck to enjoy. The great question of peace or war was in agitation. The subject was the bill from the House, recognizing the existence of war with Mexico, and investing the President with the power to raise 50,000 volunteers, and putting ten millions of dollars at his disposal. As in the House, the main debate was confined to the proposition to strike out those passages declaring that war was in existence, and limiting the operation of the bill to the repelling of the invasion of Mexico. The leading men of the Senate took part, and it is unnecessary to say, that it was able and profound. I rejoice to add, that it was, as the solemnity of the occasion required, cool, unimpassioned and dignified. I shall not attempt to sketch any part of it. it. You will find it well and fully reported with the votes, &c., in the City papers, and I am sure that you can find nothing more interesting to occupy the columns of the Enquirer.

Mr. Calhoun was, as usual, bold and ingenious; but he was far from convincing me that war did not really exist with Mexico. He denied the truth of this proposition so strongly and so solemnly, that on the passage of the bill he did not find it consonant with his deep convictions to vote for the bill. It is needless for me to add, that he did not find it in his heart, like Davis of Massachusetts (“Honest John”) and Thomas Clayton of Delaware, to vote against so important a measure. I regret that a statesman so distinguished for his talents and virtues, was compelled by circumstances to remain neutral upon so momentous a question. I cannot do justice to the forcible and eloquent speeches in favor of the bill as it came from the House—and shall, therefore, not attempt to give even an outline of them. Suffice it to say, that they all managed the great question in a masterly style, and carried conviction to their hearers. As a Virginian, I feel proud at the stand taken by Senator Pennybacker. Pennybacker. He was the first to march up to the exposition of the leading doctrines of the law of nations and by apt quotations from the great writers on the subject, clearly demonstrated that war could exist, without a prior declaration, and that, in the present case, there could be no doubt of the existence of war with Mexico. It was a strong and able argument, and, ads I heard a gentleman remark, such an one as would be listened to with interest by men of sense. He to-day showed himself to be a Senator worthy of the Old Dominion, and of the glorious Tenth Legion.

Mr. Archer expressed himself as free from doubt as to the existence of wear, but he voted for the motion to strike out, to enable gentlemen to deliberate upon the important question. His matter and his manner were very creditable to him. The motion to strike out was lost—20 to 26—and the bill was passed by the overwhelming vote of 40 to 2, after having been amended by reducing the pay from $10 to $8 per month, (a proper modification, placing the volunteers on the same level with the regular army, ) and by giving to the States, instead of to the President, the right of appointing the officers. The House had taken a recess, to re-assemble at half past 7, P. M., when they promptly agreed to the amendments, and the bill is now the law of the land.—Is it not most gratifying spectacle, to see the two Houses of Congress boldly seizing the subject, and with almost entire unanimity adopting the promptest and most vigorous measures for the defence of the country? Rely upon it, the action of yesterday and to-day will go very far to inspire the respect of foreign nations for our nati0onal power and courage, and to secure the peace of the country. Had Congress hesitated to sustain the recommendations of the Executive, we might have looked with dread to the unfavorable impression produced abroad. Now, the world will see that we are willing and able to defend our honor and our rights, when assailed—and other powers will be satisfied of the policy of doing us justice, and thereby keeping on good terms with us.

Before the meeting of the Senate I enjoyed an hour in the House, listening to a most extraordinary tirade from Joshua R. Giddings. Extravagant as my notions were in regard to the stupid frenzy of this chief of the Abolitionists, his effusions to-day far our-topped my expectations. The bill under discussion was to organize a company, amounting to 100, of sappers, miners and pontoniers. It came from the Senate. Strange to say, they have in the army no such useful elements of military organization. The object of the bill was to form a nucleus for the diffusion of such valuable intelligence and skill throughout the army. Giddings embraced the opportunity to pour out his bile upon the annexation of Texas, the slaveholders, &c. If ever man was guilty of moral treason, by giving aid and encouragement by words to the enemies of his country, this madman to-day brought himself fully under the ban. He denounced his fellow-citizens for all that was mean, and extolled the Mexicans to the skies. He said that Heaven was on the side of the Mexicans, and that they never could be conquered by the grasping and guilty Americans. In a word, he openly trampled upon the American flag, and raised his voice in favor of the triumph of Mexican arms. Had not this fanatic sunk himself so low by his ridiculous and treasonable exhibitions, I might have felt my Southern blood grow warm under his coarse and brutal attacks. But all he wants is notoriety, and I rejoice that no Southern man gratified him by a reply, and that G. was passed over with the silent contempt he deserved. I did not envy the feelings of the Southern Whigs, when Giddings referred to them as “my political friends.”.

A very good hit was made at him by Mr. Martin of Ky. Mr. Brodhead of Pennsylvania called G. to order; when Mr. Martin rose and said, that the gentleman (Giddings) was perfectly in order, in defending his friends who had deserted from the American army across the Rio Grande!.

But I must stop—it is very late, and I feel exhausted by the excitement of the day. I have just returned from a brilliant and most picturesque “May Ball” at Carusi’s, celebrated by the pupils of Mr. Labbe. Hundreds of lovely little girls, decked with flowers, and their youthful partners, arrayed in uniform costumes, went through every variety of graceful fancy dances. I shall not trust my pen to write of the beautiful ladies, who graced the scene. Many distinguished men of our own and foreign nations were also there. there. Upon the whole, it was a grand affair, and I shall be much disappointed if I do not to-night enjoy many “rosy dreams.” But enough. W. F. R.
[BWP]

RE46v43i5p1c5, May 15, 1846: Extracts of a letter from New York, dated May 12.

The excitement in this City in relation to the Mexican news, continues to rage, but it is mingled with an intense anxiety to hear further accounts from the seat of war. Stocks have rather rallied to-day. They will no doubt go up and down for some time to come.

Public sentiment is decidedly in favor of a vigorous prosecution and speedy termination of the war. The measures of Congress are approved, and a disposition manifested to sustain the Executive, except by some presses which are noted for being arrayed against the cause of the country. On yesterday a hand of volunteers, preceded by music, &c., paraded the streets.
[BWP]

RE46v43i5p1c6, May 15, 1846: THE MEXICAN STEAMERS.

The New Orleans Tropic of the 5^th inst. says: “We noticed some two weeks since, that we believed the announcement of the sale of the two Mexican war-steamers a sham, and that they would appear, in case of hostilities with Mexico, as privateers. We are still of this opinion, and we have a fear that the harbor of Havana will contain our worst enemies. A United States 74 should be stationed off the mouth of the harbor, to watch with great care what comes out of it. It will be recollected, that in 1835, the Mexican armed brig Montezuma lay off the Sabine and captured the American schr.Julius Caesar, and others, filled with emigrants bound for Texas, and carried them into Matamoras. The vessels conveying soldiers from our city to the seat of war should be provided with two or three pieces of heavy artillery. They might be intercepted by the way.”[BWP]

RE46v43i5p1c6, May 15, 1846: No title.

The New Orleans Tropic of the 6^th instant states, that there are foreign emissaries in that city who hold correspondence with the enemy; and the Tropic suggests that a public meeting be called at once to devise means to circumvent the betrayers.
[BWP]

RE46v43i5p1c6, May 15, 1846: No title.

The two companies of artillery now at Fort McHenry, will leave in a day or two, for the seat of war under the command of Lieut. Col. Belton. It is stated that the Ship Merman will take them to their destination, and will stop at Old Point Comfort for four more companies.
[BWP]

RE46v43i5p1c6, May 15, 1846: ARMY MOVEMENTS &c.

News from the army in Texas is now looked for with intense anxiety—but we have received no later accounts than those published in our second edition of Saturday last.

The news of the defeat of Capt. Thornton’s detachment seems to have revived the war spirit of ’76. At New Orleans, in the course of two days, about 1200 volunteers had already enrolled themselves for service on the Texan frontier; though it is said the enrollment had not progressed as rapidly as could be wished, owing to the nonpayment hitherto of the volunteers who come time ago went from that city to Corpus Christi. Next morning, however, notice was given that the troops would be paid off on that day, and that no such delinquency would be suffered to occur in future.

The Governor of Louisiana has also issued his proclamation, offering ten dollars bounty and a month’s pay in advance to each volunteer.—On the 2d inst., about forty printers gave up lucrative situations in New Orleans, enrolled themselves under Senator Marks, and were preparing to depart for the banks of the Rio Grande. Owing to this cause, two of the daily papers had great difficulty in making their appearance the next morning. Several distinguished militia officers have volunteered—among others, Gen. Horatio Davis, Secretary of State, which office he will resign; Capt. Fulton, late of the U. S. Dragoons, has also tendered his services. Major Hunt raised the first company, which was ready for inspection on the morning of the second day after the news from Gen. Taylor’s Camp reached New Orleans. Three volunteer corps from the Third Municipality have through . . . [illegible] . . . officers . . .[illegible] . . . in their names, almost to a man, to fill up the number of troops required for the reinforcement of Gen. Taylor. Capt Forno’s company of Artillery was full, and in marching order. order. Indeed, in every quarter of the city, the Tropic says “the work goes bravely on.”.

Gov. Johnson of Louisiana has complied with the request of Gen. Taylor and has appointed Gen. Persifor F. Smith to the command of the troops to be raised for reinforcing Gen. Taylor.—The Governor has also appointed the following gentlemen as his Aides-de-camp: Cassimer Lacoste, Quarter Master General; John Winthrop, Henry A. Lyons, Charles T. Steward, Emilie Wiltz, J. Watson Keene and H. W. Palfrey.

The Brigadier General has informed the Governor of the State, that he believed volunteers enough would be found to fill up the call on the State, without having recourse to drafting any portion of them from the militia.

Commodore Moore arrived at New Orleans on the 4^th inst., and left immediately in the steamship New York, for Texas. It is thought that the bill for the increase of the Navy will be passed by Congress, and that Commodore Moore will be reinstated. The steamer New York had on board 180 troops, destined for the defence of Point Isabel.

The steamer Diamond arrived at New Orleans on the 3d inst., with twenty-five 18 pounders and 1,000 balls, destined for the army in Texas.

When the news from the frontier via New Orleans, reached Pensacola, Commodore Saunders, of the U. S. ship St. Mary's, was ordered to get under way immediately for Brasos St. Iago, to render all assistance in his power to the forces at Point Isabel. The steam frigate Mississippi, Capt. Fitzbugh, was ordered to start for Vera Cruz at 4, P. M., on the 4^th inst.

Several of the New Orleans papers publish engravings of the position of Gen. Taylor’s camp. The Tropic says it extends about four miles along the river bank—two miles above, and two below Matamoras. The entrenchment to erect it required twenty-three hundred men for thirty days. It is made of sand, and covered over with twigs, woven together like basket-work, surrounded by a very wide and deep ditch. The walls of the magazine, in the interior of the fortification, are formed of pork-barrels filled with sand, seven tiers thick, four tiers high, covered over with timber, on which sand is piled ten or twelve feet. Twelve heavy pieces of ordnance are so placed as to command the town of Matamoras. Five hundred men could defend the fortification against any force the Mexicans could bring against it at present.

The Tropic publishes a letter from Gen. Taylor to a friend in New Orleans, from which the following is an extract:

“Strong guards of foot and mounted men are established on the margin of the river, and thus efficient means have been adopted on our part to prevent all intercourse. While opposite to us their pickets extend above and below for several miles, we are equally active in keeping up a strong and vigilant guard to prevent surprise, or attacks under disadvantageous circumstances.—This is the more necessary, whilst we have to act on the defensive, and they at liberty to take the opposite course whenever they think proper to do so. Nor have we been idle in other respects; we have a field work under way, besides having erected a strong battery, and a number of buildings for the security of our supplies, in addition to some respectable works for their protection.—We have mounted a respectable battery, four pieces of which are long eighteen pounders, with which we could batter or burn down the city of Matamoras, should it become necessary to do so. When our field work is completed (which will soon be the case) and mounted with it proper armament, five hundred men could hold it against as many thousand Mexicans.”.

As an evidence of the spirit which animates all classes of the citizens of New Orleans, the Courier of that City publishes the following anecdote, which, indeed, reflects great credit upon the individual concerned:

A gentleman names Adde, who served with honor during three years of the Florida War, is raising a Company of Volunteers to join General Taylor. He went to the store of Messrs. Layton & Col., hardware merchants on the Levee, for the purpose of purchasing a flag. Mr. Layton answered that his were all disposed of, but directed one of his clerks to go to a neighboring store and buy one; and said to Captain Adde, “I present this flag to your Company as my own offering for the defence of the country.” Mr. Layton also told the
Captain that when the Company was complete, he would furnish each man, gratis, with a plate, knife, fork, spoon and other accoutrements of the same kind; and also said he, “If you should want a few hundred dollars to purchase other conveniences for your men, apply to me, and you shall have the amount.”[BWP]

RE46v43i5p1c7, May 15, 1846: THE MEXICAN WAR.

Now that hostilities have commenced, national honor demands that a substantial, energetic and decisive invasion be made upon the richest and most populous districts of Mexico. Let the American character display itself. itself. Let it be show, that, while we are ever anxious to be at peace, we are not afraid of war, come from what quarter it may. Let our deeds proclaim, that the patriotic fire of Liberty, which lighted on to victory the heroes of the Revolution, still burns with unchagned brightness in the bosoms of their sons. Let the war be carried on with the utmost vigor. To borrow the language of the New Orleans Picayune—“a tiny, Lilliputian affair will be tarnish our arms. To end the campaign as becomes the honor and dignity of the Republic, ” it may be necessary that “an American General should dictate the terms of peace in the city of Mexico”.

A call has been made upon all foreigners (by the Mexican Commander) to come to the aid of Mexico. Indeed, it has been fully understood that the Mexicans have been sustained in their hostility to the United States by foreign emissaries residents of Mexico. It is stated that the Mexican fort of San Juan de Ulloa is filled with foreign engineers; and that the army now on this side of the Rio Grande is accompanied by French, English and other artillery men. This statement, no doubt, is based on the following document, translated for the N. O. Picayune, and which that paper states Ampudia has found the means of distributing in the American Camp. In connection with other circumstances, it will doubtless shed some light upon the secret movements of the Mexican army, and the machinations at the bottom of the present enterprise.
[BWP]

RE46v43i5p1c7, May 15, 1846: The Commander-in-Chief of the Mexican army to the English and Irish under the orders of the American General Taylor:

Know ye, that the Government of the United States is committing repeated acts of barbarous aggressions against the magnanimous Mexican nation; that the Government which exists under “the flag of the stars, ” is unworthy of the designation of Christian. Recollect that you were born in Great Britain; that the American Government looks with coldness upon the powerful flag of St. George, and is provoking to a rupture the warlike people to whom it belongs, President Polk boldly manifesting a desire to take possession of Oregon, as he has already done of Texas. Now, then, come with all confidence to the Mexican ranks, and I guarantee to you, upon my honor, good treatment, and that all your expenses shall be defrayed until your arrival in the beautiful capital of Mexico.

Germans, French, Poles, and individuals of other nations! Separate yourselves from the Yankees, and do not contribute to defend a robbery and usurpation, which, be assured, the civilized nations of Europe look upon with the utmost indignation. Come, therefore, and array yourselves under the tri-colored flag, in the confidence that the God of Armies protects it., and that it will protect you equally with the English.

PEDRO DE AMPUDIA.
FRANCISCO R. MORENO,
Adjutant of the Commander-in-Chief.Head Quarters, upon the Road to Matamoras, April 2, 1846.

[BWP]

RE46v43i5p2c1, May 15, 1846: TWENTY-NINTH CONGRESS. INTERESTING DEBATE. TUESDAY, MAY 12,1846. SENATE.

As soon as the journal was read, a message was received from the House, to the effect that the bill authorizing the President to prosecute the war against Mexico, had been passed by that body, and asking the concurrence of the Senate thereto. Also, that the House had concurred in the amendments of the Senate to the bill increasing the rank and file of the army, making an addition to the present regular army of about 7,000 men.

The bill to enable the President to prosecute the existing war with Mexico, was then taken up by the Senate and read twice.

Mr. Allen moved to postpone the prior orders in order to go on with the consideration of the bill.

Mr. Calhoun was opposed to any hasty or precipitate action on so important a measure. On looking at the first section of the bill, it would be seen that it involved a declaration of war.—He had carefully examined the documents, and he was fully satisfied that other Senators who had nay doubts on the subject should be allowed a full opportunity to examine them. He repeated, therefore, that he was opposed to any hurried action.

Mr. Allen adverted to the fact that the news from the army arrived in this city on Saturday evening, at 5 o’clock, and that in one hour afterwards the Executive Government was at work, devising the necessary steps for the rescue of the army. Now, however, all depended on Congress. The case was with them, and active and prompt measures were necessary. What was to be done must be done at once. A delay of 48 hours might have the effect of protracting the war for twelve months.

After some remarks touching points of order from several Senators, Mr. Mangum took the floor. He denied that there is any evidence to show that war, in its proper sense, actually exists, as is set forth in the preamble to the bill.—If the political question could be separated from the question of expediency, he would cheerfully vote for any amount of men and money to rescue the army and maintain the honor of the country. But he for one was not willing to assume that wear actually exists. Suppose, said he, that the Sovereign Government of Mexico should disavow the act of her Commander in crossing the Rio Grande, who would then say that war existed between the two countries? He hoped that a bill would be reported from the military committee separated from all extraneous matter, and confined solely to measures for the raising of men and money to meet the present exigencies without any reference to the question as to whether war exists or not.

After some explanatory remarks from Mr. Benton, which were not heard,

Mr. Calhoun again took the floor. He asked what reason there could be for refusing to strike out the objectionable preamble of the bill, in order to satisfy those who have doubts as to its propriety? He did not wish to delay the bill, but rather than, in the absence of all information, he would vote for such a preamble, recognizing the existence of a war, he would plunge a dagger into his breast. The doctrine of assuming that there ids actual war between two nations, merely because there had been a collision on the frontier, was monstrous.

If carried out, it will place it in the power of a corporal’s guard to involve two great nations in a war. He repeated that we have no knowledge that Mexico has decided upon war with us, and it was, therefore, wrong for us to assume the fact until we shall have further information. For his part, he did not wish to delay the bill if it were pressed, but he would not vote upon it. He would not vote “No, ” because he could not; and he would not vote “Aye, ” because he wanted information. He would not make war upon Mexico, by making war upon the Constitution, for he held, that by passing such a bill in the present state of things, and in the absence of proper information, the Senate will be making a much greater war upon the Constitution than upon Mexico.

Mr. Clayton of Delaware following on the same side. In addition to this, he considered the bill as too loose and indifferent. He desired, for instance, that the bill should specify what portion of the ten millions was to be appropriated to the land forces, and what portion to the navy. He hoped the bill would be referred to the Military Committee. He made that motion.

After further remarks, the question was about to be taken on the motion to refer, when.

Mr. Benton, the Chairman of the Military Committee, said that in anticipation of such a motion, the Committee met at an early hour this morning, and h ad authorized him to report the bill with sundry amendments. These proposed amendments were than read for the information of the Senate. One of them proposes to strike out the preamble to the bill.

Mr. Allen, the Chairman of the Committee on Foreign Relations reminded the Senate, that the portion of the message relating to the political re-(unreadable) red to that Committee. And he would state, that the majority for he Committee were of the opinion that the first section of the bill was correct, and that war actually exists. He therefore hoped that the motion to refer this bill to the Military Committee would not prevail.

[Here several messages from the President of the United States were received.].

Mr. Allen proceeded top explain that the views of the Committee on Foreign relations were in full accordance with the first section of the present bill. In reply to a question of Mr. Clayton, as to whether the Committee had the documents accompanying the message before them, Mr. Allen said that the Committee did have the manuscript documents before them, but they could not shut their eyes to the glaring fact that war actually exists.

Mr. Clayton then moved to strike out the first section of the bill.

Mr. Benton read an extract from the recent message of Parades to the Mexican Congress for the purpose of showing that in the opinion of the latter, the conflict between us and Mexico is going on, etc.

Mr. Clayton, with a view of affording time for consideration changed his motion so as to strike out of the first section the words “prosecution of said wear” and to insert the words “with a view of enabling the Government of the U. S. to repel invasion, the President be hereby authorized to employ the naval and military force, ” &c.

Mr. Calhoun made another appeal. He said that even if the President of Mexico had declared war, that of itself did not constitute a declaration of war, for, as with us, the Congress of Mexico had to decide such questions. If the Presidents of the two countries should both declare war without the consent of their respective Congresses, it would amount to nothing.

Mr. Houston declared it was this solemn conviction that war actually exists. Mexico had been at war with Texas for ten years, and now it had become apart of the United States, that government has in effect assumed the position of Texas without regard to a Mexico. There was, therefore, nothing but war existing between the two countries. He went on to urge the necessity of chastising Mexico for the wrongs committed by her upon us. So long as she was capable of injuring us she ought not to be regarded with pity. We ought to chastise her for her injuries.

Mr. Archer rose, and after alluding to the assertion of the Senator from Texas that war had existed since the annexation of Texas, said he maintained that doctrine when the question of annexation was presented. In that view he might be supposed to vote against the motion of the Senator from Delaware to strike out. They must, as he had before said, draw a line between war de facto and de jure. The circumstances brought to their knowledge satisfied him that war ought to be declared against Mexico, and by the act legalize the acts that have ensued and annexation of Texas to the United States. He would be entirely willing to vote for such declaration then, because he could not see the rectitude of granting large sums of money without a full recognition of its necessity and propriety by government. He wished, in relation to that and every war in which his country might be involved, to see it prosecuted with vigor and unanimity. Many gentlemen thought that such a state of things is not existing between this country and Mexico as would authorize a declaration of war by the United States.

Mr. Calhoun (after ascertaining that the allusion was to him, ) said he had not used any such expression. He could not take on him to say in the absence of necessary information, how far the present state of things would justify the government in declaring war; but what he said was, that there could be no state of war—no declaration of its existence made, but by the constitutional authority—the Congress of the U. States.

Mr. Archer continued to say, that on yesterday he spoke of war not existing de jure, or in the legal acceptation of the term; but a state of war de facto did exist; and the question to be presented in a few days would be, were they prepared to make that war de facto a war de jure? He would vote for the motion of the honorable Senator from Delaware to strike out the word “war, ” but he could not do so without that avowal of his opinion to go before the people of the United States. He was willing to wait for advices from Mexico, and learn what was to be the termination of the present state of things; and if it was to be war, he was for prosecuting it with promptitude and energy. He would not consent that any officer, military or civil of the United States, should make blockades, throw up fortifications in sight of a foreign nation, and exercise, in truth, all the powers of war, and impose all its expenses all its commitments, with foreign nations. In that state of things he would not consent, unless sit got a legal coloring from the United States. The Senators on the other side, in this view of the question, and for the sake of unanimity, ought to defer to the suggestion made on his side for delay, and see the necessity of deliberation before they put themselves in this position before the world.

Mr. Johnson of Louisiana called attention to the fact, that on several occasions the Mexican Government has repeatedly informed our Government that the annexation of Texas would be considered by them as a declaration of war. This fact was incontrovertible, and there could not be a doubt of the existence of actual war.

Mr. Pennybacker next addressed the Senate at some length. The principal aim of his argument was to show that a formal declaration was not essential to the existence of war. In support of this he cited a number of instances from modern history, and quoted from Vattel, from Judge Kent’s Commentaries, and the decisions of the English Admiralty, to the same end. After settling this point, the honorable Senator argued that, in the absence of a declaration of war, it was competent to judge from hostilities enacted, whether war existed or not. Admitting that, he proceeded to review the relations between Mexico and the United States, the successive events that had led to the present state of things all which proved that war actually does exist between the two countries, and that although it might be dispensed with a declaration of war was desirable by the United States, that the people might all know their position; that neutral nations might conduct themselves suitably; and that there might be an open and palpable occasion shown for the voting of the supplies necessary to its energetic prosecution.

Mr. Cass objected to the motion to strike out. He did not believer that a Mexican a rmy could have crossed our frontier without the orders of the Mexican Government. What else could we want? Did we want a certificate from a Mexican justice of the peace to certify that war has commenced? What further evidence could we want? Suppose an American fleet should bombard the city of London, would the British take our Constitution and say, “Look her, your Constitution does not authorize you to make war without the consent of Congress?” No! they would look to the fact, and act upon that. He then proceeded to give several laughable illustrations of the ridiculous attitude in which we should be placed, if we should carry out the principle that we must first wait for a formal declaration of war from the Government of an invading army.

Mr. Berrien at some length and with much point controverted the positions assumed by Messrs. Pennybacker and Cass.

Mr. Crittenden was in favor of voting for any amount of funds which might be deemed necessary to repel invasion, by which he meant, not only the driving the enemy beyond the river, but in pursuing him, and beating him down, so that the borders should no longer be in danger of a repetition of the offence. He would be satisfied with this until we should have had time to ascertain whether the Mexican government would sanction the act of their commanding officer.—But if we were forced to have war, he was for making it as short as possible, by sending an overwhelming force at once. He would have the army carrying peace in one hand and war in the other, so that we might end the war at once upon the least desire from the enemy. He was opposed to the preamble to the bill. There was no necessary for it. There was no preamble to the declaration of war in 1812.

Mr. J. M. Clayton rose to reply to the Senator from Michigan, [Mr. Cass.] He appealed to the opposite side, and asked them to wait at least till the evidence transmitted by the President was printed. The Senator from Michigan said he was satisfied of the fact. But he was satisfied without evidence—with nothing but newspaper reports. He was willing to “go it blind.” He contended that there was no evidence before them to enable them to make up an honest opinion on the subject. He hoped that the majority would not exercise a power which they would not desire to be employed against them. Let them recollect that the day might come when the majority would be on his side of the chamber. It might be that after examining the documents he (Mr. C.) would be willing to vote a declaration of war. But he could not assent to that without examination—without a fair opportunity of forming a judgment.

Mr. Houston asked the Senator from Delaware what evidence would satisfy him of the existence of a state of war.

Mr. J. M. Clayton replied that authentic evidence of the fact that the hostilities had been sanctioned by the Mexican authorities, would satisfy him. But there was no such evidence before them now. It was a common thing for the Mexican Government to disavow the acts of their Generals. A General committed an act to-day which was disavowed to-morrow. It, after a declaration of war, or a recogniztion of a state of war by the Congress of the United States, intelligence should be received of the fact that the Mexican Government had disavowed the act of their military officers on the Rio Grande, how mortified would they all be, and how much would they regret that they had not waited until they themselves had decided, after deliberate . . .[illegible] . . . rushing on in a declaration of war.

Mr. Westcott said that calm and cool reflection had convinced him that it was his duty to vote for this bill, although he did not entirely approve of its phraseology. He was not disposed to throw upon Mexico, (as this bill seemed to do, ) the commencement of this war. He preferred that this Government, instead of the declaration that “war existed.” And “by the act of Mexico, ” should make an independent affirmative, positive and unequivocal declaration of war against that Government. The past conduct of Mexico towards the United States would fully justify such a declaration. If the soldiers of Mexico had not invaded Texas during the last month; if they had not murdered Col. Cross; if they had not killed Lieut. Porter; if they had not attacked Hardee and Thornton; nay, if her present rulers were now to apologise and atone for these acts, there is ample cause for our declaring war against her, to be found in her past conduce towards us. Mr. W. was in favor of a declaration of war, because he did not believe that hostilities could be as efficiently, as effectuaily, as successfully carried on by the Executive without it. Mr. W. concurred in the opinion advanced on this point by the Senator from Virginia, Mr. Pennybacker, and other Senators.

Mr. Crittenden hoped that the emergency would not be found so pressing as some Senators appeared to suppose. He had great confidence in the officer commanding the forces on the Rio Grande, and was pretty confident that, in eight and forty hours after the date of last advices, it would be found that the General commanding had whipped the Mexicans, driven them across the river, and was in the town of Matamoras.—He might be wrong, but that was his speculation. Still he admitted that they were not to get under such a supposition. They were to act with the least possible delay consistent with order and propriety. He was to a great extend prepared to vote for the supplies—but indeed so advisedly as he would have desired. One thing was certain, that there had been, to some extent, a conflict on the Rio Grande between the troops of the two countries. To whose fault that was to be ascribed he could not now say, but he feared that when the matter was investigated, it would be found that he would not be able to regard with entire approbation the conduct of the Executive. He saw no reason for the advance of the troops to the Rio Grande—for the hazarding of those consequences which every sensible man must have foreseen. It was not for a moment to be imagined that the angry armies of two angry and quarrelling nations should day after day face each other with cannons pointed at each other, and only a fordable river between them, and conflict not result. It was conceded that this was disputed territory. What right had the U. States to take possession of it? it? Had not the other disputing claimant an equal right? But he would not prosecute that view of the subject at present. He was willing to consider the exigency as urgent as they pleased, and to make adequate preparation. As it was the wish of some Senators to rest with that in the meantime, he should be entirely content with that course, but he did not know that he would be willing to limit the government to repelling invasion. Perhaps he would be satisfied with an expression of what he meant by repelling invasion. He meant by that, pursuing, beating down, till the borders were freed from danger of a repetition of the invasion.

A Senator. That would be war.

Mr. Crittenden. No; there was a shade of difference—a very perceptible one. He believed it was indispensable policy to make the war as sharp and short as possible. If it lingered one year it would not be a Mexican war. With a straw, you could kindle a fire to burn down a city. In this connected condition of the world, war was felt everywhere. War could not be made with Mexico without touching the interests, and exciting the jealousies of all nations trading with us. Great consequences might be involved in that war. war. He would, therefore, make it as compendious as possible. He would even, if he had his way, send a Minister Plenipotentiary with the General, and between every blow hold out the offer of peace. He would be willing to give the means to the President, for the purpose of repelling invasion, and otherwise prosecuting hostilities, till the peace of the country be secured from the danger of further invasion. All the time, he would give notice of peace, by the Minister going along with the General. Thus limited, he was assured they would get any amount of military force. He would move to strike out, and insert something like that which he had suggested. After expressing his dissatisfaction with the preamble, of which he saw no necessity—there was none in the declaration of war in 1812—the honorable Senator resumed his seat.

Mr. Calhoun then rose and said: Senators have not made the distinction—an obvious one—between the fact, whether there be war, and the act of declaring war. All admitted that there was no war connected with this invasion which gave them a right to declare war. War was an act of hostility, which came from the sovereign power. power. As a mere matter of truth or falsehood, he could not vote for the bill. As men and as patriots, he appealed to the Senators whether they ought not to remove this impediment, provided its removal would not destroy the efficiency of the bill. They ought to accommodate those who thought with him. Was it not desirable to have a strong vote? vote? Why, then, not remove this impediment to a strong vote? There could be but one objection, and that was, that it would render the bill less efficient. But could that objection be entertained by any one? He now came to make some remarks on the speech of the Senator from Kentucky, (Mr. Crittenden.) He had made a suggestion which seemed to remove every objection. It gave this bill all possible efficiency—ability to prosecute the hostilities not merely to the frontier but beyond it. They could do no more than that.—But since some gentlemen around him seemed to say that there was war, he would allude to that. The difference between the existing state of things was as wide as the poles. War placed every member of this community at war with every member of the Mexican community. But it did not end there—it created new relations between this country and all other powers, and amongst these relations was the right of blockade—interfering with the nations of the world, and tending to bring us into conflict with them. The moment war was declared privateering commenced, and swarms of privateers were let loose upon our extended commerce. And more than that any mode of adjustment was set aside except that by a treaty of peace. Why, in the name of all that was reasonable, he asked, could they rush at once to the ultimate resort? Suppose this turned out to be a case in which war ought to be declared, after examination of all the documents. Let the declaration be made in due form and with becoming dignity—not in this side-way, as if they were afraid to do it. Let them show a front to the world, such as was becoming the character of the nation. In the present condition of the world war was a tremendous thing. The whole sentiment of the civilized world was turning stronger and stronger against war. And let us not, (said Mr. C., ) for the honor of our country—for the dignity of the republic—be the first to create a state of war.—Mortal man cannot see the end of it. When I look on and see that we are rushing upon the most tremendous event, I am amazed. I am more than amazed; I am in a state of wonder and deep alarm. This is not the tone of character to go into war. They who go into war in this manner—as if seeking a decisive course—cannot expect to succeed. It is a hasty, thoughtless course. I do not wish to use any words in an offensive sense—but with all possible emphasis, I exhort you to avoid the appearance of precipitancy, or want of that deep reflection and profound meditation, which alone can guide you to a successful issue.

After some further remarks, (principally on points of order, ) by Messrs. Allen, Johnston of Louisiana, Crittenden, Calhoun and Mangum, the question was taken on the motion of Mr. Boyd, to strike out the words “prosecute said war to a speedy and successful termination, ” so as to make the preamble read, “that for the purpose of enabling the Government of the United States to repel the invasion, the President is hereby, “&c., and decided in the negative as follows:

YEAS__Messrs. Archer, Barrow, Berrien, Calhoun, Thomas Clayton, John M. Clayton, Corwin, Crittenden, Davis, Dayton, Evans, Huntington, Johnson of Maryland, Johnson of Louisiana, McDuffie, Mangum, Morehead, Simmons, Upham and Woodbridge—20.

NAYS__Messrs. Allen, Ashley, Atchison, Atherton, Bagby, Benton, Breese, Bright, Cameron, Cass, Colquitt, Dix, Houston, Jarnagin, Jenness, Lewis, Niles, Pennybacker, Rusk, Semple, Sevier, Speight, Sturgeon, Turney and Yulee—25.

So the motion to strike out was not agreed to.

Mr. Crittenden expressed a desire that the ground taken upon this subject by the minority should be recorded upon the journal, and for this purpose he moved to strike out from the first section of the bill the words, “to prosecute said war to a speedy and successful termination, ” and insert “for the purpose of repelling the invasion, the President is hereby, ” &c.

The President was of opinion that this renewal of a motion to strike out a sentence which the Senate had already refused to strike out, was not in order.

Mr. Crittenden explained, and contended that the motion to strike out and insert was in order.

After a short discussion upon the point of order between Senators Calhoun, Mangum, and Berrien, the objection was withdrawn.

Mr. Crittenden asked for the yeas and nays; which were ordered.

The question was then taken, and the result was—ayes 20, nays 26. Same as the preceding vote, except that Mr. Westcott’s name was added to the nays.

Mr. Huntington moved that the preamble to the bill be stricken out; and proceeded to make a few remarks in support of the motion, in the course of which he animadverted strongly upon the course of the administration in relation to the difficulties with Mexico, in sending the troops of the United States upon disputed territory.

Mr. Morehead said that the subject of boundaries was expressly . . .[illegible] . . . in the discussion on the annexation of Texas, and was referred to in the annexation resolution itself. The 2d section of the resolution says:

“Sec. 2.And be it further Resolved, That the foregoing consent of Congress is given upon the following conditions, and with the following guarantees, to wit: First. First. Sate to be formed, subject to the adjustment by this government of all questions of boundary that may arise with other governments.”.

The question which we are now called upon to determine he understood to be, whether the war declared to exist has been caused by Mexico.—Whether it is waged by the authority of Mexico may depend on circumstances. We have not had an opportunity to investigate the subject. The question may hereafter present itself in a different light from that in which we now see it; and yet, under these circumstances, we are called upon to declare that this is a war authorized by Mexico.

Mr. Johnson, of Maryland, said that Mexico claims the whole of Texas. We cannot go to Mexico, therefore, to ask about our boundaries. She denies the existence of such a State as Texas. Texas. We go to Texas to inquire about the boundary.

Mr. Berrien said, that in the debates on the annexation of Texas the question of the true boundary was one of much doubt and difficulty. It was difficult to understand whether the Nueces of the Rio Grande was the boundary between Texas and Mexico, and the section referred to was added by the Senate for this very reason.—It was to settle this disputed boundary that the amendment referred to was made.

Mr. Archer said the bill to be reported by the Committee on Forein Relations would probably contain the same preamble. Why, then, refuse to strike out the preamble from this bill, thereby securing a full vote? This would not prevent the adoption of the same preamble in another bill, which would amount to the same thing. This preamble properly belongs to a bill to be reported from the Committee on Foreign Relations declaring war.

The yeas and nays were then taken on Mr. Huntington’s motion to strike out the preamble, which was decided as followed:

YEAS__Messr. Archer, Barrow, Berrien, Calhoun, Thomas Clayton, John M. Clayton, Corwin, Crittenden, Davis, Dayton, Evans, Huntington, McDuffie, Mangum, Morehead, Simmons, Woodbridge, Yulee—18.

NAYS__Messrs. Allen, Ashley, Atchison, Atherton, Bagby, Benton, Breese, Bright, Cameron, Cass, Colquitt, Dix, Houston, Jarnagin, Jenness, Johnson, of Maryland, Johnson, of Louisiana, Lewis, Niles, Pennybacker, Rusk, Semple, Sevier, Speight, Sturgeon, Turney, Upham, Westcott—28.

No other amendment being proposed, the bill was reported to the Senate from the Committee of the Whole.

The amendments made in committee were then agreed to.

The bill, as amended, was then ordered to be engrossed for a third reading.

Several senators called for the immediate third reading of the bill, and no objection being made thereto, it was so read.

The President then proceeded to put the question “Shall this bill pass?”.

Mr. Crittenden hoped that the question might be so put as to divide the preamble from the bill. The question might first be taken on the passage of the bill, without the preamble, and the preamble could be voted for separately. This would secure a large vote for the passage of the bill.

Mr. Sevier said the preamble was only the title of the bill.

The President said, it is the opinion of the chair that the preamble is a part of the bill, and that it cannot be divided.

Mr. Crittenden said, now I want to vote for the bill, and I trust that by unanimous consent of the Senate the question may be taken on the bill and on the preamble separately.

Mr. Calhoun would not vote for it, with or without the preamble. It is a solemn declaration of war to Mexico and to the world. This was taking a step which he could not approve. When his name should be called, therefore, he would remain silent.

Mr. Upham wished to vote for the bill, but he could not vote for the preamble. He had not information to enable him to vote for the preamble, and he could not vote what he did not know.

Mr. Dayton made a similar statement.

Mr. Crittenden said the question might be put, “Shall the bill pass?” Make that the question without the preamble, and he was willing and anxious to vote for it. He would not vote for the preamble.

Mr. Breese said that if the question could not be divided unless by unanimous consent of the Senate, he would object.

Mr. Mangum asked the President whether he and other senators could vote for the bill with a protest against the preamble, and whether that protest would be put on the journal.

Mr. Speight said that were was a precedent for entering a protest on the journal.

Mr. Crittenden appealed to the senator from Illinois [Mr. Breese] to withdraw his objection. After a pause, Mr. C. asked, does the senator yield his objection?.

Mr. Breese said it might endanger the passage of the bill if it should pass first without the preamble.

Mr. Crittenden pledged himself that he would move to reconsider, if there was any danger like that which the senator from Illinois apprehended.

Mr. Breese then withdrew his objection.

The President then stated that, by unanimous consent of the Senate, the question would be, Shall the bill passs without the preamble?.

Mr. Bagby could not consent to have the question put in this way. He could not vote for the bill without the preamble.

Mr. Crittenden suggested to the Chair, that the question might be put somewhat differently from the form in which it had been stated.

Mr. J. M. Clayton saw no difficulty in voting for the bill itself, first, without the preamble, and then for the preamble.

Mr. Bagby said, if it was put in this form, he would have to vote against the bill, while he wished to vote for it.

Mr. J. M. Clayton thought that the Senator from Alabama might vote for the bill without the preamble, and vote for the preamble afterwards.

Mr. R. Johnson said that the Senator from Alabama could have not more difficulty in voting for the bill and the preamble separately, than he could have in voting for different sections of the bill separately.

The yeas and nays were called for and ordered.

Mr. Morehead suggested that the question might be taken without the yeas and nays. There was evidently a large majority for the bill, and it would be better not to have the nays recorded.

Mr. Mangum had made up his mind to vote for the bill, but he entered his most solemn protest against the hasty declaration of the preamble, about the existence of the war, and he would ask the Senate that that protest might be entered on the journal.

Messrs. J. M. Clayton and Dayton entered similar protests.

The question, “Shall the bill pass?” was then put, and resulted as follows:

YEAS—Messrs. Allen, Archer, Ashley, Atchison, Atherton, Bagby, Barrow, Benton, Breese, Bright, Cameron, Cass, John M. Clayton, Colquitt, Corwin, Crittenden, Dayton, Dickinson, Houston, Jarnagin, Jenness, Johnson of Maryland, Johnson of Louisiana, Lewis, McDuffie, Mangum, Morehead, Niles, Pennybacker, Rusk, Semple, Sevier, Simmons, Speight, Sturgeon, Turney, Upham, Westcott, Woodbridge and Yulee—40.

NAYS—Messr.s Thos. Clayton and Davis—2.

[Senators Berrien, Calhoun and Evans, being in their seats, did not vote. The other members, whose names are not recorded above, were absent.].

When Mr. Crittenden’s name was called, he votes “aye, except the preamble.” So also did Mr. Upham.

The bill was then read by its title and passed.

And the Senate adjourned.
[BWP]

RE46v43i5p2c4, May 15, 1846: HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.

Mr. Broadhead, of Pa., moved for the printing of extra copies of the President’s Message and documents. Laid over.

The House, at an early hour, went into Committee of the Whole upon the bill to raise a corps of Sappers and Miners.

Mr. Burt, of S., who called up the bill, desired that the bill should pass at once, and moved that the Committee rise.

Mr. Giddings was opposed to this haste, and said that he was opposed to an increase of the Standing Army.

Mr. Johnson, of Tenn., called to order, but the Chair ruled Mr. G. to be in order.

Mr. Giddings said he had always been opposed to an increase of the Standing Army. He regarded an Army as against the genius of our free institutions, and we had recently had proof of its abuses in the occurrences upon our frontiers.

He alluded to the act of shooting down deserters, which he regarded as a monstrous violation. Another of the fruits of a Standing Army was the invasion of a foreign country. Our Government had been guilty of this, and Mexico had been to all intents and purposed invaded. The excuses of the President laid before Congress yesterday were a series of palpable misrepresentations of facts.

Mr. Broadhead contended that this was not in order, but the Chair decided that Mr. G. was not out of order.

Mr. Broadhead, amidst cries of “let him go on, ” persisted that the gentleman was out of order.

Mr. Giddings went on and complained of the attempts made to gag him down, and to cry him down, but returned at once to the charges of misrepresentation against the President in his Message. The main falsehood was the declaration that our soil had been invaded by Mexico. He denied this, and said that the camp of General Taylor was now in the Department of Tamaultipus, while a part of the territory claimed by the United States was in the Mexican Department of Cohahuila. If Texas had claimed to the Rio del Norte, she had never maintained that right. It had never been acknowledged by Mexico.

Mr. Giddings said that the result of this Mexican business would be the surrender of all our rights in Oregon North of the Columbia river;--54 40 would be cut down to the North bank of the Columbia.

Mr. G. went into the slavery question, and denounced the proceedings against Mexico as an act to bring more fellow beings into bondage. At this point he was cut off by the expiration of his hour.

The Committee then rose and reported the bill to the House. It was read a third time and passed;--ayes 153, noes 9.

A motion to reconsider was put and lost.

The House then went into Committee of the Whole, and took up the bill for the support of the Military Academy.

Mr. Sawyer made a violent speech against the Institution, and against the Army and Navy.

Mr. Tibbats and Mr. Darragh spoke at length upon the state of Mexican affairs, and a little of Oregon.

Mr. Gordon obtained the floor, and on his motion the Committee rose.

After more than an hour spent in attempts to adjourn, the House took a recess until 7 ½ o’clock, P. M.

On re-assembling at 7 o’clock, a message was received from the Senate returning the bill of this House providing for the prosecution of the existing war between the United States and the Republic of Mexico, passed with amendments.

The House proceeded to consider these amendments: they were read.

Mr. Haralson moved the concurrence of the House, and, at the same time, moved the previous question; which was seconded, put, and carried; and, under its operation, all the amendments were concurred in except that which strikers out $10 per month as the pay of privates, and allows mounted volunteers forty cents per day for the use of horses, instead of $20 per month pay for themselves and the use of their horses.

On this amendment Mr. Gentry asked for the yeas and nays. They were ordered; and, being taken, there were for the amendment 116, against it 53.

And so the amendments of the Senate were concurred in, and the bill was passed by both Houses.

And, to clinch the matter, Mr. Haralson moved to re-consider the votes agreeing to the amendments; but the House refused to do so, and the bill stands passed.

The Senate, then, at 6½ o’clock adjourned.

The following is a corrected copy of the bill as passed by both Houses, and since signed by the President:

AN ACT providing for the prosecution of the existing War between the United States and the Republic of Mexico.

Whereas, by the act of the Republic of Mexico, a state of War exists between that Government and the United States:

Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representative of the United States of America in Congress assembled, That for the purpose of enabling the Government of the United States to prosecute said War to a speedy and successful termination, the President be, and he is thereby, authorized to employ the militia, naval and military forces of the United States, and to call for and accept the services of any number of volunteers, not exceeding fifty thousand, who may offer their services, either as cavalry, artillery, or riflemen, to serve twelve months after they shall have arrived at the place of rendezvous, or to the end of the war, unless sooner discharged, according to the time for which they shall have been mustered into service; and that the sum of ten millions of dollars out of any money in the Treasury, or to come into the Treasury, not otherwise appropriated be, and the same is hereby appropriated, for the purpose of carrying the provisions of this act into effect.

Sec. 2.And be it further enacted. That the militia, when called into the service of the United States, by virtue of this act, or any other act, may, if in the opinion of the President of the United States the public interest requires it, be compelled to serve for a term not exceeding six months, after their arrival at the place of rendezvous, in any one year, unless sooner discharged.

Sec. 3.And be it further enacted, That the said volunteers shall furnish their own clothes, and, if cavalry, their own horses and horse equipment; and when mustered into service, shall be armed at the expense of the United States.

Sec. 4.And be it further enacted, That said volunteers shall, when called into actual service, and while remaining, therein, be subject to the rules and articles of war, and shall be, in all respects, except as to clothing and pay, placed on the same footing with similar corps of the United States army, and in lieu of clothing every non-commissioned officer and private in any company who may thus offer himself, shall be entitled, when called into actual service, to receive in money a sum equal to the cost of clothing of a non-commissioned officer or private (as the case may be) in the regular troops of the United States.

Sec. 5.And be it further enacted, That the s aid volunteers, so offering their services, shall be accepted by the President in companies, battalions, squadrons, and regiments, whose officers shall be appointed in the manner prescribed by law in the several States and Territories, to which such companies, battalions, s2uadrons, and regiments, shall respectively belong.

Sec. 6.And be it further enacted, That the President of the United States be, and he is hereby, authorised to organize companies so tendering their services into battalions or squadrons; battalions and squadrons into regiments; regiments into brigades, and brigades into divisions, as soon as the number of volunteers shall render such organization in his judgment expedient; and the President shall, if necessary, apportion the staff, field, and general officers among the respective States and Territories, from which the volunteers shall tender their services, as he may deem proper.

Sec. 7.And be it further enacted, That the volunteers who may be received into the service of the United States, by virtue of the provisions of this act, and who shall be wounded or otherwise disabled in the service, shall be entitled to all the benefit which may be conferred on persons wounded in the service of the United States.

Sec. 8.And be it further enacted, That the President of the United States be, and he is hereby, authorized forthwith to complete all the public armed vessels now authorized by law, and to purchase or charter, arm, equip, and man such merchant vessels and steamboats as, upon examination, may be found fit or easily converted into armed vessels fit for the public service, and in such number as he may deem necessary for the protection of the seaboard, lake coast, and the general defence of the country.

Sec. 9.And be it further enacted, That whenever the militia or volunteers are called and received into the service of the United States, under the provisions of this act, they shall have the organization of the army of the United States, and shall have the same pay and allowances; and all mounted privates, non-commissioned officers, musicians and artificers, shall be allowed 40 cents per day for the use and risk of their horses, except of horses actually killed in action; and if any mounted volunteer non-commissioned officer, musician, or private, shall not keep himself provided with a serviceable horse, said volunteers shall serve on foot.
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RE46v43i5p2c6, May 15, 1846: Friday Morning, May 15, 1846.

The Proclamation of the President of the United States, announcing the existence of war, will be read with deep interest. That the exhortation of the President to our people will find a response in every American bosom, we feel perfectly assured. Indeed, the fact is, Mexico has so long insulted us and trifled without forbearance, that all feel that the time has come for redress of our wrongs. To show the spirit that the late news from Gen. Taylor’s army roused in those portions of the Union nearest the scene of action, we have collated some interesting items from the papers received by yesterday’s Southern mail.—What a cheering tale they tell! Twelve months since, the London Times dared to ridicule our strength in comparison with Mexico, and urged her to dismiss her doubts, and measure swords with us. Let the Americans show to the world how willingly they rush to the standard of our common country.

Mexico may be called weak and imbecile, and it may be said that we wish to trample upon a weaker while we are afraid of a stronger nation. Let those who think so, beware lest they permit their feelings to blind their judgments.

Our Government, in our opinion, has already exercised too much forbearance towards the Mexicans. On Mr. Slidell’s return, had he been a British or French Minister, those nations would have had no regard for the imbecility of Mexico, they would have ordered a speedy bombardment of her cities. But the United States Government has exercised great liberality towards Mexico, and has suffered this state of things to exist until forbearance has ceased to be a virtue. We do not believe that, in the attack upon our troops, and the murder of our citizens Mexico is influenced by patriotism alone. We believe she is used by foreign governments as the cat’s paw for the prosecution of their own schemes.

We moreover believe, that unless this spark, which is now being kindled up on the Rio Grande, shall be speedily and effectually extinguished, it is possible that it may spread to the remotest borders of our Union.

Shall it then be said that Virginia, if her services are needed, will be dilatory? Shall the reproach rest upon her Metropolis, that she cares nothing about the welfare of our common country? Baltimore and Philadelphia, another cities , are a rousing themselves for action. We are all Americans; and shall Virginia sit passive as the lamb when our enemies are in the field murdering our citizens, and killing our troops? No—no. When we see our own soil crimsoned with the blood of our citizens, the motto of the gallant Decatur should be the metto of every man: “Our country, right or wrong.” We hope that, in the event of troops being desired from Virginia, every true-hearted son will at once r ally around the standard of our country, and show that the deeds performed by our fathers in ‘76—the Revolutionary sires—can be equalled by their descendants in ’46.

Let not any one hug to his bosom the thought, that Mexico alone is our enemy. Let him look behind the curtain—doubtless he will observe the emissaries of Foreign Governments busily employed in controverting the efforts of our Government to protect the rights of our citizens and obtain justice from Mexico.
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RE46v43i5p2c6, May 15, 1846: FROM NEW ORLEANS.

By the arrival, at New Orleans, on the 7^th May, of the steamer Telegraph from Galveston, papers have been received from that place up to the 2d May. From the Galveston Civilian of the 2d inst. We learn that the United States schr.Flirt was endeavoring to get over the bar into the Brassos Santiago, in order to co-operate more effectually in the defence of the depot and position at the mouth of the river. Captain Symptom of the Alert, was assisting in the accomplishment of this object, having taken off some of the Flirt’s guns, in order to reduce her draught of water. The steamer Monmouth left Galveston on Friday, the 1^st instant, for Brassos Santiago, with a number of volunteers for the army under Gen. Taylor.

The New Orleans Times of the 7^th May, states that recruits were rapidly filling up the companies destined for the army of occupation. A considerable number have been enlisted at the head-quarters of all the companies throughout the city, and seven other companies were in barracks below the Third Municipality, whose numbers are complete, averaging seventy men each. The following is the order in which they were mustered into the service: No. 1 company, Capt. I. Stockton; No. 2, Capt. Smith; No. 3, Capt. Hunt; No. 4, Capt. Breedlove; No. 5, Capt. Head; No. 6, Capt. Tobin; No. 7, Captain Glenn. These, in round numbers, make about 500 men. The companies which are nearly complete but not yet mustered, viz: Capt. Crevon’s, . Capt. Dessomme’s, Capt. Soniat’s, Capt. White’s, and Senator Mark’s, will probably reach in the aggregate 400 more; making in all 900 men. The Times says:

“There are a few more companies in process of formation, scattered ion different localities, which will be filled up, it is expected, by Saturday, when they will be en masse a body of 1200 men. Gen. Smith expects the First Regiment to be ready to proceed to the scene of action on the Rio Grande, on Saturday. It will be under the command of Col. Walton. We hope certainly to see them off before the week closes, as much depends on the celerity of their movements at this critical juncture. Indeed, since the principal object is to reinforce Gen. Taylor at once, we are unaffectedly of opinion that it would be better to send them off, even one hundred at a time, as soon as ready. They could easily be formed into regiments and be brigaded, after the first pressing want has been relieved. We should imitate the Mobile people herein; they sent off the first available force at a moment’s warning.”.

We make the following extracts from the New Orleans Delta, of May 7:

We understand that Company A., Regiment Louisiana Volunteers, have filled their ranks, and will be mustered into the service of the United States this morning, for the purpose of proceeding immediately to the aid of Gen. Taylor; with the other volunteer corps already formed.—The above company is commanded by the following young men: A. F. Rudler, Captain; Lieutenants J. L. Jordan and R. F. Tupper; and Sergeants John D. Berry, J. D. Patter, E. F. Williams and J. D. Stordorff.

Besides Maj. Marks, of the Senate, Messrs. Lyons and Fountain, of the House of Representatives, have joined the volunteers. There are three vacancies created for persons ambitious of Legislative honors.

HURRA FOR MOBILE!—Lieutenant Lovell, of the United States Army, left in the Creole yesterday for Mobile, for the purpose of mustering into the service of the United States nineteen companies of Volunteers, which are expected to be ready on his arrival.

This is the spirit such as the occasion calls for, and responded to in a manner which sustains the already well deserved praise which the chivalric Mobilians have hitherto obtained. No petty differences or trifling questions of who shall command them? Have interfered to prevent them from volunteering promptly. promptly. They heard that Texas had been invaded by the wily Mexican—that General Taylor was likely to be surrounded—and that Point Isabel, containing his supplies, was in imminent danger of being taken. This was enough—ambition and distinction were forgotten, and each vied with the other as to who should be the first in the field. Well may the welkin ring again with the shout—Hurra for Mobile!—Hurra for Alabama!.

REQUISITIONS FOR RATIONS, CLOTHING, &c.—In consequence of hearing some murmurings that the companies of the Volunteers which had been mustered into the service of the United States, and sent to the Barracks, found neither rations nor uniforms there, we made inquiries of Col. Hunt, the U. S. Deputy Quarter-Master-General, as well as Capt. Grayson, U. S. Commissary, and found that no requisitions had been made upon them. In order to prevent disappointment in these particulars with those who are not already mustered, we are requested to suggest that these matters should be attended to the first thing by Commanders of companies; and if so, that they will be promptly attended to.

DEMURRAGE.—In consequence of the volunteers not having been ready to start on Tuesday, on board the steamship Galveston, which has been chartered to convey them to Point Isabel, she received demurrage at the rate of $500 per day from Tuesday evening last.
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RE46v43i5p2c7, May 15, 1846: [From the New Orleans Times] THE CRY TO ARMS!

The same excitement prevailed through the city yesterday as the preceding days. “To arms!” is the watchword now among us; it is heard in each nook and corner of the streets, at the festive table and the household board—the absorbing idea in public places, and in domestic life. It has wrought considerable effect amongst our youth, the power of the population. Deathless honor to the brave.—A few fleeting months, and they return to the bosoms of their friends and families with swelling heart and crest erect, for they will be adorned with the laurel victory![BWP]

RE46v43i5p2c7, May 15, 1846: [From the New Orleans Bulletin.] THE ALABAMIANS FOREVER.—.

The Alabama boys have beat the Louisianians after all; the fine crops of Volunteers which came over from Mobile on Friday, having yesterday afternoon taken their departure for the seat of war, whereas none of the Louisianians are yet under way. The delay, however, we must in justice say, is caused not from any lack of anxiety to be upon the scene of action, and meet as perils, whatever they may be, but from the long time that is necessarily required to fit . . .[illegible] . . . and organize so large a body as it is desired to send forward together. Our Alabama friends took passage on the Augusta, which also carries out about two hundred United States troops, from Fort Pike.
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RE46v43i5p2c7, May 15, 1846: Remarkable Coincidence.

One of the largest public meetings ever held in Richmond, is now, just as our paper is going to press, (8 ½ o’clock P. M., ) assembled at the City Hall, for the purpose of raising volunteers for Texas. Truly the work goes bravely on![BWP]

Mr. Braxton opened the canvass with the watchwords of ‘44—(unreadable) Dallas, Texas and Oregon—and most truly did he sustain, with his usual ability, the course of the true Democratic Republican party, as expounded by its true head, James K. Polk; and well may we congratulate the Democratic Republican party, the State at large, and the Senate in particular, upon the return of this gentleman to that body, of which he was, twenty years ago, an active, useful and distinguished member.
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RE46v43i5p2c7, May 15, 1846: RECIPE FOR CONDUCTING A SHORT WAR.

We devote a large portion of this day’s paper to the important debate in the Senate on Tuesday last on the bill providing for the prosecution of the existing war between the United States and Mexico.

Senator Crittenden, it will be seen, recommends a new recipe for bringing war to a speedy termination. The Union, in the following article, seems to have very little faith in its efficacy.
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One of the ablest Whigs yesterday treated the Senate with a new discovery in the art of war. He was for making a short war with Mexico, and he contended the best way was, first, to give her a blow, and then to hold out the hand of peace to her; and thus, first by the shut fist, and then by the open palm, to drive and win her alternately to peace. And this he recommended as the method of making a short war of it. Now as the Mexicans are the most loquacious people in the world, dealing so much in words, pronunciamentos, and the like, it is apprehended that the Senator’s tactics would spin the contest into a long war. They would take it for granted, that immediately after a blow, we should offer them the olive branch; and thus, between two blows they would have time to breathe and to talk, and to collect their forces—whilst our forces might be . . .[illegible] . . . in their supplies, and the time would gradually melt away. We confess, we prefer the old-fashioned way of carrying on the war.
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RE46v43i5p2c7, May 15, 1846: VOLUNTEERS FOR TEXAS!.

It will be seen by the annexed appeal, that an effort—we have no doubt it will be a successful one—is about being made in this city to raise Corps of Volunteers to tender their service to the President, in conformity with the provisions of the bill, which was before this time probably became a law, authorizing him to receive 50,000 men in the public service.
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RE46v43i5p2c7, May 15, 1846: TEXAS!

PATRIOTS! Your country calls—obey! Glory awaits you! Virginians! Be ever as ready to blast treachery as to trample on tyranny! Let us gain the prize banner of the Union for our ready devotion, and wear it proudly by matchless deeds. Let Virginia be like her matchless . . .[illegible] . . .—“first in war, first in peace, ” and first in the . . .[illegible] . . . of States! Let our ranks be filled with “brave and freely be our banners flung to the breeze.—From the Rio Grande let us plunge freely in the tide of war, and know no stop or hindrance until our flag waves first on the walls of Mexico.—Let it at least never be furled, until our country men, who have fallen by the hands of treachery shall be avenged—until expectant nations shall see how free America can right her injured honor![BWP]

RE46v43i5p3c2, May 15, 1846: By Last Evening’s Mail. BY THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA. A PROCLAMATION.

Whereas, the Congress of the United States, by virtue of the constitutional authority vested in them, have declared by their act bearing date this day, that, “by the act of the republic of Mexico, a state of war exists between that Government and the United States:”.

Now, therefore, . I, JAMES K. POLK, President of the United States of America, do hereby proclaim the same to all whom it may concern; and I do specially enjoin on all persons holding offices, civil or military, under the authority of the United States, that they be vigilant and zealous in discharging the duties respectively incident thereto: and I do moreover exhort all the good people of the United States as they love their country, as they feel the wrongs which have forced on them the last resort of injured nations, and as they consult the best means, under the blessing of Divine Providence, of abridging its calamities, that they exert themselves in preserving order, in promoting concord, in maintaining the authority and the efficacy of the laws, and in supporting and invigorating all the measures which may be adopted by the constituted authorities for obtaining a speedy, a just, and an honorable peace.

In testimony whereof, I have hereunto set my hand, and caused the seal of the United States to be affixed to these presents. Done at the city of Washington, the thirteenth day of May, one thousand eight hundred and forty six, and of the independence of the United States the seventieth. JAMES K. POLK. By the President: JAMES BUCHANAN, Secretary of State.
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RE46v43i5p4c7, May 15, 1846: Wednesday Morning, May 13, 1846. FROM THE SENIOR EDITOR.

WASHINGTON, Monday Night, May 11. The Capitol was thronged with anxious listeners to the proceedings of Congress. A message was expected from the President, and at 12 o’clock it was presented to each House of Congress, and was listened to with the deepest attention. For fear the morning’s papers may fail, I send you an Extra “Union, ” containing this admirable document. Of course, you will lay it entire before the readers of the Enquirer. It is plain and unpretending, but presents a clear and strong exposition of our Mexican relations, followed up by a recommendation of wise and vigorous measures. It is the very paper for the occasion and most nobly has the H. of Representatives seconded the recommendations of the message. Though in the preliminary stages of the question, the Whigs interposed embarrassing points of order for delay they were forced by the strong considerations of the case to come up to the mark, and by the extraordinary vote of 174 to 14, a bill was passed authorizing the President to raise 50,000 volunteers, and placing ten millions of dollars at his disposal, to prosecute successfully the war which has been made upon us by Mexico. There was quite a struggle upon the question of recognizing the existence of war. A every one declared his willingness to raise volunteers and appropriate money to repel the invasion—but quite a large number objected to the declaration that war already existed, as it would lead to serious peril to our commerce, &c. It was contended conclusively, on the other hand, that war existed beyond all doubt by the acts of Mexico, and that it was a matter of vital importance to recognise its existence, and to set on to the fullest and most energetic measures to bring it to a peaceful and satisfactory termination.—After the rejection of sundry amendments of a similar character, in the Committee of the Whole an amendment of Mr. Lynn Boyd, of Key., was adopted, embodying the facts as they really existed. This amendment prevailed in the House by a large majority, and the bill finally passed by an overwhelming vote, only fourteen voting in the negative. In the present critical condition of our foreign relations, this bold and decided attitude is all-important to the future peace and safety of the nation. The world will see that when danger threatens us from abroad, we present an unbroken front. This bill, so triumphantly passed by the House, will bring the Mexican war to a speedy and thorough termination and force other nations to respect our rights and honor. I cannot bring myself to doubt that the Senate, in the face of the decided action of the House, will at once give it their sanction.

I dropped into the Senate, and, though I missed some of the speeches, I was in time to listen with mortification to the party speeches of Messr. Clayton and Crittenden, on the motion to print the message. Without examining the documents transmitted by the President, they proceeded to condemn the administration for having brought on the present state of things, by sending the army to Matamoras. Never did I hear remarks in worse taste, and so little characterised by patriotism or proper feelings. An enemy is on our soil, and these Whig politicians, for party effect proceed to pass judgement of condemnation up on the Executive, when they should, with one voice rally around their country’s flag. Most justly did Messrs. Sevier and Allen present the impropriety of such a proceeding. proceeding. They called upon these Whig Senators first to come to the support of the Executive, and provide the means for sustaining the rights and honor of the country, and when that had been accomplished they might enquire into the causes of the present state of things. Messrs. S. and A. boldly asserted, that when the facts were sifted, they would fully justify the Executive in all that had been done. Mr. Allen also brought forward a rather significant fact in reply to the grumblings of the Whigs. He said that the removal of the army to the Rio Grande, opposite Matamoras, had been recommended by Gen. Scott, (who, from all I hear, is now the most prominent Whig candidate for the Presidency.) Gen. Houston addressed to the Senate a few sentences, full of patriotic views and thrilling eloquence. The motion to print was then carried without opposition.

As some evidence of the spirit here, I will state that to day the Senate passed the bill to raise a mounted Regiment for the protection of the emigrants to Oregon, striking out the amendment requiring the officers to be taken from the regular army. The House had passed a bill raising the number of a company from 64 to 80. To-day the Senate passed it, amending it so as to raise the number to 100. In this form it was this afternoon agreed to by the House, though they had been engaged in a long and laborious session.—The effect of this bill will be to increase the army to between 14 and 15,000 men. I am delighted to inform you, that a letter was received to-night from Capt. Thornton, who had escaped from the Mexicans and returned to the camp. His escape cutting his way through the Mexicans, was compared by an officer to-day to the perilous adventure of Gen. Putnam before the Revolution, when he was let down by his heels into the den of a wolf that had been the error of the whole country. With a torch and his favorite gun in his hand he descended head-foremost, and having fired at the savage beast, was drawn up by his companions. Capt. Thornton is represented as a sort of dare-devil, fearless of danger. He has experienced some remarkable adventures. adventures. He was on the ill-fated “Pulaski, ” and for several days floated upon a settee in the Ocean, until he was rescued. He has been attacked by the yellow fever—was badly wounded in the Florida war—and his late gallant and extraordinary feat on the Rio Grande, in cutting through the Mexicans leaping fences with his noble horse, and returning safely to the Camp, will make up a history . . .[illegible] . . . of heroism and romance. He is a native of our own Fredericksburg, and has done great honor to the Old Commonwealth.

But I have bored you enough. The President’s Message and the bill passed by the House will recount the important events of this day more graphically than any comments of mine. The House of Representatives have stood gloriously by the Government of the country. I cannot doubt that the Senate will prove true to their duty. duty. The gallant conduct of the Louisianians shows the spirit that animates the whole people. Their representatives in Congress cannot fail to carry it out. out. W. F. R.
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RE46v43i6p1c1, May 19, 1846: From the Seat of War; ANOTHER SKIRMISH, Defeat of the Texan Rangers.

From the Second Edition of the Enquirer of May 16^th.

The anxiety of our readers to hear from the seat of wear, induced us to issue a second edition of the Enquirer this morning, containing later intelligence from Texas and from Mexico.

[From the New Orleans Bulletin, Extra, May9.].

By the arrival of the schooner Ellen and Clara, Capt. Griffin, from Brazos St. Jago, we have accounts from Point Isabel to the morning of the 29^th ultimo. The news is only one day later and of course not very definite or satisfactory. The fact, however, that no communication had been had for three days between Point Isabel and the Camp of Gen. Taylor, is alone sufficient to keep anxiety on tip-toe.

We learn from Captain GRIFFIN, and Doctor N. Briggs, a passenger, who has been several months with the army, that Capt. WALKER, formerly of the Texan revenue service, who has been stationed between Point Isabel and General TAYLOR’S Camp, with a body of twenty-four volunteer Texan Rangers, found several of the teams which had started from the Point for the Camp were returning, and reported that the Mexicans were on the road. He started from his camp on the 28^th, with his whole force, to reconnoitre, and, if possible, open a communication with Gen. TAYLOR. He had proceeded as far as about midway between Point Isabel and the Camp, when an overwhelming Mexican force appeared very suddenly. A portion of his troops were raw—these he instructed to keep on his right, and gave orders to the whole to retire under cover of a chapparel in view.

But his raw troops, panic-stricken, scattered in confusion, and the Mexicans advancing in overwhelming numbers, he was compelled to retreat. He was followed by the Mexicans until within a mile of Point Isabel, where he arrived with only two of his men. Six other subsequently came in.

Capt. Walker estimated the number of Mexicans he encountered at 1500, and he supposed that at least 30 of them fell, during the fifteen minutes which he engaged the. This force is supposed to be a portion of that which had at the last accounts crossed the Rio Grande some 20 or 25 miles above Matamoras, and which is estimated at 3000 men. It is believed that they had arrived at the position they occupied by taking a circuitous route on the Eastern side of Gen. Taylor’s camp.

It is believed that the Mexicans have possession of an Island at the mouth of the Brassos, which commands the entrance. If so, it is apprehended that the troops by the New York will not be able to get in. The island is laid down on some of the maps as Brassos Village. It is a natural fortification.

A small schooner, the Aurora, sailed from Point Isabel on the 28^th, for this port, with despatches. The weather has been very severe on the coast and it is feared that she has been driven ashore.

IMPORTANT FROM MEXICO!.

[From the New Orleans Tropic, Extra, May 9.].

TWO DAYS LATER FROM MEXICO.

The brig Josephine, from Vera Cruz, brings us the following letter from our correspondent, dated April 25^th, two days later than the last, and papers from that city of the same d ate:

[Correspondence of the Tropic.] VERA CRUZ, April 25, 1846.

Gentlemen: By the mail steamer Tweed, last evening from Tampico, we have intelligence from Matamoras down to the 15^th.

A gentleman informs me that he has seen a letter from the British consul at that city, to the British consul here, from which he give me an extract.

This letter indicates a degree of familiarity between the Mexican General and the writer, that would justify the conclusion, that upon him has fallen the mantle of the “man with the white hat.”.

He says, Ampudia showed him the letter warning General Taylor off the banks of the Bravo, before it was forwarded, and intimates, without asserting it, that nothing prevents an attack from the Mexicans but want of boats. He also says that “General Taylor has plenty of Thirty-two Pounders pointed at the town, ” which is of course an exaggeration.

The excitement here regarding the Yankee Fleet has subsided somewhat, as the ships have not been seen since the 20^th. We hope they have moved into the neighborhood of our little army, as the tars would form most valuable auxiliaries in case of collision. From what I have seen and heard of sailors, I believe they would fight even better on land than on board ship. They would make excellent Artillerists, and first rate Riflemen.

I see by the Capital papers that the American squadron were at Matzatlan, on the first instant, in the following force:

Frigates—Savannah and Constitution.

Sloops of War—Portsmouth and Levant, and the schooner Shark—the latter of which, in company with the Portsmouth, sailed that day. Official information had been given to the merchants, that, from the 2d. of April, no more business would be done in the Customhouse. This was surely a very silly step, and I presume will cost the Collector his commission, as not blockade had been declared, and could not reasonably be feared.

Every body carps at the proceedings of the Government. Paredes’ nomination of Governor of the Department of Mexico, in the place of Bravo, who was sent here, has brought the Departmental Assembly “down upon him.” They demand the appointment of a Senor Gorospe, and refuse to confirm that of the contestant, Chavarri. I have learned nothing else of interest from the capital.

The call for exact lists of all the naturalized citizens of the Republic, is evidently intended to have an effect upon American emigrants, particularly. Whatever the object may be, I regard the measure as an impolitic one, and as evincing a meddlesome disposition that could not belong to a decent government.

A new edict ids said to be preparing, by which master printers are to be made responsible for whatever may be published from their offices or establishments!.

The only American vessel left here by the Josephine, will be the ship Suviah, of your city.

“El Judicador” of this city of the 22d mentions a meteorological phenomenon, which may have been simultaneously observed farther North, and, therefore, worth transcription. The Observer says:

“Last night at eleven minutes past seven, our attention was attracted by a very brilliant red light at the Northwest, which upon examination proved to be caused by a luminous meteor passing to the Northward, and apparently falling into the sea. By a paralactic calculation, we estimated it to have reached a height of 1700 or 1800 varas, at which elevation it followed a right line for 3 seconds, when it began its descent. We regard this as a prognostic of extreme heat.”.

There is nothing of importance in the papers. Gorostiza, Minister of the Treasury, has resigned, it is positively stated, in consequence of the Government’s policy towards the press. The Minister of Foreign Relations occupies his place for the present.

The latest information received in Mexico from Matamoras assigned to Gen. Ampudia a force of 7,000 men.The Locomoter says that Ampudia had “compelled the American Consul and his countrymen to march into the interior, to Victoria!”

The 3d Regiment of Infantry had left the city of Mexico for Vera Cruz, and another was to follow immediately.

The Locomoter denounces the Government for its recent decree against the press, as particularly impolitic under the existing relations with this country. “It is only, ” says that paper, “by exciting and pleasing the people, that they can be brought to struggle with a powerful nation. The resources employed by the Government are pitiful and mean.”.

The military at Vera Cruz were active in their preparations for war. The Castle is said to be in excellent condition.

The John Adams was off Vera Cruz.

Extract of a letter under date of 26^th ult., from Vera Cruz, received by a commercial house of this city:

“Gen. Alvarez has pronounced in the South in favor of the Federalists—and in the meantime calls for a triumverate composed of Santa Anna, Herrier, and Rincon, who are to govern this country, until a free election can take place for a President; but we have so many of these pronunciamentos, that they do not amount to anything.—On the 20^th inst., the editor and proprietor of the Monitor, in Mexico, was imprisoned and sent to San Blas.”.

Important from Mexico!!
GRAND REVOLUTIONARY MOVEMENT IN THE SOUTH.
Glorious News from Yucatan.

By a vessel at this port (says the New York Sun of Thursday, ) which sailed from Havana on the 1^st inst., we have private letters from intelligent correspondents in Merida, Yucatan, to the close of March, with private advices from parts of Southern Mexico to the middle of April, conveying the gratifying intelligence that people of Southern Mexico, in imitation of the patriotic example of Yucatan, were concentrating their efforts, in unison with the Congress of Yucatan, then in session, for a grand revolutionary movement against the military despots of the centre. The Congress of Yucatan had refused to entertain any propositions from Paredes, and a courier, whom he had sent to Merida, to request only three hundred troops, narrowly escaped with his life. We translate a few of the principal political views of our Mexican corresdonents, remarking that we place confidence in them:

“Having nothing to hope from Paredes but a monarchy in its worst shape, or a central power usurping the independence of the Departments and of the people, we again unfurl the banner of liberty, inscribing upon its folds—no compromise with the chieftains of Monarchy! History bears witness to our struggles for liberty. We have perilled our lives in its defence, as have our brethren of Texas and of the other gallant States of the great Northern Union. Men of America, brethren by the holy ties of human liberty, we shall rise in a few days in these Southern Departments, hoping to rescue our beautiful Mexico from the hands of Europe’s minions. Brethren of the North; we respect you for your noble example of self-government, which shines upon the nations. In return we ask-your sympathy. You have our confidence—give us yours. We know that we can have your co-operation. But if the central Junto, incited by another power, should war against you for receiving and protecting our sister Texas, you shall find us prepared to greet you in the Halls of the Montesumas.”.

These noble sentiments are much more beautiful in the original Spanish of our correspondents. We give their spirit. Such patriotism demands, and will receive a cordial response from the freemen of America. The revolution had, as we already know, commenced in the south of the department of Mexico, which was not known to our correspondents, although expected, at the time of writing. The Congress of Yucatan consists of twenty three members, representing five departments.
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RE46v43i6p1c2, May 19, 1846: PUBLIC MEETING IN RICHMOND.VOLUNTEERS FOR TEXAS.

In answer to the call through the morning papers, a large number of citizens assembled at the City Hall on Thursday evening, 14^th May, at half past seven, the hour appointed.

Mr. G. A. Porterfield was called to the Chair, and inn a few appropriate remarks explained that the object of the meeting was to inquire into the propriety of raising a Company of Volunteers from the city of Richmond, who should tender its services for the prosecution of the existing war with Mexico.

The Chairman then introduced to the meeting Mr. Edward C. Carrington, who offered a series of resolutions, which he supported in a most spirited and eloquent manner. He addressed himself principally to the young men of the city. He said that the call of the country was addressed to them; that the present welfare, the past glory, and the future destiny of the country, were in their keeping, and that it would be dishonorable to refuse the responsibility or prove recreant to the trust. He said that the call was addressed to them as Virginians, and asked if Old Virginia should sleep while her sister States were aroused, and their sons on the march to the aid of our brethren in Texas. He then asked in what portion of the Commonwealth this spirit could so well display itself as in this city, the heart and capital of the State.

This is but an imperfect sketch of Mr. Carrington’s remarks—in fact, not a full synopsis of what he said.

The following are the resolutions which were read to the meeting:

Resolved, that it is now known through the length and breadth of our land, that war is actually raging on our borders, and we are in daily expectation of intelligence of the most momentous import.

Resolved, That under such circumstances, every generous American youth naturally asks himself, what am I to do, and what do the honor and interests of the country demand of me?.

Resolved, That we, the young men of Virginia are determined to associate ourselves together for the formation of one or more volunteer companies, and offer our services forthwith to the General Government, to do battle for our country, when and where they may think proper to order us.

When Mr. Carrington had concluded, Gen. E. C. Carrington was called upon to address the meeting. He spoke about twenty minutes in the most patriotic spirit—declared that there were none present too young or to old to do battle for the country. He made a feeling vindication of the country against the imputation of degeneracy. He did not doubt that the spirit of the Revolutionary fathers was alive with their sons.

Robt. G. Scott, Esq., was called, and addressed the meeting with his usual ability. He did not consider this proceeding as rendered necessary by the situation of Gen. Taylor’s army—its fate was already sealed. Our object was to carry the war into Mexico, in order to chastise this nation of semi-barbarians into better manners.

Mr. S. urged the adoption of the resolutions.—He said they embodied his sentiments, and their object met with his entire concurrence.

The resolutions were adopted by acclamation.

Col. John D. Munford was called upon, and made a stirring speech. He invoked the aid and countenance of the community; and concluded by offering this resolution, which was adopted unanimously:

Resolved, That a committee consisting of five persons, be forthwith appointed for the purpose of taking immediate measures to raise by voluntary contribution, of the citizens of Richmond, the necessary funds to uniform and equip the corps of volunteers proposed to be orangized in this city, destined for the service of the United States, in the existing war with Mexico.

The following gentlemen are requested to act on that committee: Col. John D. Munford, Col. G. M. Carrington, James Winston, Esq., Col. Thos. B. Bigger and Robt. G. Scott, Esq.

Dr. Wm. A. Patterson offered the following resolutions, which were unanimously voted:

Resolved, That, whereas, hostilities exist between Mexico and the Republic of the United States of America, we will support our Government in all proper measures of resistance and assault, in successfully prosecuting the same.

Resolved, That we highly approve the late act of Congress in voting supplies of men and money, and we cordially approbate the vote of the delegates from Virginia for the same.

The crowd was so great, that the meeting was adjourned to the front steps of the Hall, where it was addressed in a most forcible and impressive manner by Captain Dimmock, who proffered his services to drill and instruct the new corps. The greatest enthusiasm was manifested throughout the whole meeting. G. A. POIRTERFIELD, Chairman. HERMON CARLTON, Secretary.
[BWP]

RE46v43i6p1c3, May 19, 1846: Monday Morning, May 18, 1846. A PROPOSITION TO FORM A VIRGINIA LEGION.

No one can now doubt that the Mexican war is fairly begun. The events daily transpiring demonstrate, beyond all controversy, that speculation is ill-timed, and arguments but a waste of time and thought. The stubborn fact stands forth, that we are this very moment in a war with Mexico, which has been fiercely commenced, and which may lead to consequences of the deepest importance to the peace of the whole world. No one can safely say that there are not other and greater powers behind the scenes, moving the puppets of Mexico. She may be simply the tool which the monarchies of Europe have thrust forward to bring on the great crisis in our Republican destinies. Upon the banks of the Rio Grande and the plains of Mexico a conflict will certainly take place, and it may be a nucleus out of which may swell into their mighty extend the long cherished and ill-smothered designs of the monarchies of the old world. The American Eagle, in the eyes of Europe, may have soared in too elevated and successful a career; the very existence of the moulding principles of absolutism may have required the proud rulers of Europe to clip its wide-spread wings. The “balance of power” is in danger, and one bold and concentrated effort may be made on the Mexican frontier to enforce the odious doctrine by the power of arms. We do not assert this to be positively true—but we know that such is the impression of some of the best-informed men in the country, and present indications, we confess, have somewhat aroused our apprehensions. While there is even a shade of doubt thrown over the matter, it behooves us to look every danger full in the face, and prepare for the worst.

Many persons seem to attach but little importance to a conflict with Mexico alone. But it must be apparent to every one at all acquainted with the Mexican character—with the topography of their country, and the nature of our own Government, that this Mexican war, now fully commenced, is to be of neither short duration nor easy prosecution. In view of such an inevitable state of things, we propose the immediate formation of a Legion, to be called the “Virginia Legion, ” to consist of eight full companies of Infantry, four of Artillery, and four of Riflemen, who shall offer their services to the President of the United States for the invasion of Mexico. We do not include Cavalry, as it does not so well comport with the plan of operations we have in mind. Gen. Taylor now occupies the left bank of the Rio Grande, and with the re-inforcements soon to be received by him, will, we have all confidence, be strong enough to take the town of Matamoras, and push back the Mexican army under Arista into the interior of their own country. In order to reach the more commanding and valuable portion of Mexico, after leaving the Rio Grande, we understand that it is necessary to pass through a section of country in certain points very rugged and difficult of passage, in other points exceedingly mountainous, with extensive plains beyond, much exposed to drought;--the whole inhabited by a hardy population, who may be said to live on horseback, who are familiar with every pass and defence, who have been accustomed to the excitement and trials o revolutions, and who, by driving their herds of cattle before them, would leave an invading army entirely dependant upon their won supplies, to carry which, for so great a distance, would in itself be an immense labor and expense. We do not doubt that the President of the United States has full information upon all these points. There are intelligent men now in Washington, connected with the Government, who have enjoyed a long experience in Mexico, and who will, we presume, be called upon to furnish what they may for the public good. It occurs to us, that William S. Parrott, Esq., formerly U. States Consul in the city of Mexico and late Secretary of Legation to that country, would be particularly available in this respect. He owned at one time, we learn, a hacienda in the vicinity of Leona Vicario, and for some years was in the habit of travelling through the barrancas and dangerous defiles on the other side of the Rio Grande. The Government can derive from him much valuable intelligence as to the nature of the country and the habits of the people.

We have every reason to believe that a well-advised, not less than a prompt and vigorous plan of operations will be adopted by the Executive; and it strikes us as probable, reasoning from circumstances, that a part of this plan may be, to send attacking forces by sea to Tampico and Vera Cruz. These are the two great and important points on the Gulf of Mexico, and the only points, except the very unimportant one of Tuzpan, through which Mexico receives any foreign supply. Vera Cruz was selected by the French for their attack in 1837, when the Castle of San Juan d’Ulloa fell under their bombardment. Tampico was chosen by the Spaniards for the landing of five thousand troops under Gen. Barradas in 1829, when they made their last attempt to regain their possessions on the American continent. Let our forces then be sent to both Vera Cruz and Tampico, and while Gen. Taylor advances from Matamoras upon Leona Vicario, falling upon Zacatecas, let the detachment from Tampico march upon San Louis Potosi, [the key to the rich treasury of the Mexican mines, ] where the two forming an union, they may come down by Guanaxuato and Queretaro, while the detachment from Vera Cruz, having landed at the river Alvarado and attacking the city in the rear, the squadron at the same moment attacking the Castle in the front, may march up through Jalapa, Perote and Puebla, and join the other detachment before the city of Mexico, the capital of the country, and the centre of its wealth.

These suggestions are thrown out after an inspection of the map with a friend who has given greater attention to the subject and has had better opportunities of appreciating the locale than ourselves. We are utterly ignorant of the plan of campaign which may have been agreed upon by the Executive. We only know that prompt and vigorous measures have been set on foot by all the departments of the Government. These suggestions are designed merely to show the probability of a mote extended scale of operations than many perhaps anticipate—and, consequently, to commend to a more favorable consideration our proposal for the formation of a Virginia Legion.

In view of the probable loss of life from the climate, to which volunteers taken from this portion of the country, accustomed to regularity of lodging and abundant subsistence, may be exposed, if carried into camp at an unhealthy season of the year, in a climate fatal to strangers, it is not improbable that the President may, for the present, decline to send volunteers from Virginia—but their “turn” will certainly come, if we are not mistaken in our apprehensions of the duration and extent of the war. They may be now regularly enlisted, and may be ordered to the garrison at Old Point, where, under the training of efficient officers of the regular army, they may take the place of the regulars, and be ready, at a moment’s warning, for service in any point of the Union. The South may not be the only seat of war. Circumstances may arise, which may transfer operations to different and not less important points.

Let, then, a Virginia Legion be formed, constituted of men who will touch arms as brothers—who will be animated by the pride of name—who, moved by the spirit of brave Nelson at York-Town, when he ordered his own house to be battered down because it protected the enemy, will leave their business and their interests, and go forth to emulate an ancestry, who are as yet, in the world’s history, without superiors, in all that constitutes high-souled honor and devoted patriotism.
[BWP]

RE46v43i6p1c2, May 19, 1846: VOLUNTEER MEETING.

A large and enthusiastic meeting was held this morning (Friday, the 15^th, ) at the Military Hall, for the purpose of organizing a volunteer corps to aid in defence of Texas. The meeting addressed by Mr. E. C. Carrington in a spirited manner. manner. The meeting then adjourned to the room of one of its members, and Mr., John D. Warren having been called to the Chair, he explained the intention of the meeting, that its object was to get a sufficient number of volunteers, and proceed as early as possible to its organization.

The requisite number being soon enrolled, the meeting proceeded to the election of officers. Mr. Edward C. Carrington was unanimously elected Captain of the Company; Mr. G. P. Porterfield, . 1^st Lieutenant; Mr. Carlton Munford, 2d Lieutenant; Mr. John D. Warren 3d Lieutenant; and Mr. Htomas G. McKenzie, 4^th Lieutenant; Hermon Carlton, 1^st Orderly Sergeant, and J. Richard Lewellen, Colour Sergeant.

The meeting then adjourned, to meet again at the Exchange Concert Room at eight o’clock.

The meeting met at the appointed hour. A motion was made, that the Captain and some of the officers should go on to Washington as soon as practicable, and offer their services to the General Government. The motion was unanimously adopted.

The meeting then proceeded to the appointment of a committee to draft a constitution, and to perform such other duties as may be requisite to complete the organization of the corps.

On motion, the meeting then adjourned. E. C. CARRINGTON, Pres’t. HERMON CARLTON, Sec’y.

[In compliance with a resolution, in the above proceedings, Capt. Carrington and Lieutenant Warren left this city for Washington on Saturday morning last, with the view of tendering to the General Government the services of this new and spirited corps of volunteers.] [BWP]

RE46v43i6p1c4, May 19, 1846: No title.

This is no time for long words or studied arguments. The hour foraction has arrived, and the broad fact stares us in the face, that we are actually at war, which is now confined to Mexico, but which may spread over an indefinite extent. Never did we feel less disposed to arouse the spirit of party. party. Until the crisis shall have passed, we would devote ourselves to the country, and to that alone. For a time, we would drop political bickerings; but we confess that we have experienced mortification and indignation at the tone of those who, in their party-blindness, attempt to throw cold water upon the ardent exertions of the Government, to bring the war to a speedy and satisfactory end, if that be possible. Some Whigs see our scouting parties cut down by the Mexicans, and taunt the Democratic party with the consequences of Mr. Polk’s election; that had Mr. Clay succeeded, Texas would not have been annexed, and this war would not have ensued. To such men we have not a word of reply. It is enough to say, that Texas is our own rightful and valuable possession, and that he who would rip up the controversy for party effect, at this vital moment, can have no influence upon a patriotic people. His declaration carries with it its own thorough refutation.

But there is another and a larger portion of the Whigs who, taking the cue from the Whig leaders in Congress, assail and condemn the Executive for marching the army to the banks of the Rio Grande, and defending the soil which we claim to be our own territory, but which, they assert, belongs to Mexico. We have but little fear from the effect of such a want of patriotism and policy in condemning the country when it is actually invaded by a foreign foe, and thus endeavoring to place the nation in the wrong in the eyes of the world, and virtually giving encouragement to the enemies of the country. The duty of the patriot now, is to support the Executive in its efforts to avenge the national honor, and not to thwart these efforts by party attacks and premature and unfounded condemnation. As soon as the w eight of war shall be removed from the nation, and the peace, honor and rights of the country secured, let the Executive be tried upon its own merits and deeds; and if guilty, be condemned by the country. We have no doubt that such a trial will redound to its complete vindication. At all events, it is but poor patriotism which would stop the arm of the Executive, and impair its force, when its best efforts are directed to chastise an insolent and treacherous foe.

It is not our object, now, to defend the President. But his position in regard to our title to the territory to the Rio Grande was so conclusively demonstrated by Mr. Douglass of Illinois, in the House of Representatives on Wednesday last, upon the bill making appropriations for the support of the army, that we devote a considerable space to his masterly exposition of that point. Distinguished as that gentleman is for his gallant bearing and great power of argument and sarcasm, his speech on this occasion is regarded in Washington as his best. Nobly did he come to the rescue of Texas, when she struggled for admission into the Union—he has clinched the nail by proving beyond all controversy her title to the Rio Grande. His rasping of John Quincy Adams is capitally done. “Out of his own mouth: he has convicted him. His (A.’s) attempts to evade the issues are blundering and ridiculous, and marked with the worst temper in the world. Mr. Douglass was aroused to the slashing work by the disgraceful remarks of those Whigs who had voted against the supplies, and particularly by the infamous declaration of Mr. Delano of Ohio, who asserted, “if the people had any common sense, they would hold responsible the authors of this war, which was concocted in fraud, and was to be consummated in iniquity.” His arguments, moreover, went to destroy all the sophism and misrepresentations of the Whigs in the two Houses of Congress, in regard to the marching of our troops across what is declared to be Mexican soil. He leaves them not an inch to stand upon.
[BWP]

RE46v43i6p1c4, May 19, 1846: (Extracts from the Debate).

Mr. Douglass next took the floor. Several members proposed that the committee rise, that he might proceed with his speech in the morning. He declined to avail himself of their courtesy, as he had but a few remarks to make, and those principally in reply to the gentleman from Ohio, who had just taken his seat, [Mr. Delano.] The gentleman from Ohio (said Mr. Douglass, ) has been so kind as to herald my advent before my arrival, and announce that I was about to follow him in the debate. I suppose that he drew this inference from the fact, that I took a seat near him, and listened to his speech with the most respectful attention. Acting upon this suggestion, he has addressed a large portion of his speech to me, and invited an answer from me especially to the principal points in his argument. I propose to gratify him in this respect; and while I shall speak with freedom and boldness of his positions and arguments, I trust I shall observe the same respectful courtesy towards my opponents which has characterized his effort. I commend the patriotism, if not the morality of the sentiment which he quoted at the beginning, and repeated several times in the course of his speech: “I go for my country, right or wrong.” I fear, however, that this sentiment, once so much approved by our countrymen, is about to be brought into disrespect and contempt by the use which the gentleman and some of his coadjutors are now making of it. They “go for their country right or wrong;” but they insist that their country is, and has been all the time in the wrong. They say that they will support the war, but that, in their opinion, “the war is unholy, unrighteous and damnable.”.

Mr. J. W. Houston. Who made use of that expression? Was it any gentleman on this side of the House?.

Mr. Douglass. Yes, sir. The gentleman from Ohio [Mr. Delano] who has just taken his seat, made use of the identical words, and repeated them several times with great emphasis in the course of his speech, while the great body of his political friends listened with the most profound respect, and gave every indication of approbation and encouragement, by expressions, looks and nods of assent. I see the venerable gentleman from Massachusetts before me now nods his approval of the sentiment.

Mr. Adams. Yes, sir. Mr. Chairman, I approve and endorse every word and syllable of it.

Mr. Douglass. So I supposed, from the marked indications of approval which that gentleman and his friends gave to every attack up9on the right, interests, and honor of his own country. What reliance shall we place on the sincerity of gentlemen’s professions, that they are for the country right or wrong, when they exert all their power and influence to put their country in the wrong in the eyes of Christendom, and invoke the wrath of heaven upon us for our manifold national crimes and aggressions? With professions of patriotism on their lips, do they not show that their hearts are against their own country? They appeal to the consciences and religious feelings of our countrymen to unite in execration of our Government, army, citizen soldiers, and country, for prosecuting what they denounce as an unholy, unrighteous, and damnable cause. They predict that the judgment of God will test upon us—that sickness, and carnage, and death, will be our portion—that defeat and disgrace will attend our arms. Is there not treason in the heart that can feel and poison in the breath that can utter, such sentiments against their own country, when forced to take up arms, in self-defence, to repel invasion by a brutal and perfidious enemy? They for their country right or wrong, who tell our people if they rally under their country’s standard, their bones will bleach on the plains of Mexico, and the enemy will look down from the mountain top to behold the destruction of our armies by disease and malarias, and all those mysterious elements of death which Divine Providence employee to punish a wicked people for prosecuting an unholy and unjust war! Sir, I tell these gentlemen that it requires more charity than falls to the lot of frail man to believe that these sentiments are consistent with the sincerity of their professions—with patriotism, honor and duty to their country. Patriotism emanates from the heart, fills the soul, infuses itself into the whole man, and speaks and acts the same language. A friend of his country in war will feel, speak, and act for his country—will revere his country’s cause, and hate his country’s enemies. America wants no friends, acknowledges the fidelity of no citizens who, after war is declared, condemns the justice of her cause, or sympathizes with the enemy. All such are traitors in their hearts; and would to God that they would commit some overt act for which they could be dealt with according to their deserts.

I will now proceed to examine the arguments by which the gentleman from Ohio, and those with whom he acts, pretend to justify their foreign sympathies. They assume that the Rio del Norte was not the boundary line between Texas and Mexico—that the Republic of Texas never extended beyond the Nueces—and consequently our government was under no obligation, and had no right, to protect the lives and property of American citizens beyond the last mentioned river. In support of this assumption, the gentleman has referred to the dispute which he says arose between the provinces of Coahuila and Texas, and the decisions of Almonte and some other Mexican General thereon prior to the Texan revolution; and while those provinces constituted a state of the Mexican confederacy. He has also referred to Mr. Hasting’s History of Texas, in which we are also informed that the same boundary is assigned to the Mexican province of Texas. I do not deem it necessary to go back to a period anterior to the Texan revolution to ascertain the .limits and boundaries of the republic of Texas. But if the gentleman has so great a reverence for antiquity as to place more reliance upon old authorities, which have become obsolete and inapplicable, in consequence of the changed relations of the country, I will gratify his taste in that respect, by directing his attention to the various maps, records, histories and authorities—Spanish, English and French—by which it is shown that the Rio del Norte was the boundary line between the French province of Louisiana and the Spanish provinces of Mexico. The gentleman can satisfy himself on that point, if he will take the pains to read a despatch (I might with propriety say a book, from its very great length, ) written by the American Secretary of State, John Q. Adams, to the Spanish Minsiter, (Don Onis, ) in 1819. He will there find the authorities all collected and reviewed with a clearness and ability which defies refutation, and demonstrates the validity of the American title under the treaty of 1803, to the country in dispute, together with the expression of his opinion, by the venerable gentleman from Massachusetts, [Mr. Adams, ] that our title to the Del Norte was as clear as to the island of New Orleans. This was the opinion of Mr. Adams in 1819. It was the opinion of Messrs. Monroe and Pinkney in 1805. It was the opinion of Jefferson and Madison—of all our Presidents, and all administrations from the day of the purchase of Louisiana, in 1803, to the fatal treaty of relinquishment to Spain in 1819. I give the gentleman the opinions of these men in opposition to the opinion of Almonte and his brother Mexican General, and then leave the question of boundary prior to the Texan r evolution. Will he tell us, and his constituents, that those distinguished statesmen, including his friend from Massachusetts, [Mr. Adams, ] as well, as Mr. Polk and the American Congress, were engaged in an unholy, an unrighteous and damnable cause, in claiming title to the Rio del Norte?.

But, sir, I have already said that I do not deem it necessary to rely upon these old authorities for the full and complete justification of our government in defending possession of the country on the left bank of the Rio del Norte. There is better and higher evidence than this. The republic of Texas held the country by a more glorious title than can be traced through the old maps and musty records of Spanish and French courts. She held the country by the same title that our forefathers of the revolution acquired our territory and achieved the independence of this republic. She held it by virtue of her declaration of independence, setting forth the inalienable rights of man, by men who had hearts to feel and minds to comprehend the blessings of freedom; by principles successfully maintained by the irresistible power of her arms, and consecrated by the precious blood of her glorious heroes. These are her moments of title to the empire which she has voluntarily annexed to our Union, and which we have plighted our faith to protect and defend against invasion or dismemberment. We have received the republic of Texas, with her entire territory into this Union; as an independent and sovereign State, and have no right to alienate or surrender any portion of it. This obligation the gentlemen of the opposition admit, so far as respects the country to the northeast of the Nueces, but deny both the obligation and right to go beyond that river. I should have felt myself under peculiar obligations to them, if they would have condescended to inform us upon what grounds they assume the Neuces to have been the boundary line of the republic of Texas, and draw a distinction between our rights to the country on the opposite sides of that stream. I know nothing in the history of that republic from its birth to its translation, that will authorize any such assumption.

In order that I might be certain of the accuracy of the facts, to which I am about to refer, I have taken the precaution, with in the last few minutes, to have them authenticated by the testimony of the two most distinguished actors, one of whom I now recognize in my eye) of those thrilling and glorious scenes of the Texan Revolution. Before this high authority I assert, that as early as the campaign of 1835, there were soldiers and officers too in the Texan army, who resided in the country between the Nueces and the Del Norte. These same heroic men from the west side of the Neuces, or so many of them as had not been butchered by the Mexican soldiery, were present at the battle of Jan Jacinto, on the 21^st of April, 1836, when Santa Ana was captured, and the Mexican army annihilated. Although few in number, and from their residence, exposed to more of the barbarities of the Mexicans than any other portion of Texas, they were faithful to the cause of freedom, and constant in their devotion to the cause of the Republic throughout its existence. Immediately after the battle of San Jacinto, Santa Ana made a proposition to the commander of the Texan army to make a treaty of peace, by which Mexico would recognize the independence of Texas, with the Rio del Norte as the boundary. In May, 1836, such a treaty was made between the Government of Texas and Santa Ana, in which the independence of the Republic of Texas was acknowledged, and the Rio del Norte recognized as the boundary. In pursuance of this treaty, the remnant of the Mexican army were ordered by Santa Ana to retire beyond the confines of the Republic of Texas, and take their position on the west side of the Rio del Norte, which they did in conformity with the treaty of peace.

Mr. J. W. Houston. I wish to ask of the gentleman from Illinois, was that treaty ever ratified by the Government of Mexico?.

Mr. Douglass. I will answer the gentleman’s question with great pleasure. That Treaty was never ratified on the part of Mexico by any body, except Santa Ana, for the very good reason that, in the year previous, Santa Ana had usurped the Government of Mexico, had abolished the Constitution and the regularly established Government, and taken all the powers of Government into his own hands. To give stability to the power which he had usurped by the sword, he called a Congress around him, composed of his own adherents and followers, and had himself formally proclaimed dictator of the Republic of Mexico, and, as such, clothed with all the powers of Government, civil and military. In this capacity, he marched his armies into Texas, for the purpose of reducing those people into subjection to the despotism which he had established, and exterminating the last vestige of freedom which remained in all his dominions. While engaged in his work of desolation with fire and sword, committing butcheries and barbarities unknown to civilized warfare, he fell into the hands of the heroic Houston and his gallant little army—a captive to those whom he was striving to reduce to captivity. Then it was, . That the tyrant became the suppliant—a suppliant for his life and liberty—at the hands of those he had designed as his victims. There the dictator bent the knee in prayer for mercy, offering to recognise the independence of Texas, with the Rio del Norte. Subsequently the Treaty was entered into in due form, as I have already stated, and the Mexicans evacuated Texas in pursuance of its provisions, retiring to the West side of the Rio del Norte. This Treaty wads entered into by the Government of Mexico de facto, Santa Ana combining in his own person at the time all the powers of the Government, and as such was binding on the Mexican nation.

Mr. John Quincy Adams. I desire to inquire of the gentleman from Illinois if Santa Ana was not a prisoner of war at the time, and in duress, when he executed that Treaty?.

Mr. Douglass, in reply. Santa Anna was a prisoner of wear at the time, and so was the entire government of Mexico, he being the government de facto, and clothes with all the powers of government, civil and military. The government was a prisoner at the time, and in duress. But will it be contended that that circumstance rendered its obligation less obligatory? We are now at war with Mexico. Our armies will soon march into the heart of that country. I trust they will penetrate as far as the capital, and capture the army, people and government—make them all prisoners of wear, and keep them in duress until they shall conclude a treaty of peace and boundary with us, by which they shall not only recognise the Rio del Norte, but such other line as we shall choose to dictate or accept. Will the gentleman from Massachusetts contend that a treaty made with us under those circumstances would not be binding, because, forsooth, the government was a prisoner at the time? How is a conquered nation ever to make peace, if the gentleman’s doctrine is to prevail? They refuse to make peace before they are conquered, because they hope for victory. They are incompetent to do so afterwards because they are in duress! Surely an unfortunate and defeated belligerent would be in a most lamentable condition.—Too imbecile to resist, disarmed, conquered, still incompetent to make a treaty of peace, and adjust the matter in dispute on such fair and equitable terms as a magnanimous foe shall propose, because the war of aggression which they commenced has resulted disastrously, and made them captives! I fear that if this doctrine shall prevail, these gentlemen will soon find their Mexican friends in a most pitiable condition. condition. Perhaps, if that government should be reduced to captivity, these gentlemen would require that our armies should retire within our own territory, and set the government at liberty, before negotiations for peace could be opened. This may be their view of the subject, but I doubt whether it is the view which the American government or the American people will deem it their duty to act upon. Our crude notions of things may teach us that the city of Mexico would be the most suitable place to form a treaty of peace.

Mr. Adams. Has not that treaty with Santa Ana been discarded by the Mexican government since?.

Mr. Douglass. I presume it has, for I am not aware of any treaty or compact which that government ever entered into that has not either been violated or repudiated by them afterwards. And our treaty stipulations with them furnish ample ground for this presumption. presumption. I have not deemed it necessary to inquire, therefore, what particular acts of disavowal have been since adopted by the Mexican government. It is sufficient for my purpose that the treaty was entered into and sanctioned by the government de facto for the time being. The acts of a government de facto are binding on the nation as against foreign nations, without reference to the mode in which that government was established, whether by revolution, usurpation, or rightful and constitutional means.

Mr. Adams. I deny it—I deny the proposition.

Mr. Douglass. I do not intent to enter into a discussion of the law of nation with the learned gentleman from Massachusetts. I will only say that I understand all writers on the law of nations to lay down the principle as I have stated. Certainly the practice and usages of all civilized nations sanction it, of which history furnishes us innumerable examples. Mexico herself was nothing but as government de facto, in the strict legal sense of the term, at the time of the Texas revolution. She had revolted from Spain in 1821, and had successfully maintained her national existence; but her independence was not recognized by the mother country until December, 1836.—Yet we had recognized her existence as a government de facto in the meantime and had entered into treaties of commerce, as well as of boundary. These treaties were made with the existing government for the time being, whether a constitutional republic, a military despotism, or a dictatorship. We never pretended to inquire into the question whether the government had been rightfully formed or not; it was sufficient for our purposes that it was the existing government de facto. So it was with Texas. She became independent de facto in 1836, and we recognized her independence as such immediately afterwards; and so did England, France, and most of the great powers of the globe. All other nations formed treaties with her as a government de facto without inquiring who had been right and who in the wrong in her revolutionary struggle. We purchased Louisiana from Napoleon, a usurper at the head of a military despotism.—Does the gentleman deny the validity of the acts of the British Government during the times of Oliver Cromwell, because it was a mere governmentde facto, established in blood, in violation of the British constitution? Many of the most important treaties, affecting the destinies of Europe, were made with the British Government during that period. Who ever thought of denying their validity because they had been made by government de facto, which had been reared on the ruins of the British monarchy? The doctrine of the gentleman from Massachusetts is a novel one—it finds no sanction in the books, and no examples in history. The universal doctrine is, that the acts of the government de facto are binding upon the nation as against other nations, from the consequences of which it cannot release itself by a subsequent revolution. It is immaterial, therefore, whether Mexico has, or has not, since repudiated Santa Ana’s treaty with Texas. It was executed at the time by competent authority. authority. She availed herself of all its benefits. benefits. By virtue of it, she saved the remnant of her army from total annihilation. Under it she was enabled to remove in peace and security all her soldiers, citizens and property beyond the Rio de Norte. The question is, had she a moral or legal right to repudiate it, after she had enjoyed all its advantages? But the right of Texas to the country West of the Nueces does not rest on this treaty and the preceding acts alone. She has had legal possession of, and exercised jurisdiction over it from that day to this. When the people of Texas assembled in 1836, to form the constitution of the republic, the inhabitants residing between the Nueces and the Rio del Norte had their representative there. James Powers, a citizen and resident of that part of Texas, was a delegate in that convention. Colonel Renny, formerly a citizen of my own State, has for many years resided West of the Nueces, and represented that county in the Texan Congress. He was a member of the convention which formed the constitution of the State of Texas, preparatory to her admission into the Union, and is now a member of the Senate of that State. Besides all these facts, Texas has had counties organised, and courts established there for years, and has successfully maintained her jurisdiction, not only against the Comanche Indians, but against all the marauding parties that Mexico has been able to send across the Rio del Norte.

There is still another item of information which I can give the gentleman, to show that Mexico has, at a recent date, recognised the Rio del Norte as the boundary. The members of the last Congress will recollect that much was said in debate on the Treaty and resolutions for the annexation of Texas, about an armistice which had been entered into between Texas and Mexico, for the cessation of hostilities. The proposition was proposed and accepted; and in the proclamation of the President of Mexico announcing its existence, the Mexican troops were directed to retire from Texas to the West bank of the Rio del Norte, and did so in pursuance of that armistice. Here we find a clear and unequivocal recognition of the Rio del Norte as the boundary by Mexico as late as 1843. What stronger evidence could we have of the establishment of a boundary line than this train of facts, reaching back as far as 1835, and all tending to two points—first, that Texas has always claimed the country West of the Nueces, and exercised jurisdiction over all sections of it occupied by her people—and secondly, that Mexico has, on all occasions, recognized the Rio del Norte as the boundary?.

Mr. Adams. I wish to ask the gentleman from Illinois if the last Congress did not pass a law regulating commerce and trade to the foreign province of Santa Fe?.

Mr. Douglass. I believe there was an act passed regulating trade between Independence, Mo., and Santa Fe. I do not now recollect its exact provisions. Nor is it important, inasmuch as that was before Texas was annexed to this Union. Of course Santa Fe was foreign to us at that time, whether it belonged to Texas or Mexico. But as the venerable gentleman from Massachusetts has called my attention to an act of Congress which he supposes bears upon the point at issue, I will reciprocate the compliment by asking his attention to one for which he voted at the present session. Will that gentleman inform us why he voted at the present session of Congress for a bill establishing a collection district in Texas, and in it included the country between the Nueces and the del Norte, and in the bill itself provided for the establishment of a port of delivery west of the Nueces, and the appointment of a surveyor of the port to reside there, and to superintend the execution of the United States revenue laws over the very country which he now asserts belongs to Mexico? The present Congress has passed such a law. It is now in force over the country in dispute, and the gentleman from Massachusetts (Mr. Adams, ) and if my recollection serves me right, every gentleman of this House who is now denouncing the President for sending the army there voted for that law. My friend from Ohio, who sits nearest to me, says that the gentleman from Massachusetts made a speech for it—a fact which had escaped my recollection. A surveyor at that port has been appointed by the President and confirmed by the Senate, and, I am informed, has been engaged for some months in the performance of his duties under the law for which all these e special guardians of Mexican rights voted. Now, sirs, I ask in all fairness and candor, what right these gentlemen have to abuse the President for sending the army into that country to protect the lives of our citizens, after they had voted to take legal possession of it by the extension of our laws? They had asserted our right to the country by a solemn act of Congress; they had erected it into a collection district; the constitution required the President to appoint the officers, and see the laws faithfully executed. He has done so; and for this simple discharge of duty, under a law for which they voted, he is now denounced in the coarsest terms known to our language, as having done an act unholy, unrighteous, and damnable.

And this denunciation is endorsed by the gentleman from Massachusetts, who, in 1819, declared that our title to the Del Norte was as perfect as to the island of New Orleans.

Mr. Adams. I never said that our title was good to the Rio del Norte from its mouth to its source.

Mr. Douglass. I fully understand the points of the gentleman’s denial.. He denies that he claimed the Del Norte all the way to its source. I know nothing of his mental reservations. He claimed the Del Norte as the boundary, without specifying how far it extended up the river. He will not deny this fact, for I have the official evidence over his own signature. signature. It is t rue I cannot prove the hand-writing, for it is printed in the State Papers, and is his same celebrated despatch to Don Onis, the Spanish minister.

Mr. Adams. I wrote that despatch as Secretary of State, and endeavored to make out the best case I could for my own country, as it was my duty. But I utterly deny that I claimed the Rio del Norte in its whole extent. I only claimed it as the line a short distance up, and then took a line northward, some distance from the river.

Mr. Douglass. Will the gentleman specify the point from which his line left the river.

Mr. Adams. I never stated a point.

Mr. Douglass. Was it above Matamoras?.

Mr. Adams. I never specified any particular point.

Mr. Douglass. I have heard of this line to which the gentleman refers. It followed a river near to the gorge of the mountains; certainly more than 100 miles above Matamoras. Consequently, taking the gentleman on his own claim, the position occupied by General Taylor opposite Matamoras, and every inch of the ground upon which an American soldier has planted his foot, were clearly within our own territory as claimed by him in 1819. I am not now to be diverted from the real point at issue by tracing the line beyond which our army has marched. My present object is to repel the calumnics which have been uttered against our government for the purpose of putting our country in the wrong in the existing war. I have exposed these calumnies by reference to the acts and admissions of our accusers, by which they have asserted our title at least as high up as we have taken possession. The President had ordered the army no further than Congress had extended our laws. I have shown that the country in dispute has constituted one congressional election district in Texas since 1836; that its citizens engaged in the war of the revolution; that they participated in the convention which formed the constitution of the republic, and also the State constitution; that the same country is within a senatorial district for the State of Texas, and has a senator residing within it; that it forms a part of one of the districts for electing members to the Congress of the U. States; and that it is included in out revenue districts for the collection of tariff duties, and has officers of the customs residing within it.

In view of all these facts, I submit to the candor of every honest man whether the President did not do his duty, and nothing but his duty, when he ordered the army to the Rio del Norte. Should he have folded his arms, and allowed our citizens to be murdered, and our territory to be invaded with impunity? Have we not forborne to act offensively, until our forbearance is construed into cowardice, and is exciting contempt from those towards whom we have exercised our magnanimity? We have a long list of grievances—a long catalogue of wrongs to be avenged. The war has commenced, and he who is not on the side of our country, must necessarily be a traitor to it. I had trusted and hoped that there would be no anti-war party after war was once declared. But I am particularly mortified to see one of those who were ready to go to war for Oregon, arraigning himself on the side of the enemy, when our country is invaded on another side of the Union. To me, our country, and all its parts are one and indivisible. I would rally under her standard for the defence of one portion as soon as the other-the South as soon as the North—for Texas as soon as Oregon. And I will here now do my Southern friends the justice to say, that I firmly, and never doubted, that if war had arisen out of the Oregon question, when once declared, they would have stood shoulder to shoulder by me as firmly as I shall by them in this Mexican war. When the Oregon issue comes, I have no fears of the result.

Mr. Adams. I thought I understood the gentleman, some time ago, to be for 54 degrees 40 minutes, and to tell his Southern friends that he wanted no dodging on the Oregon question.

Mr. Douglass. Sir, I was for 54 deg. 40 min., and am as ready to fight for that line as the Del Norte. My patriotism is not of that kind which would lead me to go to war to enlarge one section of the Union out of mere hatred and vengeance towards the other. I know of no sections in this respect; and while I did complain of some of my southern friends on the Oregon question, I never doubted their patriotism when war was actually declared. But, since the gentleman from Massachusetts has referred to the Oregon question, I wish to call his attention to one of his wise sayings on that subject, and see if he will not apply it to Texas as well as Oregon. He told us that he went for the policy of the great Frederick in regard to Silesia. He was for taking possession first, and negotiating afterwards. afterwards. According to the gentleman’s own showing, that is precisely what Mr. Polk has done in regard to the country on the Del Norte. He certainly ought not to blame the President for acting over one of his own maxims. The President has taken possession, and has offered to negotiate, and gone so far as to send a minister to Mexico for that purpose. For this he is a bused also. He is condemned alike for using the sword and the olive branch.—His enemies object to his efforts for amicable adjustment as much as to the operations of the army. All is wrong in their eyes. Their country is always wrong, and our enemies in the right.--It has ever been so. so. It was so in the last war. Then it was unbecoming a moral and religious free people to rejoice at the success of our a rms. We were wrong in their estimation in the French indemnity case—in the Florida war—in all the Indian wars, and now in the Mexican war. I despair of ever seeing my country again in the right, if they are to be the oracles. Mr. Douglass’s hour here expired.

Mr. Washington Hunt asked why, if that was the case, this government had offered compensation for the grant of the Rio Grande as the boundary?.

Mr. Douglass did not know (he said) that such an offer had been made.

Mr. Hunt said the offer was made by Mr. Shannon.

Mr. Douglass said it was a secret that was not intrusted to the friends of the administration.

Mr. Hunt. Then the gentleman denies it?.

Mr. Douglass. Certainly not. I know nothing about and care nothing about it. I neither deny nor affirm things as to which I have no knowledge. The gentleman from Massachusetts did not deny that we had some claim to the country west of the Nueces.

Mr. Adams. If the gentleman refers to me, I deny the fact.

Mr. Douglass. I can prove it, sir, from the gentleman’s words, though they are not in his hand-writing, being in print. In his letter to Don Onis, he says: “We might Mr. Monroe and Mr. Pinkney assert that our title to the Rio Grand del Norte was as good as to the Island of New Orleans;” and this assertion the gentleman not only made but proved by a great number of authorities. The gentleman from Massachusetts had said, in relation to Oregon, that he would take possession first and negotiate afterwards; and he would certainly not now blame Mr. Polk for following his advice in regard to Mexico.

Mr. Adams here made a remark, intimating that he was afraid the President would give up Oregon.

Mr. Douglass hoped, he said, for the best. He stood out for the whole, and believed that we should get it; and if for no other reason, because the British title had been demonstrated so clearly here that the demands based upon it would not be acceded to by the American Congress. But whatever become of Oregon he would stand by Mexico, and he believed his country to be in the right.

The gentleman from Ohio has spoken of the expense of war. He (Mr. D.) was not cold-blooded enough to sit down and count the money which it might cost; nor would it be of any use, because we were now in the war. The object in holding out an exaggerated idea of the expense of the war was to destroy the credit of the country, and to paralyze its efforts. For the same reason it was denounced as an unholy and damnable war.

Mr. Payne here asked whether the money which had been appropriated for the object was not already in the treasury?.

Mr. Douglass said there was money enough in the treasury to meet the present emergency.

Mr. Payne said he so understood it, and he wished the fact to be known to the country.
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RE46v43i6p2c1, May 19, 1846: From the Second Edition of the Enquirer, of May 18^th.

IMPORTANT NEWS!
MATAMORAS DESTROYED!
700 Mexicans Killed!
GEN. TAYLOR AT POINT ISABEL!!!

By this morning’s Southern mail we have received late and important news from the Army, which we hasten to lay before our readers in a second edition.

From the New Orleans Picayune Extra, May 11.Important from the Rio Grande—General Taylor at Point Isabel—Attack on his Camp—Repulse of the Mexicans, and Destruction of Matamoras!

The steamship New York, Captain Windle, arrived in port on Sunday evening, having left Brasos Santiago the afternoon of Wednesday, the 6^th instant. Her news is important, and of the most gratifying description.

Our last previous accounts came down to Wednesday the 29^th ult. Captain Walker, of the Texas Rangers, having come into Point Isabel on the evening of the 28^th ult., from his desperate encounter with the Mexicans, had volunteered to carry despatches to General Taylor. We now learn by the New York, that in that desperate attempt—so desperate as to be thought fool hardy—he fully succeeded. General Taylor learned from him the critical situation in which Point Isabel was placed, and the imminent danger of its being carried by an overpowering force of the Mexicans. He promptly determined upon a movement which should protect Point Isabel, and re-establish his communication with his supplies. Accordingly the evening of Friday, the first instant, he left his camp, opposite Matamoras, with the main body of his forces, determined to cut his way through, leaving behind him for the defence of the works, opposite Matamoras, between 700 and 800 troops.

This movement of General Taylor upon Point Isabel was effected without encountering a single Mexican. In place of molesting him, they concentrated their troops about the camps which he had just left.

On the morning of the 3d. Gen. Taylor despatched Capt. Walker back to the Camp for intelligence. The gallant Ranger executed his commission with success, returning to Point Isabel the afternoon of the 5^th. He reported that the Mexicans, taking advantage of the supposed weakness of the camp, commenced an attack up on it in front the morning of Sunday, the 3d, with all their batteries from the opposite side of the river, and simultaneously with a detachment of their forces on this side the Rio Grande, in the rear. The Americans hotly returned the fire.—The attack in the rear was immediately repulsed, and in less than thirty minutes the Mexican batteries were silenced, and the city of Matamoras battered down. The loss to the Mexicans in the action is variously set down. While no account makes it less than 200, the latest report in regard to it, which we find in the Galveston news, carries it as high as 700. The Americans lost but a single man, it is said, who was killed by a shell. None were wounded—so admirable was the state of the works before Gen. Taylor left them. The town of Matamoras is a complete ruin; there are scarcely houses enough left standing to serve as hospitals for the wounded.

The attack and repulse, however, is considered but the opening of the campaign. Cannonading was distinctly heard at times, down to the hour of the departure of the New York. General Taylor set forth on the 6^th instant to return to his camp with ample supplies. The Galveston News states that when he left Point Isabel, there was not the slightest doubt entertained that he would have to cut his way to his entrenchments through vastly superior numbers of the enemy, who were known to be posted in large forces among the almost impassable thickets of chaparral on the road, with a determination to cut him off, if possible, in his attempt to regain his other forces. The number of the Mexicans is entirely vague and uncertain, though all the statements agree in estimating them at not less than ten thousand, while many accounts put their number at 15 or 20 thousand. All accounts agree also in stating that the Mexican forces were rapidly flocking in from all quarters. How many crossed the river could not be told, though the News thinks it would be reasonable to presume that a large part of their forces would be brought into requisition to dispute the march of General Taylor. They could not but see the importance of cutting him off, and would doubtless employ all their advantages of local knowledge, skill in horsemanship, and all their acknowledged resources in stratagem to accomplish their object. Gen. Taylor anticipated a formidable and desperate opposition to his march, but determined to accomplish it or perish.

Thus reasons the News, and accordingly anticipates intelligence of a decisive general action. We are greatly inclined to doubt whether the Mexicans would venture to attack Gen. Taylor’s whole force, although they so outnumber him; but should they do so we are confident that we shall have a glorious victory to recount.—One account before us states, however, that Gen. Taylor had not left Point Isabel, and probably would not leave there before the arrival of further re-inforcements, he having full confidence in the ability of the troops left in camp to maintain their position against any odds.

The arrival of the New York at Point Isabel was most opportune. It will be recollected that she had nearly 200 regular troops on board, under Lieut. McPhail, as well as several field pieces. These were all safely landed. Even without the arrival of further reinforcements, the post at Point Isabel must have been so strengthened as to place its safety beyond reasonable doubt. Martial law has been proclaimed there and at Santiago, and every man pressed into the service. But ere this, further support has reached Point Isabel from this city and Pensacola.

The accounts from Texas in regard to volunteers are by no means satisfactory. The greatest apathy seems to prevail throughout the country.

Col. Hays, of the Rangers, with his force of about 400 men stationed in the San Antonio country, determined to march at once for Gen. Taylor’s camp, as soon as he learned that it was in a critical situation, not would it surprise us to hear that Col. Harney, with his dragoons, had done the same thing.

While Gen. Taylor was at Point Isabel he despatched a schooner to Vera Cruz, with intelligence of the proceedings upon the Rio Grande. We presume that Com. Connor will at once formally blockade every Mexican port on the Gulf.

With great pleasure we see it mentioned in the Bulletin that the commander of the U. S. schooner Flirt having observed a small encampment of Mexicans on the island at the mouth of the Brazos Santiago, and knowing the great danger of the point at the entrance of the harbor being in possession of the Mexicans, landed with his men and dispersed the camp. The reader will recollect that the utmost fear was felt that the Mexicans might fortify a position here which would command the approach to Point Isabel.
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RE46v43i6p2c1, May 19, 1846: ARRIVAL OF ALABAMA.

The steamship Alabama left Galveston on the morning of Saturday, the 9^th, about twelve hours after the new York, and arrived early Monday morning. She brings nothing whatever later from the Rio Grande, there having been no further arrival from Brazos Santiago.
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RE46v43i6p2c1, May 19, 1846: TROOPS FOR THE RIO GRANDE.

Since our last publication the Telegraph and James L. Day have left with troops for Brazos Santiago. The Galveston got off on Saturday night, before midnight; the Telegraph followed the next morning; and James L. Day left at about 2 o’clock this morning. Upon these boats the several companies of the Washington Regiment, under Col. J. B. Walton, and one company of Col. Marks’ “Jackson Regiment” have taken passage.
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RE46v43i6p2c1, May 19, 1846: The Legion Volunteered.

The extra Picayune gives the official proceedings of the Louisiana Legion, in which, on Sunday, the 10^th inst., they volunteered their services in a body, for service in the war on the Rio Grande.
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RE46v43i6p2c1, May 19, 1846: No Title.

An extra from the New Orleans Bulletin says: Capt. Walker. Of the Texian Rangers, who, it will be remembered, gallantly offered to carry communications from Point Isabel to Gen. Taylor, succeeded in his desperate enterprise.

“Gen. Taylor immediately on being made acquainted with the condition of affairs, determined with a part of his army to march to Point Isabel, and accordingly on the evening of the 1^st, left his intrenchments with from a thousand to twelve hundred men, cavalry, artillery and infantry.

He arrived at Point Isabel on the morning of the 2^nd, without having encountered a single Mexican. On the morning of the 3^rd, having heard the firing of artillery in the direction of Matamoras, Capt. Walker was again dispatched immediately to ascertain the cause.

This brave man again succeeded in reaching the camp, and on his return on the 5^th reported that the Mexicans finding Gen. Taylor absent from his camp and his forces divided, took the opportunity to open their battery at Matamoras on the camp, and those on the eastern bank of the Rio Grande, at the same time made an attack in the rear.

The four gun battery in our camp was immediately opened upon Matamoras. The Mexican battery was silenced in thirty minutes, a number of the houses in Matamoras destroyed, and the enemy of the American side of the river compelled to return.

But one American and none wounded. What number of the enemy was killed or wounded, is not known to any degree of certainty. It is reported that 700 were killed, and that a sufficient number of houses were not left standing in Matamoras to afford shelter to the wounded.

The ultimate result is yet to be known, how- * * * *MISSING PAGE* * * * [BWP]

RE46v43i6p2c5, May 19, 1846: No Title.

Tuesday Morning, May 19, 1846.

We had hoped that the news received on Saturday of the defeat of the Texas Rangers, under the intrepid Capt. Walker, would have produced in the bosom of no man any other feeling than sorrow for the fate of the brave fellows, and anxiety for the threatened safety of Point Isabel. – But we were disappointed. The following article in yesterday’s Republican shows that that paper seized the melancholy intelligence as a fit subject for coarse jesting and unjust assaults upon the American Government:

“By the Southern mail of Saturday, we learned that Capt. Walker’s company of 75 men, who had volunteered and were on their way to join Gen. Taylor, had been cut to pieces, the captain and four men only surviving to arrive at Point Isabel. These are the ripe fruits that stupid military order which sent General Taylor to the banks of the Rio Grande, to plant his cannon in the very suburbs of a Mexican city, without any reserve or military support, with nothing to fall back upon, and with no safe means of communication from any source of supplies of men and provisions. As a specimen of generalship, it entitles the Duck River Colonel to a second term as commander-in-chief of the land and naval forces of the United States; and as to Mr. Secretary of War Marcy, he deserves the distinction of at least having a new pair of breeches, in addition to having the old ones patched.”.

“It is true it may be said, that no one thought Gen. Taylor’s position so hazardous, until facts demonstrated it to be so! – But the ready answer is, that people at large gave no thought, and had no reason to think anything about military positions. They expected all the consideration, and care, and skill necessary, from those to whom these matters are confided, and to whom the duty of military vigilance prescience justly belongs. It was the duty of the military secretary to have advised at least with the head of the army, (which it seems he did not do) as to the nature and prospects of such a movement. But the all sufficiency of our administration is not among the least ridiculous or most hurtful of it’s qualities. The truth is, Gen. Scott would have discontenanced the movement, and that did not suit our Duck River Colonel of militia. He goes upon the maximum of the immortal Sam Patch-“The world shall see that some things can be done as well as others.”

Can any object of party justify such comments? At a time when our fellow citizens are coming forward and offering their services to the Executive, what excuse can there be in a party journal attempting to run down our government in the eyes of our people? If such assaults have any influence with it’s own party friends, if in making them believe that the President and the Secretary of War are such contemptible personages as the republican strives to make them out, will not this party movement have the natural effect of cooling the patriotic ardor of those who have volunteered their services in the cause of their country? All must admit the mischief and injustice of such a proceeding – all must condemn such ill timed jests and attempts at ridicule, when war is raging on our frontier, and when it is of vital importance that parties should sleep, and that every heart should beat with patriotic emotions for the cause. At the present moment, to ridicule and assail the Government who have destinies of the nations in it’s hands, it is but little better than to damp the ardor of the people and cripple the power of the nation. When our gallant soldiers shall have achieved a glorious victory, and when peace once more reigns throughout the land, party journals and orators may arraign the Administration, and the nation will pass judgment. But it is far from a patriotic course to condemn the Executive at this time, when all it’s energies and moral force are required to bring the war to a speedy and satisfactory termination.

It is scarcely necessary to refute the sweeping and unfounded charges brought by the Republican against the administration. When the facts shall have been weighed by the people, we feel convinced that they will triumphantly sustain the Executive for what is now denounced by the Whig press as an unpardonable sin, viz: the moving the army to Rio Grande. A few words will be sufficient to blow up this Whig babble.

For fifteen years we have submitted to every species of indignity and insult on the part of Mexico. The lawful claims of our citizens have been repudiated, and some of our citizens have actually been incarcerated. Mexico has wantonly violated her treaty stipulations. stipulations. She has driven one of our ministers out of the country and refused to receive another, though she had thereto solemnly pledged her faith. We bore all these insults and injuries with remarkable forbearance and charity. Conscious of our own strength and right on our side, we have conceded much to her weakness and imbecility. But when this last and crowning insult was offered to us – when our own ambassador, who had been by herself invited to negotiate, was indignantly refused, a moment had arrived for decided, yet calm and moderate action. Not until the rejection of Mr. Slidell did the American army take up it’s position upon our own territory, on the banks of the Rio Grande – and then with strict orders to make no attack upon Mexican soil, but simply to protect our own from invasion. Mexico had at divers times put forth the most violent proclamations of her intention to cross the river and win back, by blood, the whole of Texas, which had been, as she said, so wrongfully wrested from her. Was it not our duty then, to march up to the very line of our boundary and defend our soil and the lives and property of the people of Texas, our own fellow citizens? Suppose the President had, after all the threats and movements of Mexico, kept the army quiet, and allowed the Mexican forces to overrun and take possession of the Texan soil, would not the Whig press have poured out ceaseless denunciations of his want of energy and foresight? He could do nothing else but order the army to the Rio Grande, there to remain at peace and in quiet, to make no attack upon the soil or the citizens of Mexico, but solely to guard our own from invasion. Can any one blame for thus having discharged his simple duty?

But, say the Whig presses, he deserves reprobation for marching so small an army and placing it in so unfortunate a position. Not only the Secretary of War, but Gen.Worth, one of the most intelligent and skillful officers of our army, that the army was safe, that only a few days before the commencement of hostilities, he left for Washington city, sanguine that all was right.- Moreover, to make assurance doubly sure the President fully authorized Gen. Taylor to make a requisition upon the adjoining States for volunteers, provided he found that the force under his command was insufficient to protect our own soil. Had he at once ordered to the Rio Grande a large force, say 10,000 men, how loudly and violently would he have been assailed by the Whig presses for his folly and extravagance, and for the basest personal motives, to be attained by a fierce and extended war! Take it in any view, the administration have managed the affair with all the efficiency and prudence which the peculiar circumstances of the case justified.

But are the disasters, which occurred in the beginning, really ascribable to the location and weakness of our army on the Rio Grande? In any event, the Mexicans would, doubtless, have crossed the river and the same partial, though painful losses, might have occurred.

The lamented deaths of Cross, Porter and the other brave soldiers occurred in their small scouting parties, and is the President, 3,000 miles off to be held responsible for them?.

The cheering news received yesterday morning of the brilliant result of the first great blow struck by Gen. Taylor and his army, show that he is able to meet the crisis. Several hundred Mexicans left dead on the field of battle-Matamoras, a strong Mexican town reduced to ashes-Point Isabel relieved and the Mexicans driven from their lodgment on the island that commands ***missing info.
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RE46v43i6p2c6, May 19, 1846: The War-The Course of the United States.

“The War.—The Course of the United States—In a national point of view, it is impossible to suggest anything more appropriate, patriotic and consistent as adapted to the present emergency, growing out of our disturbed relations with Mexico, than the course pursued by the President, and Congress of the Untied States. The disposition of that man is something more than querulous—it is mischievous—who cannot unite in the warmest commendation of that prompt, vigorous, and decisive action of the executive and legislative authorities of the nation, whereby it is proposed to relieve and succor our gallant little army in the South, and prosecute the war into which the Untied States has been reluctantly—for certain honorable reasons—reluctantly inveigled. War was in existence; and not to recognise the fact would have been to peril every thing, and render the restoration of peace a much less probable and more remote event than it is now likely to be. The message of the President is a document eminently calculated to enhance and confirm the public confidence in his individual capacity and self reliance so essential as qualifications for the chief magistracy of this republic; while the dignity of style, patriotism, resolution and philanthropy of purpose which characterize it, are honorable to the nation as well as the man. The liberal provision and promptitude of Congress, in reporting and adopting the war bill, also challenge the admiration and approbation of all classes of our fellow citizens. Such action as this at the head of the government is always desirable, to give tone and unanimity to that ardent public feeling which must inevitably develop itself throughout this Union, whenever the tidings of invasion and bloodshed penetrate the public ear. And with such unanimity of feeling and purpose throughout the departments of the Government, and all the ramifications of society, war will be relieved of its repulsiveness, its progress will be effectual and expeditious, and its termination successful and speedy.
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RE46v43i6p2c6, May 19, 1846: No Title.

The most animated movements are going on at New Orleans. The detachment of the U.S. Infantry lately arrived from Jefferson Barracks, under command of Lieut. Col. Wilson, and Captain J. Stockton’s and Capt. Tobin’s companies of volunteers belonging to the Washington Regiment, left the Barraeks on the evening of the 9^th in the steamship Galveston for Point Isabel.—Five more companies of volunteers—the Orleans Cadets, Captain Glenn; Old Hickory Riflemen, Capt. Bryce; Kentucky Volunteers, Capt. R.C. Stockton; Louisiana Greys, Capt. Breedlove, and Orleans Guards, Capt. Breedlove, and Orleans Guards, Capt. Soniat—numbering altogether some 400 men, also left on the steamship Telegraph for Point Isabel. Altogether about 800 men, regulars and volunteers, went in the Galveston and Telegraph. Three other companies started on the same day in the steamer James L. Day, viz: the Clinton Guards, the Washington Guards, and the Orleans Invincibles. They were expected to reach Point Isabel about the 13^th instant. The Johnson Guards, 93 strong, a fine looking set of fellows, have arrived at N.Orleans from East Feliciana. Other parishes are expected to move in the same spirit. In addition to the two companies of Infantry which have volunteered from East Feliciana, 200 men have enrolled in a Regiment of Mounted Gun-men, under Gen. Lafayette Saunders, who intends to raise 1000 men to rendezvous at Alexandria, and proceed overland via Corpus Christi to the Rio Grande. General S. is an old campaigner, and served under Gen. Jackson at the battle of New Orleans, being then a member of Gen. Coffee’s brigade. This description of troops did efficient and gallant service in the last war, and in the Creek nation, and will answer admirably in the Mexican campaign. Very nearly 2000 volunteers have been mustered into service at New Orleans, and volunteering is still going on with unabated interest. It is thought that it will not be necessary to resort to a “draft.” As some evidence of the glorious spirit which animates the gallant Louisianians, we refer to the two additional members of the House of Representatives of Lousiana, Messrs, Ogden of Rapides, and Regan of Caldwell, who have obtained leave of absence, and have volunteered to join the army on the Rio Grande. As far as they are concerned, the adage is true, “Inter arma silent leges.”.

Mississippi, too, is wide awake. Natchez is about to put forth her strength—and Vicksburg has offered her two gallant companies of the “Southrons” and “Volunteers, ” which we have often admired as almost equal to the fine volunteer companies of our own city.

But we cannot begin to keep up with the movements in every section of the country. Public meetings are held in every direction—patriotic sentiments and pledges are freely given, and Europe will see, with astonishment if not pain, that when danger calls, any number of citizen soldiers can be mustered into service.
[BWP]

RE46v43i6p2c6, May 19,1846: Military Arrangements.

As everything connected with the Mexican campaign will be read with deep interest, we lay before our readers all the items on the subject we can gather. The following from the Union proves that the Administration will adopt the promptest, fullest and most vigorous measures to meet the crisis. The appointment of Gen. Scott to the command of the Southern Army is eminently wise and proper. He may be looked for every day on his way to the scene of action. Some important intelligence is furnished in regard to the probable disposition to be made of the Volunteers who have tendered their services.

“During the week the most active preparations have been made to give effect to the measure of Congress for a vigorous prosecution of the war with Mexico. We do not doubt that the large discretion given to the President will be found to be in safe hands. While the public may rest assured that the utmost care will be used to consult economy, and to secure a force competent to the protection of the national honor, and to a speedy termination of the war, we do not apprehend that half the authorized number of troops will be immediately mustered into service. True economy and a due regard to the highest national interests, however, make it indispensable that a force shall be at once put into active service, extraordinary for us in point of numbers, and so large that officers of the highest rank will of necessity be in command. From the mixed character of the corps – partly of regular troops, and more largely of volunteers – it seems natural that the General-In-Chief of the army should take the field – and we presume that General Scott will, as a matter of course, assume the command.

“We understand that the volunteer troops to be immediately called into service will be taken from the States nearest to the scene of operations, and for them the necessary orders have been issued. Measures have also been taken to have the residue of the authorized force organized, to be called into the service of their country at the shortest notice, if the public exigencies require. We understand that portions will be called for from each State and Territory, so that an opportunity will be afforded to all her gallant sons to participate in the defense of their country.
[BWP]

RE46v43i6p2c7, May 19, 1846: A Pregnant Admission.

The news received on Saturday opened the eyes of many of the Whigs who had assailed Congress for recognizing the existence of the war on the part of Mexico, and who dwelt with great emphasis upon the nice distinction between the “hostilities” and the “war.” By the following passages in the in yesterday’s Whig, the leading Whig organ in Virginia, it will be seen that Congress and the President were not so far out when they declared that the war with Mexico actually existed. The wisdom of their course in striking a decisive and vigorous blow, and in showing to the world at large that we are ready, at a moment’s warning, to defend our soil and our honor, will be appreciated by the whole country: “These repeated assaults upon the American forces dissipate the doubt which had previously existed as to the real purpose of the Mexican commander in crossing the Rio Grande, and satisfy us of his deliberate purpose to BEGIN THE WAR long since threatened the Mexican Executive – a threat which had been treated with derision by all parties, as but another specimen of that braggart spirit characteristic of the people of that country, and which it was supposed would evaporate in words.”[BWP]

RE46v43i6p2c7, May 19, 1846: Twenty-Ninth Congress. Saturday, May 16.

The Senate was not in session to-day. House of Representatives.

Mr. Daniel, of N.C. moved a suspension of the rules to enable him to offer a resolution to make it one of the standing rules of the House, that upon any vote being taken in Committee of the whole and no quorum voting, the Clerk shall call the role and the members answer aye, or no which vote shall be recorded as the vote of the Committee, and the Clerk shall make out a list of the absentees and certify the same to the Speaker, who shall deduct from the pay of said absent members the sum of $8 for every vote so taken, unless a satisfactory excuse be given.

The House refused to suspend the rules – Ayes 72, Noes 70 – two thirds being required for that purpose.

A message from the Senate disagreeing to the amendment of the House to the bill to raise a regiment of riflemen, which requires officers to be selected from the line of the army, was taken up, and a motion made that the House receded from its amendment, on which the previous question was demanded, and yeas and nays ordered.

The House receded from its amendment – Ayes 96, Noes 69.

Mr. King of Ga., on leave, offered a resolution calling upon the Secretary of the Treasury for a statement of the number of vessels in the Revenue service, number of officers, &c, was adopted.

Mr. C. J. Ingersoll offered a resolution to print 10,000 extra copies of the Message of the President in relation to Mexican and the accompanying documents.

Mr. Rathbun moved to amend the resolution so as to print 10,000 copies of the message and 3,000 of the documents.

The previous question was demanded an Mr. Ingersoll’s resolution and it was adopted, 72 to 42.

Mr. Brodhead offered a resolution calling upon the Secretary of State to communicate to the House the sums paid to Benj. E. Green, late Charge to Mexico, and William M. Blackford late Charge to Bogata, respectively, and also copies of all accounts presented by them.

Mr. Adams moved to amend by adding to the resolution “specifying what items have not been allowed, ” and as amended, the resolution was adopted.

The House then went into Committee of the Whole, Mr. Foote of Vt, in the Chair, and took up the private calendar, which consumed the remainder of the session.
[BWP]

RE46v43i6p3c1, May 19, 1846: By Last Evenings Mail.

Maj. Gen. Scott did not arrive last evening as was expected, on his way to take command of the Army. He will probably be here to-day.

The Baltimore Sun says:

“Gen. Scott has been appointed to the command of the army of occupation in Texas, with orders to proceed immediately to the scene of war. The is to consist of 30,000 men, that number to be at once ordered to join the American forces now under Gen. Taylor; the whole being subject to the command of General Scott.”.

A gentlemen just from Washington informed us that Gen. Perry has been appointed to the command of the Fleet in the Mexican Gulf – Com. Conner having been placed over the Ordnance Department; and that it is most probable that none of the Volunteers from the Atlantic States will be sent at present to Texas. They will be received and disciplined, and held ready for action.
[BWP]

RE46v43i6p3c1, May 19, 1846: No title.

The insurance offices insert a war clause against Mexico alone. They ask three percent on insurance against Mexican privateering. This our merchants decline submitting to, especially those running vessels direct to Europe; and those engaged in the West India trade, &c, say it will be cheaper to arm their vessels for self-defense.

The New York pilots just informed, me that they have addressed a letter to the President, offering their whole corps and marine force to the service of the government, consisting of the following material – thirteen boats, eighty pilots, and seventy sailors to cruize in the Gulf of Mexico or elsewhere. Hurrah for the Jack tars, they are the boys. It is said they offered their services to Gov. Tompkins during the late war. The American feeling is up, and no mistake. mistake. So look out for hard knocks and severe squalls. (NewYork correspondent of the Union.) [BWP]

RE46v43i6p4c1, May 19, 1846: Twenty-Ninth Congress. Debate on the War Bill.

In yesterday’s Enquirer, we gave quite a lengthy report of the proceedings in the Senate on Tuesday last, on the War Bill. The remarks, however, of several Senators, were necessarily omitted. We now proceed to supply the omission:

Mr Benton thought that for purposes of information, it would be proper to read a paragraph from a recent proclamation of the President of Mexico ad interim. Mr. B. then read an extract from a proclamation of the 21^st March, in substance, that the President of Mexico had no power to declare war, but the commander of the Mexican army had been directed to take a position in which he would be able to repel invasion, and to take the initiative, (ie., strike the first blow, ) and to roll back the injury with which they had been threatened; their intention was merely to defend themselves. Mr. Benton remarked that he had read this extract for the purpose of showing that the door was apparently open for a peaceful termination of the existing state of things. So far as he could see, the government of Mexico had not created war. Hostilities had broken out, but the door was not closed against a peaceful issue.

Mr. Clayton said he certainly drew the same inference from the portion of the proclamation read by the Senator which he had deduced. Hostilities were not necessarily war. There was no treatise on the law of nations, which did not recognise the distinction. Hostilities, such as defensive operations, did not amount to war. Reprisals were not war unless general. Measures of defense were not war. However, he did not make these remarks with a view to prejudge this great question whether there was or was not war. All he desired, as he had said again and again, was to obtain time for deliberation on that question, and the man who voted with him did not affirm that there was not war. In order to ascertain the sense of the Senate, he would move to strike out the words “prosecute said war to a speedy and successful issue.” and make it read “that for the purpose of enabling the government of the United States to repel the invasion, the President is hereby, ” &c. If that motion were successful, he would follow it up by another, so as to make the bill what he desired.

Mr. Calhoun rose and said, that he now appealed to the Senate if there was a man who could believe upon the only document which they had – how authentic he knew not – that there existed war between the two countries? Even if the two Presidents had declared war, the nations could disavow the act; and he called upon the Senate to reflect upon the position in which they would be placed in case they made a declaration of war, and in due coarse of time there should come a disavowel on the part of Mexico. He would much rather that the Senator from Delaware had divided his motion, and made the proposition first on striking out; and so put it to the country and to the sense of truth entertained by every member of the body.

Mr. Houston then rose and said, that he did not wish to trespass on the time of the Senate; but he rose simply for the purpose of expressing his apprehensions in relation to their position with regard to Mexico. He contended that they were actually in a state of war; that war had virtually existed for ten years between Mexico and Texas; that Texas had been annexed in the face of a declaration on the part of Mexico that she would regard it as an act of war. The United States; in annexing Mexico, had assumed the responsibility ****not legible****.

The United States, he argued, now occupied toward Mexico precisely the same attitude which the state of Texas had maintained for the last 10 years. On his conscience he could not resist the conviction that war actually existed. existed. He then went on to point out the folly and danger of delaying proper action till the question as to a formal declaration of war should be decided. That might be discussed for months in that chamber, whilst their troops, exposed to all the rigors of a Southern climate, were doomed to inactivity, and daily wasting away. He eloquently contended that Mexico should be chastised at once for her outrages and insolence and showed that Mexico had the right to the territory on this side of the Rio Grande, that she held no post on it, and that the invasion was evidently sanctioned by the Mexican Government . . . [illegibble] . . .and habitual deception he warned the Senate. He did not regard the Mexican government as a systematic political organization at all. all. Were they to wait for the action of that government as though it were regularly consistent? Not at all. The Mexican people ore kind, generous and hospitable, but they were ruled with a redhot iron, by a set of tyrants, brigands, usurpers and land pirates. This people, if left to themselves, would never desire nor go to war with this country. The men who are brought into the field against the United States would rather stay at home, and it was not they but their drivers, who had offered insult to American citizens and indignity to the American flag. The Mexicans, then, had committed aggressions under order of their rulers, and he would ask, if they had not produced a state of things in which war was as perfectly existing as it would be after its declaration by that honorable body? The declaration by Texas of war was clear and emphatic, and her action was correspondent; and the question now was, whether the Senate of the United States would sustain them. He did not wish to waste time of the Senate, but he could not omit giving his opinion that war existed. He would vote for the bill.

Mr. Magnum arose and said, the evidence given by the Senator from Texas, in the course of his remarks, of the existence of war, was not the American idea, nor did it agree with the views taken by Senators, in the debates which occurred in the second session of the Congress of the United States; and it seemed not to be the idea of those who held political power in this country now. It would be recollected well, that in the discussions on the Texas question, there was nothing which seemed, in the opinion of that body, as so much to be repudiated and shunned, as the most distant possibility of this country being involved in war through annexation. And, he apprehended, it was not the opinion of the Mexican Government. He thought the proclamation which had been translated by the honorable Senator from Missouri (Mr. Benton) was conclusive on the point. Did not the head of the Mexican Government assume that there was peace between the two countries? He disclaimed the power of the Executive head to put Mexico into a state of war with the United States , and refers to the assembling of Congress as that period when war as to be declared. With the views of the Senate, then, he had offered those of the Mexican Government, to which might be added the opinions of the highest political characters in the nation, that war had not existed by virtue of those acts of hostility committed on the Rio Grande – The question, then, was reduced to the injury, whether, from the existence of that state of hostility, as far as they had evidence of it, they were to admit an existence of a state of war. There was no need of repeating that war was the emanation of the will of the sovereign power. He would thank the chairman of the committee on foreign relations to say in what document (for he of course had read them all) was the evidence contained that he sovereign power of Mexico had assented to a state of war. If there was any such evidence, he (Mr. M) was uninformed of it. But, he had arisen for the purpose of asking his friend from Delaware to withdraw his motion to strike out but he could not omit giving his opinion that war existed. He would vote for the bill.

Mr. Mangum arose and said, the evidence given by the Senator from Texas, in the course of his remarks, of the existence of war, was not the American idea, nor did it agree with the views taken by Senators, in the debates which occurred in the second session of the Congress of the U. States; and it seemed not to be the idea of those who held political power in this country now. It would be recollected well, that in the discussions on the Texas question, there was nothing which seemed, in the opinion of that body, as so much to be repudiated and shunned, as the most distant possibility of this country being involved in war through annexation. And, he apprehended, it was not the opinion of the Mexican Government. Hethought the procloamation which had been translated by the honorable Senator from Missouri (Mr. Benton) was conclusive on the point. Did not the head of the Mexican Government assume that there was peace between the two countries? He disclaimed the power of the Executive head to put Mexico into a state of war with the United States, and refers to the assembling of Congress as that period when war was to be declared. With the views of the Senate, then, he had offered those of the Mexican Government, to which might be added the opinions of the highest political characters in the nation, that war had not existed by virtue of those acts of hostility committed on the Rio Grande.—The question, then, was reduced to the inquiry, whether, from the existence of that state of hostilities, as far as they had evidence of it, they were to admit the existence of a state of war. There was no need of repeating that war was the emanation of the will of the sovereign power. He would thank the chairman of the committee on foreign relations to say in what document (for he of course had read them all) was the evidence contained that the sovereign power of Mexico had assented to a state of war. If there was any such evidence, he (Mr. M.) was uninformed of it. But he had arisen for the purpose of asking his friend from Deleware to withdraw his motion to strike out and insert, because in that form the question was indivisible; but if it were drawn in the form “to strike out, ” the modification might be in any form to suit the sense of the Senate. And he was frank enough to say, that although utterly repugnant to the thought of considering the country in a state of war, yet he was prepared, if it were thought expedient, that the Executive should determine the question; and if Mexico should make no denial by the Mexican Government of a state of war, that the Executive should act in that state of things, and not confine the American troops to the left bank of the Rio Grande. He knew the inefficiency of an army under such circumstances. But suppose there should be a disavowal of …not readable…by the Mexican Government, in . . . [illegible] . . . should they place themselves by …not readable…the existence of war now, which would be to all intents and purposes a declaration of war. But if such a state of things as the want of a disavowal by Mexico, or a continuance of our relations as they are, then the American troops shall pass the boundary, and, if it be necessary, march to the seat of empire, and there dictate peace; and they were willing to provide money and men for that purpose. He hoped his honorable friend would withdraw his amendment; and if it should be the sense of the Senate to strike out, that it adopt some form to answer all purposes.

Mr. Clayton expressed his willingness to make the change suggested, if any gentleman on the other side wished it. If not, he would press the motion.

Mr. McDuffie said he considered it would be in order to strike out the pramble first. There was no rule of that or any legislative body which sought to prevent an amendment of any part of a bill. He thought it an important proposition, and it would have his vote. He would, however, move simply to strike out that part expressing a state of war between the two countries.

Mr. Clayton said that was the motion he had made.

Mr. Reverdy Johnson said he had not been able to examine the documents laid before Congress, and wished, therefore, to enquire whether the Mexican Government, in this correspondence with the United States, had not on several occasions declared that they would consider the annexation of Texas a declaration of war, and repeatedly declared that, in consequence of that act, they considered war as existing between the two Governments; and he was rather inclined to think that the Congress of Mexico, either before or since the annexation of Texas, had declared that it was a declaration of war. He was under that impression. He would like to have an opportunity to examine the documents. In the mean time, he would be happy to learn from the Chairman of the Committee on Foreign Relations whether he was right in his opinion. At any rate, he did consider war existed de facto, and Government was bound to adopt all necessary measures, not only to repel invasion, but to carry on that war. It was not necessary, in his opinions, to declare war; but if it was, he would vote for a declaration under the existing state of things.

Mr. Cass said: I do not rise to detain the Senate long, nor to enter into any protracted discussion of the subject now under, consideration. I have but little to say, and I shall say that speedily. In the first place, sir, I desire to answer the appeal which has been made to this side of the chamber by the honorable senator from Delaware, [Mr. J. M. Clayton.] He desires that portion of the bill which asserts the existence of a war between the United States and Mexico, brought on by the aggression of the latter, should be passed by for the present, and that we should now confine ourselves to a consideration of the measures necessary for the defence of the country. For my own part, I should be happy to take the course indicated by the senator from Delaware, and which he asks us to adopt, were I not prevented from doing so by higher considerations. If we appropriate money and raise men for the mere purpose of repelling an invasion, we place ourselves in the very position which the honorable Senator from South Carolina, [Mr. Calhoun, ] deemed yesterday the proper one, and to which I then expressed, and yet feel, insuperable objections. A Mexican army is upon our soil. Are we to confine our efforts to repelling them? Are we to drive them to the border, and then stop our pursuit, and allow tem to find a refuge in their own territory? And what then? To collect again, to cross our frontier at some other point, and again to renew the same scenes, to be followed by the similar immunity? What sort of a condition of things would this be; sir? The advantage would be altogether on the side of the Mexicans, while the loss would be altogether ours. Their army is maintained at any rate, and it would cost them little more to renew and continue these border contests than to keep their troops in their cantonments, while we must spread troops along our border, and hold them in readiness to meet these invasions at whatever point they may be attempted. Now, sir, no vote of mine shall place my country in this situation. And besides these Mexican hostilities will not be confined to operations by land. land. Are we to suffer their privateers to spread themselves over the ocean, to capture our sailors and vessels, and to run in our commerce? This state of things. I, for one, am disposed to meet with promptitude and energy. energy. Mexico has attacked the United States—has placed herself in a belligerent attitude. And now let her take the consequences of her own aggression. For these reasons, sir, while we provide for the defence of the country, I am for making the defence effectual by not only driving off the enemy, but by following them into their own territory, and by dictating a peace even in the capital, if it be necessary. But, sir, why does the honorable Senator from Delaware ask the separation, and request us to postpone our decision upon the relative condition of this country and Mexico, while we provide only for driving the invaders from our soil? He says, sir, that he desires time to examine the documents which the President has submitted to us, before he can decide whether there is a state of war between the United States and Mexico. I cannot conceive, sir, that any delay can be necessary for this purpose. The main facts are indisputable. They are before the Senate, before the country and before the world. A mexican army has passed our boundary, and is now upon the soil of the republic. Our troops have been attacked, captured and killed. Our army is surrounded, and efforts are making to subdue them. them. Now, sir, no documents are necessary to establish these facts, and these facts, it seems to me, are all that can be necessary to justify the statement of the President of the existence of war, and our concurrence in his recommendation. If, indeed, the object be to examine the conduct of the Executive, to ascertain whether this condition of things is to be attributed to him, then, undoubtedly, a careful examination of the documents would be necessary. And from indications already given, I presume that such an investigation will be entered upon. For one. I am prepared to enter into it, and I will venture to predict that the more severe it is, the more…unreadable…for the administration will be the result. But that subject may well give way to. . . [illegible] . . . Let us postpone that inquiry till we are provided for the defence of the country and the vindication of our honor.—That course seems to me to be equally indicated by duty by policy, and by patriotism. And now, sir, permit me to advert to another branch of this subject. Strange doctrines have been heard yesterday and to-day, such as have been presented, neither by the history of our own country, not that of any other. Among those who oppose the course of the Executive, there seems to be an important difference of opinion on some of the principles which should regulate our conduct. By some it is contended that the invasion of the mexican army is not an act of war, because we have no proof that it was committed by the order of the Mexican Government. While others, and among them the distinguished Senator from South Carolina, maintain that no act of another country can create a state of war with this unless such war be declared by Congress.—Now, sir, it seems to me that this pretension is equally dangerous in its conclusions, and unsound in the reasoning by which it is supported. If I understood the honorable Senator yesterday, he considers there are three conditions in which our country may be placed with relation to another. A state of peace, of war, and of hostilities. This to me, sir, is a new division of the principle of intercommunication between different countries.

War I understand; and peace I understand, and the rights and duties which they bring with them. But a state of hostilities, as contradistinguished from these relations, is a new chapter in the law of nations to me. Our Our Constitution is equally silent upon the subject. I supposed, heretofore, that if we were not at peace with a country we were at war with it. I had to learn that there was an intermediate state creating new rights and duties which I am afraid it will be difficult to find unless a new Grotius starts up upon the occasion. The Senator from Missouri [Mr. Benton] has correctly stated that there may be war without hostilities, and hostilities without war. Belligerent operations may be temporarily suspended, and there may be acts of aggression, which may be called hostilities, which may be committed without the authority of a government. Rencontres, for instance, between ships-of-war, or predatory incursions across the boundary of a country. But there can be no hostilities undertaken by a government which do not constitute a state of war. War is a fact, Sir, created by an effort made by one nation to injure another. One party may make a war though it requires two parties to make a peace. The Senator from South Carolina contends, that, as Congress alone have a right, buy the Constitution, to declare war, therefore, there can be no war until it is thus declared. There is here a very obvious error. It is certain that Congress alone has the right to declare war. war. That is, there is no other authority in the United States, which, on our part, can change the relations of peace with another country into those of war. No authority but Congress can commence an aggressive war. war. But another country can commence a war against us without the cooperation of Congress. Another country, at its pleasure, terminate the relations of peace with us, and substitute for these the relations of war with their legitimate consequences. War may be commenced with or without a previous declaration. It may be commenced by a manifesto announcing the fact to the world, or by hostile attacks by land or sea. The Honorable Senator from Virginia ( Mr. Pennybacker ) has well stated the modern practice of nations upon this subject. He has referred both to facts authorities showing that acts of hostility with or without a public declaration constitute a state of war. It was thus the war of 1756 was commenced. It was thus, I believe, was commenced the war between England and France during our revolution. The peace of Amiens was terminated by an act of hostility, and not by a public manifesto.

The capture of the Danish fleet was preceded by no declaration of the intentions of the British Government. Our own war of 1812 was declared on the 18^th of June. The manifesto of the prince regent, declaring war against us was not issued until January 10^th, 1813. And yet, long before that, our borders had been penetrated in many directions, an army had been subdued and captured, and the whole Territory of Michigan had been overrun and seized. All these facts prove conclusively that it is a state of hostilities that produces war, and not any formal declaration. Any other construction would lead to this practical absurdity. England, for instance, by an act of hostility, or by a public declaration announces that she is at war with us. If the view presented by the Honorable Senator from South Carolina is correct, we are not at war with her till Congress has acted upon the subject. One party then is at war, while the other is at peace, or, at any rate, in this new intermediate state of hostilities, before unknown to the world. Now, Sir, it is very clear that Mexico is at war with us, we at war with her. If she terminates the peaceful relations between the two countries, they are terminated whether we consent or not. The new state of things thus created does not depend upon the will of Congress. The two nations are at war because one party has chosen to place them both in that attitude. But, Sir, it is contended by some of the Senators that, in the present case, there is no evidence that the invasion of our territory has been authorized by the Mexican Government; and until that authority is shown, the act itself does not constitute a state of war.

I have already said, Sir, that there may be accidental or unauthorized recontres which do not therefore constitute war. The case of the “Little Belt” was of the description. But the nature and circumstances of an aggression sufficiently indicate its true character and consequences. A Mexican army invades our territory. The President calls upon Congress for the necessary means to repel and punish this act of aggression. And we are met forsooth at the very thresh hold of our proceedings, that it does not appear that this invasion has been committed by the authority of the Mexican Government. Why, Sir, what evidence is required under such circumstances? circumstances? Do you want such as is required by a County Court in investigating a claim for fifty dollars? Must we have a certificate from a justice of the peace of Mexico, that the President of the Republic has directed this attack upon our territory? And whatever evidence is required, how long are we to wait for it? How far may the invaders march before we are satisfied that we are at war with Mexico? Why, Sir, such a state of things must be judged by moral evidence, by the circumstances attending it. It might be enough to say, that the invasion itself throws the responsibility upon the Mexican Government and is a sufficient justification for us in holding that Government accountable. The negative proof is not upon us. The moral presumption is sufficient for our action. But, Sir, there is much more than the bare fact of invasion to justify the conclusion that we are at war with Mexico.

The Government of that country has protested ever since the first project of the annexation of Texas, and has announced its completion as a casus belli. They have withdrawn their minister from the United States, and broken all diplomatic relations with us. They have refused to recognise, and have treated with contumuly our minister charged with full powers to adjust all matters in dispute, and whom they solemnly promised to receive. They have collected an army upon our frontier, and have sent to assume its command one of the first military ofn ficers in the republic. He summoned Gen. Taylor to retire, or that war would immediately commence. His summons being disregarded, he commenced the war by crossing in force into our territory, or by attacking our troops, and by surrounding our army. Now, sir, I appeal to every Senator on the other side of the chamber, if he does not believe that all this has been done by order of the Mexican government. I presume there is not a man within the sound of my voice, who will not say that, in his opinion, the Mexican general has acted under the direct instructions of the Mexican government. And are we now to behold, sir, that we must sit still till we ascertain whether his acts have been avowed or disclaimed?

Mr. Berrien replied : If it were true, as had been stated by the Senator, that the destiny of this country for a century depended on this question, surely that was not by argument against due deliberation. It is too untruly presented today, to justify me in recording my vote in silence. If the bill provided for a declaration of war, the argument of the gentlemen might be quite pertinent and proper. But that is not the question. No declaration of war is proposed by the bill – It proposes to recognize the existence of an antecedent state of war. I oppose the bill, first, because inconsistent with the truth; and, secondly, because it involves consequences not to be properly hazarded by the exigency of the case. We are according to the bill, in a state of war without the constitutional action of either government. How then? then? Must it not follow that the President of the United States and the President of Mexico have power to declare war? Is that true? You have it from both the gentlemen (Messrs, Pennybacker, and Cass) that the power to declare war is vested in the Congress of both nations. They have failed in showing that any modification of the law of nations justifies their assertion that war does actually exist. There was no analogy in the case put by the Senator (Mr. Cass) of the bombardment of an English port by the United States fleet. We deny that war exists – we admit the existence of hostilities – the power of this Government to repel them. But whether those hostilities are the act of the Mexican nation, or even of the Mexican President, we are utterly uninformed. The Senator (Mr. Cass) states truly the law of nations with the regard to hostilities. They are to be repelled at once. A formal declaration of war is not necessary. necessary. Suppose the Mexican General did not act under the authority of the constituted authorities of Mexico; would war exist even on the supposition of the Senator from Michigan? Certainly not. But he says the Mexican army has crossed the boundary of the United States? Is he prepared to show that the Del Norte is the boundary?.

Mr. Cass explained. His idea was, that the Mexicans had no right to attack the United States troops on that side of the river.

Mr. Berrien. The proposition of the Senator is, that war exists. How does he prove it? – Why, by the presence of a Mexican army around the United States army. Does he not thus decide the question of boundary? No. I beg to ask how that possession was acquired, and by whom? whom? It was by the march of the United States army into the territory. If conceding that it was a disputed territory, the right of Mexico was equal with that of the United States to enter the territory. If our possession was derived from marching our army there, cannot Mexico exercise the same right? Does priority in an act of hostility vest a national right? right? The argument of the Senator is, that the march of the Mexican army was an act of hostility. If so, I have demonstrated that the march of the United States army was an equal act of hostility. War does not then exist by an act of the constitutional authorities, in whose hands alone is the power to create war. In every aspect of the subject, the proposition of the Senator is unsustained, and we are not subject to the imputation of maintaining the ridiculous position, that we are not competent to stop at the Rio Grande, and refrain from repelling invasion. The question, whether the hostilities committed by the Mexican army against our army are to be repelled, is another and different question. I hold that there is nothing clearer, than that such invasion may be repelled by the most powerful means , by the pursuit of the invaders, and by all possible and necessary means to make the repulsion effectual, and for the purposes of chastisement.

A declaration of war is not necessary for the purpose of arming us with all necessary power to repel the invasion, and punish the aggression. If recognized by the Government of Mexico, then war does exist – if not, the hostility will have been committed by an officer of the Mexican army, and no war will exist between the two countries. Now I ask what will be the consequences of a recognition of a state of war? The Senator has alluded to the withdrawal of the Mexican minister, and the rejection of ours. But has not our commerce with Mexico been undisturbed? The presumption of the Senator then is refuted by the continuance of the discharge of the functions of our consuls – The rejection or withdrawal of a minister is no evidence of the existence of any war – it affords no presumption of such a state of war. But I was about to allude to the consequences of a recognition of a state of war. At once an end would be put to the subsisting treaties – Most conveniently for Mexico, the accumulated claims of our citizens would be obliterated; the property and lives of our citizens in Mexico would be at her mercy. It is said that Mexican privateers may be already on the seas. That cannot be, unless the hostilities have been recognized by the Government. The evidence thus far is otherwise. The Mexican Government will be answerable for every aggression upon our commerce, if made before a declaration of war. And for what are all these consequences to be incurred? Why that we may chastise the Mexican army, and Mexico in all her parts and portions if she avows the act. But in the absence of all evidence that his is the act of Mexico – with evidence looking the other way – it is proper, it is wise, it is justifiable in us to make a premature declaration that war does exist?

Mr. Westcott said had he been called upon to vote on this bill on yesterday, he believed he should have voted against it. But calm and cool reflection since then had convinced him it was his duty to vote for it. He did not entirely approve of the phraseology of the bill. This was, however, no time for verbal criticism. Immediate, prompt, decisive action was demanded. demanded. His objection to the bill was not that which had been urged. It was entirely different. He was not disposed (as this bill seemed to do) to throw upon Mexico the commencement of this war. He preferred that this government, instead of the declaration in this bill that “war existed” and “by the act of Mexico, ” should make an independent affirmative, positive, and unequivocal declaration of war against that Government. He felt assured that the past conduct of Mexico towards the United States, ever since Mexico had claimed to be a distant nation, if fairly exhibited to the civilized world would fully justify such declaration. Yes, Mr. President, (said Mr. W., ) if the soldiers of Mexico had not invaded Texas during the last month – if they had not murdered Colonel Cross – if they had not killed Lieutenant Porter – if they had not attacked Hardee and Thornton; nay, if her present rulers were now to apologize and atone for these acts, there is ample cause for our declaring war against her, to be found in her past courses towards us. Sir, we have been most forbearing towards Mexico. We have allowed our feelings, for a neighboring sister Republic, to restrain us from demanding and enforcing long ago reparation for her insults and outrages.

The American people would not have submitted to the indignities they have patiently endured from Mexico, from any other Government on God’s earth. They would have risen as one man to repel them years since. This forbearance has emboldened Mexico to farther wrong. Her rulers have mistaken our sympathy for her difficulties and misfortunes, and our consideration of her weakness for pusillanimity! It is time they should be undeceived. The world has been imposed upon with respect to the true causes of difference between Mexico and the United States. The recent occurrences are but a drop in the bucket. Mexico has artfully sought to create the impression, that what she calls the “spoliation” of Texas, is the origin and cause of these difficulties. Sir, (said Mr. W.) before the Texas Revolution, she had outraged our flag in her own ports, and on the high seas in the Gulf. She had robbed and imprisoned our citizen; and even our diplomatic and consular agents in her jurisdiction, were outraged and insulted in a manner which, by the acknowledged laws of nations, afforded to us just cause for declaring war against her. But we forbore to resort to this mode of redress. We negotiated a Treaty with her, by which she engaged to indemnify our citizens. citizens. She plighted her faith as a nation to do them justice - to pay for her spoliations of their property and violation of their rights. Has she done so? No, Sir! No, Sir!! She has ignominously violated her plighted faith to them and to this Government. She has dishonorably withheld the debt she engaged to pay for their benefit. The President, in his Message, states that these spoliation claims amount to upwards of 6,000,000 of dollars. I believe, Sir, that several millions of dollars would not indemnify those American citizens who have suffered from the wrongs and outrages of that Government. She ought in justice, pay that amount, and this Government should compel her to pay it. Without referring to her insults to our flag – the insults to our diplomatic consulate agents, or even the imprisonment of some of them and other American citizens, we can find in her course with respect the indemnity of these spoilations, and in the gross indignity cast in the teeth of the American people, in the treatment of its accredited minister (Mr.Slidell) this winter, after her invitation to send him, as all christendom will say, just cause for an affirmative declaration of war against her. Sir, said (Mr. W.) I am not for temporizing, for any half way measure. I am in favor of such declaration; and, without reference to recent occurrences, should be in favor of it. I care not if the military chief who has usurped the reins of power in Mexico – I care not if its congress should disavow the acts of Gen. Ampudia and Arista – if it should disgrace and punish these officers for their recent acts in the State of Texas – still, causes which would weigh with me as sufficient to justify this declaration, were not removed. Doubtless her rulers are instigated by the emissaries of other governments inimical to us. Their influences cannot be concealed. They are manifest. They will not deter me in the least degree from pursuing the path that I believe the honor of my country requires me to follow.

Mr. President, I coincide fully in the distinction maintained on yesterday by the honorable Senator from South Carolina [Mr. Calhoon] between mere hostilities and war, according to the meaning of the Federal Constitution. No hostilities can be recognised as war by this governement, unless they have been declared by Congress to constitute war. I hold, too, that it is important this distinction should be maintained; as otherwise the acts of the Executive may create war, and the wise constitutional provision placing the power of declaring war exclusively in Congress will be a dead letter. I am, however, for Congress in this case exercising its constitutional power. power. As I have before said, I should, after calm deliberation on the subject, prefer an affirmative, unequivocal declaration of war; but I am not disposed to be fastidious as to the mode. I should prefer a manifesto, stating our grievances to the world. But the effect of this bill, if it is passed, will be the same as if it was such affirmative declaration. The act of June 18, 1812, declared “war to exist against Great Britain;” and this bill recites that “it does exist by the act of Mexico.” The effect is the essential part of the matter.

Mr. W. said he was in favor of the declaration of war, because he did not believe that hostilities could be as efficiently, effectually and successfully carried on by the Executive without it as with it. I concur (said Mr. W.) in the opinions advanced on this point by the honorable Senator from Virginia, (Mr. Pennybacker)and other Senators.

Without it, and without the express authority of Congress, the President cannot issue commissions to privateers—issue letters of marque and reprisal—cannot authorize the blockade of the Mexican ports—cannot authorize the capture of the Mexican vessels on the high seas as prizes of war. Without such declaration, Mexicans taken in arms, after defeat in attacking our citizens or soldiers, cannot be held by the Executive authority as prisoners of war—treason in aiding all, without it the observance of the duties of other nations towards us, the duty of neutrality, so likely to be violated, could not be properly enforced. Without such declaration, Mexico may be supplied with arms, ammunition and munitions of war by other nations; and if captured, they would not be liable to forfeiture as “contraband of war.” The declaration of war will in every way strengthen the Executive arm in this contest – at home, abroad, on the field of contest, and in these halls. It will increase the efficiency of the supplies of men and money we propose to give, three-fold. It will convince the world we are in earnest in this matter. Other nations may profit from the information.

Even if this matter with Mexico should be settled in a month, the money we expend in war-like preparations may not be spent unprofitably. If war is formally declared, the contest with Mexico must be carries on by the rules of civilized warfare – by the acknowledged rules of war. I prefer this to the quasi practical Indian contest, which it will otherwise become. The rules of civilized war are well known. known. In this age every nation must obey them. them. If war is formally declared and Mexico should, by its favorable fortune to her arms, have the power to perpetrate a repetition of the atrocities of the Alamo and Goliad, she dare not do so in the face of the civilized world. I repeat, therefore, that I shall go for this part of the bill, and am prepared to sit here till it is passed. Alteration will make delay, and expedition is all-important.

I do not approve of that part of this bill which gives the President the power to select the principle officers of the volunteer militia. Was it a new question, I should be inclined to regard the constitutional objection raised to it as a very serious one; but I am disposed to yield to the precedents of 1812 and 1813 in its favor. I should be better satisfied. They will be jealous of officers of federal appointment. But this objection I will forego for the purpose of securing immediate action on the bill, that troops may be sent forthwith to the field, and the honor, and interests, and rights of the country maintained.

(After some further debate, as given in yesterday’s Enquirer, the amendment was rejected – For balance of proceedings see Friday’s paper).
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RE46v43i6p4c5, May 19, 1846: Wednesday, May 13, 1846. In Senate.

Several letters from General Taylor, but of a prior date to those accompanying the message, were received and ordered to be printed.

Resolutions of the Pennsylvania Legislature instructing the Representatives from that State to vote against the new tariff bill, were presented and ordered to be printed.

Resolutions of the New York Legislature in favor of a reorganization of the militia, were also presented and ordered to be printed.

Among the bills reported from the committees, was a bill relative to the transportation of the mail between the U.S. States and foreign countries.

Numerous private and local bills having been reported, the prior orders were postponed for the purpose of taking up the old fortification bill from the House, as amended by the Senate committee.

The first question was upon increasing the appropriation for the Florida reef from $100,000 to $200,000.

Mr. Evans made some objection to the increase of the appropriation until further and more detailed information could be received.

Mr. Yulee eloquently advocated the increase, and went on to show the importance of fortifying that portion of the coast where our commerce was so much exposed. In his opinion half of a million dollars would not be too much.

Mr. Westcott also strenuously advocated an increase of the appropriation. In view of the contest in which we are now involved, especially if Mexico should get any foreign aid, the fortification of that point was of the highest importance.

Mr. Lewis, of the Military Committee, next advocated the proviso and intimated that the war department had recommended $250,000. He hoped the amendment would prevail.

The question was then put, and the amendment was agreed to.

The next amendment was one empowering the President to make use of any of the appropriations at any time after the passage of this act.

After some remarks from Messrs, Evan and Johnson of Louisiana, Mr. Lewis explained that this bill makes appropriation for fortifications already commenced; and that there is a new bill yet to come from the House, providing for new fortifications.

Mr. Johnson, of Maryland, after some remarks relative to the fortification at Sollers’ Point Flats, moved to amend by inserting 30,000 for that purpose.

Some explanations having been made by members of the Military Committee, Mr. Johnson said he would withdraw his amendment so far as it concerned this bill.

The amendment authorizing the President to use the appropriation at any time, was agreed to; after which the bill, as amended, was passed and returned to the House.

The Senate then adopted a resolution offered by Mr. Berrien, requesting the Judiciary Committee to report on the expediency of legislation for carrying into effect the 11^th article of the treaty with Spain in 1795, the object of which is to prevent the fitting out of privateers under Mexican colors from the Island of Cuba.

The Senate then took up the Indian appropriation bill from the House.

After a long discussion upon sundry proposed amendments, the bill was, at 4 o’clock, passed over informally, and the Senate went into an executive session.

THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.

The Speaker signed the bill authorizing the President to prosecute the existing war into Mexico, and the bill to increase the rank and file of the army. They were then sent to the President.

Mr. Holmes presented a letter from the steamers now under construction for the revenue service, which are progressing rapidly towards completion and stating that it is desirable that some action should be taken upon the bill in relation to promotions and appointments of officers in that service.

The letter having been read, on motion of Mr. Holmes, the House took up the bill to regulate promotions and appointments of officers in the revenue service.

After some debate, on motion of Mr. Rathbun, the bill was re-committed to the Committee on Naval Affairs, with instructions to strike out all after the enacting clause, and to report a bill providing, ”That all vessels now engaged in the revenues marine service of the United States, or now building for the same, and under the control of the Treasury Department, be transferred to the control of the Navy Department, for public service, and subject in all respects to the regulations thereof, as established by law.”.

At 2 o’clock a message was received from the President of the effect, that he had approved and signed the War Bill, and the Bill increasing the rank and file of the army. (The increase is about 7,000 men.).

The House then went into Committee of the Whole, and after debating the West Point Academy Bill for ten minutes, laid it aside to be reported.

On motion of Mr. McKay, the committee then took up the bill making appropriation for the support of the Army for the year ending 30^th of June, 1847.

Several amendments having been agreed to, Mr. Black moved an additional section to pay the non-commissioned officers, musicians and privates, attached to the regiment of riflemen, infantry and artillery, eight dollars a month instead of seven. He said the dragoons received eight dollars, and he desired to equalize the pay.

After the amendment had been advocated by Mr. Hamlin and others, Mr. Brockenbrough opposed it on the ground that no additional pay was necessary to stimulate our soldiery to patriotic action.

Messrs, Gordon, Root, Severance and Delano severally gave their views upon the propriety of the recent measures of the President relative to Mexico.

Mr. Douglas then took the floor and made a very animated speech in defense of the President, and of the course of the 54-40 Oregon men in general. In reply to Mr. Adams, he reminded that gentleman, that he, when speaking on the Oregon question, had advised that the President should take possession of the territory and negotiate afterwards. Now, said Mr. D., surely the gentleman and his friends could not blame the President if he had followed their rule in regard to Texas?.

When Mr. Douglass concluded, the committee rose, without coming to any conclusion on the bill, and the House adjourned.

During the debate, it was elicited that there is at the present moment abundance of money in the Treasury to defray all the expenses of the war measures.
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RE46v43i6p4c6, May 19, 1846: The Spirit Of The People.

The Government, (says Thursday night’s Union) is “assuming (to use Mr. Madisons celebrated language) the armour and the attitude demanded by the crisis.” The President and his Cabinet are now actively engaged in organizing its military and naval forces under the recent act of Congress. He is in constant communication with his Secretaries and in frequent consultation, night and day, with his Cabinet. Arrangements are making which will be announced in due session; and we entertain little doubt that they will be found satisfactory to the country. The plan of the campaign will develop itself.

The country is rousing up. “Westward, HO!” is becoming the rallying sign. The newspapers are coming to us charged with the rising excitement of the people. Meetings are called – meetingst are held – companies organizing – military equipments are preparing. In twenty days after the fiery torch is passed through the land, we shall have 50,000 volunteers offering to take the field. Those who live near the scene of action, will probably be first called out; but the more distant volunteers will be held in reserve to bide their time, if they are wanting.

We understand that offers are pouring in upon the President. Among them, that we can call to mind, is a regiment from Pennsylvania, under the command of Gen. Sherwood; a brigade from New York, under Gen. Gibbs McNeil. Offers of service in various forms are made. Among the offers received by the President is the following from the patriotic and monumental city.
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RE46v43i6p4c6, May 19, 1846: Headquarters, 5^th Regiment V. I., Baltimore, May 12, 1846.

At a special meeting of the officers of the regiment, held at the Colonel’s quarters, the following resolution was unanimously adopted:

Resolved, That Colonel Hickman, in behalf of the Companies composing the 5^th regiment volunteer infantry, attached to the first light division, M.I., be authorized to inform Major General G.H. Stewart, that the services of said regiment are at the disposition of Major General Stewart to Garrison Fort McHenry, whenever it may be deemed expedient to remove there from the United States troops; and that the commanding general be respectfully requested to apprise the War Department of the readiness of the 5^th regiment to perform with alacrity the service referred to.

I have the honor to be your obedient servant, N. Hickman, Colonel 5^th regiment Volunteer Infantry, Major General G. H. Stewart.
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RE46v43i6p4c6, May 19, 1846: GEN. SCOTT.

– A Washington correspondent of the Alexandria Gazette states, that a cabinet meeting held on Thursday evening last, it was determined to send Gen. Scott to command our troops in person, and that he will leave for the seat of war forthwith.
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RE46v43i6p4c7, May 19, 1846: Well Done Richmond!.

We publish to-day the interesting proceedings of the enthusiastic meeting on Thursday night. The addresses were stirring and in capital taste and a fine spirit animated the immense crowd. – The next day, with the drum beating and the flag flying, quite a number of volunteers marched through the streets. The intelligence on Saturday morning, which we then published in an extra, announcing the disastrous defeat of Capt. Walker’s Texas Rangers, and the imminent danger of Point Isabel, produced an intense interest, and encouraged more vigorous exertions. Early in the day, the whole complement of the company was made up – 100 privates and 12 officers. On Saturday, Capt. Carrington and Lieut. Warren proceeded to Washington city to tender their services and to ask to be conveyed with the troops from Fort McHenry, which will be immediately shipped from Baltimore to the seat of war direct. The promptness and alacrity of the whole movement do honor to the patriotism of our city.

It has been stated in the Enquirer, that Samuel Harcum was elected in Northumberlands over Edward Nelms. This is a a mistake. mistake. We are informed by undoubted authority that Edward Nelms is elected over Samuel Harcum by the casting vote of the High Sheriff, and has the return. They are both Democrats.

In the debate on the War Bill, published yesterday. An error occurred in the in the Senate proceedings, where it is stated that Boyd moved to amend by striking out a portion of the preamble to the bill. It will be seen by reference to the full report in another column of today’s paper, that the amendment was proposed by Mr. J. M. Clayton of Delaware.

There was a report circulating through the streets today, (says Thursday night's Union) which produced some surprise and excitement viz: that Mr. Packenham had protested against our troops crossing the Rio Grande. As the rumor may have flown by this time half way to New York, and may effect the price of stocks, it were not even designed to effect that object, we deem it our duty to say at once that the story so far as we are advised, without any foundation. Certain it is, our Government has not yet heard any such protest; and deeply indeed should we regret the movement. We never expressed any sentiment more honestly in our lives, than that we desire to preserve our amicable relations with Great Britain, if it be compatible with our rights and favor. There are no two nations on the many people globe who can contribute to each others prospective more in a state of peace, or injure each other in now in a state of war. But we are perfectly assumed that any measure of the description would so deeply complicate our relations with Great Britain and to make a crisis probable, perhaps inevitable. We profess to be as thoroughly acquainted with the character of our countrymen as any one else; and we are satisfied that their public spirit, and sturdy pride which characterizes the Anglo Saxon race, and which in our countrymen is as great if nor greater, than what belongs to John B. and would not permit our people to tolerate any such intervention on his part with impunity.

The Richmond papers (says the Union) inform us of the death of a distinguished man – Robert Stanard, Esq., a Judge of the Court of Appeals in Virginia. “He was struck down by paralysis, while engaged in the preparation of an opinion in his office on Monday night, and lingered until 3 o’clock Wednesday night. He was in his 67^th year.” He was one of the most eminent jurists of the country – At the Bar, in the General Assembly, and in the Virginia Convention of 1830, he was distinguished by his great and commanding abilities.

Mr. Archer, in the Senate on Friday, submitted a resolution, which was agreed to, as follows:

Resolved, That the Committee on the Judiciary be instructed to inquire into the propriety of providing by law for a change in the time of holding the Spring terms of the District Courts of the United States, holden at Richmond and Norfolk in the State of Virginia, so that he former instead of commencing on the 13^th day of May, may commence on the 2^nd Monday in April of each year; and the latter, instead of being held on the 30^th day of May, may commence on the 2^nd Monday of June each year.
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RE46v43i6p4c7, May 19, 1846: Naval.

The U. S. brig Perry, Lt. C. Blake, will sail today for Chagres. Great fortitude has been used in getting the Perry ready for sea, under orders received yesterday from the Navy Department.

We learn that orders have been received so to fit out the U. S. sloop of war Decatur for service, and that a few more men have been taken into the Navy Yard to finish the order given some time since in relation to the frigate Brandywine, and also for using the utmost diligence at the rendezvous here in enlisting recruits for the naval service. – (Norfolk Beacon on May 16^th).
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RE46v43i6p4c7, May 19, 1846: Texas Election.

D. S. Kauffman is undoubtedly elected to Congress from the first (Eastern) district. It is uncertain whether Williams of Pillsbury is elected in the second. All the Counties except Colorado and Brazos, give Williams 1,077, Pillsbury 1,094, Cooke 995.
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RE46v43i7p1c2, May 22, 1846: “War” and a “State of War” – The Difference.

Under this captain, on Saturday last, our neighbors of the “Times” undertook to carry on the “State of War” which has existed for some time on their part towards the Administration. – They commence their article with the grave questions – “Are we really at war with Mexico, or are we not?” “Are the relations of the two countries subject to all the incidents of war?” – “Are neutral nations to act towards each other as though war had been formally declared, and was actually pending ?” “These are questions which, strange to say, admit serious speculation.” – And they add: “The verious tyro in politics needs not to be informed that mere hostile collisions between the citizens or the armies of two nations do not necessarily constitute war. Invasion, without a declaration of war, may be cause of war but not war itself. It is an act which may be peacefully atoned by negotiation.”.

We have been at a loss to perceive the difference ourselves between war and a state of war. Our neighbors seem to think that there can be no war without a formal declaration. Invasion, without a declaration, is not war itself: this, then, in their minds, must be the state of war. According to the writers upon the law of nations, “War is that state in which a nation prosecutes its right by force.” The act, therefore, of prosecuting right by force is a state of war. There are at least two sides to every contest. Each nation may consider itself right, ; and each may prosecute that right , or imaginary right, by force. It is not necessary that both should make a formal declaration of war. The aggressive nation generally declares war – the defending generally contents itself with making resistance to agression.

According to the distinction attempted to be drawn, a nation might not only invade another, but if it have the power might overrun it, and the nation thus invaded might make all the resistance in its power, and this might continue for an indefinite period, and yet, if no declaration of war be made by either party, war would not exist, but it would be merely a state of war. So say our neighbors. “The recent conduct of a portion of the Mexican army, in crossing the Rio Grande, capturing an American company, and threatening the whole army of Gen. Taylor, may be deemed sufficient cause of war, but is not, of itself, war, and cannot induce the condition of war.” And by parity of reason, the same Mexican might not only cross the Rio Grande, but the Nueces and the Sabine, and penetrate into the very heart of the United States, capturing armies, bombarding cities from Texas to Maine, meet with resistance everywhere, and bring in their train all the horrors and evils of war, and because the nation of Mexico did not see fit to declare war, and the United States did not deem it necessary formally to announce to the world, in an instrument setting forth their injuries and their rights, that war was delcared, it would not induce the conditions of war. These distinctions are too metaphysical for us. But they were taken by our neighbors, and they might have some ground for cavil, and in order to give them an opportunity of casting a shell into the White House. The reason urged in vindication of this splitting of hairs is a rare specimen of the same powers of ratiocination; “It is (they say) a just occasion of surprise and regret that the Congress of the United States should have been content to assume, immediately in the preamble to a bill granting supplies that these proceedings on the Texan frontier have placed the country in a state of war. The assumption was neither warranted by the law of nations, nor sanctioned by our own Constitution. It is expressly prescribed by the instrument to which the Federal Government owes all its powers, that Congress shall have power to declare war. If war, then, existed before the passage of the late bill, it was not by the authority of Congress, but simply by the will of President Polk, who dispatched an army to the banks of the Del Norte, and thereby induced the present state of affairs. It has come then to this, that the President has usurped the most important prerogative of Congress, and taken the war making power into his own hands, whilst Congress has tamely submitted to the usurpation , and asserted the war which he made to be an actual war.”.

Here, forgetting that they were maintaining that Congress declared the country to be in a state of war, they conclude by stating that “Congress has tamely submitted to the usurpation, and asserted the war which he made to be an actual war.” But, aside from this inconsistency, do not our neighbors perceive that though Congress asserts that a state of war exists, no declaration having been made by them according to the Constitution that this may be true, and yet it may be waged by Mexico, without the President having usurped the most important prerogative of Congress, and taken the war making power into his own hands? If an army invades the territory of the U.S., is the President, the Commander in Chief of the Army and Navy of the United States, to permit them to devastate our country and make no defense until congress declares war? Congress might no be in session – it might be impossible to convene them in time. If in session, party spirit might rage to such an extent as to keep them wrangling for months about the propriety of making the formal declaration. But it is expressly laid down by Vattel, that “He who is attacked and makes only a defensive war , need not declare it; the state of war being sufficiently determined by the declaration of the enemy, or his open hostilities.” And again, in treating of the declaration of war and of the formalities incident to it, it is laid down that, “These formalities consist in the demand of a just satisfaction and in the declaration of war at least on the part of him who attacks, defensive war requiring no declaration , nor even on urgent occasions , so much as an express order from the sovereign.”.

Mexico, we contend, both by open hostilities and by declaration, has determined the question of war. It will not be forgotten, that her late Envoy, in a formal note to the Secretary of State, declared that, should Texas be annexed to the United States, Mexico would consider the act a declaration of war on our part, and would proceed accordingly. Texas was annexed, in disregard of the threat, and Mexico proceeds to carry out her design. In various official documents, if we mistake not, emanating directly from the Mexican Government similar declaration is made. made. And more recently, when our army occupied the left bank of the Nueces, the Mexican General declared, in the name of his Government, that if the forces of the United States crossed that river, he would consider that also a declaration of war. Our troops did cross, and Mexico gathers a powerful force to attack them. Finally, a General coming immediately with the instructions of the Mexican Government, and superceding the officer who made the declaration last referred to, gives deliberate notice to the officer commanding our troops, then on the left bank of the Rio Grande, that if he does not forthwith remove from that position, Mexico will consider it a declaration of war, and will thereupon advance with her arms. Our General maintains his position, and the result is an attack upon our troops. If such conduct does not authorize Congress in stating that, “by the act of the Republic of Mexico, a state of war exists between that Government and the United States, ” nothing that a Government can do by her officers of agents would justify it.

The question recurs, is not the act of Congress itself a declaration of war? The Constitution provides that Congress shall have power to “declare war.” war.” A nation having received injuries from another which she deems sufficient to justify her in waging war against another, may declare that she is about to engage in it. This she may do by a formal bill, or manifesto, or proclamation, or as it was done by the ancients, by sending a herald to the borders of the enemy’s country and proclaiming it with a trumpet. She may not only declare it beforehand, but, exercising her forbearance and her disposition to maintain peace, she may wait until it is declared by her enemy or waged without such declaration and then content herself by declaring the fact, that a state of war exists. The latter has been the course pursued by Congress, and by doing so the Constitution has been vindicated, and Congress has not yielded up its power by acknowledging the existence of a war created by the President alone, but it has assumed the responsibility of declaring that “by the act of the Republic of Mexico, a State of war exists between that Government and the United States.” And if we had no other cause for war than the boundary of Texas, and if that boundary was a doubtful one, yet we have acquired a right of having recourse to force by the refusal of Mexico to receive our ambassador charged with powers to discuss and agree upon all matters in dispute between the two nations. Vattel lays it down clearly, that “in things doubtful and not essential, if one of the parties will not listen, either to conferences, and accommodation, a negotiation or compromise, the other has only the last resource for the defense of himself and his rights; the means of force—and his arms are just against so untractable and adversary.”

But we are untold by our neighbors that “Mr. Polk has determined that a war we shall have, and as congress has called the President state of affairs a state of war, he seizes the occasion to spring upon the country this insidious proclamation.” Let us see how just is this charge against Mr. Polk, and whether he would discharge his duty to our own countrymen, and to the rest of the world, if he were to neglect proclaiming so important a fact. Congress declares that a state of war exists by the act of Mexico. How is this fact to be made unknown to our vessels of war in every sea? How is it to be made known officially to our merchantmen in every part of the world? Is he to send ships to hunt up our tars, and make them acquainted with the fact, and warn them of the danger they may encounter? Or, is he to proclaim it to the world, that they may obtain the intelligence at every port into which they may enter? Neutral nations will understand that the act of Congress, which the proclamation quotes is the declaration of war, contemplated by our Constitution, and they will look to their interest in their rights. The course he pursued was one due to our army and navy; due to foreign nations; due to Mexico herself’ due to each State in the Union; due to every citizen, howsoever humbled he may be-for, in a state of war, each citizen is deemed the enemy of every citizen of the nation with whom the war is waged. It is a simple authentication of the act of Congress, to prevent imposition, and to announce the fact that such an act had received the sanction of the constituted authorities of the country.

But the President is charged with having created the war, by sending our army to the banks of the Rio Grande. Is this charge founded in justice? The State of Texas was an integral member of the Mexican Confederacy, not of the State of Mexico. It was an independent State, and united itself with Mexico and other States in a Confederacy after the plan of our Federal Union, and with the rest adopted a Constitution for the government of the whole. When this Constitution was violated by the Mexicans and their military rulers, the Texans did not choose to submit, but declared themselves independent; asserting, at the same time, their willingness to abide by the Constitution which had been agreed to, and return into the Union whenever the other States should adhere to the government to which all had assented. The State of Texas never constituted an integral part of the State of Mexico—each State possessed separate territory and separate boundaries—Texas claiming as its boundary the Rio Grande. They nobly sustained their independence, and were recognised as a distinct nation by the United States and several of the most powerful nations of Europe. Subsequently, by the voluntary act of both States, they have become united. In their Constitution they proclaim the Rio Grande as their boundary. The people between the Nueces and the Rio Grande took part in the formation of the Texan State, voted for delegates to the Convention which framed the Constitution, voted upon the ratification of the Constitution, unite in sending delegates to the State Legislature, constitute a revenue district in the State Legislature, constitute a revenue district in the State, and were looked upon by the people of Texas as a component part of that state. The United States, in annexing Texas to the Union, reserve however the right to settle the conflicting rights of boundary. An Ambassador is sent to Mexico to treat of all matters in dispute between the two nations, embracing boundary as well as other claims. The Mexicans indignantly refuse to receive our Ambassador, or to treat with us upon any terms; and claim not only the country between the Rio Grande and the Nueces, but the whole of Texas to the Sabine. They not only set up this unjust and illegal claim, but they proceed to concentrate troops on the frontier. The Constitution provides that “full faith an credit shall be given in each State to the public acts, records and judicial proceedings of every other State.” Is the President to give less credit to such acts than the States themselves are required to give? Texas by her Constitution maintains her boundary to the Rio Grande. Had he done so, he would have violated every obligation to the Constitution requiring him to defend the territory of the States; he would have violated the just expectations of the Texans when they entered into our Union, and he would have been justly chargeable with neglect of duty and would have incurred the just censure of those who now denounce him for the opposite course. He was bound to advance such troops as were at his disposal into the disputed territory and not permit an inch of it to be taken possession of, so long as force could prevent it, such force as was placed within his power by the laws of the Union. “If a nation, ” says Vattel, “is obliged to preserve itself, it is not less obliged carefully to preserve all its members. The nation owes this to itself, since the loss of even one of its members weakens it and is injurious to its own preservation. It owes this also to the members in particular, in consequence of the very act of association; for those who compose a nation are united for their defence and common advantage; and none can justly be deprived of this Union, and of the advantages which flow from it, while he on his side fulfills the conditions. The body of a nation cannot then abandon a province, a town, or even a particular person, who has done his part, unless obliged to it from necessity or unless it is made necessary by the strongest reasons, founded on the public safety.”.

If even a nation was engaged in a war which was every way just and righteous, such is the war in which this nation is now engaged. We…no more info.
[BWP]

RE46v43i7plc7, May 22, 1846: Twenty-Ninth Congress.

Mr. Evans, from the Finance Committee, reported a bill to remit the duties on railroad iron in certain cases.

On motion of Mr. Benton, the Military Committee was instructed to inquire into the expediency of increasing the number of officers of the general staff of the army, rendered necessary by the increase of the rank and file; also to provide for the more effectual organization of the volunteers.

On motion of Mr. Benton, 1,000 extra copies of the report of the court of enquiry held at Springfield, Mass., were ordered to be printed.

The bill to repeal the proviso in the naval appropriation bill, so as to make it comport with the provisions of the war bill; was read a third time and passed.

The bill to adjust the suspended pre-emption land claims in the several States and Territories, was, after a long and tedeous debate, passed with an amendment authorizing the commissioner of the land office to adjudicate the claims, and issue the patents, requiring him, however, to report his decisions to Congress.

The Indian approbiation bill was returned to the House with sundry amendments.

After a brief discussion, the report of Mr. Semple, relative to a post road across the Isthmus of Panama, was recommitted to the post office committee.

On motion of Mr. Fairfield, the bill authorized the construction of ten war steamers was recommitted to the naval committee, with a view to some amendments.

Several unimportant matters having been disposed of, the Senate resumed the consideration of the bill providing for the appointment of assistant Paymaster General and three Paymasters. After some uninteresting discussion, it was passed.

The bill for the relief of Amos Kendall was also passed.

The remainder of the day was devoted to Executive business.
[BWP]

RE46v43i7p1c7, May 22, 1846: House of Representatives.

On motion of Mr. St. John, a resolution was adopted, calling on the Secretary of War to communicate the result of the examination of the Board of Engineers of Sandusky Bay, on Lake Erie; also the plan and estimate for placing the river in a state of defence.

Mr. Reed made an ineffectual motion to suspend the rules, for the purpose of offering a resolution providing that hereafter the daily hour of meeting shall be ten instead of eleven o’clock.

On motion of Mr. Thompson the bill regulating intercourse with the Indian tribes in Oregon, was postponed till the 1^st of June.

Mr. T. assigned as a reason, that by that time it would be seen what the Senate would do with the Oregon jurisdiction bill, after which the Indian bill might be made to conform to it.

The House then went into Committee of the Whole, and resumed the consideration of the bill providing for the pay of the army.

Two amendments were pending, one to equalize the pay of the army to $8, and another to $10 per month.

Mr. McKay reminded the committee that last week two bills were passed, one to increase the rank and file of the army, and another to raise a regiment of mounted riflemen, and when in order, he gave notice that he would move an amendment of two millions of dollars to carry these laws into effect.

The debate on the general merit of the bills was continued by…Chipman and others, until the committee rose.

On motion of Mr. McKay, a resolution was adopted, which provides that all debate on the bill shall cease in committee to-morrow at two o’clock.
[BWP]

RE46v43i7p1c7, May 22, 1846: Tuesday May 19, 1846, SENATE.

Among the memorials were several praving that Pittsburg and Wheeling may be made ports of entry.

Mr. Benton, from the Military Committee, reported an act suppimentary to the act for prosecuting the war with Mexico.

The bill providing for the adjustment of suspended land claims in the several States, was read a third time and passed.

The bill from the House, making appropriations for the Post Office Department, was next taken up.

Mr. Speight, although he said he would not vote against the bill fired a broadside at the cheap postage system. He said it was an oppressive act, and was the forerunner of one still more oppressive viz the tariff. Which was the grinding down of the people in one section for the benefit of the other.

Mr. Niles, in reply, intimated that the Post Office Committee had not deemed it necessary to make any change in the bill. After further remarks, he expressed his astonishment at the sweepign denunciation of the bill by the last speaker.

The debate was continued by Messrs. Caolhoun, Servier and others, after which, with a view to a revision, the bill was informally laid aside.

The remainder of the day was devoted to the consideration of the French Spoliation bill.
[BWP]

RE46v43i7p1c7, May 22, 1846: House of Representatives.

As soon as the journal had been read, the House went into committee of the Whole, and resumed the consideration of the bill providing for the pay of the army.

Mr. Tibbatts offered an additional amendment, giving non-commissioned officers, musicians and privates three dollars per month, in addition to their present pay, and 100 acres of land to each volunteer who shall serve to the end of the war. He supported the amendment by a speech, in which he argued that humanity calls upon us to adopt measures for a speedy termination of the war. To commence the war with a view of saving money was niggardly policy. policy. On the contrary, it was our duty to offer every reasonable inducement for the enlistment of good soldiers, so that a decisive blow might be struck at once. He said he had offered his amendment as an act of justice to those engaged in the war, and not from any selfish motive. He congratulated Congress and the country upon the glorious news received from the army last evening, and eulogized Gen. Taylor to the skies.

Mr. Dromgoole made a scorching reply to those members who had complained that hey had not been allowed time to discuss the war bill. He referred to previous acts of Congress in cases of emergency with even greater dispatch was manifested. He also defended the course of the President relative to Mexico. After proving that we have been drawn into war by the act of Mexico herself, he caused to be read by the clerk, the proclamation of Ampudia appealing to the English and Irish, and inviting them to join the Mexican army, promising them kind treatment and good pay.

In answer to a question from Mr. Ashmun, Mr. Dromgoole admitted that the proclamation was not among the papers communicated by the President, but he said that Ampudia was no less guilty on that account. Ampudia was guilty of what the laws of nations termed “man stealing, ” and the only thing to be done now, was to have a Court of Inquiry, and make him forfeit his life. (Laughter).

Mr. Hunt of New York condemned the course of the majority in a fixing a preamble to the war bill, declaring in advance the existence of a war with Mexico.

Mr. Cocke spoke till the expiration of the time allowed for debate.

The amendment of Mr. Tibbatts was ruled out of order. The committee then voted upon numerous proposed amendments, and then reported the bill as amended to the House.

The House concurred in all the amendments. Among them was that of Mr. McKay, inserting an additional section, appropriating about two millions for carrying into effect the act for the increase of the rank and file of the army, and to raise a regiment of mounted riflement. Also, an item of 100,000 of dollars for the purchase of gunpowder.

The whole amount of appropriation is near seven millions of dollars.

The bill as amended, was then read a third time and passed. Years 191, nays none.

After a great uproar occasioned by several members endeavoring to squeeze in bills and resolutions, the House adjourned.
[BWP]

RE46v43i7p2c1, May 22, 1846: The Course of the Whigs.

We have already alluded to the injurious effect of the policy pursued by the opponents of the Administration in denouncing the President as having usurped the power of declaring war, and in assailing the war itself as traudulent, unjust and unwarrantable. We have avowed our opinion, that such a state of things was well calculated to cool the patriotism of the volunteers and thereby throw embarrassment in the way of a vigorous and speedy prosecution of a war into which we have been forced by Mexico. With how much less spirit would our citizen soldiers rally to the field, if they are induced, upon the rally to the field, assertions of the Whig press, to believe that the President is a selfish and reckless usurper, that their country is in the wrong, (and when did the Whigs ever say that their country was in the right, in its difficulties with foreign powers?) and that the war in which they are engaged, is unjust and unrighteous in itself, and that they therefore incur the vengeance of Heaven? Would not such feelings unnerve the arm of the stoutest soldier, and cause his spirit to cower? The consciousness of right on his country’s side is the strongest incentive of a Republican champion. The Whigs would, by their party denunciations of the Government, strike away this incentive and weaken the moral force of our Republican army.

We do not speak at random, and in proof of our position, we shall group together various extracts from Whig journals.

The Charlestown (Va) Free Press says: “But the rights and power of Mexico have been uniformly despised in our whole proceedings, and war has been precipitated, without the authority of Congress, and without the shadow of necessity.”.

[From the Providence Journal].

We are already engaged in a war—in an unnecessary and unrighteous war—undertaken for an unjustifiable object, and not necessary even to accomplish the object for which it was undertaken. Every step in this Texas iniquity has been taken equally in disregard of all the principles of justice and of right, and in defiance of all the dictates of prudence, discretion and common sense.”.

[From the New York Tribune].

Ten days ago, if a Baltimore clipper had overtaken a Mexican trading ship at sea, captured and plundered her, it would have been piracy by all law, and the perpetrators must have swung for it. Now that same act would be pronounced laudable by our Courts, and the Mexican vessel and cargo a lawful prize to the captors. But can any man imagine that the distinction made by our courts is respected in the Chancery of Heaven? No! No! never! never! Abhorred be this war, its authors and abettors! abettors! “O my soul come not thou into their secrets—unto their assembly, mine honor, be not thou united?”.

[From the Philadelphia U.S. Gazette].

Let the public at all times hold the administration responsible for the position we are now in, and let Mr. Polk and his ministry have the blame of all the disgrace we are suffering, and all the occurrences of a war which they have causelessly brought upon the country. There was not the least necessity for the trouble in which the nation now is—not the least.

[From the Cincinnati (Ohio) Gazette.].

There is no language, in our opinion, too severe to be applied to the conduct of the administration in the management of our Mexican affairs.

A war with Mexico cannot but do us injury where we would have our name respected—degrade the national reputation in the world’s estamation, which might otherwise have been honored and respected. It is vain to deceive ourselves. It is all idle and wrong through passion to blind the public to the disgrace which must follow our …comparatively, dividend to the verge of civil war, no man, no people, looking on upon the contest, can help sypathizing with the broken power of Mexico, and uniting on uttering a better condemnation against our Government.

What the President could have been dreaming about in ordering the army to the position it now occupies, we are at a loss to conceive. Was there any danger of invasion from Mexico?—That is not pretended. Did we intend to invade her territory? This is expressly denied. Why, then, put our soldiery, and plant our cannon, in the face of one of her cities, and upon her own territory! There is but one explanation to be given of this conduct, and that is, that mad politicians in power had resolved, and gentlemen loafers out of office and employment, had united with them, to provoke a war at all hazards.

American arms must be brandished upon disputed territory, and the Mexican defied on his own soil. And now the treasure and blood of the nation are to be spent and spilt to make good this reckless, this inhuman action! For both, the President of these United States, and the men in autorhity under him, are responsible. For the blood already shed—for the murders of the gallant Cross, Porter and Thornton, and their brave comrades, literally brought about through this direct instrumentality, they will be held responsible before God and man.

‘Tis no idle matter, or indifferent theme, this Texan, Mexican trouble. For annexation, the whole country has been driven to suffer and to do, what never would have been suffered or done, if the people had not been made mad by party, and then betrayed by those whom they had elevated into power. Heretofore the nation, as a nation, was clear of soiling its hands with slavery. But by that act she clutched hold of it to defend, extend and perpetuate it. And soon, in addition, there will come up, besides this granting extraordinary political power to Texas, making one citizen there worth some half dozen free born Ohioans. Demands for millions upon millions to pay her debts, to fortify her coast, and to feed the soldiery at present in her borders. As if this was not enough, and more than ought to be tolerated, the possession of a strip of disputed territory is to be made cause of war, and the floodgates of a freebooting spirit thrown wide open, that politicians may thrive, and loafers parade in epaulettes, or have a chance to plunder, while the labor, industry and character of the country shall be heavily taxed to support them.

[From the Washington Correspondent of the N.Y.Commercial Advertiser].

After some five years clamor for war, war—for the sake of war, after making war the theme of every oration in Congress or on the stump, and the main issue at every election, the Democracy have, at last, stumbled upon the object of all their wishes.

The imbecility of their administration has done for them more than they could have expected from the energy of any other.

We have got into a war, through Mr. Polk, from which a Caesar or Bonaparte would have shrunk—an offensive war with Mexico and all the powers of the world sympathizing with her, and upon an issue made by Mr. Polk himself—a war for acquisition or seizure of a portion of Mexican territory.

[From the New York Express].

This mean, miserable and contemptible administration, --we mean just what we say—is as imbecile in vindicating American honor and American arms, as it is braggart in mouthing over them. It bullies England, orders fleets off Mexico, then proposes to razee the navy, and sends a handful of twenty-five hundred gallant men into the heart of a Mexican population, to flog the whole Mexican nation.

We have, we trust, given extracts enough to show the gross injustice of the Whig presses in denouncing their own Government and the free and intelligent people of their own country. All that the Administration has aimed at has been to protect American territory, to take possession of what has become our own and by as clear a title as that of Mexico. It had the right to do so, and for this simple act our citizens have been murdered on our own territory.

The Boston Post rebukes these factious prints with just severity, when it says:

“With a certain party and class our country is always in the wrong—never in the right. It was wrong when it renounced the British allegiance of 1775; wrong when it acquired Lousiana; wrong when it contended for the freedom of the years in 1814; wrong when it took possession of Florida, wrong when it annexed Texas; wrong on Oregon, and is now wrong in the matter with Mexico. If this party has been pretty consistent in the work of condemnation, they have been equally as consistent in accounting for this continuity of error; with them it is the error of the Democracy. The false step was taken in discarding monarchical institutions. Our soil, our free republican soil, from the first, was too extended, and this toryism has begrudged every inch of extension. Let it rave on! Its grumbling is impotent of stay the onward march of this glorious people.”[BWP]

RE46v43i7p2c2, May 22, 1846: Has Mexico Any Allies?.

We have been strongly inclined to the belief that Great Britain has been mixed up in some way with the recent movements in Mexico. We all recollect the vaunting pronunciamentos of the Mexican Presidents and Generals, and the threats of vengence upon us for the annexation of Texas. We moreover bring to mind how all these braggart words passed off in smoke. She could find no means, foul or fair, to replenish her Treasury and reinforce her armies. But this year, she has made new and vigorous effects, and has succeeded in assembling a numerous army, led on by skillful officers, many of them, it is said, from Europe. Who has furnished this money and these officers? Who has spurred her up to a conflict with our powerful nation? The mystery needs unravelling, and some of the letterwriters have proceeded to do so.

The Washington correspondent of the N.Y.Tribune writes in the following deliberate and emphatic manner.

“After much thought I cannot dispossess myself of the belief that England is concerned in this movement of Mexico. I am in possession of evidence that the last reinforcements of the Mexican Army were not ordered to be concentrated at Matamoras until about the middle of April, after the receipt of intelligence from Great Britain, which had been so anxiously looked for, and htat not till then were the operations undertaken with spirit and vigor. I should be glad to be deceived on this point, but fear I shall not be again. The remarkable alliance between France and England must have ulterior objects in view; and may not the latter, to block up the progress of the United States, and to raise a counter government on our frontier, have agreed to establish a Monarchy in Mexico in the person of the Duke De Montpensier, the young son of Louis Philippe?…In the present juncture, the probability is more plausable.

The Washington correspondent of the N.York Commercial Advertiser writes with still more confidence, though it is proper to add, that the Editor attaches no faith to his opinions. The letter says:

“I have no doubt that Paredes is himself an English agent, and that he was provided with the means for assuming the position he holds by England. France will not be backward to avail herself of the occasion to illustrate her principle of a balance of power.

“We are at war not only with Mexico, but with the whole world, and by the act of the President, not the act of Mexico, as the declaration of war assumes.”.

The New York Albion, conducted by a British subject, says:

“This state of things does not surprise us; we predicted that difficulties would ensue whenever the American army occupied the belt of land between the Nueces and the Rio Grande, because the Mexicans always contended that that strip of territory never formed any part of Texas. An invasion of that, they held, would be an invasion of Mexico itself, and they would treat it accordingly. This determination was perfectly well known many months since at London, in the city of Mexico and certainly in New York, for we annonced it on the best authority in the Albion.

“The question is constantly asked, what will England and France do? We reply, nothing, as tat as hostile measures are concerned. They will no doubt offer their mediation, and prevail on Mexico to do all that is right and proper; with this they will expect that the U. States will be satisfied; but it should appear that the U. States will not rest satisfied, when all just demands be consceded, M. Guizot will then have an opportunity of reverting to his balance of power policy.”.

While we are far from denying that the United States will be satisfied with what is “right and proper, ” we are clearly of the opinion that she will not admit the interference of England and France, as to what terms she should accept. The quarrel is between the United States and Mexico and no power has a right to meddle with our honor or interests which are involve. Our sense of justice alone will be the arbiter which is to decide upon the propriety of a settlement with Mexico. We will manage our affairs in our own way, and fatal and dark will be the day, when the nations of Europe shall venture to bring to bear upon our conduct their odious “balance-of-power” policy. The zeal and enthusiasm which move the whole country at the present crisis, show how formidable our national power may be made in the hour of danger. While we respect the rights of other nations, we will not brook the least interference with our own.

But, whatever England and France may have done, or intend to do, we conscientiously believe that the moral spectacle now presented throughout our country will go very far to secure the respect of Europe, and produce a long and lasting peace.
[BWP]

RE46v43i7p2c3, May 22, 1846: No Title.

At a large public meeting in Washington City last Saturday to raise Volunteers, Col. R. M. Johnson presided and spoke with enthusiasm. Three members of the House of Representatives also spoke Messrs. Martin and Stanton of Tenn., and Mr. McConnell, of Ala.—A Mr. St. John of Buffalo, and Lieutenant Porter of the Navy also addressed the meeting, the latter with some touching allusions to his brother Lieutenant Porter of the Army, who has been killed upon the frontier by a party of Mexicans. He had received, he said, as the sole bequest of his father, a sword with which he would avenge his brother’s blood or die in the attempt to do so; and from his Spartan mother a letter which told him to come not to her, but to go where his brother fell to avenge his death and defend his country. There were 35 names down for volunteers when the meeting broke up, another meeting will be held tomorrow. In a few days it is expected that a full company will be obtained and their services will be at once tendered to and accepted by the President. We gather the above facts from the Baltimore American.
[BWP]

RE46v43i7p2c3, May 22, 1846: Alabama in a Blaze.

“The whole Southwestern country is in a high state of excitement on the subject of the “Mexican war, ” and great anxiety is expressed on all sides for Gen. Taylor in his present critical position—far from the resources of his own country, and on the borders of a nation whose rule, in all her previous conflicts with our Texan brethren, has been to promise quarter, but to deal cruelly and treacherously with prisoners, few of whom have returned to tell the tale of the hottors of their captivity. Montgomery has sent forth a company to the relief of Gen. Taylor of 83 men, and two more companies are about to be organized. No formal requisition has been made upon our Governor as yet, but he has published a Proclamation, under the impression that many troops will be speedily required on our Mexican frontier, authorizing and advising the organization of companies of volunteers to the number of two thousand men, who are directed to proceed to Mobile and report themselves to the officer in command of the Southwestern Division of the U.S. Army at that place, and pledging the credit of the State of Alabama for all necessary expenses incurred by them, should they not be required by the U.S. Government. The greatest enthusiasm prevails throughout the country, and all parties are united as one man in calling loudly for signal vengeance on the foe who has dared to send a hostile army on the soil marked out as our own, by the sacred symbol of the Stars and Stripes. I am gentlemen, very truly.
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RE46v43i7p2c4, May 22, 1846: From the Washington Union. Mexican Admission of Boundary.

The charge against the Administration, which some of the Whig journals are sending all over the country, is this: that the Del Norte is not the boundary of the State of Texas, and that the President had no right under the Constitution to send troops to repel an invasion on this side of that river.

Mexico herself has not only admitted, but she has time and again affirmed, and she still affirms the exact contrary. She maintains that the land on the East bank of the Del Norte is Texas, and that it is not Mexico any more than all Texas is Mexico. This we will now prove, documents in hand. If we prove it, there is an end to the whole charge against the President of violating the Constitution, by sending General Taylor to the Del Norte, under orders to prevent and repel invasion on this side of that river.

On the 20^th June, 1814, General Woll, then commander-in-chief of the Mexican army on the Northeastern frontier, issued, in pursuance of a decree of the Mexican Government, bearing date 17^th June, 1843, the following general orders. The document is, just now, worth persuing.. . . [See Woll's document below.]

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RE46v43i7p2c3, May 22, 1846: For the Enquirer. The Richmond Volunteers.

Messrs. Editors. A card in some of the papers of this morning states, that a full account of the deputation to Washington, on the part of the volunteer corps which has been lately raised in this city, will be given at the proper time. That time has already arrived, and we will state in as few words as possible the result of this application.

We went to Washington on Saturday last, and immediately on arriving there, had an interview with the Secretary of War and Gen. Scott – We learned from them; that the President had made no requisition for troops upon any Atlantic State North of Georgia, and that volunteers who wished their services accepted by the General Government, should be first organized, equipped and drilled, and their officers commissioned by the State Governor; so that, in the event of a requisition on the State, their claims might entitle them to preference. Gen. Scott remarked, that the Secretary of War would only communicate with the State Executive in enlisting companies of volunteers – meaning that no troops would be accepted unless by requisition on the Governor.

Under these circumstances our first determination was to return to Richmond the next day; the design being to make another, and more formal tender of our company, after obeying more minutely the requirements of the law; than we had done with regard to its organization. We were advised, however, not to leave without consulting the President: so, Monday morning, having already written tender of our services to the Secretary of War, we called on the President, in company with Gov. McDowell, Judge Pennybacker, Gen. Chapman and Mr. Hopkins, members of the Virginia delegation of Congress, and our fellow townsmen Thos. Green, Esq. – The President received us with great courtesy, expressed satisfaction at the patriotic zeal of the country, and particularly applauded the prompt and decided action of the citizens of Richmond. We then went a second time to the War Department, accompanied by the distinguished gentlemen we have just mentioned. The Hon. Secretary gave much the same answer he did at the former interview- only he gave us greater encouragement to hope that we might at least be ordered to Fortress Monroe, there to be drilled for six weeks or two months, and then to be ordered to the scene of action, if the exigency of the service demanded it.

We returned to Richmond last evening to advise the Company to complete their organization, to have their officers commissioned according to law, then to offer their services to the Governor of the State, to obey any requisition of the President. They should also press the claims which they have upon the Department, and which we have the assurance of the Secretary of War, will not be forgotten. We were advised to this course by the distinguished gentlemen whose kindness we have already mentioned, and also by a distinguished friend of our enterprise, whose attentions to us, and spirited efforts on our behalf, as the representatives of the corps, we are pleased to have an opportunity of acknowledging – We allude to Mr. Ritchie. Let the Citizens and Volunteers persist in their purpose. If there should be no demand for their services, we will all rejoice that our country has no need of them, or, if so, has worthier sons to execute them. – Our candid conviction is, that a requisition will be made on Virginia.

ED. C. CARRINGTON, Capt.
JOHN D. WARREN, Lieut.
Richmond, May 20^th, 1846.

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RE46v43i7p2c4, May 22, 1846: “Headquarters of the Army of the North, ‘Mier, June 20, 1844.

“I, Adrian Woll, General of Brigade, &c., make known –

“1. The armistice agreed on with the department of Texas having expired, and the war being , in consequence, recommended against the inhabitants of that department, all communication with it ceases.”.

“2. Every individual, of whatever condition, who may contravene provisions of the preceding article, shall be regarded as a traitor and shall receive the punishment prescribed in article 15, title 10, treatise 8, of the articles of war.”.

“3. Every individual who may be found at the distance of one league from the left bank of the Rio Bravo, will be regarded as a favorer and accomplice of the usurpers of that part of the national territory, and as a traitor to his country; and, summary military trial, shall receive the said punishment.”.

“4. Every individual who may be comprehended within the provisions of the preceding article, and may be rash enough to fly at the sight of any force belonging to the supreme government, shall be pursued until taken or put to death.”.

“In consideration of the situation of the towns of Lareda and Santa Rita de Ampudia, as well as all the farm houses beyond the Rio Bravo, in which remain all the interests of the inhabitants of the line committed to my charge, I have this day received from the supreme Government, orders to determine the manner by which those interests are to be protected; but, until the determination of the supreme Government be received, I warn all those who are beyond the limits here prescribed, to bring them within the line, or to abandon them; as those who disobey this order will infallibly suffer the punishment here established.

“ADRIAN WOLL”.

Now this document shows:

1^st. That Mexico holds the territory on the East bank of the Del Norte to be Texas;.

2^nd. That, as Texan territory, she was resolved to make it the scene of a war of extermination; and.

3^rd. Some light is thus thrown on the propriety and constitutionality of sending an American force to defend it against armed invasion by such foes, after it had been made a congressional and revenue district of the United States by act of Congress.
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RE46v43i7p2c4, May 22, 1846: MOBILE, May 15. Volunteers.

No More Wanted- we learn from an authentic source that the requisition made by Gen. Taylor on Louisiana has been fully complied with without a draft, and that there are even more volunteers than can be received. Several companies have been already refused; and offers are beginning to pour in from the interior, which will all be rejected until further requisition from the proper authorities is made.

The intelligence was brought here yesterday by Maj. Chase of the U.S. Army, who declined accepting the services of the gallant volunteers from Montgomery under Capt. Elmore, now quartered in this city, to the very great mortification of Capt. E. and his brave associates.
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RE46v43i7p2c4, May 22, 1846: ON THEIR OWN HOOK.

We understand that our gallant and patriotic friend, Col. Platt, commenced yesterday the raising of a company of Volunteers to proceed directly to Point Isabel, “on their own hook” to “take stock” in the Mexican war. Some thirty or forty enrolled their names last evening, and the requisite number will be made up this morning. They propose chartering a vessel here, and will leave probably tomorrow for the Rio Grande. (Mobile Advertiser, May 15.)[BWP]

RE46v43i7p2c4, May 22, 1846: MEXICAN PRIVATEERS.

The treaty with Spain, by which it is engaged on both sides, that he citizens of neither nation shall engage in the service of privateers against the commerce of the other; would be somewhat difficult to execute as far as our own case is concerned in a war with Mexico. The principle difficulty would lie in meeting the distinction between Mexicans and Spaniards. Adventurers from Cuba when caught in their vocation of plunder on the seas, would claim to be Mexicans, of course, and the identity of their languages and personal appearance would make it impossible in the majority of cases, to detect the falsehood.
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RE46v43i7p2c4, May 22, 1846: Still They Come.

A full company of volunteers, commanded by Captain Galbraith, arrived yesterday on board the North Alabama from the Parish of Concordia. There arrived also two hundred and fifty volunteers – fine fellows – from the parishes of Assumption and Lafourche Interior, commanded by Captians E. F. Nicholas and Williams.
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RE46v43i7p2c4, May 22, 1846: More Mounted Volunteers.

We understand that Capt. M. I. Box, of Texas, who is now in this city, is about raising a company of Mounted Volunteers, to be attached to Col. Lewis’ Regiment. Capt. Box is a noble specimen of a frontier man, the greater part of whose life has been spent amidst the perils of savage warfare, and such, we take him, as would lead his followers to death or glory.
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RE46v43i7p2c4, May 22, 1846: The Germans.

Hurrah For The Teutonic Chivalry – Our fellow citizens of German origin have envinced the most laudable zeal in the present crisis. Several companies have been formed by them, in that noiseless, unostentatious way, which is so characteristic of their race – Calm, cool, reflecting, yet determined, they are a rampart of iron, on the defense, an avalanche on the attack. There were about 500 of them in barracks yesterday, waiting for embarkation.

Three more companies of Colonel Marks’ Regiment departed this morning in the steamer Sea. The requisition is almost complete, and the balance will be sent off as soon as transports can be furnished.
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RE46v43i7p2c4, May 22, 1846: Hon. Bailie Peyton.

We learn that our friend Mr. Peyton, in the true spirit of the heroic race from which he sprung, has volunteered as a private for the Rio Grande. Many gentlemen have called at our office today, and expressed a desire that he should raise a regiment. We hope so. We know of no man whose name would rally the right sort of men around him, sooner than Bailie Peyton.

We do not hope the next mail from Washington will bring authority from Government to prosecute this war on the proper scale. Not upon milk and water principles – not by half way measures – not by entrenchments, and baggage wagons, and bush fighting – but marching forthwith into Mexico, with sufficient force to defend every step we take.

Since writing the above, we learn that Gen. Gaines has authorized Col. Peyton to organize a regiment, and he has commenced the work with characteristic energy.

Our life for it , his regiment will not be the last to enter the city of Mexico.
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RE46v43i7p2c4, May 22, 1846: The Right Spirit.

Our respected fellow citizen, Gen. Dunlap, of Madison, in an eloquent speech on Tuesday evening, announced his intention of going beyond the Rio Grande, and said his parish was ready to march there with him.
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RE46v43i7p2c4, May 22, 1846: Col. Marks.

We understand Col. Marks will leave this evening for the Army, with the remaining companies of his regiment. He goes with the best wishes of this whole community. A Senator in the Legislature, on the first news from the frontier, he enrolled himself as a private, and gave a stimulus to the recruiting spirit, which was felt throughout the city. He is a brave and experienced officer. Success and honor to him.
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RE46v43i7p2c4, May 22, 1846: Capt. Walker-The Texas Rangers.

The Texas Rangers – It has been determined by a few of our leading men to set on foot a subscription to purchase a sword, to be presented to this intrepid man, which whose exploits with the Texas Rangers, and his daring expedition from Point Isabel to the American entrenched camp lately, the public are acquainted. The list is with Mr. Bravo, of The Commercial Exchange Reading Rooms. In an hour or so, forty five dollars were subscribed, in small sums. Who next throws in his contribution of gratitude and admiration?[BWP]

RE46v43i7p2c6, May 22, 1846: No title.

We presume the physician alluded to below by the Union is Dr. Parrott, to whose intimate acquaintance with the climate, country and habits of Mexico, we yesterday referred. [A friend is of opinion, that the physician alluded to is Dr.Davis.] His testimony will go far to relieve the fears of many whose friends have gone off to the war, and who seems to apprehend more danger from the climate than from the Mexican arms:

“We are informed by an intelligent physician who was a native of this city, but who resided for several years to the West of the Rio Grande, who married a Mexican lady, who was an U. States Consul, practised physic several years in the vicinity of Matamoras, and is intimately acquainted with the climate, as well as the habits of the Mexicans, that although at a certain season of the year it is unhealthy at Matamoras, and on the immediate borders of the river, yet that several miles from it the ague and fever is unknown.—The climate for several miles beyond, away off to the West, is remarkably healthy, and no such humbug ought to prevent the troops of the United States from visiting this interesting region of the earth.”[BWP]

RE46v43i7p3c1, May 22, 1846: By Last Evening’s Mail. REQUISITION UPON THE GOVERNOR OF VIRGINIA.

We understand that Governor Smith has been called upon by the President of the United States for three regiments (30 companies, 2,310 men, ) of infantry, to be composed of volunteers, enrolled, and held in readiness to muster in the service of the United States. Each company, we learn, will consist of 64 privates only, not over 45, nor under 18 years of age, and in full physical strength and vigor.

Full particulars will doubtless be announced officially in a few days.

It is stated in the New York papers, that a number of British sailors have deserted from British ships now ion that port, from fear of being pressed into naval service upon their return to England in the e vent of a war with this country.
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RE46v43i7p3c1, May 22, 1846: TWENTY-NINTH CONGRESS. WEDNESDAY, MAY 20. SENATE.

Mr. Evans, from the Finance Committee, re-(unreadable) the West Point Academy bill, with . . .[illegible] . . . amendments.

On motion of Mr. Turney, a resolution was adopted, instructing the Military Committee to report on the expedience of limiting the term of service of the officers of the army to sixty years.

Mr. Sturgeon presented the proceedings of a great meeting at Easton, Pa., in reference to the war with Mexico.

Mr. Woodbridge presented resolutions of the Legislature of Michigan, against the leasing of . . .[illegible] . . . lands in Lake Superior.

After a discussion between Messrs. Webster, . . .[illegible] . . . Cass and others, the resolutions were ordered to be printed.

The House bill regulating the value at which certain foreign coins shall be received at our custom house, was taken up, the amendment con-(unreadable) and the bill passed.

The Senate then resumed the consideration of the French Spoliation bill.

Mr. Morehead having the floor, resumed and concluded his remarks.

HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.

The Indian appropriation bill, as returned upon the Senate, with amendments, was referred . . .[illegible] . . . Committee on Ways and Means.

Mr. Smith from the Committee on Roads and Canals, reported a bill for surveying and constructing a military road from Fort Howard, in Wisconsin, to Fort Wilkins, in Michigan. It was twice read and committed.

This being the day set apart for the consideration of territorial business, a resolution was adopted, postponing the special order till the 2d of June.

Mr. Andrew Stewart moved a suspension of the rules to enable him to offer a resolution instructing the military committee to report a bill increasing the pay of volunteers from seven to ten dollars per month, and granting to those who serve to the end of the war, or who may die in the service, 160 acres of land.

The motion to suspend was negatived—yeas 70, nays 75.

Some unimportant matters being here disposed of, Mr. Butler King, from the Committee on Naval Affairs, reported a bill making appropriation for twelve iron war steamers and one frigate. It was twice read and committed.

The first section provides, that immediately after the passage of the act, it shall be the duty of the Secretary of the Navy, after advertising, etc., to contract for the construction of twelve war steamers, to be built of iron, of not less than 1200, nor exceeding 1600 tons, the boilers to be . . .[illegible] . . . so far below the water line, and the machinery so arranged as to be secure from an enemy’s shot; that they shall have a speed of at least fifteen miles and hour in ocean navigation, in ordinary weather; that they shall be furnished with engines of not less than 1,000 horse power each, and capable of carrying an armament of at least six of Treadwell’s wrought iron guns, of not less than twelve inches calibre, and from two to four smaller guns of the same manufacture, with at least 15 days’ fuel under a high pressure of steam.

The second section provides for the construction of one frigate, to be built of iron, capable of carrying an armament of 60 heavy guns, with the necessary accommodations for the officers and crew of such ship.

The third section provides, that one of the steamers shall be built upon Ericsson’s plan.

The fourth section provides, that another shall be built upon the plan of Messrs. Schuyler.

The fifth section appropriates five millions of dollars for the purpose of carrying the bill into effect.

A long an very interesting report accompanied the bill. The reports goes into a long and elaborate description of the merits of iron over wood for war ships, and brings the clearest evidence in favor of iron. The plan of uniting sails with steam is also examined and condemned.

The House then went into Committee of the Whole, and took up the civil and deplomatic appropriation bill.

After some discussion relative to the item providing for meteorological observations, the bill was, for the present laid aside, and the committee rose.

Numerous bills from the Senate was received, read twice and appropriately referred.

The resolution of the Legislature of Pennsylvania, relative to the Tariff and the Sub Treasury were presented and ordered to be printed.

The House then adjourned.
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RE46v43i7p4c3, May 22, 1846: From the New Orleans Picayune, April 12. FURTHER FROM THE ARMY

Safety of Capt. Thorton and Lieut. Kane—Attack upon Gen. Taylor’s Camp—Narrative of the Action, &c., &c.

The steam schooner Florida, Capt. Clift, arrived at this port last evening from Brazos Santiago, whence she sailed on the 5^th instant. Although her dates are not so late by one day as the New York’s they contain fuller and more authentic details of events on the Rio Grande, and put quite a new aspect on affairs.

The reader will be delighted to hear that neither Capt. Thornton nor Lieut. Kane was killed in the affair of the surprise of Capt. Thornton’s Dragoons. We give below a minute account of the surprise and action, of the accuracy of which we have not doubt. It will be read with universal interest.

The Florida brought over official despatches from Gen. Taylor for the Government. Col. Whistler came passenger on the Florida. A gentleman, who also came passenger on the schooner, has furnished us with the following narrative of Gen. Taylor’s march from his camp to Point Isabel and of the subsequent attack upon the camp. It differs from the accounts received by the New York, via Galveston. The reader may repose entire confidence in the following, as it may be considered almost official.
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RE46v43i7p4c3, May 22, 1846: ATTACK UPON GEN. TAYLOR’S CAMP.

On the 1^st of May the main body of the army of Occupation marched from the camp on the Rio Grande, leaving as a garrison in the field-works opposite Matamoras, the 7^th Regiment of Infantry and two companies of Artillery, commanded by Capt. Lowd and Lieut. Bragg—the whole commanded by Major Brown, 7^th Infantry.

On the 2d the army encamped at Point Isabel. Early on the morning of the 3d a heavy cannonade was heard in the direction of Matamoras, which was continued during the day, and at intervals through the night and during the day of the 4^th. Owing to the difficulty of communicating with the fort, no intelligence was received at head quarters respecting the result of the cannonade until the morning of the 5^th, when a party sent forward to communicate brought a despatch from Major Brown, announcing the particulars, a brief statement of which follows:

At 5 o’clock on the morning of the 3d, a fire was opened upon the fort from one of the Mexican batteries, and was continued with seven guns. The fire was immediately returned, and the battery silenced by our guns in thirty minutes—two of the enemy’s guns supposed to be dismounted.

The enemy then commenced firing from the lower fort and mortar battery—a brisk fire of shot and shells was kept up, but without damage to the fort or garrison.

A deliberate fire was now kept up by our eighteen pounders upon the enemy’s guns and the city of Matamoras, the consulate flags being respected.

The fire of the enemy was kept up without cessation until half past 7. At 10 it was temporarily suspended, but recommenced and continue at intervals until 12 at night. Although it is believed that some 1,200 or 1,500 shot were fired by the enemy during this period but one casualty occurred—a sergeant of B Company 3d Infantry being killed. Not one of our guns was dismounted, though the enemy’s fire was concentrated for some time on the 18 pounder battery, and the shot frequently struck the embrasures. At 5 o’clock on the morning of the 4^th, the fire was resumed by the enemy, continued for twelve or fifteen shots, and kept up at long intervals during the day, but without effect.

The amount of damage done to the enemy, beyond silencing their batteries, cannot yet be correctly known.

Our informant assures us that it was understood to be Gen. Taylor’s intention to remain at Point Isabel until that post should be perfectly fortified, and a large accession of troops should arrive; but he further gives us every reason to encourage those enrolling or who may desire to enroll themselves, to believe that Gen. Taylor will lead them at once into active service—that it is his firm intention to “carry the war into Africa.”.

We proceed now to lay before the reader an account of the surprise and subsequent surrender of Capt. Thornton’s command. Though not official, we have it from a gentleman familiar with the circumstances of the case, and upon whom all reliance may be placed. We do not know when we have published anything which has afforded us such sincere pleasure. It will cheer hearts that have been wrung with all the bitterness of grief, and make the nation glad.
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RE46v43i7p4c4, May 22, 1846: SURPRISE AND SURRENDER OF CAPT. THORNTON’S COMMAND.

On the evening of the 23d ult., Gen. Taylor’s spies brought in intelligence to the effect that about two thousand five hundred Mexicans had crossed the Rio Grande to the Texas side above the American Fort, and about fifteen hundred of same had crossed below. Gen. T. immediately dispatched a squadron of dragoons to each place of crossing, for the purpose of reconnoitering them and ascertaining their position. The squadron ordered below was in command of Capt. Ker, the one above was commanded by Capt. Thornton, and composed of Capt. Hardee, Lieuts. Kane and Mason, with sixty-one privates and non-commissioned officers. The former commander, Capt. Ker, on arriving at the point where it was supposed they had crossed found that the report was false, that they had not crossed there but had all crossed above, which was afterwards proved by Capt. T’s. command being surprised, in which Lieut. Geo. Mason with nine men were killed and two wounded. The wounded were sent to Gen. Taylor’s camp; the army having no hospital in the field. Capts. Thornton, Hardee and Lieut. Kane , miraculously escaped, together with the balance of the non-commissioned officers and men, but were captured, and are now prisoners of war in Mexico.

The circumstances which led to the surprise are these: After Capt. T.’s command had proceeded up the Rio Grande about twenty-four miles, and as was supposed, to within about three miles of the Mexican camp the guide refused to go any farther, and stated his reason that the whole country was infested with Mexicans. Capt. T. however proceeded on with his command about two miles when he came to a farm house, which was enclosed entirely by a chaparral fence, with the exception of that portion of it which bordered on the river, and this was so boggy as to be impassible. Capt. T. entered this enclosure through a pair of bars and approached the house for the purpose of making some enquiry, his command following him. So soon as his command had all entered the enclosure, the enemy, having been concealed in the chaparral, about two thousand five hundred in number, completely surrounded him and commenced firing upon his command. He then wheeled his command thinking that he could charge through the enemy and pass out where he had entered, not however without a considerable loss. This he attempted but did not succeed, the enemy being too strong.

At this instant, Capt. Hardee approached him for the purpose of advising him how to extricate themselves. The firing of the enemy still continuing, Capt. Thornton’s horse, having doubtless received a shot, ran away with him and leaped the chaparral fence and plunged over a precipice, where he fell, with Capt. T. under him, where the latter remained insensible for five or six hours. This casually placed Capt. Hardee in command, who attempted with the residue to make his escape by the river, intending on arriving at its margin to swim it. In this he failed, finding it so boggy that he could not get to it. He then returned, taking the precaution to get out of distance of musketry, dismounted and examined the arms of his men, determining to sell their lives as dearly as possible. Before he had succeeded, however, in the inspection of his arms, a Mexican officer rode up and asked him to surrender Capt. H. replied that he would surrender on one condition, which was, that if the Mexican General would receive them as prisoners of war, and treat them as the most civilized nations do, he would surrender, but upon no other conditions. The Mexican officer bore this message to the General commanding, and returned with the assurance that he would. Capt. H. then surrendered. Capts. Thornton and Hardee, with Lieuit. Kane and the residue of the non-commissioned officers and privates of Capt. T.’s command are now prisoners of war ion Mexico. The enemy treat them remakable well.

Lieut. George Mason was a fine young officer, and his death is much regretted. His sabre belt was recognized among some articles that were subsequently captured from the enemy.

So lively is the curiosity to learn every particular of the actions of the 3d and 4^th inst., that we annex hereto a letter from an officer at Point Isabel, written more for our private eye than for the public, but which cannot but interest all our readers.
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RE46v43i7p4c4, May 22, 1846: [Correspondence of the Picayune.] POINT ISABEL, May 5, 1846.

Gentlemen—When the express came in this morning, I hurriedly pencilled down the gratifying intelligence which it brought us, expecting the boat would leave in a few minutes. It now only awaits for Gen. Taylor’s official despatch, which is being prepared for Washington. Having heard the official report from Major Brown read, and having a letter before me from there, I will give you further particulars accordingly.

On the morning of the 3d, at reveille, the Mexicans opened their batteries upon the work, throwing balls and shells without intermission until sunset, finishing with half a dozen extra ones at tattoo for a lullaby.

At reveille, on the 4^th, they opened again, sending a few shots and shells, which compliment was repeated at noon. Our artillery silenced the fort opposite ours in half an hour after the firing commenced on the 4^th, and knocked three embrasures into one. This caused them to stop firing there for a considerable time, to repair damages. Our artillery also dismounted several of their guns, and from appearances must have killed many men. On our part, but one sergeant, of the 7^th Infantry, was killed—being shot in the head with a three pound ball. He was carried to the hospital, when strange to say, a shell fell and blew the remainder of his head off. Some twenty men were standing around the hospital when the shell burst; several were knocked down, but none injured. One artillery soldier was slightly wounded by a piece of a shell, and many have made narrow escapes. We only kept up our fire for about two hours—saving our ammunition whilst theirs was being thrown away.—From their having thrown from 1,500 to 2,000 shots and shells, and killing but one of our men, and wounding another, you may judge they are none of the best artillerists, and that we had good defences. Their shot rendered a good many of our tents unserviceable, but all our men are in good spirits, and anxious to come to close quarters.

Our piquet guard is now firing at a party of Mexican soldiers, about a mile below the fort.—The Chaparral between this and the fort is like a bee hive, so full is it with Mexicans. It is thought they will make an assault on the rear of the fort, and try and repel the march of the troops from this place returning. Gen. T. leaves as soon as a reinforcement arrives here, which will enable the work to be defended without the force which he brought d own from above.

In haste, yours, S.S.F.

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RE46v43i7p4c5, May 22, 1846: ITEMS OF THE WAR.

In another column will be found a circumstantial and deeply interesting sketch, from the Picayune, of the recent gallant exploits at Matamoras. It bears a semi-official stamp, and may be relied upon. It must have, indeed, been hot work during one whole day. Is it not extraordinary, that the Mexicans should have fired some 12 or 1500 cannon shot, and only a single one told fatally upon a poor sergeant? Our cannons seem to have been directed with fearful accuracy.—Very few balls could have been wasted. It will be seen, that this account places the command of the forces left in the camp under Maj. Brown; the intelligence published yesterday assigns Maj. Ringold to the command. Whoever conducted the perilous and gallant, but successful defence, has shown himself to be a master of artillery, and will deserve honor at the hands of his country.

Gen. Taylor was to leave Point Isabel for the camp on the 7^th inst. He expected to encounter warm opposition, and this morning’s mail may bring us momentous intelligence. Reasoning from what has been done, we look for a glorious and decisive victory in the pitched battle expected between Gen. Taylor and the Mexican army.

Though disappointed in the hope that our own gallant Thornton had escaped safely into our camp, we are still pleased to know, that he is alive, though a prisoner of war in Matamoras, with his brave associates. His adventures are deeply tinged with romance. In some characteristics his exploits remind one of the Irish hero, Charles O’Malley.

Virginia will mourn over the fate of Lieut. Mason, of the Gunstin (Fairfax) family. He was brave and intelligent, and has lost his life nobly in a noble cause.

The N. O.Bulletin has no fears of a “disastrous battle” between Taylor and the Mexicans; expressing its belief that Gen. Taylor would not only leave Point Isabel secure, but would be able to make his way through any force the Mexicans could bring across the river. As for the camp opposite Matamoras, the same journal furnishes the following interesting and gratifying particulars:

“It is a regular bastion intrenchment fortification of five sides, very strong, and well supplied with guns. It has a force of about 550 men, with provisions, as we are informed, for thirty days, and abundance of ammunition except for the 18 pounders, which is accordingly husbanded. The enemy’s artillery, we infer from the little effect of his cannonading, is not so perfect or else not so well served as was supposed. The place may, therefore, we think, be counted free from danger except by assault. There was reason to think that an attempt to storm it was in contemplation by the Mexicans, and their irregular fire kept up for the purpose of fatiguing the garrison in advance. Maj. Brown, however, whom Gen. Taylor left in command, is represented as a very cool and prudent, as well as brave officer, and there is no fear that he will be found at fault; and as a successful assault upon a battery requires so much greater a degree of discipline and resolution than have ever been exhibited by the Mexicans, no attack they can make is likely to be successful.”.

The Picayune relates the following anecdote of the gallant Texas Ranger, Col. Hays, and vouches for its authenticity. We have often heard of the bravery and military “cunning” of this fine officer, in baffling the pursuit of large bodies of Mexicans, and we doubt not that he will be equal to the present crisis. Hancock Chevallie of this city, a fearless horseman and famous “Indian fighter, ” is attached to Hays’ company—young though he be, he has acquired a highly favorable reputation in the Texas Campaign. There is a “touch” of the chivalry of the Middle Ages, in the challenge and acceptance between the two proud chiefs:

“Col. Canales, a Mexican chief, at the head of a large body of cavalry, sent word to Col. Hays, then at San Antonio, to the effect that he, Canales was at the head of 1,200 Mexican cavalry upon the Arroyo Colorado, and should be very happy to receive there Col. Hays and the Rangers.

“To this Col. Hays promptly responded by the same messenger, that it would give him pleasure to pay his respects to Col. Canales, and that he would accordingly wait upon him for that purpose with 400n Rangers on Wednesday morning, the 6^th inst.

“Should this interchange of courtesies take place—and we have no reason to doubt it, for Hays is determined to cut his way to General Taylor’s camp—we shall assuredly hear of warmer work than any which has yet been reported.”.

The N. O.Tropic thinks that Vera Cruz is probably bombarded. The steam ship Mississippi, which sailed from Pensacola on the 4^th with the news of the commencement of war between this and the Mexican government, probably arrived at Vera Cruz on the 9^th. “Ere this we doubt not that the ‘Yankee Commodore, ’ has opened his battery on St. Juan d’Ulloa. He has the victorious example of Prince de Joinville before him, without any of the Prince’s advantages in attacking the Fort—Com. Connor will have to contend against heavier batteries, and better engineers; and the Mexicans will not let him take the position they did the French Prince in the attack. If our surmises are correct, our American tars are triumphant.”.

The French schooner Gironde, Capt. Pontele, has arrived at New Orleans. She was from Liverpool, bound for Matamoras, but was ordered off from the mouth of the Rio Grande, on the 1^st instant, by the U. S. Brig Lawrence.

The volunteers are being collected at New Orleans with new spirit. The Louisiana Legion, an admirable disciplined brigade of citizen soldiers, has offered its services. It will be commanded by Gen. Lewis.

Gen. Gaines has made the following requisitions, and Gov. Martin, of Alabama, has published his Proclamation, calling upon the people to comply with the call:

4 Reg’s	Infantry	(700 each)	from Kentucky,	2,800.
4 "	do.	do.	Tennessee,	2,800.
2 "	do.	do.	Mississippi,	1,400.
2 "	do.	do.	Missouri,	1,400.
2 "	do.	do.	Alabama	1.400.
				______
				9,800

Louisiana has furnished				2500
Gen. Saunders’ Mounted Gun Men,				1,000.
Texas will furnish 4 Regiments Infantry,				2,800
U. S. Troops now in Texas,				3,000.
				_______.
Total to be in the field,				19,000.

Every paper we open contains some call for a public meeting, or a notice of an organization of volunteer companies for the Mexican campaign. We could have no better proof that the people are ready for any emergency.

As an indication of the proper spirit animating the nation, we refer with pleasure to the fact, that, in New Orleans, William Debuys, Esq, who recently held the rank of Major General, has entered the ranks as a private in the Orleans Guards. To the same effect is the following compliment, in the New Orleans Commercial Times, to the disinterested conduct of the merchants of the Crescent City:

“We stated yesterday, a case of high-minded patriotism in the merchantile class of the city, with respect to their employes. We have since learned an additional fact, which highly redounds to the individuals the prominent characters therein. One of our largest trading houses offered their young men to continue them in their situations, and to allow them half their salaries, if the chose to volunteer for Texas, in defence of the integrity oft heir glorious country.”.

On the 12^th instant, at the French Theatre in New Orleans, the Orchestra was to execute between the 2d and 3d acts of Donizetti’s celebrated Opera of Les Martyrs, the March of General Taylor, composed and dedicated to the Rio Grande Army, by Mr. Prevost. The public mind seems to be aroused to the highest excitement by the exploits on the fields of Texas.

That the war will be most vigorously prosecuted no one can doubt. We have forborne long enough. We have been covered with insults, indignities and outrages. Such a peace as we had with Mexico was utterly delusive. It was a quasi-war, and uncertainty, embarrassment and gloom hung over our Southern frontier.-—It was time that the affair should be brought to a head. head. Mexico capped the climax of madness, by killing our own citizens on our own soil, and we are called upon to punish her insolence, and by one blow to settle all our complaints against her. This is no war of cupidity or plunder on our part. It is in self-defence, and to avenge the most glaring wrongs, that we have drawn the sword; but we must not sheathe it till we have forced from her a satisfaction of our numerous just claims, and secured a permanent and solid peace. We may pursue her army into the interior—we may capture her rich cities and fertile provinces—and we should hold them as pledges of her respect and good behavior, and thorough compliance with all her promises, express and implied. Our ambition extends no farther. A Washington correspondent of the New York Tribune, doubtless, speaks the truth when he says—.

“On hearing of the action of the Senate last night, the President remarked, I shall now give you [peace—I have the power; there is no friend of his country but desires such a consummation as rapidly as possible, and on terms of magnanimity, to an inferior and comparatively impotent adversary.”

Such we feel assured is the spirit which animates the President. He would pursue the War promptly and decisively, not to crush a fallen though once insolent foe, nor to strip her territory and wealth, but to obtain justice from her, and to establish a peace upon impregnable grounds. Can any American, however he may deplore the horrors of war, dispute the propriety of such a position?.

A CHANGE OF FRONT.—The Southern Recorder, a prominent Whig paper in Milledgeville, Georgia, has boldly come out for the bill of the committee of Ways and means, which de-destroys the “Whig Tariff of 1812, ” and proclaims it a good Southern Whig measure. It says, “Southern Whigs will find no difficulty in the way of a cordial support of the measure.” Is not this flat treason to the Whig cause? Will the Whigs of Virginia run up the same flag, or will they gibbet this deserter from their ranks? Is Georgia Whiggery different from that of Virginia? The question is an important one. However it may be, we rejoice that one Whig journal of the South has come out in favor of a principle, which, a few years since, was with a few exceptions, advocated by the whole South.
[BWP]

RE46v43i7p4c7, May 22, 1846: No title. HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES, May 12, 1846.

Gentlemen: Having observed in the Union of the 11^th inst., that in giving the vote on the bill which passed yesterday, entitled “An act providing for the prosecution of the existing war between the United States and the Republic of Mexico, ” you omitted my name in favor of the bill, and placed the vote for the bill at 173; whereas, on the journal, it is stated to be 174. This omission and inaccuracy doubtless was accidental.—As the bill is one of great importance, and having voted in favor of the measure, I wish my vote to be placed fully and fairly before my constituents. So, therefore, you will oblige me by inserting this note in your next paper. paper.

Most respectfully, EDMUND W. HUBARD.

To Messrs. RICHIE & HEISS.
[BWP]

A detachment of the Richmond Artillery Company turned out yesterday evening to receive General Scott—But he did not arrive.—They wished to salute him in military style, and cheer on the soldier in the arduous and honorable duty in which he will soon be engaged.
[BWP]

An immense meeting has been held at Harrisburg, Pa., in favor of sustaining the war with Mexico.
[BWP]

RE46v43i7p4c6, May 22, 1846: CAPT. WALKER.

A Washington correspondent of the Philadelphia North American says that the 50,000 volunteers are all to be called out, and 23,000 to be marched into the field as soon as they can be concentrated. The requisitions sent on last Friday, were as follows: “3 regiments from Indiana, 3 from Illinois, 3 from Kentucky, 3 from Tennessee and others. The residue of the 50,000 will be kept as a force of reserve, and be mustered in the service, so as to be ready for orders at a moment’s warning. Mark me, this will be a successful wear and a short one!”[BWP]

This brave soldier has acquitted himself with so much gallantry, that if he gain no more renown, he deserves, and must receive, the most honorable praise from his countrymen. We learn that he once lived in this city a cabinet-maker. cabinet-maker. If he have to boast many more deeds of valor, he may, some day, in virtue of the military prestige, so powerful in this country, be employed in a cabinet-making of a different kind. [Yesterday’s Times.

The last arrivals confirm the account of the loss sustained by Capt. W.’s command in their fight with a large body of Mexicans, though he had only 24 men, instead of 75, as was stated in one narrative. We are glad to hear that but six of his men were killed, the remainder making their way into Point Isabel.

The Times may not be far out of its reckoning, in regard to the probable political honors of the gallant captain. A New Orleans paper already designates him as the future Governor of Tamaulipas. Such services deserve ample reward—and we are pleased to learn that Richmond was once his head quarters.
[BWP]

RE46v43i7p4c6, May 22, 1846: No title.

At a meeting in Washington city last week for the purpose of forming a volunteer company. Col. R. M. Johnson was loudly called for, . . .[illegible] . . . addressed the meeting in his usual style of oratory. He said he was not for stopping on the Rio Grande, if he had his way. He would march into the interior of Mexico, and cut their departments right and left. He was not desirous of a war, but the time had arrived when forbearance had ceased to be a virtue. He spoke of cutting off California from the Republic of Mexico, and if the people desire it, he was in favor of annexing California to our country. He said the present war was only a wedding and a dinner compared with the last struggle for our independence. He concluded by saying he was for acting not speaking; which was responded to with three hearty cheers of approbation from the multitude.
[BWP]

We are so much delighted with the true spirit, eloquence and justice of the following resolutions, unanimously adopted, on motion of Mr. Richardson, by the City Council of the Monumental city, that we give them entire. Baltimore is always in the lead, when the honor of the country is at stake:

Whereas, The peace of the civilized world has been broken by the military authorities of Mexico, and the soil of the United States has been invaded by a portion of her army, and whereas, these acts of defiance and outrage upon the United States, have been preceded by a systematic and long continued course of a faithlessness, falsehood and insolence, upon the part of the government of Mexico towards this country; and whereas, it is the duty of the General Government to extend its care and protection over every citizen of the Union, and over every foot of its soil, therefore.

Resolved, By the Mayor and City Council of Baltimore, that we fully approve of the whole course pursued by the administration, in the annexation, occupancy and defence of Texas; and that we have entire confidence that the interests, the honor and the glory of the country will be protected, preserved and increased by the triumphant issue of the contest forced upon us by the invasion of our soil on the part of Mexico.

Resolved, That the prompt and decided action of both houses of Congress, upon the announcement that war had been commenced by Mexico, meets with our hearty approval, and will be hailed with enthusiasm by the patriotism of the country.

Resolved, That the city of Baltimore is prepared, whenever occasion may demand it, to show that the blood of the :Old Maryland Line” still courses in the veins of her sons, and that they are now, as were their fathers in the revolution, ready to stake “their lives, their fortunes and their sacred honor, ” in defence of their country and their country’s rights.

Resolved, That the Mayor of the city, with such assistants as he may deem necessary, be empowered and directed to have all the public arms now scattered throughout the city collected and properly repaired, and placed in some suitable and safe position, ready for service.

Resolved, That the sum of one thousand dollars, or so much thereof as may be necessary, be, and the same is hereby appropriated out of any money in the treasury, or to come into the treasury, for the purpose of carrying out the above resolutions, to be paid by the Register upon the draft of the Mayor.
[BWP]

RE46v43i7p4c7, May 22, 1846: VIRGINIA LEGION.

We understand from the Washington Union that, on Saturday last, the following vessels were ordered to repair forthwith to the seat of war.

Steamers Spencer, McLane and Legare.

Schooners Ewing, Woodbury, Morris, and (unreadable)ward, with an aggregate force of two hundred and fifty men and thirty-five guns of from thirty-two to twelve pound calibre.
[BWP]

We would call the attention of the Volunteer Corps, who may be disposed to unite in the formation of a Virginia Legion, to the resolution adopted unanimously by the Artillery Company on Tuesday night. If action is to be had we think that the present is the auspicious moment. We hope to see delegates from all the Volunteer Corps, who may be able to reach this place by the 29^th May.
[BWP]

RE46v43i7p4c7, May 22, 1846: MILITARY MEETING.

At a meeting of the Richmond Fayette Artillery Company, held at Military Hall on the 19th May, 1846, on motion of Lieut. Ritchie, it was unanimously.

Resolved, 1. That, in the present condition of our relations with Mexico, it is proper that every citizen should hold himself in readiness to . . .[illegible] . . . whatever issue may arise.

2.That his Company is still actuated by the same impulse of duty which occasioned . . .[illegible] . . .der of its services to the President of the United States in the summer of last year, and ready now, as it ever has been, to obey any call which may be made upon it in consequence thereof.

3. That still further to promote the efficiency of the Volunteers who may respond in Virginia to the call of the country, this Company . . .[illegible] . . . with high gratification the proposition for the formation of a VIRINGIA LEGION.

4. That this Company invites the officers of or delegates from other companies which may be willing to unite in the formation of a Virginia Legion, to meet it at its Anniversary, on 29th of the present month, to devise measures successfully to carry out this design.

5. That the Captain of this Company be requested to apply to the Governor of Virginia for tents and camp equipage for this Company with a view to the formation of an encampment during the summer, or for the use of the Corps in case it is sooner called into service. THOS. H. ELLIS, Captain. E. RAUS, Secretary.
[BWP]

RE46v43i7pc6, May 22, 1846: (Correspondence of the Baltimore American.) WASHINGTON, May 18, 5 1/2 P.M.

The President ordered 43,500 men in all, to be enrolled and made ready to be called into public service at any moment. This includes the troops already called out from the Southwest, and the additional number will be from other sections of the Union. New York will be called upon for eight regiments, Pennsylvania for six, and so on.

Two millions of money more you will observe have been asked for by the Chairman of the Committee of Ways and Means to feed and clothe 8,000 men added last week to the rank and file of the Standing Army, and for the Oregon regiment of mounted volunteers.
[BWP]

We understand that orders were received here on Monday for the immediate . . .[illegible] . . . and equipment of the Revenue Cutter “Polk.”[BWP]

RE46v43i7p4c7, May 22, 1846: REQUISTION ON MARYLAND FOR TWO THOUSAND TROOPS.

A Washington letter says that the Committee on Naval Affairs in the House of Representatives have determined to recommend the construction of twelve iron steamers and one . . .[illegible] . . .ship—the steamers to be of 1,500 tons . . .[illegible] . . .
[BWP]

We learn that the President has made a requisition on the Governor of Maryland for two thousand troops to be brought into immediate service in the War with Mexico. A Proclamation may therefore be expected from Governor Pratt to-day.
[BWP]

The Washington Union of Tuesday night says the President continues to receive numerous offers of service from Volunteers.
[BWP]

RE46v43i8p1c1, May 26, 1846: From the Richmond Enquirer, Extra, May 23.

Governor Shunk of Pennsylvania h as issued a Proclamation called upon the citizens of that State to hold themselves in readiness promptly to meet and repel the enemies of the Republic, and to preserve the rights and honor and secure the perpetuity of the Union.
[BWP]

Glorious News from the Seat of War!

THE MEXICANS TWICE ROUTED!!!
1200 Mexicans Killed!
THE ENEMY’S GUNS CARRIED AT THE POINT OF THE BAYONET!

The Southern cars came in this morning with flying colors, and brought us joyful tidings from the seat of war. The N. Orleans Picayune and the Advertiser of the 18th inst. furnish the news, the substance of which is given below. No slips were forwarded to Richmond. But a passenger supplied the editors of the Republican with one, and we are indebted to that office for favoring us with a copy:--.

There have been two engagements between General Taylor and the American Troops. The first occurred on the 7t^hinstant, when General Taylor was returning from Point Isabel to his Camp, opposite Matamoras. In this the Mexicans, from 5,000 to 7,000, were repulsed, our army sleeping on the field of battle, on which next day were found 200 Mexicans dead, several pieces of artillery, stores, &c. Maj. Ringgold died subsequently from the wound in this action.

Of the second battle we can only give the following particulars from the Picayune:

The U. S. Steamer Col. Harney arrived this morning, just as our paper was going to press, from Brazos Santiago, having left on the 13^th inst. Her news is glorious to our arms.

She brings official accounts of a second battle between the Mexican and American forces, which took place on the 9^th, commencing at half past 3 o’clock, P. M., within three miles of Camp Taylor. The action was upon the edge of a ravine, and one mile from the chapparal, which was here about 12 miles in width.

The Mexicans commenced the action with their artillery, which was posted so as to sweep the n arrow pass by which Gen. Taylor was advancing; there being a swamp on either hand, Gen. Taylor immediately ordered a charge in the teeth of the enemy’s destructive fire, and the troops promptly responded, and carried the enemy’s guns at the point of the bayonet.

So sudden and impetuous was the attack, and so successful, that Arista had not time to save his papers, which, with all his correspondence, fell into the hands of General Taylor.

The action lasted one hour and a half, in which some 600 Mexicans were either killed or wounded , and the Americans took 800 prisoners and eight pieces of artillery. The American loss in this action was but sixty-two, killed and wounded.

Among the killed were Colonel McIntosh, Lieutenant Cochran, Colonel Brown, (by the bursting of a shell, ) Lieutenant Eng, and one or two others, whose names are not given. Colonel Payne, Lieutenants Gates, Burgank, Hooe, Luther and others, were wounded.

We regret to say that Maj. Ringgold, who was so severely wounded in the action of the 8^th, died on the 10^th inst., and was buried next day with the honors of war.

The total loss of the Americans in the two actions of the 8^th and 9^th, was at least 1200. The Mexican force amounted to at least 6000 men, while that of the Americans on the ground did not exceed 1600 men.

An exchange of prisoners took place between the two armies subsequent to the action, by which Capts. Thornton and Hardee and Lieut. Kane have been returned to the army. Lieut. Deas was not demanded, and still remains a prisoner.—Among the prisoners taken by Gen. Taylor, was Gen. Vega. For him two American officers were offered in exchange, but it was declined to give him up, save in exchange for an American of equal rank, whenever one should be taken.

Gen. Vega and two Mexican lieutenants were sent over by Gen. Taylor on the Col. Harney as prisoners of war. Gen. Vega was allowed to be accompanied by one of his aides, a Lieut. Colonel, as a friend.

The Mexican army was so confident of victory that every preparation had been made to celebrate it; but all their preparations fell into the hands of the
Americans. In their flight, many of the Mexicans took to the river and were drowned in their attempt to swim.

Gen. Taylor reached his camp the afternoon of the action. Leaving there his whole force, he started the next morning for Point Isabel, and arrived there the evening of the 10^th without molestation. The morning of the 11^th he started back for his camp opposite Matamoras. We need not say that he and his army are in the highest spirits.

Credible information had been received, that the American Consul, and all the American citizens at Matamoras, had been arrested and sent to Saltillo, a small town about 130 miles back of Matamoras.

The friends of Capt. Thornton will be gratified to learn that he is still living. Letters had been received from him in the camp, announcing that he had been captured by the enemy, and was held a prisoner at Matamoras.
[BWP]

RE46v43i8p1c2, May 26, 1846: [Correspondence of the Tropic.].

Announcement of the coming of Volunteers—Unexpected arrival of Commodore Connor at Brazos Santiago—General Taylor starts for Matamoras—Commodore Connor reinforced Point Isabel—Excitement—News from the battle-field—Retreat—Capture of Artillery—Mexican officer shot by his own men—Captain Page wounded—Louisiana Volunteers—Uncle Sam’ Sailors on shore. BRAXOS SNATIAGO, May 10.

Since my last, (not received) we have had two arrivals, the New York and brig Millandon. The last brought the news that six steam boats, with four thousand Volunteers, were about starting when she left. The news made us most cheerful, as we could not have then expected the result that has since taken place without troops.

Despatches had been sent to Vera Cruz by General Taylor—contents to us subs unknown, but rumor would have it, that aforesaid Vera Cruz was to have been bombarded. bombarded. Judge of our surprise, then, when, at day-light on the morning of the 8^th, after the whole squadron (Falmouth excepted) appeared off our harbor. The Commodore had not received the despatches from her, but was informed at Vera Cruz that the Mexicans had marched 6 or 7,000 troops across by land to assist General Arista inwhipping General Taylor.

Commodore Connor, therefore, thought very wisely that his presence here would do some good in the way of re-inforcements. Gladly was he welcomed, as Gen. Taylor had marched out the evening previous to meet and conquer the enemy, taking with him twenty-two hundred men, teamsters included, with two hundred and fifty teams loaded with ammunitions, provisions, &c., which the Mexicans were no doubt apprised of, as the teams had been loaded ever since Monday last, awaiting the orders for a march at a moment’s warning.

Gen. T. left Point Isabel with little over four hundred men to defend it. Maj. Monroe, commanding here, sent a requisition to Com. Connor for as many men as he could spare, as we heard firing about 2, P. M., of the 8^th, which continued with but little intermission until dark. Com. C. sent ashore about two hundred and fifty men, and on the 9^th 4 or 500 more, which makes this place strong enough to withstand an attack against 20,000 men.

Believe me when I say there was the greatest excitement here all the afternoon of the 8^th, as we could plainly hear the cannonading from the field of battle.

On the evening of the 8^th, Mr. Murray and Mr. Bacon volunteered to go and find out the result.

On the morning of the 9^th, a black boy came into camp, gave a history of the fight, which was about the time, but as he had run away and left his team, he was not believed.

At three, P. M., of the 9^th, Messrs. M. and B. returned and stated as follows:.

They got to Gen. Taylor’s present camp, sixteen miles from here at 3. A. M., there learned that the army marched until about 13 miles from here, when they saws the Mexicans drawn up in battle array across his road, he immediately gave his orders for the teams to halt until the 23d Brigade had passed. The Mexicans were on the prairie near the edge of the Chapparal: when Taylor got within a bout three quarters of a mile, they opened upon him with their flying artillery. Gen. Taylor arrived with Capt. Duncan and Major Ringold’s companies, and at it they went until about sunset, when the Mexicans had retreated to the edge of the Chapparal, and ceased firing.

After which, Gen. Taylor fired ten or fifteen guns at them, and set to work throwing up two breast-works. At daylight the Mexicans were in the edge of the Chapparal. A council of war was held by Gen. Taylor, and it was agreed that one Brigade should advance up to the Chapparal in hopes to draw the Mexicans into a renewal of the fight, but the more the troops advanced upon them the more they want there—the Mexicans having retreated leaving three pieces of artillery, and quantity of ammunition—from FOUR to SIX HUNDRED DEAD upon the field, and God only knows how many wounded that they took away. One Mexican, who was stationed at one of their batteries, says every body but himself at the batteries was killed—says the guns beat any thing they ever dreamed of, they were so quick. One of the Mexican officers in trying to rally his men, found he could not hand commenced to cut them with his sword, when his troops shot him dead.—We had 11 killed, and about ten mortally wounded.

Capt. Page, of the 3d, had all the lower part of his face shot off with a cannon ball—it is thought he will recover, though horribly mutilated. Maj. Ringold had the fleshy part of both his legs shot through, and horse killed—none of his bones broken, which is wonderful. Our informant says the field of battle was strewed with the dead, and they could hear the groans of the Mexican wounded all night at Gen. T .’s camp. The Mexican’s were commanded by Gen. Mejia. Mejia. There is no doubt they have retreated across the river . When the volunteers arrive you may depend you will hear of them “revelling in the halls of the Montezumas, ” or “peace and good will” will be whipped into those bombastic Mexicans. It is a matter of surprise that so few were lost on our side.

The monotony of this place has been relieved the last two days by the drilling of “Uncle Samuel’s” “web-feet” or “barnacle-backs” that came here from the Squadron. You would be surprised to see with what dexterity and precision they go through their evolutions with muskets, and no one could resist a laugh to hear some of their sayings. One old salt said this morning “Damn and blast my eyes! here is a ship ashore, and poor Jack on his beam ends.” This speech was addressed to himself, when looking on the tent that had been pitched, and was of sufficient dimensions to hold about fifty-two.

One third of the whole number of the men from the Squadron are Marines, the balance Tars. I should picture to myself a soldier, riding horseback on a cow, as soon as that I should see four or five hundred sailors going into war with muskets on their shoulders; but you could not restrain them from going against the Mexicans with only a knife and fork , if you would only show them a chance, for they are all “eager for the fray.” Yours, &c.
[BWP]

RE46v43i8p1c1, May 26, 1846: LATEST NEWS, From the Mobile Advertiser, Extra May 18.

Triumph of the American Arms!
GEN. TAYLOR AGAIN VICTORIOUS!!

(Correspondence of the New Orleans Tropic.) BRASOS SANTIAGO, May 13.

At the receipt of the news of the first battle I wrote you a short account—the result of the second is now on hand; and it is most decisive. It now appears that the Mexicans had only 5,000 men in the field at the first battle, and 4,000 stowed away in the chapparel near the battle-ground. It was their intention to have made but a slight attack the first day, but, being so closely pressed, they were obliged to fight in order to make good their retreat to where the 4,000 were on the chapparel. In the first fight a general officer had his head shot off: it is not yet ascertained who he was, as his body could only be recognized by his dress as he lay upon the field.

Gen. Taylor advanced the morning of the first battle into the chapparel, then sent 800 picked men, under the command of Capt. McCall, to reconnoitre. He advanced unmolested until near . . .[illegible] . . .P. M., (the army following at a distance) when Capt. McCall sent word to Gen. Taylor that he had received a charge of grape from the enemy, and lost two men. The army was then deployed, and Capt. May, 2d Dragoons, ordered to charge the battery that had thrown the grape, and to take it, if he lost every man. He obeyed orders, took the battery of four guns and lost but one man. The battery was commanded by Gen. De La Vega, who was taken prisoner.

Our little army of an army then rent the air with their huzzas, and rushing shouting upon the enemy, committed the most dreadful havoc among them, taking eight pieces of artillery, 155,000 rounds of cartridge, and 500 packed mules. Gen. Arista’s camp bedstead contained all his private and public baggage papers, which latter will be of great value, as we now have the key to the whole campaign, which will enable Gen. T. to form his plans so as to entirely defeat their designs.

We took all and everything they had, four hundred prisoners, and the army baggage. The enemy had between 8 and 9,000 troops in the two battles but we with 1,800 troops completely routed them.

We exchanged prisoners—got Capts. Thornton, Hardee, and his little band. Our officers while prisoners were well treated, having lived with Ampudia ever since they were taken. Gen. Taylor would not exchange for Lieut. Deas as a prisoner of war, as it would be sanctioning his crossing the river, which he did not, having reprobated his crossing in the severest manner.

In this second and glorious battle, we lost about the same number of men as in the first, but had more officers wounded. Capt. Walker with his heroic band of Rangers, was the last that fired at the Mexicans; the army left him and his comrades on the bank of the river shooting them as they attempted to cross.

To-morrow Gen. Taylor leaves here to make an attack on Matamoras, in connection with Com. Connor, who has sent a boat expedition up the river.

I forgot to mention that Gen. Taylor arrived here yesterday with all our wounded, between 50 and 60, with Gen. Romulus De la Vega, one Mexican Captain and two Lieutenants, who go with this letter in the Col. Harney.

The Augusta from new Orleans arrived last evening. The mules from Matamoras, some 500, were sent in to-day, as well as the Mexican wounded.

I should not forget to mention that all the shell, ball, and grape shot of the Mexicans are made of brass or copper. This letter I must close, with details of glory enough for one day!.

In the decisive battle Gen. Taylor lost about sixty killed and wounded, among whom there were three officers, viz: Lieut. Inges, of the Dragoons; Lieut. Cochran, of the 4^th Infantry, and Lieut. Chadburn, of the 8^th Infantry. Among the wounded are Col. Maeintosh, of the 5^th Infantry; Lieut. Col. Payne, 4^th Artillery, and Capt. Hooe, 5^th Infantry—most of them slightly, and none supposed mortally.

Major Ringgold, well known as the commander of the Flying Artillery, also died on the 11^th, from wounds received in the action of the 8^th.

Captain Page, who was wounded in the same engagement, we are happy to state, is rapidly recovering. Lieut. Luther, also slightly wounded, is convalescent.
[BWP]

RE46v43i8p1c2, May 26, 1846: [From the N. O. Tropic—Third Edition, 1 PM.]

STILL LATER FROM THE ARMY!
THE GALVESTON ARRIVED

The Galveston is just in, having left Brassos Santiago on the evening of the 13^th. We hasten to lay the news by her before our readers. readers. We have the following from the Galveston Civilian of the 15^th:.

On the morning of the 13^th, Gen. Taylor and his staff, with the guard that had brought down the t rain, &c., started for his camp. He was met by an express a few miles from Point Isabel, informing him that 8,000 fresh troops had arrived in Matamoras, 2,000 of which had crossed over, and 1,100more had crossed the Rio Grande at Barrita, near the Bocachica, not more than eight miles from Point Isabel. Gen. Taylor returned to Point Isabel at once, and made preparations to leave next day with such forces as were arriving. The steamship Galveston landed 450 Infantry, (Regulars and Volunteers;) the Augusta landed about 250; Capt. Price arrived via Padre Island from Corpus Christi, with his company of 70 mounted Rangers. They all reached the Point on the 13^th. The Telegraph and James L. Day will doubtless land their troops, amounting to upwards of 800, at Point Isabel on the 14^th. Great credit is due to Captain Jeremiah Smith of the steamship Cincinnati, and Capt. R. McBaker of the Monmouth, for the skill, energy and promptness shown in management of their boats in transporting troops and supplies across the Bay at the Brassos Santiago.

General Paredes is at the head of 15,00 troops, on his way to Matamoras. It may possibly be, that the fresh troops arrived at Matamoras, in the advance division of his army. No doubt the enemy were fully advised that General Taylor had left for Point Isabel, and their plan is to try and capture him on his return, whilst a strong force, crossing above, is to come down upon his army. General Taylor appeared highly pleased with the intelligence; for since the war has opened, and no mistake, the excitement and activity attending operations, opens a new era to his vigorous achievements, and all have marked how much better he looks than when confined to the “masterly inactivity” of the Corpus Christi Campaign.
[BWP]

RE46v43i8p1c2, May 26, 1846: THE FORT.

The Mexicans have continued their firing into the Fort opposite Matamoras, nearly ever since General Taylor left the works.

The brave and gallant Maj. Brown died on the 10^th, from a wound received in his thigh by the explosion of one of the enemy’s shells. His wound was not considered dangerous, but as he was placed in one of the bomb-proof burrows, mortification ensued, from the want of fresh air. His death is deeply deplored by the army; his intrepid conduct in foiling every attempt of the enemy to reduce the Fort prepared them in a measure to anticipate the result of these conflicts with our brave army. The strength of the Fort and skill with which it is defended, is incomprehensible to the Mexicans, and indeed well it might be, for they have thrown upwards of fourteen hundred shot and shell into the works, and every morning they present the same appearance; our loss has only been two or three in the Fort. The constant practice the enemy have had in firing at it, has taught them the proper bearing to give to their guns, and almost every shot falls within the works. The Fort is never idle, and the ramparts and dwellings of Matamoras exhibit ruins as plainly as those of a hundred centuries, when gaping forth their lamentation of lo! And behold what desolation is here.

The sloop of war St. Mary’s arrived from Pensacola on the 10^th; the steamer Mississippi on the 12^th from Vera Cruz. The Bainbridge is off the Rio Grande, enforcing the blockade. The schr.Flirt sailed for N. Orleans on the 7^th.

It is stated that an expedition is to be sent by boats of the squadron to take the town of Barita, 16 miles from the mouth of the river, where there is a military force.

Gen. Vega, is the Col. Vega that was captured by the Texan forces at the Slaughter of San Jacinto. He was also at the Fall of the Alamo, and is a brave and accomplished officer.
[BWP]

RE46v43i8p1c5, May 26, 1846: PARTY SPIRIT.

In the present crisis, we would cheerfully drop the character of partizans, and until the storm of war be past, unite with all political parties, whatever be their hue, in devising measures for the vigorous prosecution and termination of the war with Mexico. We have never, for party effect, claimed any great honor for the Administration in the management of the difficult questions before it. We have contended that the President had done his duty and nothing but his duty. We have been willing to wait until peace is restored, for a fair and full trial of the Administration upon the merits of the Mexican affair. If for party purposed we quarrel among ourselves, how c an we expect to see union at home, or secure the respect of foreign nations? The Whig press, with some few exceptions, have, in our judgment, exhibited a most unpatriotic and improper spirit in this matter. They have denounced the President as the most miserable culprit, and have assailed the criminality of the war, as invoking the vengeance of Heaven.

As conductors of a free press, we have been forced to hold up to public condemnation many of the Whig journals for their violent course in regard to the Mexican war. We to-day make a few extracts from journals of the same party, and show that in their spirit and their assaults upon the Government, they have given this cue to some of the bitterest opponents, in a Foreign Government, of our political institutions and national rights. As good party-men, they may feel conscious of doing their whole duty—but they show themselves to be poor patriots. The New York Express continues its furious attacks upon the Administration, upon Congress, and upon the virtue and intelligence of the American people, embracing a large majority of its own party:

“There is an utter and complete revolution in our country, and a conversion of our Republic into a despotism, if the one-man power, the Executive of it, can declare war. We vain Republicans, if this be the fact, are only cheated by a name, and we are not better off then the subjects of the Amocrat Nicholas, or of the Emperor of Austria. When a despot orders war, subjects obey. Is this our case? Let us see.

“Mr. Polk has not ordered war, it is very true, but he has made war inevitable, and upon this evasion, it is attempted to get him off. The one-man power of government, in imitation of the one-man power of governments over sea, as Commander-in-Chief of the army and navy, directs the invasion of the State of a neighboring republic, and without the then useless formality of a declaration of war, war necessarily ensues-—that is, a war created and declared by one man, and only one man, in which from love of country, from sympathy, and from the laws of self-defence, a whole nation of subjects follow.

“Now, it is just as easy for Mr. Polk to involve us in a war with Great Britain, as in a war with Mexico, and precisely upon the same principles. Thus, what has been hitherto considered of some importance, in responsible monarchies, viz: the declaration of war, is to become a mere empty nothing, in our so called, but, if Mr. Polk is right, misnamed, responsible Republic. The Exeutive here in America, we see, enacts war, just as the Executive in Europe, Asia, or Africa.

“The highest, most august, and awful exercise of human power, is in the creation of war. But this high and mighty power of sovereignty, this semblance of the prerogative of the Divinity, a chance elected President of ours, whom the spasms of only a party ejected into place, clothes himself with, and when the country is at peace, happy and quiet, he secretly and clandestinely whispers a decree, that creates all the horrors of a war between two formerly friendly, and once sympathising Republics. He degrades us in the eyes of Philanthropy, and Constitutional Liberty, from the august pedestal of Peace, on which for thirty years we have stood, and confuses us with the rabble of ever-warring and butchering Spanish American Republics, that disgrace the name of liberty.

“The mournful moral of this picture is not, however, that one man has dared to do such a thing, as that a great party can be found so infatuated, so blind, so forgetful of their duty to Constitutional Liberty, as to sustain him! The sting of the reflection is, that even we Americans love a party more than we love liberty! The idolatry, we see, and we tremble as we see, that disgraces the Hindoo, and makes him unfit for freedom or Christianity, disgraces too many even among us, the only difference being that they worship images of things and creatures, and we worship a party!"[BWP]

RE46v43i8p1c6, May 26, 1846: The News Confirmed.

The Southern mail of Sunday confirmed, to a great degree, the glorious intelligence received on Saturday, of the double defeat of the Mexicans: which news came on so rapidly by express, that many persons gave it not credit. From all accounts we gather, that in the first battle (of the 8^th, ) 200 Mexicans were killed, and in the second battle (9^th inst.) from 400 to 600 were found dead on the field—to say nothing of those who were wounded or drowned in the river. One account states that 2400 Mexicans were missing. We find in the N. Orleans Delta the following striking anecdote of the first battle:

“When Gen. Taylor came in sight of the enemy, their number appeared so large that he exclaimed, ‘Friends, we must vanquish or die!’ –saying which he ordered the dragoons to charge on the Mexican Artillery. They immediately obeyed their commander’s order, and made such an onslaught on them that they were compelled to abandon nine field pieces and seek their safety in flight.”

The New Orleans Picayune gives a detailed account of the engagement of the 8^th. We deplore the death of our gallant officers and soldiers. We are pained to hear that our old friend and school-fellow, Lieutenant Joseph Selden, is among the wounded:

“Gen. Taylor left Point Isabel on the 7^th inst., with 2,000 men and 250 wagons loaded with stores, for the fort opposite Matamoras. On the 8^th, came in sight of the Mexican army, and when quite near, both armies commenced firing with their artillery. The Mexicans, from 7,000 to 10,000 strong, surrounded Gen. Taylor, but those on the rear were soon compelled to retreat. The battle commenced at noon, and a constant roar of cannon was kept up until dark, when all was quiet. The Mexicans retreated, but the American army slept on the battle field in battle array. About 200 Mexicans were left dead.—The American firing was so destructive that the Mexican officers could not bring their men to a charge.

“On the 8^th, three frigates, one sloop and two brigs of war arrived off the Bar, from Vera Cruz, and came to anchor; and, on hearing the roar of cannon, sent five hundred men to Point Isabel, to protect our depot of stores, or reinforce Gen. Taylor, if necessary. They were all well armed, and anxious for a fight with the Mexicans.—While the battle was being fought, two companies of Mexican artillery came down to Cross, Bocha Chica, and marched up the beach to take possession of our vessels with stores, which were obliged to anchor very near the Point. Our flag ship Cumberland got under way and ran down towards them—seeing which, the wheeled and returned back.

“By the official report of the action, it appears that Colonel McIntosh is not killed, but desperately wounded. Major Brown, not Colonel, as we stated, was killed in command of Fort Taylor by the explosion of a shell. The following is as complete a list of the officers killed and wounded on our side, in both actions, as we have been able to obtain:

“Killed.—Major Brown, 7^th Infantry—wounded in Fort Taylor—died on the 10^th; Major Ringold, 3d Artillery, wounded on the 8^th, and died on the 10^th; Lieutenant Inges, 2d Dragoons; Lieutenant Cochrane, 4^th Infantry; Lieutenant Chadburne, 8^th Infantry.

“Wounded.—Lieutenant Colonel McIntosh, 5^th Infantry; Lieutenant Colonel Payne, 4^th Artillery; Captains Page, (in the action of the 8^th, ) Hooe, Montgomery; Leiutenants Luther, (in the action of the 8^th, ) Gates, Selden, McClure, Burbank, Jordan, and Fowler.

“The Mexicans killed, wounded and missing, cannot be easily ascertained. General Taylor sent over on the 10^th permission to General Arista to send over Doctors to assist in taking care of his wounded—they came over last night, and reported forty-eight of the Mexican officers missing, while we lost but three. The Americans are all doing well, says a letter from an officer.”.

Some of the ammunition taken from the enemy in the first engagement was used upon them in the second.

The following Mexican officers were taken prisoners: Gen. La Vega, Lieuts. Prada and Velez, Lieut. Col. Martines, Aid-de-Camp to Gen. La Vega, accompanied the Gen. voluntarily. They arrived at New Orleans on the 17^th May, on the Col. Harney, in the charge of Lieut. J. J. Reynolds of the 4^th Artillery.

Gen. Ampudia is reported to have been taken prisoner.

In addition to the accounts of these glorious exploits of the army, we learn by the steamer Galveston, that President Paredes, with 15,000 men was marching to Matamoras. If this be so, it is a very good thing. Gen. Taylor with his forces reinforced to eight or ten thousand, will be enabled by one blow to cut down the Mexican power, and put an end to the war. But we hope that no time will be lost in marching into the interior of the country, say as far as Saltillo, (130 miles, ) and forcing Mexico to a full acknowledgement of all our demands. By this means alone can we hope to obtain a solid peace.

Louisiana has covered herself with glory. See what the Delta says of the patriotic conduce of her Legislature:

“Since the completion of the Regiments required by Gen. Taylor, many companies of volunteers have arrived, and are daily arriving, from the country parishes, under the call made by our Governor. The question arose yesterday as to the disposition to be made of these volunteers, the State having already filled the requisition, and the appropriation of 100,000 dollars by the State having been entirely exhausted. The House of Representatives yesterday responded nobly to this question, by voting 200,000 dollars more, to be used, at the discretion of the Governor, in the equipment and transportation of volunteers for national defence on the Rio Grande.

“This is the only way in which this nation can ever be sustained in time of war. The States bordering upon the seat of warmust, and will be expected to, take the responsibility, and act for the General Government, making all necessary advances of men and money, and relying upon Congress for reimbursement. It will never do to allow any corps of volunteers, who have come here at the call of the Governor, to return home with the word that there were no means provided for their equipment and transportation. We would have no more volunteers in future emergencies.—We hope that on Monday the Senate will promptly pass this bill. It is but a loan, for a few days, to the National Government, and may, by forwarding at once to the seat of war the force necessary to strike a decisive blow, be the means of saving to the nation the expenditure of millions.”[BWP]

RE46v43i8p1c7, May 26, 1846: THE EMPIRE CITY FOR EVER!.

We take great pleasure inlaying before our readers the resolutions unanimously adopted, on motion of L. D. Slamm, Esq., at the monster meeting in New York, of which our correspondent gave so graphic a sketch. It is one of the proudest indications of the spirit of the country. All party feeling seems to have been hushed and “the country, the whole country, ” was the thrilling watch-word. The present conflict with Mexico will prove of eminent service in uniting the nations, as one man, upon all questions affecting the rights or honor of the country. Will England or any other foreign power rush madly into an unjust war with the United States, when she sees the whole-souled movement of New York? Had it been necessary, it is said, a whole Regiment might have been raised at the great meeting on Wednesday. Should this war with Mexico lead to a collision with the “balance-of-power” monarchies of Europe, our citizen-soldiers will be ready at all points and at a short notice, to resist and repel assault. Our merchant vessels and steamers can be prepar4ed for action, and an efficient and gallant Navy be instantly put in order. We deprecate the extension of this war to other powers, but at the same time we feel confident, that if Europe is resolved to force upon us the issue, there never was a moment when we were better prepared to meet it. But we have great confidence, that the imposing moral attitude we now present will have a material influence in the settlement of all our great national difficulties. While we are willing to do all that is just and proper to maintain the peace of the world, we are also ready to resist all invasion of our rights, from what quarter it may come.

Here are the eloquent and patriotic resolves of the people of New York:

The Citizens of the City and County of New York in General Meeting assembled, in view of the fact that “a state of War exists between the Government of Mexico and the United States, ” passed the following resolutions:

Resolved, That the aggravated and multiplied wrongs to which our country has been subjected by the authorities of Mexico for a long series of years, and for which reparation has been repeatedly demanded, and continue to be withheld, and which are at last followed by the refusal to receive and Envoy, appointed to make an amicable adjustment of existing controversies, and consummated by actual hostilities, have brought our relations with that country to a crisis, in which forbearance ceases to be a virtue, and submission would be deemed pusillanimous by the civilized world.

Resolved, That this meeting cordially approve of the authority given by Congress to the President of the United States to call out 50,000 volunteers, and for the employment of the army and navy of the United States in defending the American soil thus unexpectedly assailed, and in the signal and even avenging punishment of its invaders—that this is a cause in which we can appeal with entire confidence for the purity of our motives to the God of battles, and with a full reliance upon the resistless energies of our fellow-citizens, to defeat the enemy and preserve the integrity of the Union—and we hereby pledge our lives and fortunes to support the Government of the United States in the just and necessary WAR in which we are now engaged with Mexico.

Resolved, That it is the public expectation that this government will be prompt, vigorous and extensive in its operations by land and sea—offensive and defensive. That in the successful prosecution of the war, the moral standing of the government of the United States with the governments of the world is more or less involved. That, therefore, vigor, promptitude, decision, and a wise liberality, are imperatively requisite on the part of the constitutional authorities, to beget that confidence in the navy and army, and among the people, so essential to lead to a result at once brief, honorable and triumphant.

Resolved, That for the purpose of anticipating any requisition that may be made upon the city and county of New York, it is respectfully requested that the Common Council extend every facility for the enrolment of volunteers, by granting the use of such public buildings as are convenient for places of rendezvous; and that the military companies now organized be requested immediately to hold a convention to adopt an efficient system of enrolment, and devise means for for the harmonious action of all those patriotic citizens who feel disposed to respond to any call the government may make upon them.

Resolved, That a Committee of Safety, consisting of twenty-five citizens, be appointed by the Chair, with authority to collect such information, and make such suggestions to the National Government as the interests of the country and the city of New York will seem to require.

Be it further Resolved, That the thanks of the citizens of New York be, and they are hereby presented to General Taylor, and the officers and soldiers under his command, for the consummate skill and undaunted courage displayed by them on the 3d instant in an engagement with and defeat of the enemy before Matamoras, which has decked with fresh laurels the gallant General and his brave officers and soldiers, and covered the American arms with unfading glory.

Resolved, That a copy of this resolution be forwarded by the presiding officer of this meeting to General Taylor, with a request that the same may be communicated to the officers and soldiers under his command.

Resolved, That a copy of the proceedings of this meeting, signed by the officers, be transmitted to the President of the United States and to both Houses of Congress.
[BWP]

RE46v43i8p1c7, May 26, 1846: MEXICAN NAVY.

A Mexican paper publishes the list of vessels to which, by order of the President Paredes, the Mexican navy should be reduced. It is as follows:

For Vera Cruz—brigs Veracruznana, Libre and Mexicana, and a gun boat, with 62 men in each of the two brigs.

For Tobasco—schr.Aguila, with 53 men, and schr.Libertad, with 30 men.

For Tampico—gun boats Queretana, Poblana, and Victoria, with 30 men each.

For Matamoras—gun boats Guerrero and Union, with 30 men each.
[BWP]

RE46v43i8p2c1, May 26, 1846: IS THERE “WAR?”

We presume that no one will now dispute this proposition. The Savannah Republican (Whig) refers to the Proclamation of President Paredes, as “amounting to a Declaration of War against the United States, though it is not issued in that form.” But the stirring scenes on the Rio Grande put the matter beyond all doubt. We not only see the flower of the Mexican army, under its most distinguished and able Generals marching into our territory and assailing our army, though with dreadful loss—but the last accounts state, that the President of Mexico himself is on his m arch to Matamoras, with 15,000 men, to make one grand and decisive blow—though that he will be cut to pieces, no American can doubt. Is it necessary, then, to enter into protracted arguments to prove the existence of the war? The events which have crowded themselves into a short space speak for themselves, and declare, in language not to be mistaken, that war exists, and did exist, at the time when President Polk announced the fact to Congress. The country has approved of the vigorous and wise course of the President and Congress. No other would have suited the strong exigency of the case. See with what cordial approbation the action of the President is hailed by the N. O. Commercial Times, a neutral paper:

“Simultaneously with the arrival of the interesting details of the exploits of our gallant little army on the Rio Grande, information reached us of the action of President Polk and the Cabinet at Washington, on the receipt of the news of a status belli existing on the Texan frontier.

“We are happy to congratulate our fellow citizens on the promptitude displayed by the Executive at this momentous juncture. He has proved himself equal to his mission, as the head of this great Commonwealth. Henceforward, action, action, action, will be the motto of the Government, in relation to Mexico. We shall not have a little war, and the United States will reveal her resources to her enemy, so as to bring the conflict to an issue with that rapidity which her greatness, as well as the cause of humanity, demands.

“With regard to the Army of Occupation, it has deserved well of the Republic, from the intrepid and skillful veteran who has thus led the way to victory, to the humblest soldier, who wields a sword or carries a musket, in the ranks. We deplore the loss we have sustained in the death of the brave men who fell in the battles of the 8^th and 9^th, but we derive a consolation in the reflection that in filling the patriot-warrior’s grave, their memories will ever be hallowed in the page of their country’s history.”.

We shall now see whether the Whig press will come forward to do justice to the President. They have charged him with recklessness and imbecility in sending so small an army to the Rio Grande, which would surely fall a prey to the overwhelming forces of Mexico. Now this little army, without the aid of Volunteers, has itself achieved the triumphs, which are ringing through the land. In throwing up fortifications to defend the troops, and in meeting and overthrowing the enemy in the field, our officers have shown consummate prudence and skill. The little army has been found equal to the occasion; and though the country has lost some of its bravest and noblest spirits, it was the fortune of war, and could not have been controlled by any human power. All are struck with astonishment that such brilliant triumphs should have been attended by such a limited loss of life on our side.

As, then, the Administration has been so grossly and wantonly denounced in advance for this Mexican War, is it not just that it should have some little credit for the favorable results which have been heralded throughout the nation? As is well said by the Augusta (Georgia) Constitutionalist, in exposing the unjust assaults of its Whig neighbor upon the President:

“We honor too highly the laurels so nobly won by the gallant Gen. Taylor, in the righteous can honorable war in which he is so zealously engaged, to desire to pluck a leaf from the chaplet. But we will remark, by way of parenthesis, that the ‘blunders’ of this same “blundering Administration, ’ as the Chronicle is so fond of designating them, have enabled that gallant General to win at once unfading laurels for himself, and of reflecting immortal lustre upon American arms. In spite of the sneers of the Chronicle, and its few sympathising sneerers, if the blundering Administration will commit a few more such blunders, it will be one of the most famous, most illustrious and triumphant, of all that have signalised the history of our country.”[BWP]

To prevent all misconstruction of the notice taken by us of Greys’ tender, of services to the Governor, we will state that on Saturday morning Capt. R. G. Scott, Jr., offered to Gov. Smith the services of his company (63) for the Mexican Campaign. We presume that the Gov. will make the selection of the 30 companies under the requisition of the General Government, as soon as sufficient time shall have elapsed for the offer of volunteers from different portions of Virginia.
[BWP]

It is said that Gen. Arista commanded the Mexican army, and was present at the late battle near Gen. Taylor’s camp. A friend has given us some striking anocdotes of the honesty, intelligence and simple bearing of Gen. A. For some years he resided at Cincinnati, and carried on the tinning business. business. In the city of Mexico he worked industriously in his little tin-shop.—Under the garb of modesty and poverty he concealed an ambitious spirit. His very simplicity of life saved him from the effects of jealous and domineering rivalry; but, in the excitement of war, he was called forth to take command of the Mexican Army. He is said to be a man of qualities vastly superior to those of his countrymen.
[BWP]

Gov. Smith’s Proclamation will speak for itself. Though brief, it is to the point, and will arrest the attention. We doubt not hat in a short time the services of a sufficient number of Virginia volunteers will be tendered to meet any emergency which they may be called on to encounter.
[BWP]

RE46v43i8p2c3, May 26, 1846: SIMPLE JUSTICE.

The Officers of the United States Army of Occupation have raised a purse of 1,000 dollars, as a compliment to Capt. Walker, the gallant Texan.
[BWP]

Our attention has been called to an erroneous representation of the remarks made by our eloquent friend, Robert G. Scott, Esq., at the public meeting of the 14^th instant, to raise a Company of Volunteers. The published statement represented him as saying, that “the fate of General Taylor’s army was sealed.” Strange to say, Mr. Scott affirmed directly the opposite. He said, on the contrary, that he had not doubt General Taylor’s army wassafe—that he was a gallant and noble old officer, who knew what he was doing. Mr. Scott further avowed the opinion, that all General Taylor’s movements h ad been marked by a wisdom, prudence and fore sight, worthy of all praise—and he predicted, that the next authentic accounts would bring the gratifying, intelligence that he had soundly “thrashed” these semi-barbarians. We take great pleasure in placing Mr. Scott on the true ground. ground. His predictions have been gloriously realized. We only regret that, even for a short space, the published statement of his remarks should have thrown the least doubt over his usual judgment and discrimination. The public will not know what he did say, and how his views have been verified to the letter.
[BWP]

RE46v43i8p2c4, May 26, 1846: ARMY.

Gen. Taylor arrived at Point Isabel on the 2d inst., with a part of his command, numbering 1,800 men, to assist in placing the Point in a proper state of defence. The works were completed on the 6^th, and on the next day at 3 P. M. he took up his line of march for his camp opposite Matamoras, and came to a halt for the night at the water hole about 8 miles distant from Point Isabel. The next morning the spies and scouts came in and reported that the Mexican force, believed to be all their army, had taken up position in the chapparel, about nine miles distant, and had thrown works a cross the road, which was well fortified with cannon.

General Taylor sent back a part of his wagon train, as he could not w ell afford a sufficient guard to protect it all. His entire force consisted of 2,300 men. The Mexican force, from all that could be learned by our scouts and spies for some days previously, was believed to be between 5,000 and 6,000 men; 1,800 of which was composed of cavalry and Rancheros, the latter being considered the most effective troops in Mexico.

Gen. Taylor put his army in motion, and on reaching the enemy, it was found they were occupying the chapparel, and had thrown up breast works along the road, with several pieces of cannon planted so as to s weep the road. No time was lost in arranging the order of battle, and advancing upon the enemy, the latter opening their artillery, which was speedily returned by our forces. The Mexican cavalry undertook to charge our lines under cover of the smoke—the 5^th regiment of Infantry having formed a square, received them with a deadly fire. Maj. Ringgold and Capt. Duncan’s corps of Flying Artillery opened their fire and mowed them down in solid columns, which made them stagger and fall back in confusion to their lines.

The battle was now principally confined to artillery on both sides. The Mexicans aiming too high, which prevented much loss on our side.—Our Flying Artillery was very destructive to the hopes of the enemy; the rapidity and despatch with which it was brought to bear on different points of the enemy’s line created great havoc. Maj. Ringgold received a shot through both his thighs, killing his horse under him. Capt. Page had his lower jaw shot off.

The cannonading continued from about 3 P. M., until sun-down, and could be heard distinctly at Point Isabel. The Mexicans retreated and left one piece of cannon on the field. Several prisoners were taken. The latter were asked, why their cavalry did not charge? They answered it was impossible to get them to do so after the first repulse; the firing was too hot; the men could not be kept to their arms, but would break and run; the order to charge was repeatedly given; a few of the cavalry would advance, but not finding themselves supported by their comrades, would fall back again to the main body. They stated, that one of the officers of the cavalry was so indignant at his troops disobeying his orders that he rushed in among them, cutting right and left, and that one of this men drew his pistol and shot him dead.

We lost some 45 in killed and wounded.—They left about 130 in killed and wounded on the field--a large portion of the latter being carried off.

The next morning Gen. Taylor left with the train a few pieces of artillery and a guard to protect themselves and the wounded, and pushed or with 1800 effective men in pursuit of the enemy. He found they had retreated some eight miles off and taken up a position a few miles below the camp, opposite Matamoras, occupying some of the trenches which had been thrown up by our forces previous to their marching to Point Isabel.

The battle commenced by heavy cannonading on both sides. Gen. Taylor, in passing his lines, accosted Capt. May, of the 2d dragoons, and told him: “Your regiment has never done anything yet—you must take that battery.” battery.” He said nothing, but turned to his command and and said: “We must take that battery—follows!” He made a charge with three companies—at least with the remainder of three companies—supported by the 5^th and 8^th regiments of infantry. They cleared the breastwork, rode over the battery, wheeled and came through the enemy’s line, whilst the fire of the infantry was so deadly in its effect as to carry all before it. Capt. May made a cut at an officer as he charged through—on his return, he found him standing between the wheels of a cannon, fighting like hero. He ordered him to surrender. He was asked if he was an officer. Capt. May answered him in the affirmative, when he presented his sword, remarking: “You receive Gen. Vega a prisoner of war.”

Capt. May gave him in charge of one of his sergeants, who had lost his horse in the charge, ordering him to conduct him to Gen. T. out of the lines.

Lieutenant Inge, a brave and gallant officer of the 2d Dragoons, fell in this charge. A complete panic and route ensued on the part of the enemy; they fled in every direction for the river; many were drowned in attempting to cross. Eight pieces of artillery fell into our hands, and innumerable quantity of small arms, munitions, baggage, camp equippage, military chest, containing a large amount of gold; Gen. Arista’s carriage, baggage, port-folio, with all his official correspondence with the Government, with full plans of the campaign, and instructions from the Mexican government, authorizing him to send Gen. Taylor and his army, when taken prisoners, to the city of Mexico; to treat General Taylor and his officers with such care and attention as becomes the magnanimity of the great Mexican nation.—Four or five hundred head of mules, etc., with a large number of stands of colors.

The plan of the campaign, and the instructions from his government, ordered him to take possession of Point Isabel; this was to be the brief act of hostility; he was to fortify it as strongly as as possible. He was likewise ordered to take possession of the mouth of the river and fortify it at once.

After the route Gen. Taylor dispatched Capt. Carr, of the Dragoons, with a guard, to convey the intelligence. They bore so many of the enemy’s colors with them, that they presumed in the Fort that it was the Mexicans coming up to make an assault, it being dark, and the Fort fired upon them, but fortunately injured no one.

Some 400 Mexicans were buried at our last accounts, but doubtless hundreds are lying dead in the chapparel, and in the river.

Captain Walker and his Rangers pursued up the enemy, and gave a parting salutation to many in the river.

We lost in killed and wounded about 62. Capt. Hooe lost an arm.

Capt. May’s charge is spoken of as being one of those splendid efforts which would have adorned the brightest feather in the plume of Murat in the palmiest days of his glory. It cost him some 18 horses, with a few of the gallant riders.

This victory entirely belongs to the U.S. Army—no volunteers having arrived in time to share in the honors of the day. It will convince our country that West Point affords the material of exhibiting the courage and bravery of the American soldier!.

I trust we will hear no more of dismounting our gallant Dragoons; the affair of the 9^th shows them to be the arteries of our defence.

Their conduct on both occasions speaks highly to the credit of their gallant commander, that old “War hoss” and time worn veteran, Col. Twiggs.

Maj. Ringgold died on the morning of the 11^th, at Point Isabel, much regretted by all; his bravery and gallant conduct endeared him to the whole army.

The redoubtable hero, Gen. Ampudia, commanded the 2d Division of the Mexican army. It is said he was the first man to make good his escape to Matamaoras, where he reported that Arista had betrayed the army.

As soon as Gen. Arista arrived in Matamoras he sent at once a flag to exchange such prisoners as he had in Matamoras. He showed great anxiety to get back Gen. Vega, offering to exchange two or three officers for him; but Gen. Taylor had sufficient to make the exchange without giving up Gen. Vega. It has been said Gen. Taylor offered the latter his parole of honor, which he declined accepting, on the ground that if he returned he would be forced to bear arms again by his Government.
[BWP]

RE46v43i8p2c3, May 26, 1846: FROM THE SEAT OF WAR.

The mail of yesterday morning brought nothing later; but we find in the new Orleans papers clear and circumstantial and satisfactory details of the stirring events of the 8^th and 9^th, which we know that our readers will appreciate. We ask particular attention to the chivalrous charge of Capt. May on the Mexican batteries. History does not furnish a more brilliant example of courage and skill, than marked the conduct of our officers and soldiers in the apparently desperate conflict. As the N. O.Bulletin says:

“The accounts are brilliant beyond the most sanguine expectations; the triumph of the American arms is complete; a vastly superior force is routed through a series of actions as splendid as any on record, displaying in our brave handful of troops and their illustrious commander, the very highest points of military courage, skill and knowledge.”.

The same paper publishes the subjoined letter from “a highly intelligent gentleman on the ground.”[BWP]

RE46v43i8p2c3, May 26, 1846: POINT ISABEL, May 12, 1846.

By the last departure I wrote you briefly of the operations of the army up to that time; of the bombardment of the fort opposite Matamoras, and the movement of Gen. Taylor with the main body to this place for the purpose of strengthening its defences. Having effected this, he marched without waiting for reinforcements, on the evening of the 7^th, and on the 8^th at 2 o’clock, found the enemy in position, in front of a chapparel, which lies opposite to the timber of a stream called Palo Alto.

The train was closed up, the troops filled their canteens, and Gen. Taylor promptly formed his line of battle as follows: on the right was Ringgold’s battery, 5^th and 3d Infantry; then two eighteen pounders; then the Artillery Battalion. The left was composed of the 4^th and 8^th Infantry, and Duncan’s Battery. A daring reconnoisance, by Capt J. E. Blake, showed the enemy’s line to be of nearly twice the strength of ours, with heavy reserves in the chapparel. The Mexicans opened the action with their artillery, the range of which was moving slowly forward, and soon we got into the thickest of their shot and halted. Their fire was returned from all of our batteries and I venture to say that no field of battle ever displayed such skill, or rapidity of fire and evolution.

The first and only important movement attempted by the enemy was a detachment of their cavalry to make a detour around a clump of chapparel on our right, and attack the t rain. Capt. Walker, of the Texas Rangers, promptly reported this, and the 5^th Infantry was detached to meet it, which it did handsomely, receiving the lancers in square, and driving them by a well delivered volley. The Mexican cavalry then pushed on again for the train, and found the 3d Infantry advancing in column of divisions upon them.—They then retired, and as they repassed the 5^th they received a fire from Lieut. Ridgeley’s two field pieces, which had arrived at the nick of time. Two field pieces of the enemy, which were following his cavalry, were also driven back with them.

Meanwhile the enemy’s left was riddled by the 18 pounders, which slowly advanced up the road—Duncan’s battery on the left neglecting the enemy’s guns, threw their fire into the Mexican infantry, and swept whole ranks. The 8^th Infantry on the left suffered severely from the enemy’s fire. The grass was set on fire at the end of an hour’s cannonading, and obscured the enemy’s position completely, and an interval of three quarters of an hour occurred. During this period, our right, now resting on the 18 pounders, advanced along the wood to the point originally occupied by the Mexican left, and when the smoke had cleared a way sufficiently to show the enemy, the fire was resumed with increased rapidity and execution. Duncan divided his battery on the left giving a section to Lieut. Roland to operate in front, and with the other he advanced beyond the burning grass, (which was three feet high, and the flames rolled ten feet in the strong breeze, ) and seized the prolongation of the enemy’s right, enfilading that flank completely.—Night found the two armies in this position.

On the 9^th, the General packed the heavy train, collected the enemy’s wounded in hospital, buried their dead, arranged our own wounded, (among whom we have to regret the sudden death of Maj. Ringgold and Capt. Page, ) and moved on in pursuit of the enemy on the Matamoras road. They had taken post in the chapparel the second time, occupying the bed of a stream called Resaca de la Palma, with their artillery on the road at the crossing.. I have not time for details of this affair. affair. The General brought up his troops by battalions, and posted them, with brief orders to find the enemy with the bayonet, and placed the artillery where they could act in the road.

The dragoons were held in reserve, and as soon as the advance of our line had uncovered the Mexican batteries, Gen. Taylor told Capt. May that his time had come—“Here’s the enemy’s batter, sir; take it, nolens volens.” May dashed upon it with his squadron, losing one-third of his number; but he cleared the battery and captured its commander, Gen. Vega, in the act of raising a port-fire to fire a piece himself. May took his sword and brought the General off. The enemy re-manned the guns, and lost them a second time to the 5^th Infantry. Capt. Barbour, of the 3d Infantry, with his single company, and a few men from the 5^th, who joined him in the chapparel, threw his back against a clump of bushes, and received and gallantly repelled a charge of cavalry. Capt. Duncan, with his battery, did terrible execution—he is a most promising officer. Lieut. Ridgeley was also among the foremost. foremost. In truth it was a series of brilliant skirmishes and heavy shocks, in which 1500 fighting men met 6000 hand to hand, overwhelmed them with the precision of their volleys, and the steady coolness of the bayonet, and drive them from the field with the loss of their artillery, baggage, pack mules, fixed amunition, and near 2000 stand of muskets.

The Fort, meanwhile, had been summoned, with true Mexican duplicity, to surrender, and told that Taylor was flying. The Matamoras newspapers and official bulletins called him a cowardly tailor. In answer to the summons, the officers plunged their swords into the parapet, and replied “to the hilt.” Up to the evening of the 9^th, 1500 shells and 3000 shot had been thrown, and the only loss was that of the brave commander, Major Brown, and one serjeant and one private killed, and ten wounded.

The General returns to the army to-night and will cross the river to0morrow or next day. The fort will be increased in guns, and especially provided with mortars, which will bring the town to terms at once. The Navy will cooperate at the mouth of the river, and steamboats shortly begin to carry supplies by that route.

Gen. Taylor has just given Gen. Vega a letter to Gen. Gaines, and a letter of credit on his factor. The officers here, and in the main body of the army, vied with their commander in delicate attentions to a brave and accomplished enemy, who won their admiration on the field, and was taken, like a soldier, in full harness, and fighting gallantly to the last. Our loss about 30 killed, and 140 wounded. wounded. In haste, H. M.

Mexican loss at Palo Alto, set down by themselves at 450; at Resaca de la Palma 200 missing. Since the battle out Dragoons have been exchanged, grade for grade, and the Mexicans wounded sent over to Matamoras. By the next arrival you will hear of the fall of the town, and probably an offer from them to receive Mr. Slidell in any capacity.

It ought to be mentioned that none of our regiments are full, and two of them have only about 300. Many instances occurred, of men handing their canteens to the wounded Mexicans, and turning from them to fire upon others. There was not a single occurrence of cruelty towards the enemy. The morale of the army is at its highest—it can now accomplish anything, and they would die for a commander who does not ask them to go where he is not willing to lead, and in whose judgment they fully confide.

The New Orleans Commercial Times furnishes the following additional items of interest. We cannot devote too much space to the noble exploits of our gallant little army. While the country will rejoice at the laurels which our soldiers have won, they will drop a tear for the fate of the officers and men who have shed their blood in repelling invasion from American soil:

The following full details of the glorious actions between the hostile armies, on the 8^th and 9^th inst., we find in the Galveston papers of the 15^th. They were furnished by an eye witness —an actor in the scene— Capt. Jas. J. Tod, late of the Texan navy.
[BWP]

RE46v43i8p2c4, May 26, 1846: TTHREE DAYS LATER FROM MEXICO!.

By the bark Mandarin, arrived this morning from Vera Cruz, says the (N. Orleans Commercial Times of the 18^th inst., ) which port she lett on the 7^th inst., we learn that the U. S. Squadron sailed from Vera Cruz on the 4^th inst. On getting under way, the guns of the Castle were all manned, matches lighted ready to fire into them, if any disposition was made towards it. It was generally believed that as soon as it was ascertained that hostilities had commenced on the frontiers, Com. Connor would make an attack on the town and Castle; but a larger force would be required than was there.

When the Mandarin sailed, the U. S. ship Falmouth was the only vessel in port. The Commodore, it was reported, had gone to the Brazos, to assist the army, if needed. Every preparation was making at Vera Cruz for its defence, and the of the Castle; heavy guns were being taken over every day. The weather had become very hot. The thermometer standing at 96 in the shade. The Vomito had made its appearance.
[BWP]

RE46v43i8p2c5, May 26, 1846: TWENTY-NINTH CONGRESS. SATURDAY, MAY 23. The Senate was not in session to-day. HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.

A motion was made to reconsider the vote of the House, yesterday, agreeing to the amendment reported by the committee on Naval affairs to the bill from the Senate, “to repeal a part of the act making appropriations for the Naval service for the year ending 30^th June, 1846”—and the consideration of the motion was then postponed until Monday.

Mr. Haralson, from the committee on Military Affairs, reported the bill from the Senate, making a change in the pay department of the Army without amendment, and with a recommendation for its immediate passage.

Mr. McKay moved to refer the bill to the Committee of the Whole, and on this motion the yeas and nays were ordered, and resulted as follows: ayes 111, noes 36; so the bill was referred to the Committee of the Whole.

Mr. Stanton asked leave to report a resolution for the committee of Naval Affairs, to print 5000 extra copies of the report of the Committee on Naval Affairs, accompanying the bill for the construction of twelve iron war steamers and one iron frigate. It was objected to. A motion to suspend the rules for the purpose of receiving the resolution was decided in the negative.

An ineffectual effort was made to suspend the rules for the purpose of introducing a resolution to change the hour of meeting to 10 o’clock.—Ayes 83, Noes 80.

The remainder of the session was devoted to the consideration of private business.
[BWP]

RE46v43i8p2c6, May 26, 1846: BY THE GOVERNOR OF VIRGINIA. A PROCLAMATION.

The Congress of the U. States having, by an act approved on the 13^th May, 1846, declared that a state of war exists between the Republic of Mexico and that of the United States; and the President of the United States bring by said act authorized “to call for and accept the services of any number of volunteers, not exceeding 50,000, for the purpose of enabling the Government of the United States to prosecute said war to a speedy and successful termination;” and having called upon the Executive of this State, under date of the 19^th instant, “to cause to be enrolled and held in readiness for muster into the service of the United States three Regiments of Infantry, ” to be compose of volunteer corps—Now, therefore, I, William Smith, Governor of Virginia, by virtue of the authority with which I am invested, do announce to my fellow citizens my readiness to receive, for the purpose aforesaid, a tender of the services of thirty companies of volunteers, to be formed into regiments when mustered into the service of the U. States. These companies must have the organization of the army of the United States, and in their rank and file must consist of 64 men. Not over 45, nor under 18 years of age, and of full “physical strength and vigor.” Existing volunteer companies, tendering their services, will be permitted to retain their existing uniform; but all new companies must strictly conform, in their uniform, to that prescribed by the general order of March, 1834.

No officer of militia, no matter what his grade, will forfeit his commission by entering into the proposed volunteer service.

For the information of the public, the uniform before referred to, as well as the company organization of the army of the United States, will be found in the subjoined general order.

The call to arms has, upon the generous and the brave, a magical effect. To the Virginian it has never been made in vain. Other States are rushing to fields of danger and of glory; and the sons of the Cavaliers will not be outstripped in this noble race of patriotism and duty.

Given under my hand, as Governor, and under the lesser seal of the Commonwealth, at Richmond, this 23d day of May, in the year of our Lord eighteen hundred and forty-six, and of the Commonwealth the seventieth. WM. SMITH.
[BWP]

RE46v43i8p2c6, May 26, 1846: GENERAL ORDERS. ADJUTANT-GENERAL’S OFFICE, Richmond, May 23, 1846.

The following organization of Volunteer Corps for service under the requisition of the President of the United States will be observed:

A company of Infantry will consist of

1 Captain,
1 First Lieutenant,
1 Second Lieutenant,
4 Sergeants,
4 Corporals,
2 Musicians, and
64 Privates.

Thirty companies are required to constitute, when called into service, three Regiments of Infantry—each Regiment to consist of.

1 Colonel,
1 Lieutenant Colonel,
1 Major,
1 Adjutant, (a Lieutenant of one of the companies, but not in addition),
1 Sergeant Major,
1 Quarter-Master Sergeant,
2 Principal Musicians, and
10 Companies, according to the organization above.

Volunteer Corps now in commission tendering their services, and all new corps which may e raised for this service, will send to this department, with the tender of service, a written engagement, signed by all the members, to serve for twelve months after they shall have arrived at the place of rendezvous, or to the end of the war, unless sooner discharged—according to their discretion.

Old corps will retain the uniform now worn by them; new corps will uniform according to the pattern prescribed.

No man under the rank of a commissioned officer will be received, who is in years apparently over forty-five or under eighteen, or who is not in physical strength and vigor.

Commandants of regiments within which volunteer corps for this service shall be raised, will superintend the enrollment, the election of officers, inspect the company, and certify the whole to this department. Commissions for this special service will then be issued to the officers of all new corps. Existing corps will be inspected in like manner and sign the enrollment.

Companies, when enrolled and commissioned, will hold themselves in readiness for muster into the service of the United States when called for; but it is recommended to the members not to abandon their ordinary occupations in the mean time, further than to give such attention to training as may be convenient. By command. WM. H. RICHARDSON, Adj’t Gen.
[BWP]

RE46v43i8p2c6, May 26, 1846: FORM OF ENROLLMENT.

We, the undersigned, do hereby engage to service in a volunteer company of infantry to constitute a portion of the three regiments required for the service of the United States, according to the terms of an act of Congress “providing for the prosecution of the existing war between the U. States and the Republic of Mexico, ” approved the 13^th May, 1846—and to hold ourselves in readiness for muster into the service of the United States, when called upon by the Governor of Virginia.
[BWP]

RE46v43i8p2c6, May 26, 1846: UNIFORM OF THE INFANTRY. FIELD OFFICERS.

Coat—Dark blue cloth, single breasted, three rows of buttons on the breast, ten in each row, at equal distances; the distance between the outer rows and the centre row to be four inches at top, and two at bottom, measuring from the centre of eyes of the buttons; blind button holes of black twist or narrow black braid, from the centre buttons to the corresponding buttons in the outer rows; stand-up collar, to meet in front with hooks and eyes, and rise no higher than to permit the free turning of the chin over it; to be edged all around with gold lace, three quarters of an inch in width, with two straps of the same lace, four and a half inches in length on each side, running back from the front, terminated by a button each. Cuff, three inches deep, with four blind button holes, of black twist to narrow braid, extending from four buttons, placed across on each, and two small buttons at the fastening. Skirts to reach to the bend of the knee, with blue turn-backs, or turn-backs marked with cord; the bottom of the skirts not less than three and a half, not more than five inches broad, with a star of silver at the connecting point of the turn-backs on each skirt; two hip buttons to range with the lower buttons on the breast, two buttons at the opening of the pocket of each skirt; collar and cuffs of blue cloth, plain or embroidered at pleasure.

Buttons—Silver or plated—convex—with the arms of Virginia on them.

Sword and Scabbard—Straight sword, silver hilt and white gripe; scabbard, steel or plated; sword knot, silver cord and tassel; sword belt, black leather, to be worn over the coat.

Sash—Scarlet silk net, with bullion fringe ends; sash to go twice around the waist, and to tie on the left hip; to be worn under the belt.

Epaulets—Silver.

Hat—Cocked, without binding; fan or back part eleven inches; the front or cock nine inches, each corner six inches; black ribbons on the two front sides. Loop and cockade—Navy blue silk cockade, six inches diameter; loop, silver, eleven inches long, ornamented, with the arms of Virginia in silver.

Plume—White cock feathers, falling from an upright stem, eight inches long, in a silver socket.

Tassels—Silver, with worked hangers.

Cravat or Stock black.

Trowsers—From 1^st October to 30^th April, dark blue cloth or cassimere; from 1^st May to 30^th September, white linen or cotton.

Boots worn under the trowsers.

Spurs—Silver or plated.

Gloves—White.
[BWP]

RE46v43i8p2c6, May 26, 1846: FOR COMPANY OFFICERS AND PRIVATES.

Coat—Dark blue cloth, single-breasted, three rows of buttons on the breast, ten in each row, at equal distances; the distance between the outer rows and centre row to be four inches at top and two at bottom, measuring from the centre or eyes of the buttons; blind button-holes of black twist, or narrow black braid, from the centre buttons to the corresponding buttons in the outer rows; stand-up collar, to meet in front with hooks and eyes, and rise no higher than to permit the free turning of the chin over it. For officers, to be edged all round with silver lace, three quarters of an inch wide, with two straps of the same lace, four and a half inches in length on each side, running back from the front, terminated by a button. Non-commissioned officers and privates to wear white worsted lace instead of silver. Cuff three inches deep, with four blind button-holes of black twist, or narrow braid, extending from four buttons, placed across on each and two small buttons at the fastening. Skirts to reach no lower than the middle of the thigh, with four blind holes of black twist, or narrow braid, on the pocket flaps, to correspond with the buttons.

Trowsers—From the 1^st October to 30^th April, dark blue cloth or cassimere; from 1^st May to 30^th September, white linen or cotton.

Cap—Black leather, round, with bell-crown, plated or silver scales and eagle.

Pompons—White, in silver or plated socket.

Buttons—Silver or plated, convex, seven-eighths of an inch diameter, the Arms of Virginia.

Wings—Silver scales and bullion for officers. For non-commissioned officers the same as for officer, except the bullion. For privates, white metal seales. Non-commissioned officers to wear white worsted lace instead of silver.

May 26—cw3w.
[BWP]

RE46v43i8p3c1, May 26, 1846: By Last Evening’s Mail.

We understand that prompt measures have been taken by the Secretary of the Navy to protect the exposed commerce of the Gulf of Mexico by an adequate naval force cruizing between Cuba and the Coast of Florida.
[BWP]

RE46v43i8p3c1, May 26, 1846: [Correspondence of the Baltimore American.] WASHINGTON, May 22, 5½ P.M.

A bill has passed the House, giving the President power to call into the service any number of seamen beyond the 7,500 limited by the bill of 1845. The bill is an amended bill of the Senate. The Naval Committee of the Senate have reported a bill to build ten war steamers, the Executive having a discretionary power, both as to the number up to ten, and as to the character of the steamers.

A Bill extending the Drawback System, allowed by the Bill of the last Congress, was also passed in the House, the object of which is to allow all goods imported for foreign provinces to be re-exported with an allowance for Drawback for all goods sent into a foreign country. The only limitations are, that the goods shall be re-exported within one year after the original importation, and the goods to be transported (in their original packages) and under regulations to be prescribed by the Secretary of the Treasury.
[BWP]

RE46v43i8p4c1, May 26, 1846: MISCELLANEOUS. THE GEOGRAPHY OF MEXICO &c., FROM THE BATTLE GROUND.

The New York Sun contains the following description of Mexico from Matamoras to the Halls of the Montesumas, which cannot but prove interesting at the present time.

The U. S. army is posted on the left bank of the Rio Grande, opposite Matamoras, at a distance of 90 miles from the coast by the circuitous channel of the river, but only 30 or 40 miles by the route to Point Isabel, a harbor on the coast of Texas, about ten miles north of the Rio Grande. The latter river is the boundary between Texas and Mexico, as claimed by the United States.-—Mexico contends that the river Nueces is the boundary, and that river was the boundary of the former State of Texas before the Revolution.—But Texas claimed to the Rio Grande as the people of that district joined her in defending the Mexican Constitution of 1824, and in the war of independence, which they waged so successfully against the despots of Mexico. From Matamoras to the city of Mexico there is good road, with five or ten military posts along the route.

“An American army of fifty thousand men, crossing the Rio Grande at Matamoras, could readily march through the country to the city of Mexico. Yucatan, to the South, is already in arms against the military despot governing at the Capital; and the people of Vera Cruz and other States of Central Mexico are clamorous for the recall of Santa Anna, (who is now in Cuba, ) and the restoration of the Republic. The facilities for intercourse with our army and with the Mexican people, are favorable to the rapid execution of military operations. From Galveston to Point Isabel is 320 miles by water. New Orleans to Point Isabel 802 miles. New Orleans to Vera Cruz 1, ,500 miles. Yucatan to the city of Mexico 900 miles. The population of the city of Mexico is about 180,000. High mountains rise in the distance on all sides of the city, but the location although under the Tropic of Cancer is remarkable for its salubrity, and in summer the extreme heat is less severe than in New York or Philadelphia.

The city is approached by excellent roads which branch out in every direction, and on which Are transported the silver ores and bullion from an hundred of the richest mines in the world. The magnificence of the principal edifices—some being furnished with gold and silver ornaments valued at many millions, and containing rich treasures hid away by the avaricious—has excited the admiration of all travellers. Yet, with all her riches, Mexico is poor. Her people are kept in ignorance by the tyranny of a few, and their wealth is carried off to other lands, to swell the gains of trade and commerce, which they are not permitted to enjoy. The poor Mexican crawls listlessly over neglected silver mines, lost in the contemplation of his own abject condition. The iron hand of despotism is upon him.
[BWP]

RE46v43i8p4c1, May 26, 1846: CASTLE OF SAN JUAN DE ULUA.

The N. Y.Courier gives the following facts, in order that an opinion may be formed as to the probable result of an assault upon Vera Cruz.—Certainly nothing can be done until a much larger force is concentrated there than is at present in the vicinity:

“The fortress of San Juan de Ulua would resist a very heavy attack—one certainly much more serious than that of the French, to which it yielded a few years since. The French squadron then consisted of three large frigates and four bomb vessels: the former anchored but little over point-blank distance from the eastern face of the castle, and the bomb vessels but little further.—There were mortars in the castle, but none in use, and not more than seventeen guns could be brought to bear on a single ship, and on the whole squadron only twenty-six, some of which were carronades.

“Of the French vessels, the Cyclops had two mortars, and in two hours she threw one hundred and eight shells. The others did their share, --One of the bombs lodged in the magazine, which was blown up, and about two hundred men destroyed. After about six hours’fighting the Mexicans yielded. Since that time the fortress has been thoroughly repaired; a new water battery has been added; thirty-two and forty-two pounders have been mounted in place of the twelves and eighteens; from twelve to twenty heavy mortars have been introduced, with several Paixhan eight-inch guns, and every thing is in the very best condition to resist an attack.
[BWP]

RE46v43i8p4c1, May 26, 1846: GENERAL TAYLOR IN HIS TENT.

A correspondent of the Philadelphia Inquirer, writing from the Brazos de Santiago says:

“On the 26^th, a friend of mine visited General Taylor in the camp of Point Isabel, where he had established his depot for stores in the army. On landing, the scene presented was quite a wild one, and reminded one of the accounts we have received of an Arab Encampment. There were three or four hundred dragoons in the camp with their horses picketed about; besides an immense number of wagons, mules and oxen. On stepping ashore, an officer conducted my friend to the General’s tent. He was introduced to a very plain shabbily dressed old gentleman, of rather small stature, about sixty years of age, and who looked by his hardy appearance, as if he had been camping out all his life.

“This was the commander-in-chief of the army of occupation. He has been 38 years in service on the frontiers of our country. One of his officers remarked that “old as he is, he bears the fatigues and privations of the campaign better than any one under him.” His tent was no larger and no better than those of the other officers, and his table was his camp chest, in which he carried his cooking utensils, &c. His plates were tin pans, and his cups (no saucers of course) tin pannikins. A small supply of brown sugar was kept in a tin canister, and not a piece of crockery was to be seen. A party of six was thus entertained in homely style, and they all seemed to enjoy it abundantly.”[BWP]

RE46v43i8p4c1, May 26, 1846: CAPT. SAMUEL H. WALKER.

This officer is one of those rare spirits which a state of war will bring out from our citizen soldiers.—His late unequalled conflict with the Mexicans, in which he lost nearly every man under his command, and his daring heroism in cutting his way to Gen. Taylor’s camp, have excited in the public mind a strong desire to know more of him. He is the same gentleman so frequently and honorably spoken of in Gen. Green’s journal of the Mier expedition.He is a native of Washington City, from whence he went into the Florida war, where in several campaigns he distinguished himself by his intrepid bravery. In 1842, he went to Texas, and during the invasion of that Republic, by Gen. Woll, he was marked for his bold and daring conduct. After the Mexican General had retreated from San Antonio, and when he lay upon the Rio Hondo, Walker and Capt. McCullough crawled through his camp one night and spies out his position, and the next day with the gallant Hays, led the attack upon his rear-guard. He then joined the celebrated expedition against Mier, and on the morning of that sanguinary battle, he, with three others—being the advanced scout of the Texans—was taken prisoner, and carried with his hands tied behind him to the head quarters of Gen. Ampudia. The Mexican General questioned him as to the Texan forces, and when Walker informed him that The Texans had only three hundred men, Ampudia pompously replied: “Does that audacious handfull of men presume to follow me into this strong place and attack me?” “Yes, ” says Walker, “make yourself content upon that subject, General; they will follow you into hell and attack you there.” He was, with his comrades, then marched a prisoner to the city of Mexico.

At Salado, with the lamented Capt. Cameron and Dr. Brennen, he led the attack upon the guards, overpowered them, and marched for Texas, when, after eating up all their horses and mules, and living for days upon their own urine, surrendered to the Mexican Generals, Mercier and Ortago. He was a gain marched to Salado, where, with his comrades, he was made to draw in the celebrated black bean lottery, and every tenth man was shot. Those that remained of the Texans were marched to the Castle of Perote and the city of Mexico. Here, while working on the streets in that city, he was struck by a Mexican corporal for not working faster, when with his spade he knocked down the corporal, which caused the guards to beat him nearly to death. His life was a long time despaired of, and upon his recovery, he with two companions scaled the walls of his prison after nightfall, and made his way to Texas, over a distance of more than a thousand miles. Before, however, they got out of the country, they were twice more imprisoned, and each time effected their escape.—When he had reached Texas again, he joined Capt. Hays, who, with fifteen others, armed with Colt’s repeating pistols, fought 96 Comanches, and defeated them, leaving 36 killed upon the ground. Here Walker was run through the body with a Comanche spear, and his life again despaired of. We now hear of him, with 70 Texans, attacking 1500 Mexicans, and all perishing in battle but himself and six others; and then, to crown his wonderful life of daring, he cut his way, single handed into Gen.Taylor’s camp from Point Isabel.—[New York Globe.
[BWP]

RE46v43i8p4c2, May 26, 1846: ORGANIZATION OF VOLUNTEER CORPS FOR THE U. S. SERVICE.

With a view of obtaining the requisite information as to the government of the volunteer corps now organizing under the late Act of Congress, a letter was written a few days ago by Major Gen. Steuart to Washington, making all needful inquiries on the subject. The reply of the Secretary of War is annexed. It appears to contain every necessary direction, and, if extensively circulated, will save a vast deal of trouble to all parties interested. It will be observed by the accompanying memorandum that no provision is made for a company of Artillery:

WAR DEPARMENT, May 19, 1846.

Sir:--In reply to the inquiries contained in the letter of Maj. Gen.Steuart’s and in other communications, submitted by you to this Department, I have the honor to inform you that the rule adopted, is to call for volunteers that are required from any particular State, through the Governor.—This is an act of respect to the Executive of the State, due as well to his position, as to his generally superior knowledge of the character and efficiency of volunteers throughout the State, the sections from which it is most advisable to take them, and which of them can, with the greatest facility and least expense, be embodies for the service for which they may be required. Circumstances may, however, occur to render it expedient to accept offers of service direct, without the intervention of the Governor when an application to him might cause delay. Applications of companies, regiments, &c., to enter the service may therefore be made direct to this Department.

The law, a copy of which is enclosed, provides that the officers of volunteers shall be appointed by the proper State authority, in the manner prescribed by the State laws; and the accompanying memorandum shows the number of officers, non-commissioned officers and privates, and the organization of companies and regiments.

The law also requires that the volunteers furnish their own clothing, and, if cavalry, their own horses and horse equipage. Such as are already uniformed need not change; such as are not, and contemplate uniforming, are at liberty to adopt such as they think proper; but it is advisable that all who may be called into the service adapt their dress, as nearly as the circumstances will permit, to the nature of the service that may be required of them, and to the character of the country and climate where they may have to serve. Those that shall be accepted will be armed and equipped at the expense of the United States, and will be inspected and mustered into the service by an officer of the army, or by one appointed by the Governor, at such times and places as will be specified when their services are called for.

Very respectfully, your obd’s serv’t,
Hon. WM. F. GILES, House of Rep.

W. L. MARCY, Secretary of War.

Memorandum of the Organization of Volunteer Corps, under the act of 13^th May, 1846.

A company of Cavalry, or mounted men, will consist of:

1 Captain,
1 First Lieutenant,
1 Second Lieutenant,
4 Sergeants,
4 Corporals,
2 Buglers,
1 Farrier and Blacksmith,
64 Privates, as established by order of the President.

A regiment of Cavalry, or mounted men, will consist of:

[field & staff officers]
1 Colonel,
1 Lieutenant Colonel,
1 Major,
1 Adjutant, (a Lieutenant, in addition to the Lieutenant of Corps)

[non-commissioned staff]
1 Sergeant Major,
1 Quarter Master Sergeant,
1 Principal musician
2 Chief Buglers, and,
10 Companies, for the organization of which see above.

A company of Infantry (or Riflemen) will consist of:

1 Captain,
1 First Lieutenant,
1 Second Lieutenant,
4 Sergeants,
4 Corporals,
2 Musicians, and,
64 Privates, as established by order of the President.

A regiment of Infantry, or Riflemen will consist of:

[field & staff officers]
1Colonel,
1 Lieutenant Colonel,

1 Major,
1 Adjutant, (a Lieutenant of one of the companies, buy not in addition)

[non-com’d. staff]
1 Sergeant Major,
1 Quarter-Master Sergeant,
2 Principal Musicians,
10 Companies, for the organization of which see above.
[Baltimore American.
[BWP]

RE46v43i8p4c3, May 26, 1846: TWENTY-NINTH CONGRESS. THURSDAY, MAY 21. SENATE.

Mr. Ashley, from the Committee on the Judiciary, reported a bill to change the time of holding the Spring Courts of the United States in Virginia and Tennessee.

Mr. Semple presented a remonstrance from citizens of the District of Columbia against the retrocession of any part of the District. Referred to the Committee on the District.

Mr. Yulee offered a resolution, which was adopted, instructing the Committee on Naval Affairs to inquire into the merits of Capt. R. F. Lopers’ plan of building iron steamers.

On motion of Mr. Rusk, the Military Committee was instructed to inquire into the expediency of purchasing 200 of Colt’s patent rifles.

The Committee on Territories, to which the subject had been referred, reported that it was not expedient to move in the matter of a territorial government for Oregon at this session.

Also, that they have been unable to come to an agreement upon the various matters contained in the bill from the House for extending out laws over the territory of the U. S. lying west of the Rocky Mountains, and for other purposes, and asked to be discharged from its further consideration.

Mr. Wescott gave notice that when the report came up to-morrow, he should move to postpone the whole subject until the 1^st Monday in December.

Mr. Benton. At what hour to-morrow does the Senator intend to make the motion?.

Mr. Westcott. At one o’clock.

Mr. Benton. Perhaps I shall have a word or two to say then.

On motion of Mr. Johnson of La. The Senate took took up the bill to amend the act providing for the adjustment of land claims within the States of Missouri, Arkansas, and Louisiana, and parts of Mississippi and Alabama.

After some discussion and the adoption of sundry amendments, the bill was postponed until Monday next.

The French spoliation bill was then taken up, and after sundry amendments were offered to the bill, which were ordered to be printed.

Mr. J. M. Clayton addressed the Senate at some length in reply to the speeches of Mr. Dix and Mr. Colquitt, and after a short Executive session the Senate adjourned.
[BWP]

RE46v43i8p4c3, May 26, 1846: HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.

Mr. Rathburn, from the Judiciary Committee, reported a bill making copies of papers certified by the Secretary of the Senate or Clerk of the House, legal evidence. It was reads twice and passed.

Mr. Payne asked that the Committee of the Whole should be discharged from the consideration of a bill for extending the right of suffrage to the people of Washington. The motion prevailed.

Mr. Payne moved the Previous Question, upon the bill, which was not seconded.

Mr. Hunter of Va. moved an amendment according to the recommendations of a majority of the inhabitants of the city, tax-payers and non tax-payers.

The previous question was again moved and seconded, and the yeas and nays ordered upon Mr. Hunter’s amendment, which was rejected by a vote of yeas--, noes 99.

The bill was then engrossed and passed by yeas and nays—yeas 119, nays 5.

The House then went into committee of the whole upon the state of the Union, and took up the Civil and Diplomatic Bill, Mr. Hopkins of Va. in the Chair.

A debate arose upon an amendment to strike out a clause of $1,000 for the archives in Florida. The debate had not proceeded far when the Committee rose for want of a quorum.

A motion was made to adjourn—yeas 44, nays 85.

The House again went into Committee of the Whole, and were in a few moments found to be without a quorum.

The Committee then rose, and at ten minutes before two o’clock the House adjourned.
[BWP]

RE46v43i8p4c2, May 26, 1846: [From the Petersburg Republican, May 20.] TEXAS VOLUNTEERS.

There was a very large and enthusiastic meeting of the citizens of our town, at the Courthouse, on Monday night last, to take measures for the formation of a company of Texas volunteers. The large number of persons present made it necessary for the crowd top adjourn into the square in front of the Court-house. The meeting was addressed with considerable ability and eloquence by Capts. H. A. Garland and R. K. Meade, who agreed in the propriety of taking steps towards the formation of a Regiment of Infantry, to be called the “South Side Regiment,” and to be placed at the service of the General Government, to go to Mexico, or elsewhere, as they should be ordered. To this proposition the crowd responded with manifestations of the most enthusiastic applause. Resolutions to this effect were adopted, and a number of names, as we understand, were added to the list of names already obtained for the purpose of entering the service at once.

Col. Swan presided on the occasion, and appeared to be highly gratified at the patriotic spirit which seemed to pervade the 39^th, which he has commanded for so many years.
[BWP]

RE46v43i8p4c3, May 26, 1846: FRIDAY May 22^nd, 1846. SENATE.

Mr. Dix, from the Committee on Commerce, to whom had been referred the House bill making appropriations for harbors and rivers, reported back the same with sundry amendments which were ordered to be printed.

Mr. Fairfield, from the Naval Committee, reported back the Senate bill authorizing the construction of ten war steamers of iron, with sundry amendments; one of which authorizes the President to purchase ships instead of having them built, provided it can be done to advantage.

Mr. Mangum having stated some objection to the above amendment, inquired on what day Mr. Fairfield proposed to call up the consideration of the bill.

Mr. Fairfield answered the objections to the amendment, and said he would call up the bill on Monday next.

Mr. Woodbridge introduced a resolution relative to the boundary between the U. S. and the British province, as fixed by the Ashburton treaty.

On motion of Mr. Allen, a resolution was adopted, calling for copies of correspondence relative to treaties between England and France and Texas, when the latter was an independent State.

Mr. Westcott then called up the report of the committee on Territories made yesterday, asking that the committee may be discharged from further consideration of the Oregon jurisdiction bill.

Mr. Allen gave his views, and in the course of his remarks asked if the committee intended to leave our citizens in Oregon unprotected and without a government, after the expiration of the year’s notice.

Mr. Westcott reminded him that the people of Oregon have already established a government of their own.

Mr. Benton then took the floor, and at great length gave his views on the 54 40 question. The subject was then laid over till Monday.
[BWP]

RE46v43i8p4c2, May 26, 1846: TEXAS MEETING.

Pursuant to a previous call, a meeting of the citizens of Petersburg was held at the Courthouse, to take into consideration the war now existing between the United States and Mexico, which was numerously attended.

Col. J. C. Swan being called to the Chair, and Wm. McGowan appointed Secretary, the Chairman, after a brief and happy expose of the purpose of the meeting, announced that they were now ready to proceed to business. The Chairman introduced to the meeting Capt. Hugh A. Garland, who was arrested in his address by a loud call to move the stand to the Court Square, that the numerous attendants might be better accommodated—one half of the audience not being able to get in the house. On motion, the assembly repaired to the front of the court-house, where Capt. G. entered into a happy exposition of the causes which have led our government into this extremity, and was loudly applauded during the delivery of his speech; after Mr. G. had concluded Mr. R. K. Meade being loudly called for, appeared, and in a happy strain of eloquence, which caused every heart to leap as the impassioned manner in which he pourtrayed the history of our wrongs and forbearance, begged leave to introduce some definite plan of action, which will appear in the annexed proceedings, and which were unanimously adopted:

Whereas, our country is now engaged in war with a foreign nation, and has called upon her citizens for support and assistence, and it is the duty of a free people at all times to obey the call of their country: we, the citizens of the town of Petersburg, do therefore Resolve,

1. That we will serve our country with our lives and fortunes.

2. That we will use our best exertions to raise a regiment of infantry on the South side of James river, to be called the South side Regiment of Volunteers, to serve during the war.

3. That a committee of five be appointed to be called the Central Committee, who shall correspond with the officers of the militia on the South side and others, and use their best endeavors to procure enlistments in the proposed Regiments, and do all other acts necessary to the organization thereof.

4. The said Regiment, when organized, shall offer its services to the President of the U. States, to be called out at such time and on such duty as the President or other authorized officers shall appoint.

5. The Central Committee shall appoint five or more to procure recruits in the town of Petersburg and adjourning counties, who shall make returns to said committee weekly or oftener.

6. The Central Committee shall correspond with citizens of other towns and counties on the South side of James River, and urge them to organize committees in their respective towns and counties, to promote the object of this meeting, and encourage the enlistment of soldiers, and said Committee may also appoint proper persons to enlist recruits in any town or county on the South side.

7. Whenever six hundred and twenty-five men shall enroll themselves to serve as volunteers, the Central Committee shall confer with the Governor of Virginia and the President of the United States, and under their advice shall appoint a time and place for the meeting of such volunteers, who shall then proceed to elect their officers, and organize themselves into companies and battalions, to constitute a regiment under the act of Congress, passed 13^th day of May, 1846.

8. The Central Committee shall, if expedient, correspond with the Governor of Virginia and ask for such facilities as he may lawfully give in forwarding the object of this meeting.

9. Any citizen of the United States may enlist as a volunteer in said Regiment.

10. A Committee of five be appointed to procure funds by subscription to be placed with the Central Committee to pay the expenses of correspondences, and of such recruiting officers as may be sent out of the corporation on that service.

11. That we will cheerfully unite in the race of patriotism with companies raised by our fellow citizens on the North side of James River, so as to form a brigade of Virginia Volunteers.

On motion of the Secretary, it was.

Resolved, That the Chairman, assisted by Capt. Garland and Mr. Meade, appoint the respective committees recommended in the resolutions, and notify them of their appointment.

Resolved, That these proceedings be published in the papers of Petersburg and Richmond.

The audience were then informed that a meeting would be held at the same time and place on the next evening, for the purpose of organizing those already enlisted, into a Volunteer Corps.

On motion, the meeting then adjourned. J. C. SWAN, Chairman. WM. McGOWAN, Secretary.
[BWP]

RE46v43i8p4c4, May 26, 1846: NOTHING LIKE THE EMPIRE CITY!.

To the Editors of the Enquirer:
NEW YORK, May 21^st, 1846.

Gentlemen: I can hardly trust myself to describe to you the great War Meeting which was held in the Park last evening. I never witnessed such an assemblage animated by such thrilling enthusiasm. Its numbers are uncounted. For more than three hours, the dense mass stood and heard and responded to the patriotic sentiments addressed by popular speakers from three platforms. The action of our Government, and the conduct of its gallant army, were warmly approved and commended. One feeling only was manifested—that of repelling invasion and redressing the wrongs of our common country. Most loudly did the assemblage respond to the sentiment, that the United States would never permit European interference in the affairs of this county. The moral effect of such a meeting as this must be great. As was remarked, could the Mexicans have witnessed the spectacle, their military tyrants would have taken to flight, and their armies have ceased to prosecute the war. Several speakers alluded to our differences with England; some expressed the belief that the present attitude of affairs with Mexico was brought about by English influence, and the probability of a war with that power was freely spoken, and as heartily responded to. I have seen many mass meetings in New York, (although never one so large as this,) and I know something of the temperament of the people; but I confess that I was rather surprised to find the war sentiment—I mean a war with England—so strongly re-echoes from the vast masses who were assembled. I know that you hope and trust with me, that a war with England may be averted, and our country spared the calamities of any long war; but, nevertheless, if that war which we so little desire should come upon us, I think that this matter with Mexico, and the preparations made for carrying it on, will be of eminent service to us. The expenditure during a war with Mexico will be a cheap preparation and inuring of our forces for any greater war which is to follow.

The scene—the coup d’oeil—presented by the “sea of upturned faces,” to quote a phrase of Mr. Webster, was animating beyond description. I witnessed it from the platform, immediately in rear of the Mayor. They were a densely wedged mass, intent upon hearing what was said, and expressing their approval or condemnation, as the proceedings went on. No disorder occurred. The meeting was opened with music, a large brass band performing in company with a chorus of vocalist. At dusk, the assemblage was cheered by the radiance of a Drummond light stationed in the presence of a number of ladies on the balcony of the City Hall. During the evening fire works were exhibited, and frequent discharges of artillery were heard booming over the meeting.

During the morning of yesterday, I visited the Navy Yard at Brooklyn, and went on board of some of the vessels there placed. Active preparations are making, in order that they may be despatched to sea. It had been said that the Secretary of the Navy was not pushing forward the equipment of the Navy as he should, and that only a few additional workmen were engaged. I made enquiry of the officers on duty, and was informed that there were at work as many persons as could be employed to any advantage, and that the preparations were fast progressing.

But to turn from warlike thoughts and narratives. I cannot close my letter to you, without mentioning the solemn and impressive spectacle which, for about four hours, I witnessed to-day.—This (Ascension) day was set apart for the consecration of Trinity Church in Broadway, opposite the head of Wall Street. The grand and imposing ceremony accordingly took place in the presence of congregated thousands. I was fortunate enough to obtain a ticket of admission.—Bishop McCoskry of Michigan, now acting here, a man of fine voice and personal appearance, and somewhat resembling the present Bishop of London, performed the dedicatory offices. The sentence of consecration appeared to be quite long, and was drawn up with all the technicality of a complicated law instrument. The procession of the Clergy, in surplices, about 200 in number, entering the Church, amid the swelling notes of a splendid organ, was most solemn and sublime. I cannot speak adequately of the musical portion of the service. The various chants and anthems occupied near two hours. The sermon was preached by the Bishop, and lasted 32 minutes only. A portion of the morning prayer was read by Mr. Southard, a son of the late Senator, &c. He is the same young man who refused the assistant Rectorship of this Church, worth $5,000 a year, and preferred to remain in his present parish, with a small salary. He was an object of general interest on the part of the Church where I sat. The architecture of this magnificent edifice is unsurpassed in the United States. Indeed, it is a Church which can vie with the palatial temples of Old Oxford. I will endeavor to give you some account of it soon.

I have no more time, before the mail, at a very inconvenient hour, closes. Your Friend, G.
[BWP]

RE46v43i8p4c5, May 26, 1846: MR. MADISON’S VIEW OF A CASUS BELLI.

To those who are troubled about the propriety of an act of Congress recognizing a wear with Mexico and preparing to meet it, we offer the following precedent, (says the Union.) We suppose no man will deny that the case of Mexico now is quite as bad as was the case of Algiers in 1815:

Confidential Message of Mr. Madison, February 23, 1815.

“To the Senate and House of Representatives of the U. S.

“Congress will have seen, by the communication of the consul-general of the United States at Algiers, laid before them on the 17^th of November, 1812, the hostile proceedings of the Dey against that functionary. These have been followed by acts of more overt and direct warfare against the citizens of the United States trading in the Mediterranean, some of whom are still detained in captivity, notwithstanding the attempts which have been made to ransom them, and are treated with the rigor usual on the coast of Barbary.

“The considerations which rendered it unnecessary and unimportant to commence hostile preparations on the part of the United States being now terminated by the peace with Great Britain, which opens the prospect of an active and valuable trade of their citizens within the range of the Algerine cruisers, I recommend to Congress the expedience of an act declaring the existence of a state of war between the United States and the Dey and regency of Algiers, and of such provisions as may be requisite for a vigorous prosecution of it to a successful issue.”[BWP]

RE46v43i8p4c4, May 26, 1846: GREAT WAR MEETING IN THE PARK.

Pursuant to a call issued by the Mayor and Common Council, (says the Sun of Thursday,) the citizens of New York met in the Park last evening to deliberate on the best method of aiding the government to secure a speedy, honorable and triumphant termination of the war with Mexico.

Hon. A. H. Mickle, Mayor of the city, having been called to the chair, briefly addressed the assembled multitude. It is estimated that fifty thousand persons attended. Four large platforms were erected, from which different speakers addressed the meeting. Addresses were delivered by Messrs. Shepherd, McKeon, Wells, Barnes, Schieffelin, Dixon, Whitney, Tannis, Capt. Rynders, and, many others.

But one spirit animated the orators and the vast concourse—a spirit of Patriotism. The honor and defence of the country; the importance of union and harmony among ourselves; the readiness of New York to put forth all her energies, if necessary, in defence of the Union; and the necessity of prompt and vigorous action, were eloquently set forth by the speakers, and heartily responded to by the meeting.

Resolutions to this effect having been passed unanimously, a national salute was fired and rockets let off. The Park and the streets around it were brilliantly illuminated by a Drummond light on the City Hall, and another on the American Museum. The gallant proprietor of the latter also caused his splendid edifice to be illuminated. The meeting adjourned about nine o’clock.
[BWP]

RE46v43i9p1c1, May 29, 1846: TWENTY-NINTH CONGRESS. MONDAY, MAY 25. SENATE.

Mr. Dickenson presented the proceedings of an immense meeting in New York city, in reference to the war with Mexico.

He accompanied their presentation with some eloquent remarks, commending the patriotism of those proceedings. The proceedings were then order to be printed. printed.

The previous orders were then suspended, and the Senate took up the Texas mail route bill.

Mr. Rusk remarked that a joint resolution relative to this matter had been passed by other House, but the Postmaster General did not feel warranted to act under it. The bill was then read a third time and passed.

On motion of Mr. Dix, the Senate took up the bill supplemental to the “war bill.” It provides for the appointment and creation of two additional Major Generals, four Brigadier Generals, &c.

Mr. Atchison moved to amend the bill by providing that the additional officers shall be dismissed at the termination of the war, or three months thereafter.

Mr. Dix, at some length, opposed the amendment on the ground that the recent increase of the rank and file of the army, rendered such additional officers necessary.

Mr. Westcott followed on the same side. He contended that it would be an act of great injustice to the officers promoted under this act. For instance, if General Taylor should be promoted at the end of this war, he would necessarily fall back to his former rank.

Mr. Atchison defended his amendment. He said the number of officers was already too great for a peace establishment. establishment. Besides, no injustice would be done to the officers, because they would know the conditions under which they were promoted.

On motion of Mr. Mangum, the bill was for the present laid on the table.

The Senate then resumed the consideration of the Oregon jurisdiction bill, as reported back by Mr. Westcott from the military committee, with a motion that the committee be discharged from its further consideration, on the ground that it is inexpedient at the present time to pass such a bill.

Mr. Benton having the floor, resumed and concluded his remarks from Friday last upon the question of title, and in favor of the 49^th parallel.
[BWP]

RE46v43i9p1c1, May 29, 1846: HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.

Mr. Brinkerhoff moved a suspension of the rules to enable him to submit a joint resolution, . . .[illegible] . . . forth that the thanks of Congress are du to Gen. Taylor and his army, and that the President be empowered to allow them one month’s extra pay in consideration of their gallant conduct.

Mr. Winthrop thought the motion rather premature. He thought the better plan would be to wait until the arrival of the official dispatches from the army. He said he would unite most cordially in any testimonial of gratitude to Gen. Taylor and the army, but he was convinced that the true parliamentary course would be to wait until the President should have communicated the official account to Congress.

Mr. Brinkerhoff said, that in case the rules should be suspended, the resolution might lie over until the official accounts should be transmitted.

The question being then taken, the rules were suspended.

On motion of Mr. Preston King, the resolution was then referred to a Commmittee of the Whole.

The House then went into Committee of the Whole, and resumed the consideration of the civil and diplomatic appropriation bill.

Mr. King of Mass. Moved to amend by inserting $25,000 for sick and disabled seamen.

Mr. K. said he had offered the amendment at the request of the Secretary of the Treasury.—He then contended that it would be cruel and unjust to deprive the hardy sailors of the benefit of the fund exacted from their honest earnings.

Mr. McKay opposed the amendment on the ground that if all the money due from seamen were collected there would be a sufficiency without this appropriation.

Mr. Holmes, of S. C., eloquently advocated the amendment.

Mr. Winthrop followed on the same side. He contended that the government was bound to make a proper application of the funds collected from seamen and that it ought not to be diverted from its original purposes.

After further debate, the amendment was agreed to. Ayes 79, Nays 45.

Several other amendments having been discussed, the committee rose.

Several communications in answer to resolutions of enquiry were presented, after which the House adjourned.
[BWP]

RE46v43i9p1c1, May 29, 1846: TUESDAY, May 26, 1846. SENATE.

Mr. Dix presented a petition in reference to the extension of Morse’s Magnetic Telegraph to New Orleans, which was referred to the Committee on the Library.

On motion of Mr. Pearce, the Committee on Military Affairs was instructed to inquire into the expediency of providing for the distribution of public property captured during the war, among the officers and soldiers engaged in the war.

Mr. Pennybacker, on leave, introduced a bill to authorize the Clerks of the Courts of the United States, in the Western District of Va. to appoint deputies, and for other purposes.

Mr. Bagly introduced a bill to cede to the State of Alabama all the public lands lying in that State which may remain unsold on the 1^st of Jan’y 1817.

The Judiciary Committee reported a bill to change the time for holding the U. S. Courts in the District of Ohio, which was read three times by unanimous consent and passed.

Mr. Berrien, from the Judiciary Committee, made a report, accompanied by a bill, in re(unreadable) to the clause in our treaty with Spain of 1795, respecting letters of marque, which were ordered to be printed.

On motion of Mr. Johnson, of La., the bill to provide for the adjustment of land claims in the states of Missouri, Arkansas, Louisiana, Alabama, Mississippi, &c., was taken up, and., after being amended, was ordered to be engrossed for a third reading.

The Senate then proceeded to the special order, and took up the bill supplemental to the act providing for the prosecution of the existing war with Mexico.

[The bill provides for the appointment of two additional major generals, and four brigadier generals, to call into the service, when necessary, general officers of the militia, &c.].

Mr. Dix briefly explained the necessity for the increase of generals proposed in the first section, and opposed the amendment offered yesterday by Mr. Atchison, requiring their dismissal as soon as the war shall terminate.

Mr. Morehead very briefly opposed the first section as it stood. He was unwilling to give the President power to place citizens who have never seen service over the heads of officers who had devoted a life time to it—over such men as Gen. Taylor. Mr. M paid a high tribute to “old rough and ready” as Gen. T. is sometimes called. If the increased number of Generals proposed by the bill should be authorized, Mr. M. was in favor of requiring the President to appoint them from among those who had or should distinguished themselves in the war.

Mr. Miller moved to amend by striking out the amendment, and inserting in lieu thereof a proviso that the officers shall be selected from the Army.

Mr. M. supported his amendment in an appropriate speech.

Mr. Allen followed in opposition to both amendments. He seemed to think it necessary to harmonize the soldiers of the regular army and the citizen soldiers, by selecting some of the Generals from the army and some from private life.

Mr. Mangum made a zealous speech, and agreed that there was no necessity for the proposed increase. The brevet Generals already in service were fully equal to the command of any army that was likely to be brought into the field. The volunteers would be officered by the States, and the war would give an opportunity to discover the military talent which they might possess. The government could then take care not to permit this talent to be lost to the country.

Mr. Cass sustained the bill.

A long and warm debate upon the amendment of Mr. Atchison continued until a very late hour, and the question was informally passed over.
[BWP]

RE46v43i9p1c2, May 29, 1846: No title.

This evening’s southern mail (says the Union) brings the following letter from a gallant son of Washington to his sister. We are obliged to the family for a copy of it:

“POINT ISABEL, Texas, May 13^th, 1846.

“By the time you receive this, you will have heard of the two great battles that have been fought by our army against the Mexican forces. We had but 2,400 men, and the Mexicans had 6,000. The first day they did nothing but fire artillery at us, which we returned, and killed some hundred of them. They tried several times to break our lines by charging us, but they were repulsed.—This day Major Ringgold, of the artillery, was killed by a cannon ball, which took off both his legs; and some sixty of our men were killed and wounded. Our squadron of dragoons (Captain May’s of Washington) was under fire the whole time, and we lost ten or fifteen horses killed, and the same number of men wounded. Several shot passed near me and over my head, and one went between my horse’s legs, but did not hit him.—That night the Mexican force fell back and took up a position in a dense chapporal, or thicket, that borders the Rio Grande, and is seven or eight miles through. I was one of the advanced guard, and was within sixty yards of the enemy when they fired grape shot upon us; and, singular as it may appear, not one of my men were struck.

“The General then ordered us to allow the infantry to pass up and engage them; they did so, and also our light artillery. They had been engaged a bout an hour and a half, when OUR squadron was then ordered to charge the enemy’s batteries. We did so, took one of their batteries, and General la Vega prisoner, while in the act of pointing a gun. Lieut. Inge, of the dragoons, was killed in the charge; Lieut. Lucket had his horse shot under him, and many of the men and horses were killed and wounded. Gen. la Vega surrendered his sword to Capt. May. It was a desperate affair, and was as gallantly performed as any action of our revolution.

“I had four men killed at my side. I cut one Mexican down, and then ralllied the men that were left, when the enemy broke and run, and left everything in our possession. The plunder was great—600 mules, 9 pieced of cannon, some 20 standards, and a large amount of money in gold, besides all their equipage. Seventeen officers were taken prisoners, and hundreds of men. An exchange of prisoners has been made, and our officers and men whom they took in a previous affair are now restored to us. Henry, Crezet and your friends were in the action, and behaved like men. Piper was not in the action, and is almost crazy about it. I am safe and sound, although, when I think over what I have gone through, I involuntarily shudder at my escape. Gen. Taylor has gone up to the army to day, and we start to morrow. We brought the wounded down here. Several of our officers were killed, and a large number wounded, but nothing in comparison to the enemy.” [BWP]

RE46v43i9p1c1, May 29, 1846: HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.

Mr. Hunt, of Michigan, from the Committee on (unreadable0 Lands, reported back the bill from the Senate granting alternate sections of the public domain to aid in the completion of works of internal improvement in the State of Michigan.

Mr. McKay moved that the House go into Committee of the Whole on the State of the Union.

The motion prevailed, and Mr. Hopkins of Va. having taken the chair, the Civil and Diplomatic Appropriation Bill was taken up.

Mr. Brinkerhoff of Ohio, moved to lay the bill aside for a short time, for the purpose of taking up the resolutions of thanks, &c., to Gen. Taylor and his army, introduced by him yesterday.

Mr. Haralson, chairman of the Military Committee, suggested to the member from Ohio the propriety of delaying action upon, his resolutions until the reception of a message from the President, which would probably be received to-day, transmitting the official accounts, and the House could then act understandingly upon the subject.

Mr. Brinkerhoff acquiesced and withdrew his motion.

The consideration of the Civil and Diplomatic Bill was then resumed, the question being upon the amendment of Mr. Boyd of Kentucky, to insert an appropriation for a Marine Hospital at Paducah, Kentucky.

Mr. Crozier of Tennessee advocated the amendment, and in the course of his remarks alluded to the River and Harbor Bill, and assailed the inconsistency of the Democratic Party upon the question of Internal Improvement.

Mr. Houston of Alabama replied to the remarks of Mr. Crozier on the Internal Improvement question, which, he said, had been so improperly dragged into his debate.

Mr. Stanton of Tennessee followed in reference to the improvements of Tennessee river, and the probably veto of Mr. Polk, had that river been included in the River and Harbor Bill.

Mr. Crozier rejoined in reply to the remarks of Mr. Houston and Mr. Stanton, and after some remarks from Mr. Davis of Kentucky, the amendment prevailed—yeas 69, noes 46. Mr. Darragh, of Pa., proposed a Marine Hospital at Pittsburg, and a member from Mississippi, one at Natchez. Both of the amendments were agreed to.

Mr. Farran of Ohio, proposed $1,500 for the hospital at Cincinnati.

Mr. Grover of N. Y., moved to strike out the appropriations for all the hospitals—and defended it in a speech denunciatory of the Democratic party for violating its promises. He was amazed at the legislation he had seen in the House, and at the indifference with which members of his party ran their arms into the Treasury up to their elbows.

Mr. Payne, of Ala., was delighted with this speech, and made an argument to prove that marine hospitals were alms houses. He desired to know whether Congress was to act upon the revenue system, and the people desired to know something about it. Six weeks ago a revenue bill had been reported, but it slept most quietly in committee of the whole. He hoped the question was not to be passed over in silence, and that the apathy which prevailed upon it would be removed. The Baltimore Convention had been mentioned in previous debates, and if a Convention was to settle the legislation of the country, then the Tariff should be acted upon, and the revenue system modified. Mr. P. stated the part he had taken in the canvass of 1844, and maintained that the party were bound to modify the Tariff and reduce the duties. He called upon the party to reduce the Tariff and to redeem their pledges.—Mr. P. denounced the National Fair and the protective policy.

Mr. Jones of Ga. said that the Tariff could not be acted upon if members were to make speeches like those he had heard.

Mr. Payne complained of the rebuke, and said he knew his rights.

Mr. Cobb, of Ga., moved that the Committee rise, which was agreed to.

A resolution was then offered providing that all debate on the bill, in committee of the whole, shall cease at three o’clock to morrow.

A motion was made to amend by striking our three o’clock to-morrow, and inserting “four o’clock to-day.”.

Mr. Winthrop moved to lay the resolution on the table. This motion was rejected—yeas 73, nays 92.

The question was then taken on the amendment to insert four o’clock to-day, and it was rejected.

The original resolution, modified by inserting “1 o’clock,” was then adopted, after which the House adjourned.
[BWP]

RE46v43i9p1c2, May 29, 1846: No title.

We give extracts, (says the Union,) from the official despatches of Commodore Conner, showing the gallant and well-judged promptitude with which the excellent officer, in pursuance of his general instructions from the Navy Department, has brought his valuable aid to the scene of action. We had not supposed it probable that his squadron could have been concentrated there so soon after the Mexican attack commence.

Extract of letters from Commodore Conner to the Secretary of the Navy, dated:

U. S. SHIP CUMBERLAND,
Off Vera Cruz, May 3, 1846.

The decided tone of the Manifesto of the President of the Mexican Republican, in connrxion with other indications, seems to leave no doubt that orders have been given to General Arista to attack the American army on the Del Norte, should a favorable occasion offer. Under the belief that an attack is contemplated, I have considered it advisable, and have determined to sail to-morrow morning for the Brazos Santiago with the Cumberland, Raritan, Potomac, John Adams and Somers. The Falmouth will be left here to protect our interests, and to watch the course of events. The appearance of the squadron at that place, with a knowledge of the considerable reinforcement it can afford to our army, will, I think, cause the Mexican Generals to pause, if not altogether to abandon their design of attacking General Taylor. All accounts concur in stating the Mexican army to amount to nearly eight thousand men. I feel assured the Government has not the means of maintaining this force for any length of time in the field; indeed, there is not, even now, a dollar in the Treasury. Hence delay will either cause the army to disband, or another revolution to take place; either of which events, it is believed, cannot be otherwise than favorable to the wishes of our Government in bringing about an amicable settlement of our difficulties with Mexico. The latter would undoubtedly contribute to that end, as it would place in power men wholly opposed to the policy at present pursued.

Considerable activity has prevailed at this place since my arrival, in improving and strengthening the defences of the castle and the town of Vera Cruz. As far as I am able to ascertain, there are now nearly, if not quite, two hundred guns mounted in the castle of San Juan de Ulloa, and as many as fifty in the two forts and walls of the city commanding the anchorage. These guns are all new, and of heavy calibre, most of them being thirty-two and forty-two pounders, with a number of eight and ten-inch Paixhan guns. There are said to be nearly two thousand men in the fortress, and about the same number in the town.

I am.
Very respectfully, Your obedient servant,
D. CONNER,
Commanding Home Squadron.

HON. GEORGE BANCROFT,
Secretary of the Navy, Washington.

U. S. SHIP CUMBERLAND,
Off the bar of Brazos Santiago,
May 8, 1846.

Sir—As stated in my communication of the 3d, the squadron left the roads of Sacrificios on the morning of the 4^th, and has just anchored off the bar of Santiago, where I have just been apprised that hostilities have actually taken place some days since.

As the opportunity by which I send this communication cannot be detained, I have only time to add, that after communicating with Gen. Taylor, and ascertaining the situation of affairs at Matamoras, I shall remain here no longer than the presence of the squadron may be required, after which it will be necessary for this ship, the Potomac, and John Adams to repair to Pensacola to replenish their provisions and water. In the mean time orders will be given to carry into execution your instructions in relation to the blockade of the Mexican coast, and to meet and repel, in the most decisive manner, the hostilities of the Mexican nation. Some more small vessels are required, also one or two small steamboats of a draft of water not exceeding eight feet. These vessels will be necessary to enforce a strict blockade of the coast.

I am, very respectfully, &c.
D. CONNER,
Commanding home squadron. squadron.

Hon. GEO. BANCROFT,
Secretary of the Navy.
[BWP]

RE46v43i9p1c6, May 29, 1846: “ALL’S WELL THAT ENDS WELL.”

So thinks not our Whig neighbor, the Times. Come weal, come woe to the country, a Democratic Administration and a Democratic President must be assailed for doing wrong. Although our army has triumphed, and our frontier been saved from devastation, yet a Democratic President who committed the unpardonable sin of ousting Mr. Clay from the Presidency, must be held up to public condemnation for having put this army in a position to check the Mexican invasion, and save from pollution the soil of Texas, which is as much American ground as the streets of our own city. The Times could not have seized a more unpropitious moment to attack this Administration. The paper denounces the action of the Government as the “the weakest policy which was ever adopted by the public authorities of a country.” It, then, proceeds to berate the Administration for sending such “a small army to the farthest limit of the disputed territory, and under the orders from the Department, the General erected batteries, with their guns perfectly commanding the town of Matamoras, acknowledged to belong entirely to Mexico. Had such an act been attempted in the case of the Maine boundary—had a British town been thus menaced, he would have been considered demented who did not think the result would be immediate war, and the President would have been deemed a madman or a traitor, who ordered only 2500 men of the regular army to enforce the measure. Every body would have protested against an act of such consummate folly, and the Administration would have been held responsible for the safety of every officer and every private, whose safety it had so recklessly put in jeopardy.”.

An escape from the fatal consequences of this “weakest policy,” says the Times, is “entirely due to the perfect discipline of our men and to the skill of our officers.” In another place the Times says:

“The two victories of Gen. Taylor will give the country confidence, that our cause is in the hands of able and courageous officers, who perfectly understand their position, the character of the enemy with whom they are contending, and the means of resisting them with efficiency. Gen. Taylor himself has exhibited in his despatches, and in all his arrangements, a coolness of judgment and a firmness of purpose, which may well remind us of the Duke of Wellington, whilst in action he has shown an intrepid courage and a promptness of decision which have never been surpassed.”.

These quotations in themselves are the strongest refutation of the unjust assaults upon the Government. Has not this “small army,” unaided, vanquished our enemies, and covered itself with glory? Has it not been found to possess the means of resisting them (the Mexicans) with efficiency? If Mr. Polk be chargeable with “an illegal usurpation of authority,” in sending a force to defend our own American soil, has he not done every thing that was necessary to meet the crisis? Did he not send there perfectly disciplined men and skilful officers, and have they not proved equal, nay, superior to circumstances? While the country mourns the loss, and will do honor to the memory of the few who died bravely in their country’s cause, doe sit not rejoice at the brilliant triumph of our arms? Where, then, is this “weakest policy” to be found? Texas came under our protection buy our own consent. Her territory extended to the Rio Grande, by her own laws and buy the recognition of the great powers of Europe. Would it not have been base and cowardly in the United States to abandon her people and her soil to the ruthless havoc of foreign invaders? In that matter, Mr. Polk has done his whole duty, and he could do nothing else. He sent a noble army, and most gallant and skillful officers, not to make the attack, but to defend our soil. The result is written in glowing characters, and the nation will sustain him to the very letter.

The correspondent of the N. Y.Evening Post writes:

“The late events prove the sagacity and efficacy of all the arrangements of the Executive and the War Department in regard to this rupture with Mexico. General Taylor was provided with three thousand excellent regular troops, and invested with full authority to call for ten thousand militia, if he was likely to need them. Commodore Conner was also provided with instructions to go to the assistance of the land forces in a certain contingency. All things have come out right.

“Gen. Taylor has called for militia, but whipped the Mexicans before a single company arrive; and the fleet reaches the point of danger on the very day of a decisive battle, to be in readiness to render the most effectual aid to General Taylor, in case the fortune of the day had been adverse. The course of things proved that the whole exigency of the case was appreciated in the councils of the administration, and that it was provided against, and that no more than was necessary to be done was done.”.

To the same effect speaks the N. Orleans Jeffersonian:

“The most extraordinary feature of the information from Washington, is the surprise that seems to be evinced at the removal of the troops from Corpus Christi to the Rio Grande. General Scott professes to have had no knowledge of it, and the correspondent of the Baltimore American says the movement is universally condemned at Washington. We presume, of course, General Taylor acted under the directions of the War Department. Upon that Department rests the responsibility, and if the Secretary of War never had done anything else to establish his reputation, his wise forecast in ordering this important charge of position would be sufficient. The brilliant achievements of the army will, we presume, silence the croakers at Washington.”.

So much for the partizan assaults of the Times, which destroy themselves. The last Union points out the probable course which will be adopted for the prosecution of the war. Its wisdom and justice must be approved of by the whole country, including the Times, who generally sees in the Administration nothing but to condemn. It strikes down all the misrepresentations of the Whig press, who charge Mr. Polk with “getting up” this war for his own selfish end.—Never had we a more righteous war, and, our word for it, it will be conducted with a moderation and liberal spirit, worthy of all praise. As the Union says, “we war for peace and not for plunder.” Can a nobler motive animate any Government?.

“The moral effect of this great triumph upon the country, will be as irresistible as its result upon the battle-field was decisive. It secures to us a short war. It will rouse the people in a simultaneous effort to carry on the conflict with all possible vigor to its close. Already we hear of the purpose of a combined military and naval movement upon Matamoras. And we undertake to say that a most vigorous plan of operations, intended at once to bring the Mexicans to just and honorable terms, is even now fully matured by our government. In this view we cannot but hope that the enthusiasm of the volunteers who are rushing to the scene of action, will subject itself strictly to the direction and the discipline of the regular central force. There must be no independent volunteer expeditions. They must, in every case, be under the direction of the constituted authorities of our country. The federal government, through its proper officers, will call upon the States for volunteer troops. No man doubts that there will be enough, and greatly more than enough, to rush to the standard of their country. These men will be impelled by the highest motives. We war for peace, and not for plunder. All the highest considerations of humanity and of sound policy commend to us this spirit; and of this spirit, thus far, our army has given a most glorious example. At the moment when General Taylor made his advance toward the Mexican border he proclaimed that private property should be strictly respected by his soldiers, and that fair prices should be paid for its supplies. This praiseworthy moderation, on the eve of hostilities, has been followed up by acts of humanity and courtesy in the hour of victory, which crown the glory of our triumph. Such a spirit persevered in to the end will enlist the the sympathy of the whole Mexican people on our side.”.

While we perfectly agree with the following suggestions, as to Mexico being compelled to pay the whole expenses of the war, which we believe to be a most righteous one, but which many of the Whig prints stigmatize as “the President’s War,” forced by him upon Mexico, we are anxious to know how the advice will be received by those Whig journals which t aunt the Government with “truculent and pernicious designs of invasion and conquest!”.

The Washington correspondent of the Journal of Commerce says:

“In the mean time the Government have taken a step which is quite as decided and important as a march to the Mexican capital. The American squadron, under Commodore Stockton, have orders to take possession of St. Francisco and Monterey, and to hold those places against all opposition. I know this to be a fact.

“Taking possession in California, the United States will never relinquish the foothold in that country until Mexico has not only paid all the indemnities due to our citizens, but . . .[illegible] . . . paid the expenses of the war.”[BWP]

RE46v43i9p1c7, May 29, 1846: FOR THE ENQUIRER.

"What now have they contrived to find out in him?"

Shall we never look into a Whig paper without meeting the most pitiful accusations that the malice of an enemy can suggest? Without finding some half-way, milk-and-water talk the propriety of this or that policy? Whoever yet in a public emergency has given complete satisfaction to his friends even? Shall I say to his enemies? Instead of every patriotic citizen suggesting the best means for the defence of the country, and the prosecution of the war in which we are now engaged, a press like the Times of this city is endeavoring to show a want of foresight and judgment on the part of the Administration, when the commonest observation is aware that these two qualities have been displayed in the commencement of hostilities, and the victories of our arms. If the army on the Rio Grande had been cut up, horse, foot and dragoons, such another clamor against the Administration would have been raised by these partizans, sufficient almost to overwhelm and drive it from power; as now, when we are victors, it has received, I venture to say the applause and congratulation of the country, and the esteem of its rivals a broad. Because the . . .[illegible] . . . means, however, have been found equal to the emergency; the cap is neither too large nor too small; it fits the conqueror well, and he wears it well; the target has been struck, so as make the national pulse throb with pride and emotion; and yet there are cavillers who esteem their own violent prejudice above the fact and argument of the controversy. This is what may be called murdering one’s own reputation—falling into one’s own ambuscade—digging one’s own grave. Mark this! this! Experience has added little to their foresight. They blundered in their opposition to the Annexation of Texas—they are falling now into the same snare. Let them beware. The editors of the Times are not too wise. What they call the “weakest policy,” is the very strongest. Every one knows this. Years hence, the War Administration will be reverted to with pride and gratitude, for the rectitude of their motives, and the promptness of their movements—Years hence, also, when Mexican representatives shall sit like brothers in our Congress halls; and Yankee enterprise shall have pruned the weeds which grow like grass on Mexican soil—when Mexicans themselves shall bless us for ridding them of those who have led them about like sheep in consternation and affright, and this Union shall have compassed the flower of the Western world, both Whig and Democrat, both high and low, as they love their country, its institutions and its administrators, will look back with pride upon the glorious events of 1846. The Times may blush when it grows older and wiser. Such remarks falling from such lips, are apt to assist the storm, as in the “Tempest.” If nothing can be done, nothing should be said. One should not be too humane in war, nor too valorous in peace for often. ----------In their distress They call a spirit up, and when he comes, Straight their flesh creeps, and quivers, and they dread him, More than the ills for which they called him up.”

A REPUBLICAN.

[BWP]

RE46v43i9p2c1, May 29, 1846: TWENTY-NINTH CONGRESS.

We ask attention to the lucid and able remarks of Senator Pennybacker, on the bill for the successful prosecution of the Mexican war. He handles the subject, in connection with the law of nations, with tact and force. We had the pleasure of hearing Mr. P., and were pleased to see what a favorable impression he produced upon the Senate and the audience.
[BWP]

RE46v43i9p2c1, May 29, 1846: IN SENATE—TUESDAY, MAY 12, 1846.

Mr. PENNYBACKER said, as the question was one of great importance, he would assign very briefly the reasons for his vote.

It is not necessary (said Mr. P.) to the existence of a state of wear, that war should be declared by both, or by even either of the contending parties. There is the highest authority on national law for the support of this position.

Bynkershoek (says Chancellor Kent, in his Commentaries on American Law) has devoted an entire chapter to this question, and he maintains that a declaration of war is not requisite by the law of nations, and that, though it may very properly be made, it cannot be required as a matter of right. The practice rests entirely on manners and magnanimity, and it was borrowed from the ancient Romans. All that he contends for is, that a demand of what we conceive to be due should be previously made. We are not bound to accompany that demand with threats of hostility, or to follow it with a public declaration of war, and he cites many instances to show that, within the two last centuries, wars have been frequently commenced without a previous declaration. Since the time of Bynkershoek (continues he) it has become settled, by the practice of Europe, that war may lawfully exist by a declaration which is . . .[illegible] . . . only, or without declaration on either side. It may begin with mutual hostilities. Since the peace of Versailles, in 1763, formal declarations of war of every kind seem to have been discontinued, and all the necessary and legitimate consequences of war flow at once from a state of public hostilities, duly recognised, and explicitly announced, by a domestic manifesto or State paper. In the war between England and France, in 1778, the first public action the part of the English Government was recalling its Minister, as a breech of the peace between the two nations.There was no other declaration of war, though, each Government afterwards published a manifesto in vindication of its claims and conduct. The same thing may be said of the war which broke out in 1793—though a solemn and formal declaration of war, in the ancient style, was made in June 1756—vigorous hostilities had been carried on between England and France for a year preceding. In the war declared by ythe United States against England in 1812, hostilities were immediately commenced on our part as soon as the act of Congress was passed, without waiting to communicate to the English Government any notice of our intentions.

To the same effect (said Mr. P,) is the authority of Sir W. Scott, one of the most distinguished judges who ever presided in the High Court of Admiralty in the Kingdom of Great Britain. He says: says: “But it is said that the two countries were not, in reality, in a state of war, because the declaration was unilateral only. I am, however, perfectly clear that it was not less a war on that account, for war may exist without a declaration on either side. It is so laid down by the best writers on the law of nations. A declaration of war by one country only, is not, as has been represented, a mere challenge, to be accepted or refused at pleasure. It proves the existence of actual hostilities on one side at least, and puts the other party also into a state of war, though he may perhaps, think proper to act on the defensive only.

From these authorities (said Mr. P.) it is clear that war may exist, though there may have been no declaration of it.

Now, if this be so, it follows necessarily that the existence of a war may be proved by evidence other than a declaration of it. A declaration of war, to be sure, is the best evidence of a state of war, for it is conclusive upon the subject, and leaves nothing to presumption; but, as war may exist without such declaration, it follows, of course, that it may be proved by other evidence.

What is the evidence, then, before us, that war exists between the United States and Mexico?.

It will be remembered by the Senate, that, for years long past, Mexico has entertained hostile feelings towards the United States. She has charged our citizens with wrenching from her the territory of Texas. Nay, she has charged our Government with conniving at it, if not in fact instigating it. She protested against the annexation of Texas to the United States, and gave formal notice to the Government here, that, if the point resolutions should be passed by Congress, admitting Texas into the Union, she would consider that an act of war. On the passage of the (next line unreadable) Government withdrew his passports and indignantly withdrew from the country, breathing vengeance against the United States. In return, our Minister at Mexico was refused all official intercourse with that Government, and was in effect driven from their country; thus terminating, by the acts of Mexico, all diplomatic intercourse between the two countries. Afterwards she occupied a hostile attitude towards the United States, marshalling and organizing armies, issuing proclamations, and avowing the intention to make war on the United States, either by an open declaration of war, or by invading Texas. These are matters of history, (said Mr. P.,) and would be evidence in a court of justice, and must more are they so in a political body.

Notwithstanding these things (said Mr. P.) the President of the United States, actuated by a strong desire to establish peace with that country on the most liberal and honorable terms, actually sought a reopening of diplomatic relations between the two countries, and sent a Minister there; and how was he treated? He was refused to be received—not only once but twice, and he was thus compelled to leave the country. These acts of hostile character were followed up by a concentration of military forces on the right bank of the Rio del Norte, in the town and vicinity of Matamoras, on the immediate boundary between the two countries. Our troops were ordered to that boundary to repel the threatened invasion, and they posted themselves immediately opposite the enemy on the American side of the river.—The Mexican general in command notified the American general to break up his camp with 24 hours, or war would be the result. Nay, he notified him to retire beyond the Neuces river, and in the event of his not complying, arms would decide the question. Why was this demand made if war was not intended? Did he expect to intimidate the American forces and cause them to ingloriously flee? No; no one can believe that. Why was the demand made then? It was made because the law of nations required that it should be made before there could be lawfully a resort to arms. I have already said that Bynkershoek contends that, though a declaration of war is not necessary to justify aggression, yet “a demand of what we conceive to be due should be previously made.” Here was the demand made; and it was conceived to be due by the Mexican General that our troops should decamp and retire beyond the Neuces. In a short time after this (only a few days) the Mexican General was changed and another appointed in his place—that was Gen. Arista, the most skillful and accomplished of all the Mexican Generals. He informed Gen. Taylor “that he considered hostilities had commenced and he should prosecute them accordingly.” On that day his forces were sent across the river into the territory of the United with the avowed purpose of prosecuting the war and on that very day the hostile parties met and sixty dragoons of the American army, including officers and men, were killed and taken prisoners. Is not this war? What evidence will be required of the existence of war? If Mexico is not bound to make a declaration of war before war can properly be said to exist, what other evidence can possibly be expected of the existence of a state of war. To Mr. P.’s mind the evidence was complete to show that state of war actually existed.

But gentlemen say war can only be made by the sovereign authority of the two nations, and that in this case it does not appear that that portion of the two Governments which represents the sovereign power, quoad this thing of makinig war, has assented to the hostilities existing. Why, how is it, so far as we are concerned? Our territory has been invaded, and we have been solemnly informed “that the question between the two nations can only be settled by arms.” Now, the Constitution declares that “the President of the United States shall be the Commander-in-Chief of the Army and Navy of the United States.” If the country be invaded, what is his duty? It is to defend it. His duty as commander-in-chief requires him to defend it. When he does defend it, therefore, does he act without authority from the sovereign power of the States? He acts but in pursuance of his constitutional duty, and when he so acts he represents the sovereign power of the State.

But, more than this, (said Mr. P.) the Constitution empowers Congress “to provide for calling forth the militia to suppress insurrection and repel invasion;” and they have executed this power by passing laws upon the subject. They have authorized the President, “whenever the United States shall be invaded, or be in imminent danger of invasion from any foreign nation or Indian tribe, to call for the such number of the militia of the State or States most convenient to the place of danger or scene of action, as he may deem necessary to repel such invasion, and to issue his orders for that purpose to such officer or officers of the militia as he shall think proper.” Now, when the country is invaded, and he acts under this law, does he not act by the authority of the sovereign power of the nation? Has not the power so to act been delegated to him by the sovereign power itself?.

So far as the United States are, then, concerned in repelling invasion, the President acts as the representative of the nation; and this without a formal declaration of war by Congress, to enable him to do so. Such declaration of war is unnecessary to enable him to do so. He has already the power to do so; and the Constitution makes it his duty to exercise it. Indeed, under the law of nations, a declaration of war was never necessary in a case of defensive war. Vattel says: “he who is attacked, and only wages defensive war, need not make any hostile declaration; the state of warfare being sufficiently ascertained by the enemy’s declaration, or open hostilities. In modern times, however, the sovereign, who is attacked, seldom omits to declare war in his turn, whether from an idea of dignity, or for the direction of his subjects.” It is only in the case of offensive war, or the commencement of war on the part of the United States, that Congress is called upon “to declare war,” before the state of war can properly exist.

Then how is it with Mexico? (said Mr. P.)—It ids said, that it does not appear that the sovereign power of Mexico has authorized these hostilities; that the nation may disclaim the acts of the General; and that in that case there would be no war. Now, can a y one in view of the whole conduct of Mexico, suppose for a moment that this possible? The General was changed in the face of our troops, and by whose authority was this done? Does not this look like as if the finger of the Government was in this matter?—There is no need of a declaration of war, on the part of Mexico, to prove that war does actually exist. They are not bound to furnish us with evidence that the war does exist. exist. How, then, can we determine upon what they have resolved to do, except through the acts of their legally appointed officers? We are not bound to wait until they furnish us with evidence of their intent to strike before we can say that war exists. Every presumption of law, and of common sense, is in favor of the idea, that so much military parade and preparation, and such fearful responsibilities, were never made and assumed without the direction of the proper authorities in the Republic of Mexico. We must hold nation bound for such acts of their officers, or otherwise there would be no security for the peace of the world.

War then exists, and shall we not say so? The highest consideration of policy and justice require us to do so. It is necessary that we should do so to apprize our own people at home and abroad of their new relations and duties, growing out of this state of war. It ids necessary that we should do so to apprize neutral nations of the fact, to enable them to conform their conduct to the rights belonging to the new state of things. And it is necessary that we should do so, in order to obviate all difficulty, when we come to treat of the right to seize certain things which neutral persons are carrying to the enemy, and of what is termed contraband, in time of war. Entertaining these opinions, Mr. P. said he was opposed to all amendments which should be offered to the bill, having for their objects the striking out of any portion of the bill which asserts, most truly, that war does exist and he should vote accordingly.
[BWP]

RE46v43i9p2c2, May 29, 1846: INTERESTING AND LATE EXTRACTS FROM MEXICO.

We are indebted to our friends in this city (says the Union) for various interesting extracts from their correspondence. Among these are the following letters just received from Mexico.—They are entitled to attention from their authenticity as well as importance. Mexico is determined to wage the war against us with all her vigor. And for this purpose, she has laid her hands upon the duties arising from imported goods; and this confiscation must be highly displeasing to the British capitalists, to whom the amount had been made over, for the purpose of discharging what was due to them by the Government. This source of revenue must, however, be considerably abridged, if not entirely arrested, in a short time, by our own squadron blockading her ports.
[BWP]

RE46v43i9p2c2, May 29, 1846: (From the New Orleans Picayune, May 21.) TRIBUTE OF RESPECT TO CAPT. MAY.

We take great pleasure in stating that the gallant Capt. May, of the U. S. Dragoons, who led as brilliant a charge as was ever made on any field of battle, and with his small but brave squadron carried the enemy’s battery and captured their general on the 9^th inst., has been remembered by his fellow-citizens. Capt. May is a native of Washington, D. C., and some of our citizens from that district yesterday raised a subscription and purchased for their brave countryman a sword and belt, which was despatched to him last night. The sword has the following inscription upon it: “Presented to Captain Charles May, of the Second Regiment of United States Dragoons, by his fellow-citizens of New Orleans from the District of Columbia, as a token of their sense of his gallantry displayed in the battle with the Mexican forces May 9^th, 1846.”[BWP]

RE46v43i9p2c2, May 29, 1846: DEPARTURE OF GEN. WORTH.

The General left this city yesterday, on board the Col. Harney, to rejoin the army, and we shall soon hear of his distinguishing himself.
[BWP]

RE46v43i9p2c2, May 29, 1846: TRANSMISSION OF ARMS, &c.

Yesterday, 2,500 stands of muskets, with bayonets, belts, cartridge boxes, and a large quantity of fixed ammunition, including grape and canister, were taken from the Arsenal in this city, and shipped for the South, for the use of the army in Texas.—[N. York Journal of Commerce, May 27.
[BWP]

RE46v43i9p2c2, May 29, 1846: CAMPEACHY.

The Yucatan schooner Ventura, Capt. Pratt, from Campeachy, arrived at New Orleans on the 20^th, having sailed on the 13^th.

Congress was still in session, and would no doubt confirm the declaration made some time since of the separation of the State of Yucatan from the government of Mexico. The news of the blockade of the mouth of the Rio Grande had been received at Campeachy, but they had not heard of the actual commencement of hostilities. The Yucatacos are said to be opposed to rendering any aid to Mexico in case of a war with the United States.

Some disturbances had taken place in the Department of Tobasco about the 1^st inst., headed by Bruno; the result was not known at Campeachy when the Ventura sailed.
[BWP]

RE46v43i9p2c3, May 29, 1846: BOMBARDMENT OF FORT BROWN.

We have no where else (says the N. O.Picayune) seen so circumstantial and interesting an account of the bombardment of the camp opposite Matamoras as is contained in the following letter. it is due the author to state that it was written exclusively for the gratification of “a select few” of his friends—not for the Public eye. The reader will on this account excuse the air of levity with which serious matters are discussed. Under all this exuberance of fun and humor, we do assure the reader that the writer bears a heart which beats with every generous and manly impulse, and he is fully cognizant of all the sober realities of the service in which he is engaged.
[BWP]

RE46v43i9p2c3, May 29, 1846: CAMP OPPOSITE MATAMORAS, May 13, 1846.

Since the evening of the 9^th nothing has transpired here. You may know, ere this, that we gave the Mexicans “jesse” on the 8^th and 9^th.—Gen. Taylor, after establishing his little sand fort here, right opposite the town, left the 7^th Infantry and two Artillery companies in it, with instructions to defend it to the death; he then left with the remainder of his force for Brazos Santiago for supplies, and with the hope that the two mortars (which he had ordered six months ago) had arrived from Washington, and also to bring up ammunition enough for our l8-pounders to batter down Matamoras. Gen. T. and command left on the 1^st of this month. On the morning of the 3d, at daylight the Mexicans opened their batteries on our fort, or rather our grand entrenchments; from that moment it was right hot work until 12 o’clock, when both parties had to cease until their guns would cool. Were you ever shot at in front with a 12-pounder, in the flank by a 6 pounder, and a shell directed to burst over your head? If not try it, just to properly enjoy a brandy toddy after the gun cooling begins. Well, after the refreshments the ball continued, varied only by a little more ‘vindictate looseness’ and wild-colt, comet-like flying of shells. It was only 23 minutes after we commenced our fire before one of our 18 pound shot struck their 12 pound cannon directly in the muzzle, and knocked it head, back and stomach into the air about 20 feet, and it was accompanied by legs, heads and arms. Seven Mexican officers were wounded, and eight privates, who were around their piece, killed. We have not heard from their 12-pounders since, and so hot was the little fort in which it had been placed, that they were compelled to abandon it. it. When the first fire came, I rushed into my tent and jerked up my rifle, and as I stepped out, a 9-pound shot struck my tent at the head of my bed, ranged the whole length of my bed, cut off the back upright pole, passed out the back part through two other tents, and then buried itself in the parapet. I’m glad I was not “caught napping.”.

In the first half hour a Sergeant of Captain Lee’s company was killed; he was carried over to the hospital tent, (full of sick,) and directly after he was laid on a bed, a bomb shell was thrown through the top of the tent, hit near the bed burst and blew the dead man’s head off without injuring any one else. On Wednesday, the 6^th May, and 3d day of the bombardment, Major Brown was struck on the leg with a bomb-shell, and his leg had to be amputated—he died on the 9^th. These are the only two we have lost during the whole of the bombardment, which commenced on Sunday, the 3d, and lasted, with little intermission, day and night until the next Saturday at dark. During this time the enemy had thrown about 3500 shots—solid and shell-amongst us. It is incredible that the damage should have been so slight. Finding we could not dismount their mortars—they being sunk in the ground, with thick embankments in front—and having only about 400 rounds of ammunition to our cannon, we went to work to throw up a kind of temporary bombproof shelter, by taking our barrels of pork, laying sticks of wood across them, and throwing up six feet of earth upon that. These we built at points in the fort where they would be convenient for the men; and when we saw the smoke from their guns, every one would fall from the parapet and “hole.” When we would see a shell coming we would fall upon the ground, as the explosion generally takes place upwards. The Mexicans thought they had killed nearly all of us, as they were under the impression that all who fell were shot.

It was very disgusting to stand and be tired at all round, and not be able to return it “in full force and virtue,” but knowing our ammunition was scarce, we reserved it till the death struggle should come one. We were in hopes that, after a reasonable time of bombarding, the enemy would attempt to storm us. Two or three teints were made, but they could not be brought to the scratch. Five mortars were playing on us at once, from every point of their works. General Taylor’s orders to us were to maintain this post, and not pretend to make any sally, or risk in the least his position here; but in case we were surrounded after he left, that signal guns should be fired at certain intervals, which would notify him of the fact. This notice was given to the General as they heard all our guns at Point Isabel. Isabel. On the 8^th, the General commenced his march with the train of provisions, and when about twelve miles from here, he saw the enemy in position. He immediately “walked into their affections.” We heard the firing of cannon on both sides, and distinctly the volleys of musketry. We knew well that it was the General poking it into their short ribs. We had then stopped to “licker,” but at the first gun we sprung to out parapets, opened our batteries, and for one hour we had the prettiest little cannon fight that ever a man beheld. Hey gave us gun for gun, while we slung at them “the best the shop contained.”.

But wait, I forgot one thing: On the first Wednesday, after the bombardment had lasted three days, the enemy “sounded a parley.” Major Seawell and Lieutenant Britton were ordered to go out and see what they wanted. They did so, and the Mexicans demanded the surrender of the fort “for humanity’s sake.” They gave us one hour to surrender, or they would put us all to the s word. They brought us a letter from General Arista to our commanding officer. The commanding officer, Capt. Hawkins, (Brown had been shot just before,) had a council of war called, and said he presumed we were unanimous on such points, but that he would put the matter to vote as to their feelings. The vote of the youngest member was taken first and so on throughout. This was the unanimous vote:--“Defend the place to the death.” Gen. Arista was in thirty minutes replied to as follows: That we had received his humane communication, but not understanding perfectly the Spanish language, we were doubtful if we had understood exactly his meaning; but from all we could understand, he had proposed that we give him possession of this place, or we would all be put to the sword in one hour; if this was the proper understanding, we would respectfully decline the proposition, and “took this opportunity to assure his Excellency of our distinguished consideration.” After the reception of this by his “Excellency,” it just rained balls. The different mortars kept two pair of “saddle-bags” in the air all the time, varied only by their 6 and 4-poounders. But in the midst of all the storm the Star spangled Banner still floated on our breast-works, at the point where they directed their strongest efforts; and we took out our two regimental colors and planted them on different parts of the wall. This fire was kept up all night, while their musketry played on us from the rear, at the distance of five hundred yards. We ordered our men not to fire a shot until they came within eighty yards—but they did not approach. Their object was to exhaust us in ammunition. They knew from deserters that it was scarce, and Gen. Taylor had gone for a supply. supply. They are fond of fighting at long distances, but they can’t stand the cold steel.

Now for where I left off on the night of the 8^th. Gen. Taylor and the Mexican army were 12 miles from here-between this and Brazos. The batteries at Matamoras and around us, and in our fort, kept up a constant firing until dark, when all ceased. We had no communication from the General, but that he had to lick ‘em or die! The sound of arms had not retrograded, but advanced; besides, there was not ringing of bells in the city, or sings of rejoicing, therefore, we judged they had not the first cause for jolification. That night was the first sound napping that had been done in the fort for six nights. He next morning at daylight the enemy’s batteries opened on us as usual, we laying low, as our cannon ammunition was nearly exhausted, giving them now and then a “crowder,” to let them know that the “degenerate sons of Washington” were not all dead yet. At 1 o’clock we heard Gen. Taylor open again, and from that till 4o’clock the battle raged with fury, and coming closer almost every shot. The General was driving them before him in the chapporal at the point of the bayonet.—About half a mile in our rear we saw their cavalry retreating for the ferry, to recross the river to Matamoras, and they were in utter confusion; we turned one of our eighteen pounder to bear on the mass, and gave them a “blizzard” to help them along.

Then you should have heard the loud huzzas that went up from this little spot. I sprang upon the walls near our regimental flag and requested silence. Every thing was as still as death. Says I, “three cheers, all together, for the star spangled banner.” It was given in full blast; Matamoras heard the shout; and then, and not till then, every gun from the enemy ceased its fire.

The enemy say they had 6,000 in the fight, but from the returns of the regiments which we have found on the field there must have been 7,153 of them. We had 1,500 engaged in the battle, about 500 forming the reserve. All Gen. Arista’s papers and baggage have been taken, silver plate in abundance. abundance. The loss [taken, wounded and missing] of the enemy amounts to about 2,000; among the prisoners were Gen. La Vega and 17 officers. Nine pieces of cannon were taken.—7 out of the 9 were loaded; this shows you how tight it was. Gen. T. captured more muskets from the enemy than we had in the fight against them—the biggest pile of ammunition you ever saw; 400 splendid mules, and baggage of all kinds enough to load the steamer “Harney.” We have lost about 150 killed and wounded—44 officers killed, 9 wounded. wounded. Gen. T. left day before yesterday for Brazos to bring up his mortars, which we understand have arrived. He will also organzie the volunteers expected. We look for him to-night and so soon as he arrives we shall commence operations against Matamoras, and we will have it or faint in our traces.. It is my opinion that we have crippled them so by the loss of their cannon, muskets, and ammunition that they will be forced to retreat to Carmargo [60 miles from here,] or Monterey, [108,] but from indications they may be fortifying the city and preparing to give us a street fight; let it be so—we are prepared for any event. The Anglo-Saxon never can acknowledge the corn to the cross of Negro and Indian. Some of us will get our pates cracked, but it is our profession. Nevertheless, mark what I say—unless everything we demand is granted our banner will in a few days wave from the walls of Matamoras.
[BWP]

RE46v43i9p2c4, May 29, 1846: HORSE AND SWORD TO CAPTAIN WALKER.

The sword for the brave Walker (says the N. Orleans Courier) was carried out to Point Isabel in charge of Gen. P. F. Smith. A suitable inscription is engraved upon it—and it is accompanied by an appropriate letter written by Mr. Bravo, in behalf of himself and the other citizens at whose cost it was purchased. The Alabama also took out a noble charger for Captain W., presented to him by some of our fellow-citizens. These testimonials to the valor and zeal of the gallant Texan are highly creditable to N. Orleans, and they will not be with good effect in future.
[BWP]

RE46v43i9p2c4, May 29, 1846: NEVER RIGHT.

There is a class of people in this country—a small class, indeed—(says the New Orleans Delta) who always find fault with the policy, more particularly the foreign policy, of the Government. They were the Tories of the Revolution—the Federalists of 1812; but have no distinctive local habitation or name now, that we know of, although their existence is unquestionable. On the debate in the Senate, in reference to the recent message of the President, Mr. Sevier, of Arkansas, in a spirit of sarcasm, alluded to them by saying—.

The Americans were certainly a very unfortunate people. He never knew them to be right in the whole course of his life. They were wrong, ten years ago, in the case of France; wrong lately with Great Britain; wrong in the Seminole war; and now, wrong again with Mexico. He had hoped to see his country right once in his life, but he was to be disappointed.
[BWP]

RE46v43i9p2c5, May 29, 1846: DID THE PRESIDENT BEGIN THE WAR?

The Whigs call the war with Mexico “the President’s war,” and assert that Congress, as the “tool” of the President, stated what was false, in recognizing the existence of war. Events have proved the foresight and wisdom of the President and Congress in adopting, at the outset, the fullest and most vigorous measures. Many of the Whigs, even, are coming out in justification of the bold and thorough action of Congress.—Mexico, beyond all doubt, struck the first blow in the war. So far from disavowing the outrages of her Generals on the Rio Grande, her President has proclaimed the act of war to the world. The Washington correspondent of the Boston Courier (Whig) says:

“Mexico, you will learn before the receipt of this, preceded the United States, in the declaration of war, by two or three weeks. This intelligence was received last night by an arrival directly from Vera Cruz to the Department of State. It was communicated to the President, last evening, in a copy of the Declaration translated at the State Department, and a brief extract from it went north this morning in the official paper.—War, it is now certain, exists, and by the action of both Governments. The Mexicans declare it to be a defensive war, and, moreover, aver that it was provoked by the United States, in the seizure of Mexican soil. This, however is not a question to be settled now, and the declaration of that Government preceding our own materially changes the aspect of public affairs.”[BWP]

The course of some of the Northern Whig presses, in regard to our Mexican difficulties, brings forcibly to mind their factious and detestable conduct on the subject of Annexation. It is more criminal now, because we are in actual war, and the assaults upon our Government are calculated to encourage Mexico and other nations in their designs upon the country. The following specimen from the New York Tribune surpasses any denunciation that may be found in Mexican writings. It exhibits the fierceness of party-spirit, when it causes a journal calling itself American, thus to betray its own country, and more than endorse the curses and vituperation of enemies, in open warfare with us. Could the Editor of the Tribune act with much more criminality, were he to cross the Rio Grande and take service in the ranks of the bloody Ampudia?.

Of all wars ever fomented, we remember none more nefarious in its origin, more wanton and atrocious, than that in which we are now plunged by our rulers, and the land-jobbers and slave-jobbers, whose money, exertions and lies, have made those instruments of their cupidity our rulers. The bloody villainy of some wars was measurably redeemed by the daring evinced in commencing them; but this war is as cowardly as it is wicked. A wealthy, enlightened, and powerful Republic of twenty millions of people is attempting to humble and despoil an ignorant, enfeebled, distracted nation of seven millions, and these in good part semi-barbarous Aborigines of this continent! The giant who should beat a cripple, would be a hero in comparison.”[BWP]

RE46v43i9p2c5, May 29, 1846: No title.*

A curious and interesting scene took place in the Louisiana Legislature on the 19^th. The Governor entered the Hall and asked leave to address the House. He said:

“Mr. Speaker and Gentlemen: I have called on you this morning to state a circumstance of peculiar nature, and to ask you to become my witnesses and endorsers in reference to it. On my visit to the Barracks last evening, presuming that the additional appropriation of 200,000 dollars would become a law this morning, I promised that the five companies about to proceed to the Rio Grande should be paid immediately. On (unreadable sentence) made some amendments that would somewhat delay the passage of the bill, and that I should be obliged to forfeit my word to the troops, unless I could obtain the money immediately. I made application to Mr. Benj. Story, of the Bank of Louisiana, and asked for 9,000 dollars, to be re- (unreadable sentence) letting me have the amount. I then made application to Mr. Burke, President of the Canal Bank, who, without any hesitation, immediately placed to my credit the sum of 9,000 dollars, and declared his willingness to let me have any amount needed. Gentlemen, I ask you to be witnesses and endorsers in this matter.”.

The Governor retired from the House amidst the cheers of the Representatives.

The House instantly took up the appropriation bill, just received from the Senate, and passed it by acclamation—and immediately afterwards passed a bill, empowering the Treasurer to pay into the Canal Bank the said sum of $9,000, thus liberally advanced.

It was then resolved, “that the Canal Bank of New Orleans shows the fact, that all corporations are not destitute of patriotic feeling, and its prompt action in furthering the views of the country, by the late loan to the Governor, deserves the thanks of the Legislature.”.

This Mr. Benj. Story, of the Bank of Louisiana, had been lauded to the skies, for offering half a million to the State of Louisiana, to meet the Mexican crisis. So far from this being true, he refused to make the small loan of $9,000, under the peculiar circumstances. Mr. S. “catches it” from all the New Orleans papers.

A public meeting was held at N. Orleans, May 20^th, which was addressed by S. S. Prentiss, Esq., with his usual glowing eloquence, on the subject of the noble exploits in Texas. After the adjournment, the multitude, arranged in two regiments, en masse, went to the residence of Mr. Benjamin Story, President of the Louisiana Bank, (who refused to loan the Governor $9,000 for the volunteers to Texas,) and gave him three tremendous groans; after which they waited on Mr. Glandy Burke, of the Canal Bank, and gave him three cheers.
[BWP]

When the glorious Mexican war intelligence was received in this city by Saturday’s Southern mail, no credit was given to it by many persons. It came too rapidly, they said. The mystery is now cleared up. The news was brought though at night, by express from Blakely to Montgomery, Ala., one hundred and ninety miles, in 13 hours. This great and almost unequalled feat of horsemanship was performed by one person, young Frederick Tyler, a fearless and expert rider. The most extraordinary circumstance is that he had to saddle all the horses himself, as he was not expected, and all were asleep at the stations. The citizens of Montgomery have made up a purse for him. The Augusta Constitutionalist hopes that the Government will employ this Express, which would gain 48 hours on the regular mail from Mobile to Atalanta.
[BWP]

Our old friend, Captain William M. Fulton, a native of Richmond, and late of the United States Army, has been authorized by General Gaines to raise a Regiment for the Army of Occupation on the Rio Grande. He served through the whole Florida war as Captain of Dragoons. The New Orleans Tropic says: “He is an able and experienced officer, and we trust his regiment will soon be filled, and on its way to the battlefield.”.

The Jeffersonian described Colonel Fulton as “a brave and experienced officer, who distinguished himself in the Florida war.”[BWP]

The reported death of the gallant McIntosh, of Ga., from the wounds received in the action of the 8^th, is disproved by a letter from his son, dated at Point Isabel, on the 13^th, stating that though he has suffered severely from two wounds, in the neck and arm, which was broken, he is now doing remarkable well. The Colonel was also wounded in the neck during the last war. He entered the service as a Lieutenant, in the war of 1812.
[BWP]

On the 20^th, (says the correspondent of the Charleston News,) 900 men left the N. Orleans barracks for the Rio Grande, on board the steamer Mary Kingsland and ship Ondiaka, of Philadelphia. The Col. Harney has also set out, carrying Gen. Worth, Col. Davis and staff, T. B. Thorpe, Esq., editor of the Tropic, and bearer of despatches, and Capt. Doanne’s company of volunteers. Mr. Thorpe carries despatches from Gen. Gaines to Gen. Taylor, and a sash worn by Braddock at the time of his death, which is presented by Gen. Gaines to the Commander of our forces on the Rio Grande.
[BWP]

The Baltimore Patriot protests against sending another and a higher officer to the Rio Grande, to take the command in chief:

“To do that now would be but rank injustice (missing sentences) given the highest of all evidence of his ability to command—success. Other equally gallant and able officers there are in the Army, who, had they been in his place, would have done all he has accomplished. But none could do more. He has met the enemy—he has conquered them—and driven them from the country. Our letter say that the fighting is over—that there are now no more laurels to win. It is very likely. The news of the battles of Gen. Taylor will not fail to strike terror into the hearts of the Mexican people—they will have “no stomach” to renew the fight with him again. Let, then, all the glory of the commanding general be his.”

And yet, it was for sending this fine officer and his gallant army to defend our soil on the Rio Grande, that the Whig press lavished their abuse upon the President as for an act of imbecility, recklessness and unpardonable sin. Gen. Taylor has won his laurels nobly and he wears them well.—His services have been appreciated by the Administration, in conferring on him the high rank of Major General. To judge from the past, it is natural to infer that no General can “do more.”[BWP]

We have received no news from the Army since last Sunday morning—every day we look our for interesting intelligence, announcing that Major General Taylor has attacked Matamoras and Barita and must probably set his foot upon Mexican soil. We should not be surprised that, when the news of the Mexican disasters travels through Mexico, a revolution should spring up, forcing Paredes to abandon the helm and substituting a new President, who will be disposed to ask for peace, in return for a full recognition and satisfaction of all our demands. The heavy blows on the Rio Grande must have “broken the spirit” of boastful Mexico, and she may sue for any terms.

The sketch of the bombardment of Fort Brown from the N. O. Picayune, is full of interest.
[BWP]

We are indebted to the N. O.Picayune for a handsome diagram clearly showing the positions of the different American and Mexican troops, on each side of the river, at Matamoras. The Mexican fortifications, &c., are from official drawings. drawings. Officers of our Army furnished the particulars of the arrangements of the American camp.
[BWP]