| January-June 1845 | July-December 1845 | January-June 1846 | July-December 1846 |
| January-June 1847 | July-December 1847 | January-June 1848 | July-December 1848 |
January
RE46v6942p4c3 January 2, 1846 "All Hail Texas"
Brief work; Admitting Texas
into the Union
RE46v7042p4c1 January 6, 1846 First elections under the new Constitution of Texas
RE46v7242p4c3 January 13, 1846 "A Burnt Child Dreads"
Comical Poem against the
annexation of Texas
RE46v7542p4c7 January 23, 1846 "Late and Important from Mexico"
Announcing appointments
of head and chief officials
REv467642p1c4-5 January 27, 1846 "The Whigs turned Annexationists"
Criticizing
the move to annex Texas and California territories from Mexico
RE46v7642p1c7 January 27, 1846 News from Tampico
RE46v78i42p2c3 January 31, 1846 "Mexico"
Military movement and building tension
February
RE46v42i79p1c5, February 3, 1846: MEXICO
News from Vera Cruz establishing Mexican ministries
RE46v42i79p2c2, February 3, 1846: MEXICAN AFFAIRS
Discussion of Mexican hatred of Americans
RE46v42i80p4c5-6, February 6, 1846: MEXICO
Ports of denied passports
RE46v42i81p1c6-7, February 10, 1846:
PRONUNCIAMENTO
Proclamation by General Mariano Paredes Y. Arrillaga
RE46v42i81p2c1-2, February 10, 1846: POSITION
OF MEXICO
Mexican defense of her policies toward Texas and the US
RE46v42i81p2c1-2, February 10, 1846: GEN'L PAREDES' PRONUNCIAMENTO
Announcement of a future article about the new Mexican president
RE46v42i83p2c5, February 17, 1846: MOVING TO
TEXAS
Discussion of the conditions of towns in Texas
March
RE46v42n87p1c2, March 3, 1846, Correspondence of the Baltimore Sun.
Amendments upon the Oregon Resolution.
RE46v42n87p1c2, March 3, 1846, New Orleans: From Matamoras the arrival of the schooner William C, Preston.
RE46v42n88p2c1, March 6, 1846, The "Banner with Five Stars"
Progress with the annexation of Texas.
RE46v42n90p1c1, March 13, 1846, Important From Texas.
Arrival of ships and preliminary organization of Texas.
RE46v42n90p1c1, March 13, 1846, The U.S. brig Porpoise arrived at Pensacola.
Not believed Mr. Slidell would be received.
RE46v42n90p2c1, March 13, 1846, Speech Of MR. BAYLY OF VIRGINIA.
We are in no condition to go to war with Britain over Oregon.
RE46v42n90p2c4, March 13, 1846, From Washington City.
Expansionist arguments.
RE46v42n90p4c1, March 13, 1846, Twenty Ninth Congress.
Mr. Bayly on the Oregon question.
RE46v42n92p2c1, March 20, 1846, The West and the Tariff.
Whig view of the west issues.
RE46v42n92p4c3, March 20, 1846, The Oregon Question.
Issues dealing with the Oregon tertitory.
RE46v42n92p4c5, March 20, 1846, From Washington City.
Free Trade speech.
RE46v42n92p4c5, March 20, 1846, The Army of Occupation,
General Taylor troops to move toward the Rio Grand.
RE46v42n93p1c1, March 24, 1846, Speech of Mr. Calhoun.
Question of Great Britain.
RE46v42n93p1c1, March 24, 1846, Highly Important Intelligence from the Army of Occupation. A collection of intelligence articles.
RE46v42n94p2c1, March 27, 1846, From Washington City.
More on the Oregon question.
RE46v42n94p2c5, March 27, 1846, From Matamoros.
Rumors of Mr. Slidell.
RE46v42n94p4c5, March 27, 1846, Oregon in England.
The Oregon issue.
RE46v42n94p4c6, March 27, 1846, From Washington City.
Foreign new related to westward expansion.
April
RE46v42n96p1c3 Friday, April 3, 1846: Editorial
Whig press and Oregon Question
RE46v42n96p1c3-4 Friday, April 3, 1846: Army of Occupation
RE46v42n96p1c5 Friday, April 3, 1846: Naval
RE46v42n96p1c6 Friday, April 3, 1846: From Yucatan
From the New Orleans Picayune
RE46v42n96p1c6-7 Friday, April 3, 1846: Twenty-Ninth Congress, Monday, March 30, Senate; March 31, Senate
Oregon question
RE46v42n96p2c1-3 Friday, April 3, 1846: Twenty-Ninth Congress, Debate on the Oregon Question, Speech of Mr. Webster
In the Senate, March 30, 1846
RE46v42n96p3c1 Friday, April 3, 1846: By Last Evening's Mail, Improtant from Mexico
RE46v42n96p3c1 Friday, April 3, 1846: One Day later from Europe
RE46v42n96p3c1 Friday, April 3, 1846: From the London Times, March 4
RE46v42n96p3c1-2 Friday, April 3, 1846: Twenty-Ninth Congress, Wednesday, April 1, Senate
RE46v42n97p1c3-4 Tuesday, April 7, 1846: Twenty-Ninth Congress, Thursday, April 2, Senate; Friday, April 3, Senate
Oregon debate
RE46v42n97p2c4 Tuesday, April 7, 1846: Twenty-Ninth Congress, Saturday, April 4, Senate
Oregon debate
RE46v42n97p4c1 Tuesday, April 7, 1846: Miscellaneous. Strength and Rectitude
RE46v42n97p2c2 Tuesday, April 7, 1846: For the Enquirer, The Administration-The Washington "Union"
RE46v42n98p1c2-3 Friday, April 10, 1846: Twenty-Ninth Congress, MOnday April 6, Senate; Tuesday, April 7, Senate
Oregon debate
RE46v42n98p1c4 Friday, April 10, 1846: Mexico
RE46v42n98p2c1 Friday, April 10, 1846: Letter to Editors, signed JUSTICE.
About Isaac C. Carrington
RE46v42n98p2c4-5 Friday, April 10, 1846: No title
Dromgoole's opposition to Nativism
RE46v42n98p3c2 Friday, April 10, 1846: Twenty-Ninth Congress, Wednesday, April 8, Senate; House of Representatives
Oregon issue
RE46v42n98p4c1 Friday, April 10, 1846: Naval
RE46v42n98p4c1 Friday, April 10, 1846: Later from Galveston
RE46v42n98p4c3-4 Friday, April 10, 1846: Letter to Editors, signed J.T.Y or Halifax
Dateline Tuscaloosa, Alabama, on Oregon question
RE46v42n99p1c1 Tuesday, April 14, 1846: The Foreign News
Oregon issue in Europe
RE46v42n99p1c2-7 Tuesday, April 14, 1846: Exciting Scene
Ingersoll denouncing Webster
RE46v42n99p2c1 Tuesday, April 14, 1846: Foreign News
From the Baltimore Sun, Extra, April 11: from London Chronicle, March 1, Opinions of the English Press; from London Standard, March 10; and from London Sun, March 10
RE46v42n99p2c3-4 Tuesday, April 14, 1846: The Oregon Question
RE46v42n99p2c4 Tuesday, April 14, 1846: Mr. Webster's Pension
RE46v42n99p3c1 Tuesday, April 14, 1846: Mexican Affairs - Important If True
RE46v42n99p3c1 Tuesday, April 14, 1846: Twenty-Ninth Congress, Saturday, April 11, Senate
RE46v42n99p4c3 Tuesday, April 14, 1846: Foreign Intelligence, Later from Europe
From the New York Evening Post, Thursday: items, Notice Resolution and comment from London, March 8; note: also includes coverage on England's war in India
RE46v42n99p4c5 Tuesday, April 14, 1846: No title, from Texas
RE46v42n99p4c5-6 Tuesday, April 14, 1846: Twenty-Ninth Congress, April 9, Senate; House of Representatives; Friday April 10, Senate; House of Representatives
Oregon issue
RE46v42n100p2c2-3 Friday, April 17, 1846: Texas and Mexico
RE46v42n100p2c5 Friday, April 17, 1846: Twenty-Ninth Congress, Wednesday, April 15, Senate
RE46v42n100p4c3-4 Friday, April 17, 1846: No title
Senator Wescott (Florida, Whig) on the Oregon question
RE46v42n100p4c4 Friday, April 17, 1846: The London Times in Oregon
RE46v42n100p4c4-5 Friday, April 17, 1846: Later from Mexico and Texas - Eight Days Later
From New Orleans Picayune, April 8: Return of the Hon. John Slidell and W.S. Parrott, Esq.; His Final Rejection by the Mexican Government; The War Feeling in Mexico; March of General Taylor's Army; Engagement with a Party of Mexicans, and their Retreat; Burning of the Customs House at Point Isabel, etc.
RE46v42n100p4c5-6 Friday, April 17, 1846: Twenty-Ninth Congress, Monday, April 13, Senate; Tuesday, April 14, Senate; House of Representatives
RE46v42n101p1c2-3 Tuesday, April 21, 1846: The Notice
Comments and extracts of Crittenden (KY, Whig speech on origins of the Oregon question
RE46v42n101p1c3-4 Tuesday, April 21, 1846: Important Correspondence
Slidell corrrespondence
RE46v42n101p1c4 Tuesday, April 21, 1846: As We Expected
Letter to editors of Charleston Courier, dateline: Havana, April 8, comment on Santa Anna,
RE46v42n101p1c5-6 Tuesday, April 21, 1846: Resolutions Adopted
The Notice Resolution to Great Britain, the debate, and successful amendments
RE46v42n101p1c6 Tuesday, April 21, 1846: Late and Important From Mexico
From New Orleans Tropic, Extra, April 11
RE46v42n101p1c6-7 Tuesday, April 21, 1846: Froeign Intelligence. Eight Days Later From Europe
From New York Tribune, Extra, April 18: from Wilmer and Smith's European Times on the Oregon question
RE46v42n101p2c1-4 Tuesday, April 21, 1846: From Mexico. Important Correspondence
From the New Orleans Jeffersonian, April 9, the diplomatic correspondence between Slidell and Castillo, the Meican foreign affairs minister
RE46v42n101p2c4-5 Tuesday, April 21, 1846: The Oregon Question
From Great Britain, extracts from the House of Lords, March 17
RE46v42n101p2c6 Tuesday, April 21, 1846: Mr. Polk's Policy Vindicated by His Opponents. Editorial
RE46v42n101p2c7 Tuesday, April 21, 1846: No title
Notice Resoluion, Owen's Resolution vote
RE46v42n101p2c7 Tuesday, April 21, 1846: No title, About a Mexican claimant
RE46v42n101p2c7 Tuesday, April 21, 1846: No title
Brief item, Taylor along the Rio Grande
RE46v42n101p2c7 Tuesday, April 21, 1846: No title
Editorial comment on the Oregon vote
RE46v42n101p2-3c7-1 Tuesday, April 21, 1846: No title
Item on a House of Representative bill to protect the rights of americans west of the Rocky Mountains
RE46v42n101p4c2 Tuesday, April 21, 1846: Letter to Enquirer, signed One of the Forty-Niners
Oregon boundary issue
RE46v42n101p4c5 Tuesday, April 21, 1846: Will England Continue to Glory in Her Shame? Signed JEFFERSON.
RE46v42n101p4c6-7 Tuesday, April 21, 1846: Twenty-Ninth Congress, Thursday, April 16, Senate and House of Representatives; Friday April 17, House of Representatives
RE46v42n101p4c7 Tuesday, April 21, 1846: The Oregon Resolution in the House of Representatives
Correspondence of the Baltimore Sun, Washington, April 16
RE46v42n101p4c7 Tuesday, April 21, 1846: No title
New York Evening Post, Mr. Pennybacker o the Oregon "Notice"
RE46v42n102p1c2 Friday, April 24, 1846: The Oregon Policy
RE46v42n102p1c3 Friday, April 24, 1846: No title
Extract of General Mejia's proclamation in Mexico
RE46v42n102p1c4 Friday, April 24, 1846: The Debt of Texas
RE46v42n102p1c4-5 Friday, April 24, 1846: No title
Items on Mexico: Amusing Sketch; The Paschal Feasts; Almonte, Santa Anna, and Mr. Slidell; Another Frigate at Vera Cruz
RE46v42n102p1c5 Friday, April 24, 1846: News by the Caledonia
News items from Europe
RE46v42n102p1c5 Friday, April 24, 1846: Arrival of the Caledonia. Sixteen Days Later From Europe
From the New York Journal of Commerce, items from the European newspapers
RE46v42n102p1c7 Friday, April 24, 1846: From Mexico
Extract of a letter from Vera Cruz from the Union
RE46v42n102p2c1 Friday, April 24, 1846: The Secret Service Fund
Polk to the House of Representatives, Washington, April 16, Polk invoking executive privilege
RE46v42n102p2c2 Friday, April 24, 1846: Later from Havana
From the New Orleans Picayune, April 16
RE46v42n102p2c2 Friday, April 24, 1846: No tile, naval matters
From the New Orleans Picayune, dateline, Pensacola, April 13
RE46v42n102p2c3 Friday, April 24, 1846: No title
Editorial comment on Polk invoking executive privilege in response to requst from House of Representatives for Secret Service Fund correspondence
RE46v42n102p2c3 Friday, April 24, 1846: "Protection" and War
RE46v42n102p2c4-5 Friday, April 24, 1846: Oregon in England
The Oregon issue in parliament, House of Commons, March 20; tone of British press
RE46v42n102p3c2 Friday, April 24, 1846: Twenty-Ninth Congress, Wednesday, April 22, Senate
RE46v42n102p4c1 Friday, April 24, 1846: No title
News from Great Britain expected; British press on Oregon boundary issue
RE46v42n102p4c2 Friday, April 24, 1846: Later from Texas
Texas resolution against Indian tribes' rights to land titles and agains U.S. government treaties with Indian tribes in TExas; news and rumors from the Rio Grande
RE46v42n102p4c3-4 Friday, April 24, 1846: Letter to Editors, signed JACKSON
Dateline Washington City, April 17, 1846, on Oregon boundary issue
RE46v42n102p4c4 Friday, April 24, 1846: Letter to Editors, signed FREE TRADE
RE46v42n102p4c5-6 Friday, April 24, 1846: Twenty-Ninth Congress, Monday, April 15, Senate and House of Representatives; Tuesday, April 16, Senate and House of Representives
RE46v42n103p1c2-4 Tuesday, April 28, 1846: Remarks of Mr. Seddon of Virginia
Seddon's April 22 congressional comments on the Bill to regulate Trade and Intercourse with the Indian Tribes in the Territory of Oregon
RE46v42n103p1c4-5 Tuesday, April 28, 1846: Editorial on Oregon
RE46v42n103p1c5-6 Tuesday, April 28, 1846: Editorial
Injustice of Whigs to charge Polk with equivocation and vacillation on Oregon question; and correspondence from New Orleans Bulletin
RE46v42n103p2c3 Tuesday, April 28, 1846: For the Enquirer, Signed JAP
Dateline Columbia (Texas), April 4, 1846
RE46v42n103p2c6 Tuesday, April 28, 1846: Later From Texas
From New Orleans Picayune, April 19
RE46v42n103p4c1-2 Tuesday, April 28, 1846: Congressional Remarks of Mr. Pennybacker of Virginia
Senate, Thursday, April 16, Oregon question
RE46v42n103p4c2 Tuesday, April 28, 1846: Rule of Three
RE46v42n103p4c3 Tuesday, April 28, 1846: Settled at Last
RE46v42n103p4c3 Tuesday, April 28, 1846: "Free Trade and Peace"
RE46v42n103p4c3 Tuesday, April 28, 1846: No title
National Intelligencer on Pennybacker
RE46v42n103p4c4 Tuesday, April 28, 1846: No title
Paris, France Journal des Debats on Oregon
RE46v42n103p4c6 Tuesday, April 28, 1846: Tenty-Ninth Congress, Thursday, April 23, Seante and House of Representatives; Friday, April 24, House of Representatives
May
RE46v43i1p1c1, May 1, 1846: Messrs. Ingersoll And Webster.
RE46v43i1p1c6, May 1, 1846: Thursday Morning, April 30,1846.
RE46v43i1p2c2, May 1, 1846: To the Hon. Edward Burleson, President of the Senate of Texas:
RE46v43i1p2c4, May 1, 1846: Further Items By The Great Western.
RE46v43i1p2c4, May 1, 1846: Oregon.
RE46v43i1p2c3, May 1, 1846: Washington, Saturday, April 25.
RE46v43i1p3c2, May 1, 1846: From the N.Y.Journal of Commerce of Wednesday. The Oregon Controversy Settled.
RE46v43i1p3c2, May 1, 1846: Twenty-ninth Congress. Wednesday, April 29. Senate.
RE46v43i1p3c2, May 1, 1846: House of Representatives.
RE46v43i1p4c2, May 1, 1846: No title.
RE46v43i1p4c3, May 1, 1846: No title.
RE46v43i1p4c2, May 1, 1846: No title.
RE46v43i1p4c3, May 1, 1846: Mexico and the U. States.
RE46v43i1p4c3, May 1, 1846: From the N.O.Delta, April 21. United States and Mexico.
RE46v43i1p4c2, May 1, 1846: No title.
RE46v43i1p4c3, May 1, 1846: Still Later-Important!
RE46v43i1p4c3, May 1, 1846: From Mexico.
RE46v43i1p4c5, May 1, 1846: Twenty-Ninth Congress. Monday, April 27. Senate.
RE46v43i1p4c4, May 1, 1846: Vera Cruz, April 5th, 1846.
RE46v43i1p4c4, May 1, 1846: No Title.
RE46v43i1p4c4, May 1, 1846: From Texas.
RE46v43i1p4c5, May 1, 1846: Tuesday, April 28, 1846. Senate.
RE46v43i1p4c6, May 1, 1846: House of Representatives.
RE46v43i2p1c2, May 5, 1846: No title.
RE46v43i2p1c2, May 5, 1846: No title.
RE46v43i2p2c4, May 5, 1846: Later From Mexico.
RE46v43i2p2c6, May 5, 1846: Captain Winslow Foster.
RE46v43i2p2c7, May 5, 1846: New Work on Oregon.
RE46v43i2p4c1, May 5, 1846: Congressional. Speech of Mr. Seldon of Virginia, In the House of Representatives, April 15th, 1846,
RE46v43i2p4c6, May 5, 1846: Saturday Morning, May 2, 1846.
RE46v43i2p4c7, May 5, 1846: No title.
RE46v43i3p1c2, May 8, 1846: What will the Whigs do?
RE46v43i3p1c5, May 8, 1846: Later.
RE46v43i3p1c5, May 8, 1846: From the Extra of the Galveston News. Proclamation of Ampudia.
RE46v43i3p1c4, May 8, 1846: From the N. Orleans Delta, Extra, April 29. Later from Mexico.
RE46v43i3p1c4, May 8, 1846: From Texas-War Begun!
RE46v43i3p1c4, May 8, 1846: From the Galveston Gazette, April 25th. From the Army.
RE46v43i3p1c5, May 8, 1846: The General in Chief of the 4th Military Division to the in habitants of the Frontier.
RE46v43i3p1c5, May 8, 1846: From the “Eagle of the North, ” April 8th, 1846.
RE46v43i3p1c6, May 8, 1846: Blockade in the Mexican Gulf.
RE46v43i3p1c6, May 8, 1846: Matamoras.
RE46v43i3p1c7, May 8, 1846: The Earl of Aberdeen to Mr. Pakenham. Foreign Officer, March 3, 1846.
RE46v43i3p1c6, May 8, 1846: No title.
RE46v43i3p1c6, May 8, 1846: England and the United States-The Oregon Question.
RE46v43i3p2c4, May 8, 1846: From Mexico.
RE46v43i3p2c4, May 8, 1846: FROM THE ARMY OF OCCUPATION
RE46v43i3p2c4, May 8, 1846: Correspondence of the New Orleans Picayune. Camp Opposite Matamoras, Texas, April 18th, 1846.
RE46v43i3p2c4, May 8, 1846: Correspondence of the New Orleans Picayune. Camp Opposite Matamoras, April 19.
RE46v43i3p3c2, May 8, 1846: Col. Cross.
RE46v43i3p3c2, May 8, 1846: Twenty-Ninth Congress. Wednesday, May 6. Senate.
RE46v43i3p3c2, May 8, 1846: House of Representatives.
RE46v43i4p1c3, May 12, 1846: Notice Sent to Great Britain.
RE46v43i4p1c3, May 12, 1846: No title.
RE46v43i4p1c4, May 12, 1846: From the Army!
RE46v43i4p1c3, May 12, 1846: Coin in Texas.
RE46v43i4p1c3, May 12, 1846: To the Editors of the Enquirer.
RE46v43i4p1c5, May 12, 1846: “To Arms! Texans, To Arms!”
RE46v43i4p1c5, May 12, 1846: From the New Orleans Bulletin, Extra, May 2.
RE46v43i4p1c5, May 12, 1846: From the N.O.Picayune, Extra, May 2.
RE46v43i4p1c5, May 12, 1846: Further Extracts.
RE46v43i4p1c6, May 12, 1846: Correspondence of the New Orleans Tropic. St. Joseph’s Island, Texas, April 28th, 1846.
RE46v43i4p1c5, May 12, 1846: Correspondence of the New Orleans Tropic. Brazos, St. Iago, April 27.
RE46v43i4p2c1, May 12, 1846: General Worth.
RE46v43i4p2c4, May 12, 1846: No title.
RE46v43i4p2c4, May 12, 1846: Departure of Volunteers.
RE46v43i4p2c4, May 12, 1846: No title.
RE46v43i4p2c3, May 12, 1846: For the Enquirer.
RE46v43i4p2c5, May 12, 1846: No title.
RE46v43i4p2c5, May 12, 1846: Correspondence of the Baltimore Sun. Washington, Sunday, 5, P.M.
RE46v43i4p3c1, May 12, 1846: By Last Evening’s Mail. From the Senior Editor. Washington, Sunday Night, May 10.
RE46v43i4p3c2, May 12, 1846: Point Isabel, Texas, April 28th, 1846.
RE46v43i4p4c2, May 12, 1846: Later From the Army.
RE46v43i4p4c2, May 12, 1846: From the New Orleans Picayune, May 1st. Still Later.
RE46v43i4p4c2, May 12, 1846: The Army
RE46v43i4p4c2, May 12, 1846: Minutes of an interview between Brig. Gen. W. J. Worth, U.S.A., and Gen. Romulo Vega, of the Mexican Army-held on the right bank of the Rio Grande, 28th March, 1846.
RE46v43i4p4c3, May 12, 1846: Correspondence of the New Orleans Picayune. Austin Texas, April 20, 1846.
RE46v43i5p1c1, May 15, 1846: President’s Message. To the Senate and House of Representatives:
RE46v43i5p1c3, May 15, 1846: Twenty-Ninth Congress. Monday, May 11,1846. In Senate.
RE46v43i5p1c3, May 15, 1846: House of Representatives.
RE46v43i5p1c5, May 15, 1846: From the Senior Editor. Washington, May 12, 1846.
RE46v43i5p1c5, May 15, 1846: Extracts of a letter from New York dated May 12.
RE46v43i5p1c6, May 15, 1846: The Mexican Steamers.
RE46v43i5p1c6, May 15, 1846: No title.
Large public meeting in Richmond
RE46v43i5p1c6, May 15, 1846: No title
RE46v43i5p1c6, May 15, 1846: Army Movements.
RE46v43i5p1c7, May 15, 1846: The Mexican War.
RE46v43i5p1c7, May 15, 1846: The Commander-in-Chief of the Mexican army to the English and Irish under the orders of the American General Taylor.
RE46v43i5p2c1, May 15, 1846: Twenty-Ninth Congress. Interesting Debate. Tuesday May 12,1846. Senate.
RE46v43i5p2c4, May 15, 1846: House of Representatives.
RE46v43i5p2c6, May 15, 1846: Friday Morning, May 15, 1846.
RE46v43i5p2c6, May 15, 1846: From New Orleans.
RE46v43i5p2c7, May 15, 1846: From the New Orleans Times. The cry to Arms!
RE46v43i5p2c7, May 15, 1846: From the New Orleans Bulletin. The Alabamians Forever.
RE46v43i5p2c7, May 15, 1846: No title.
RE46v43i5p2c7, May 15, 1846: Remarkable Coincidence.
RE46v43i5p2c7, May 15, 1846: No title.
RE46v43i5p2c7, May 15, 1846: Recipe For Conducting A short War.
RE46v43i5p2c7, May 15, 1846: Volunteers for Texas!
RE46v43i5p2c7, May 15, 1846: Texas!
RE46v43i5p3c2, May 15, 1846: By Last Evening’s Mail. By the President of the United States of America. A Proclamation.
RE46v43i5p4c7, May 15, 1846: Wednesday Morning, May 13, 1846. From the Senior Editor.
RE46v43i6p1c1, May 19, 1846: From the Second Edition of the Enquirer, of May 16th. From the Seat of War. Defeat of the Texan Rangers
RE46v43i6p1c2, May 19, 1846: Public Meeting in Richmond. Volunteers For Texas.
RE46v43i6p1c3, May 19, 1846: Monday Morning, May 18, 1846. A Proposition To Form A Virginia Legion.
RE46v43i6p1c2, May 19, 1846: Volunteer Meeting.
RE46v43i6p1c4, May 19, 1846: No title.
RE46v43i6p1c4, May 19, 1846: Extracts From the Debate.
RE46v43i6p2c1, May 19, 1846: Important
News! Matamoras Destroyed! 700 Mexicans Killed! Gen. Taylor At Point Isabel!!!
From the Second Edition of the Enquirer, of May 18th.
RE46v43i6p2c1, May 19, 1846: Arrival of the Alabama.
RE46v43i6p2c1, May 19, 1846: Troops For The Rio Grande.
RE46v43i6p2c1, May 19, 1846: The Legion Volunteered.
RE46v43i6p2c1, May 19, 1846: No title.
RE46v43i6p2c5, May 19, 1846: No title.
RE46v43i6p2c6, May 19, 1846: The War.-The Course of the United States.
RE46v43i6p2c6, May 19, 1846: No title.
RE46v43i6p2c6, May 19, 1846: Military Arrangements.
RE46v43i6p2c7, May 19, 1846: A Pregnant Admission.
RE46v43i6p2c7, May 19, 1846: Twenty-Ninth Congress. Saturday, May 16.House of Representatives.
RE46v43i6p3c1, May 19, 1846: By Last Evening’s Mail.
RE46v43i6p3c1, May 19, 1846: No title.
RE46v43i6p3c1, May 19, 1846: No title.
RE46v43i6p4c1, May 19, 1846: Twenty-Ninth Congress. Debate on the War Bill.
RE46v43i6p4c5, May 19, 1846: Twenty-Ninth Congress. Senate. Wednesday, May 13, 1846.
RE46v43i6p4c6, May 19, 1846: The Spirit of the People.
RE46v43i6p4c6, May 19, 1846: Headquarters, 5th Regiment V.I., Baltimore, May 12, 1846.
RE46v43i6p4c6, May 19, 1846: Gen. Scott.
RE46v43i6p4c7, May 19, 1846: Well Done Richmond!
RE46v43i6p4c7, May 19, 1846: No title.
RE46v43i6p4c7, May 19, 1846: No title.
RE46v43i6p4c7, May 19, 1846: Naval.
RE46v43i6p4c7, May 19, 1846: Texas Election.
RE46v43i7p1c2, May 22, 1846: “War” and a “State of War”-The Difference.
RE46v43i7p1c7, May 22, 1846: Twenty-Ninth Congress.
RE46v43i7p1c7, May 22, 1846: House of Representatives.
RE46v43i7p1c7, May 22, 1846: Tuesday May 19, 1846. Senate.
RE46v43i7p1c7, May 22, 1846: House of Representatives.
RE46v43i7p2c1, May 22, 1846: The Course of the Whigs.
RE46v43i7p2c2, May 22, 1846: Has Mexico Any Allies?
RE46v43i7p2c3, May 22, 1846: No title.
RE46v43i7p2c3, May 22, 1846: Alabama in a Blaze.
RE46v43i7p2c4, May 22, 1846: From the Washington Union. Mexican Admission of Boundary.
RE46v43i7p2c3, May 22, 1846: For the Enquirer. The Richmond Volunteers.
RE46v43i7p2c4, May 22, 1846: Headquarters of the Army of the North, Mier, June 20, 1844.
RE46v43i7p2c4, May 22, 1846: Mobile, May 15. Volunteers.
RE46v43i7p2c4, May 22, 1846: On Their Own Hook.
RE46v43i7p2c4, May 22, 1846: Mexican Privateers.
RE46v43i7p2c5, May 22, 1846: New Orleans, May 14. Still They Come.
RE46v43i7p2c5, May 22, 1846: More Mounted Volunteers.
RE46v43i7p2c5, May 22, 1846: The Germans.
RE46v43i7p2c5, May 22, 1846: Hon. Baile Peyton.
RE46v43i7p2c6, May 22, 1846: The Right Spirit.
RE46v43i7p2c6, May 22, 1846: Col. Marks.
RE46v43i7p2c6, May 22, 1846: Capt. Walker-The Texas Rangers.
RE46v43i7p2c6, May 22, 1846: No title.
RE46v43i7p3c1, May 22, 1846: By Last Evening’s Mail. Requisition Upon The Governor of Virginia.
RE46v43i7p3c1, May 22, 1846: Twenty-Ninth Congress. Wednesday, May 20. Senate.
RE46v43i7p4c3, May 22, 1846: From the New Orleans Picayune, April 12. Further from the Army.
RE46v43i7p4c3, May 22, 1846: Attack Upon Gen. Taylor’s Camp.
RE46v43i7p4c4, May 22, 1846: Surprise and Surrender of Capt. Thornton’s Command.
RE46v43i7p4c4, May 22, 1846: Correspondence of the Picayune. Point Isabel, May 5, 1846.
RE46v43i7p4c5, May 22, 1846: Items of the War.
RE46v43i7p4c7, May 22, 1846: No title. House of Representatives, May 12, 1846.
RE46v43i7p4c7, May 22, 1846: No title.
RE46v43i7p4c7, May 22, 1846: No title.
RE46v43i7p4c6, May 22, 1846: No title.
RE46v43i7p4c6, May 22, 1846: Capt. Walker.
RE46v43i7p4c7, May 22, 1846: No title.
RE46v43i7p4c6, May 22, 1846: No title.
RE46v43i7p4c7, May 22, 1846: No title.
RE46v43i7p4c7, May 22, 1846: Virginia Legion.
RE46v43i7p4c7, May 22, 1846: Military Meeting.
RE46v43i7pc6, May 22, 1846: Correspondence of the Baltimore American. Washington, May 18, 51/2 P.M.
RE46v43i7p4c7, May 22, 1846: No title.
RE46v43i7p4c7, May 22, 1846: No title.
RE46v43i7p4c7, May 22, 1846: Requisition on Maryland for Two-Thousand Troops.
RE46v43i7p4c7, May 22, 1846: No title.
RE46v43i7p4c7, May 22, 1846: No title.
RE46v43i8p1c1, May 26, 1846: Glorious News
from the Seat of War! The Mexicans Twice Routed!!! 1200 Mexicans Killed!
Enemy’s Guns Carried at the Point of the Bayonet!
From the Richmond Enquirer, Extra, May 23.
RE46v43i8p1c2, May 26, 1846: Correspondence of the Tropic.
RE46v43i8p1c1, May 26, 1846: Latest News, Triumph of the American Arms! Gen. Taylor Again Victorious!!
From the Mobile Advertiser, Extra May 18.
RE46v43i8p1c2, May 26, 1846: Still
Later From theArmy! The Galveston Arrived!!
From the N.O.Tropic-Third Edition, 1 P.M.
RE46v43i8p1c2, May 26, 1846: The Fort.
RE46v43i8p1c5, May 26, 1846: Party Spirit.
RE46v43i8p1c6, May 26, 1846: The News Confirmed.
RE46v43i8p1c7, May 26, 1846: The Empire City For Ever!
RE46v43i8p1c7, May 26, 1846: Mexican Navy.
RE46v43i8p2c1, May 26, 1846: Is There “War?”
RE46v43i8p2c1, May 26, 1846: No title.
RE46v43i8p2c1, May 26, 1846: No title.
RE46v43i8p2c1, May 26, 1846: No title.
RE46v43i8p2c1, May 26, 1846: No title.
RE46v43i8p2c3, May 26, 1846: Simple Justice.
RE46v43i8p2c4, May 26, 1846: Army.
RE46v43i8p2c3, May 26, 1846: From the Seat of War.
RE46v43i8p2c3, May 26, 1846: Point Isabel, May 12, 1846.
RE46v43i8p2c4, May 26, 1846: Three Days Later From Mexico!
RE46v43i8p2c5, May 26, 1846: Twenty-Ninth Congress. Saturday, May 23. House of Representatives.
RE46v43i8p2c6, May 26, 1846: By the Governor of Virginia. A Proclamation.
RE46v43i8p2c6, May 26, 1846: General Orders. Adjunct-General’s Office, Richmond, May 23, 1846.
RE46v43i8p2c6, May 26, 1846: Form of Enrollment.
RE46v43i8p2c6, May 26, 1846: Uniform of the Infantry. Field Officers.
RE46v43i8p2c6, May 26, 1846: For Company Officers And Privates.
RE46v43i8p3c1, May 26, 1846: By Last Evening’s Mail.
RE46v43i8p3c1, May 26, 1846: Correspondence of the Baltimore American. Washington, May 22, 51/2 P.M.
RE46v43i8p4c1, May 26, 1846: Miscellaneous. The Geography of Mexico &c., From the Battle Ground.
RE46v43i8p4c1, May 26, 1846: Castle of San Juan De Ulua.
RE46v43i8p4c1, May 26, 1846: General Taylor in his Tent.
RE46v43i8p4c1, May 26, 1846: Capt. Samuel H. Walker.
RE46v43i8p4c2, May 26, 1846: Organization of Volunteer Corps for the U.S. Service.
RE46v43i8p4c3, May 26, 1846: Twenty-Ninth Congress. Thursday May 21. Senate.
RE46v43i8p4c3, May 26, 1846: House of Representatives.
RE46v43i8p4c2, May 26, 1846: From the Petersburg Republican, May 20. Texas Volunteers.
RE46v43i8p4c3, May 26, 1846: Friday May 22nd, 1846. Senate.
RE46v43i8p4c2, May 26, 1846: Texas Meeting.
RE46v43i8p4c4, May 26, 1846: Nothing Like the Empire City!
RE46v43i8p4c5, May 26, 1846: Mr. Madison’s View of a Casus Belli.
RE46v43i8p4c4, May 26, 1846: Great War Meeting in the Park.
RE46v43i9p1c1, May 29, 1846: Twenty-Ninth Congress. Monday, May 25. Senate.
RE46v43i9p1c1, May 29, 1846: House of Representatives.
RE46v43i9p1c1, May 29, 1846: Tuesday, May 26, 1846. Senate.
RE46v43i9p1c2, May 29, 1846: No title.
RE46v43i9p1c1, May 29, 1846: House of Representatives.
RE46v43i9p1c2, May 29, 1846: No title.
Letters from Commodore Conner to the Secretary of the Navy
RE46v43i9p1c6, May 29, 1846: “All’s Well That Ends Well”
RE46v43i9p1c7, May 29, 1846: For the Enquirer.
RE46v43i9p2c1, May 29, 1846: Twenty-Ninth Congress.
RE46v43i9p2c1, May 29, 1846: In Senate-Tuesday, May 12, 1846.
RE46v43i9p2c2, May 29, 1846: Interesting and Late Extracts From Mexico.
RE46v43i9p2c2, May 29, 1846: Tribute
of Respect to Capt. May.
From the New Orleans Picayune, May 21.
RE46v43i9p2c2, May 29, 1846: Departure of Gen. Worth.
RE46v43i9p2c2, May 29, 1846: Transmission of Arms.
RE46v43i9p2c2, May 29, 1846: No title.
RE46v43i9p2c2, May 29, 1846: Campeachy.
RE46v43i9p2c3, May 29, 1846: Bombardment of Fort Brown.
RE46v43i9p2c3, May 29, 1846: Camp Opposite Matamoras, May 13, 1846.
RE46v43i9p2c4, May 29, 1846: Horse and Sword to Captain Walker.
RE46v43i9p2c4, May 29, 1846: Never Right.
RE46v43i9p2c5, May 29, 1846: Did the President Begin the War?
RE46v43i9p2c5, May 29, 1846: No title, Whig Presses.
RE46v43i9p2c5, May 29, 1846: No title, Louisiana Legislature
RE46v43i9p2c6, May 29, 1846: No title.*
RE46v43i9p2c5, May 29, 1846: No title.
RE46v43i9p2c5, May 29, 1846: No title.
RE46v43i9p2c5, May 29, 1846: No title.
RE46v43i9p2c5, May 29, 1846: No title, from the Baltimore Patriot.
RE46v43i9p2c6, May 29, 1846: No title.
RE46v43i9p2c6, May 29, 1846: No title.
RE46v43i9p2c6, May 29, 1846: No title.
RE46v43i9p2c7, May 29, 1846: For the Enquirer. Texas; or “New Estremadura.”
RE46v43i9p2c7, May 29, 1846: Texas, March 20th, 1846.
RE46v43i9p3c1, May 29, 1846: Correspondence of the Alexandria Gazette.
RE46v43i9p3c1, May 29, 1846: Twenty-Ninth Congress. Wednesday, May 27. Senate.
RE46v43i9p3c1, May 29, 1846: House of Representatives.
RE46v43i9p4c1, May 29, 1846: Our Relations with England.
RE46v43i9p4c1, May 29, 1846: No title.
RE46v43i9p4c2, May 29, 1846: No title.
RE46v43i9p4c2, May 29, 1846: No title.
RE46v43i9p4c4, May 29, 1846: Items of War.
RE46v43i9p4c3, May 29, 1846: A Good Hit.
RE46v43i9p4c3, May 29, 1846: No title.
RE46v43i9p4c4, May 29, 1846: No title.
RE46v43i9p4c3, May 29, 1846: No title.
RE46v43i9p4c5, May 29, 1846: Official.
RE46v43i9p4c5, May 29, 1846: Headquarters of the Army of Occupation, Point Isabel, Texas, May 7, 1846.
RE46v43i9p4c5, May 29, 1846: Headquarters of the Army of Occupation, Camp at Palo Alto, Texas, May 9, 1846.
RE46v43i9p4c5, May 29, 1846: Headquarters of the Army of Occupation, Camp at Resaca de la Palma, 3 miles from Matamoras, 10 o’clock, P.M. May 9, 1846.
RE46v43i9p4c5, May 29, 1846: Headquarters of the Army of Occupation, Resaca de la Palma, May 11, 1846.
RE46v43i9p4c5, May 29, 1846: Headquarters of the Army of Occupation, Point Isabel, (Texas, ) May 12, 1846.
RE46v43i9p4c6, May 29, 1846: Headquarters of the Army of Occupation, Fort Polk, Texas, May 12, 1846.
RE46v43i9p4c6, May 29, 1846: Headquarters of the Army of Occupation, Point Isabel, Texas, May 12, 1846.
RE46v43i9p4c6, May 29, 1846: United States Ship Cumberland, Off Brazos Santiago, May 13, 1846.
RE46v43i9p4c6, May 29, 1846: A Chapporal.
RE46v43i9p4c6, May 29, 1846: No title.
RE46v43i9p4c7, May 29, 1846: By the Governor of Virginia. A Proclamation.
RE46v43i9p4c7, May 29, 1846: General Orders. Adjunct-General’s Office, Richmond, May 23, 1846.
RE46v43i9p4c7, May 29, 1846: Form of Enrollment.
RE46v43i9p4c7, May 29, 1846: Uniform of the Infantry. Field Officers.
RE46v43i9p4c7, May 29, 1846: For Company Officers And Privates.
June
RE47v64i9p2c1 June 1, 1847 From the Brazos
RE47v64i9p2c2 June 1, 1847 From Vera Cruz -Mexican Treachery
RE47v64i9p2c4 June 1, 1847 Prospects of Peace
RE47v64i10p1c5 June 4, 1847 Late From the City of Mexico
RE47v64i10p2c1 June 4, 1847 Important from Mexico
RE47v64i10p2c2 June 4, 1847 Later from the Brazos
RE47v64i10p2c4 June 4, 1847 News from the Army
RE47v64i10p4c1 June 4, 1847 Late from General Scott's Army
RE47v64i10p4c3 June 4, 1847 Captain Tuttwall
RE47v64i11p2c1 June 8, 1847 General Taylor and the battle of Buena Vista
RE47v64i11p4c7 June 8, 1847 From General Taylor's Army
RE47v64i12p1c7 June 11, 1847 Operations of the Gulf Squad
RE47v64i12p1c7 June 11, 1847 The Mexican Pirates
RE47v64i12p2c1 June 11, 1847 Important from Mexico
RE47v64i12p2c6 June 11, 1847 The Mexican tariff
RE47v64i12p2c7 June 11, 1847 From General Taylor's Army
RE47v64i12p3c1 June 11, 1847 To Arms
RE47v64i12p4c1 June 11, 1847 Very Late from the City of Mexico
RE47v64i12p4c2 June 11, 1847 Prospects of a Speedy Peace
RE47v64i12p4c5 June 11, 1847 News from Mexico
RE47v64i13p1c3 June 15, 1847 Spanish Opinions on Mexican War
RE47v64i13p2c1 June 15, 1847 Later from Mexico
RE47v64i13p2c1 June 15, 1847 Later from the Army of General Taylor
RE47v64i13p2c3 June 15, 1847 General Scott's Proclamation
RE47v64i13p4c2 June 15, 1847 Later from Vera Cruz
RE47v64i13p4c3 June 15, 1847 Conditions of Peace
RE47v64i14p1c7 June 18, 1847 Important to Discharged Soldiers
RE47v64i14p2c1 June 18, 1847 From Mexico
RE47v64i14p4c1 June 18, 1847 Prospects of Peace
RE47v64i15p1c2 June 22, 1847 The President and Santa Anna
RE47v64i15p2c1 June 22, 1847 From the Army of General Scott
RE47v64i15p2c1 June 22, 1847 From the Army of General Taylor
RE47v64i15p2c2 June 22, 1847 Important from Mexico City
RE47v64i15p2c2 June 22, 1847 Latest from Vera Cruz
RE47v64i15p2c3 June 22, 1847 Letter from Mexico
RE47v64i15p4c1 June 22, 1847 Important from Mexico
RE47v64i15p4c3 June 22, 1847 The Army in Mexico
RE47v64i16p2c1 June 25 1847 Later from Vera Cruz
RE47v64i16p4c2 June 25 1847 Mexican Items
RE47v64i16p4c3 June 25 1847 British Opinions
RE47v64i17p2c1 June 29 1847 Highly Important from Mexico
RE47v64i17p2c2 June 29 1847 Later from Vera Cruz
January
February
REv42n79p1c5, February 3, 1846: MEXICO
The following, which we take from the New Orleans Delta of the 98th ult., received Saturday morning, will explain the rumor circulated in Washington, of Mr. Slidell’s having been murdered. It now seems to be clearly ascertained that our Minister has not been received – though a renewal of diplomatic relations had been invited by the late brittle Mexican Government. To preserve our rights, and to ward off the evils of a devastating war, our Government should adopt the most prompt and efficient measures. Its course, we doubt not, will be materially influenced by the dispatches received by this last arrival from Mexico. We anxiously await for further developments.
By the arrival of the Pario, from Vera Cruz, which place she left on the 13th inst, we learn verbally – for she brought no papers that we can hear of – that President Herrera has resigned; that Paredes has been elevated to the Presidency by a sort of popular election, but whether by the leperos of Mexico alone, or with the assistance of their brethren in the other Departments, we cannot ascertain; that Almonte, the friend and counselor of Santa Anna, is Secretary of State; and that the military, such as it is, is in possession of the Government.
On the assession of Paredes, our Minister, Mr. Slidell, (probably after demanding to be recognized, and the demand refused.) asked for his passports, but was informed that as he had never been received as Minister, no passport in that quality, could be given to him; he then requested that the Government would give him an escort to Vera Cruz, which was peremptorily refused. Upon the news reaching Vera Cruz, seven officers of the United States brig Somers, which arrived at that port on the 6th inst., started for Mexico, well armed, to escort him through the country.
Such is the information which we have received. Whether it be true or not, we cannot avouch – but, if not true, it is very truthlike. It corresponds exactly with what might be expected from the Mexicans, from the Minister, and from the ardent and fearless officers of the Navy.
Since the above was written, we have conversed with a gentleman who had read a letter from a well informed source dated at Vera Cruz, the 12th instant, and who had conversed with the only passenger who arrived here by the Pario. Both – the letter and the passenger – concur in stating that Paredes has been proclaimed President; that Almonte has been appointed Secretary of War, not of State, as public report has it; that Mr. Slidell is at Puebla, (at the previous advices he was at Jalapa, ) awaiting the further instructions of the Government. Everything was perfectly quiet in the capital and in the country. This letter says not a word, nor does this passenger, of Slidell’s being ordered to leave the country – not a word of an escort being denied him – and not a word of the officers and men of the brig Somers arming themselves and going on to Mr. Slidell, with the view of forming his body-guard through the country to Vera Cruz. This much of the verbal reports, which circulated through the city so freely yesterday, may therefore be put down as being doubtful.
The Pario brought dispatches for our Government at Washington.
We are indebted to the editor of the Bulletin for the following extract of a letter, dated:
“VERA CRUZ, January 13th, 1846.
“The
new President, Gen. Paredes, has established his Ministry, viz – Gen.
Almonte, late Minister to the United States, Minister of War; Luis Parres, of Finance; Joaquin Maria del Castillo y Lanuzas, of Foreign Affairs;
and Bishop Becerra, of Justice. These gentlemen appear to inspire general
confidence. The American Minister has demanded his passports, having
failed in the object of his mission.”
[SDW]
REv42n79p2c2, February 3, 1846: MEXICAN AFFAIRS
We have always thought that the European powers, following the lead of Mr. “Balance-of-Power” Guizot, were busily intriguing in the internal concerns of ill-fated Mexico. Baffled in the Texas affair, by the wisdom, foresight and energy of our Government, they have cunningly thrust themselves into Mexico, and by artful appeals to the anti--American feelings of that country, have succeeded in putting down an administration which was supposed to have a desire of settling amicably the difficulties with the United States. That the powers of Europe have had a finger in this matter, we are confirmed in the belief by the following paragraph in the Memorial Historico, published in Mexico under the eyes of the new authorities:
“By way of Havana, it is known that Spain, France and England have entered into an alliance to place in Mexico and Guatemala a stable and liberal Government, for which purpose each power will furnish a quota of men; at the same time, it is assumed that England has already at sea thirty ships of the line, which are on their way to the Gulf of Mexico.”
The Yucatan Imparcial so far corroborates this view, by expressing its opinion, that the three powers possess means to give effect to the projected movement.
In proof of the deep-seated hatred of many Mexicans for the people of the United States, we may refer to the proceedings of the Assembly of Notables; wherein a motion was made by Gen. Bustamente that a clause should be added to the oath to be taken by the President, compelling him to swear “to repel the invasion of the United States.” After a long debate, this motion was voted down upon the ground that the oath demanded by Gen. Bustamente would be equivalent to a declaration of war, and that the Assembly had no power to declare war.
The oath finally taken by the new President, Paredes, is as follows:
“You swear to God to sustain the independence and integrity of the national territory against any foreign aggression whatever; and the Republican, popular, representative system; and the plan of administration of the Republic, agreed to by the Act of the Army on the 2d of January.”
The General Bustamante, (says the New Orleans Picayune, ) who took part in this assembly, was not the Ex-President of that name. Both he and General Herrera were invited to take a part in the proceedings, but indignantly refused.
No
one can doubt that the monarchists of Europe are attempting, from the
fulcrum of Mexico, to wield the lever of the monarchial principle upon
the future destiny of the American continent. The safety of our own
territorial rights and of our Republican institutions demands from our
Government firm and decided measures. This quasi was should not be allowed
longer to continue. Mexico should be made to show her hand. If she is
for peace the controversy can not be too soon settled. If war be her
policy, let us have it over at once. The present state of affairs is
dangerous to our rights and to the permanent peace of the country.
[SDW]
REv42n80p4c5-6, February 6, 1846: MEXICO
Monday night’s Union sets forth Mr. Slidell’s position in Mexico in rather a different light from what most of the New Orleans press represent it. It says:
We perceive that the accounts received on Saturday evening from New Orleans are not confirmed by the official accounts. The “Picayune” reports as one of the pieces of intelligence brought by the brig Pario, that “a letter written at Vera Cruz on the 13th ultimo, the day on which the Pariosailed, simply says “Mr. Slidell demanded his passports, having failed in the object of his mission.” We do not understand that Mr. Slidell has yet demanded his passports, or that he has received any thing like a definitive answer from the Government. A letter has been received from Jalapa on the 12th January, which states that Mr. Slidell was expected to arrive in that town via Puebla on that or the following day.
There is too much reason to apprehend, that the mission may not be productive of the success which there was some reason to anticipate. The access of Almonte and Tornel to the existing administration is no very flattering sign of a favorable result. Mr. Slidell will do, however, every thing which is to be expected from his acknowledged talents when he receives his omission under the recent confirmation of the Senate.
Some
rumors are still afloat of a design on the part of Great Britain, France
and Spain to place a European prince on the throne of Mexico. We
cannot couch for the correctness of so extravagant a report.
[SDW]
REv42n81p1c6-7, February 10, 1846: PRONUNCIAMENTO
Proclamation by General Mariano Paredes y Arrillaga
To the Mexican Nation: - In undertaking the enterprise which the acclamation of the army and the will of the people have confided to me, my first care is to address myself to the nation. A soldier of my country, elevated by that country far beyond my merits, I owe it the duty in moments solemn as the present, to give it an account of my conduct, of my projects and intentions. It is now twenty-four years since Mexico presented herself, for the first time, among the exiled nations of the earth, demanding an equal and independent position among them. The army of the “three guaranties” had just taken possession of the Capitol, and the Mexican people saluted with shouts of joy, the first dawn of national prosperity. Our independence of the mother country had been finally secured; and the long and bloody struggle had ended in the union of all parties; and the constancy, patriotism and valor of the hero of Iguala had reconciled the conflicting interests of the various factions, and the confidence and satisfaction which seemed everywhere to prevail, entitled the nation to look forward to long years of peace and prosperity. The conditions of the administration justified these hopes. The ability, moderation and prudence of the chiefs of 1821 had conquered our independence without our internal broils, and in casting our eyes over the broad lands won by our valor, we could not fail to be struck with the rich inheritance that had fallen to our lot. Our revenue had suffered to defray the expenses of a splendid Government, without the citizens feeling oppressed by the burden of taxation. Spain had raid with it her army, her navy, her judiciary, and in short, her whole civil list, besides giving her occasional succor to her then distressed colonies of Cuba and the Philippine Islands, and carrying to the peninsula, after all these drains, a large surplus. The tribunals of justice were a model of integrity, and the army of the revolution was numerous, well disciplined and warlike.
We thus possessed all the elements of a great nation, and during the first year of our independence the whole world believed that we were about to form, on this new continent, a powerful and prosperous empire. Commerce, relieved from the letters which had bound her, already began to develop her resources; and agriculture, in like manner set free, supplied the markets of Europe with its projects – many of them hitherto unknown beyond the limits of our territory. – The mines recovered their ancient vigor and foreign capital from all quarters flowed into the country, to give life and animation to the national industry. All the American nations had recognized our independence – some of the European monarchies had followed their example, and we had every reason to hope, that in a short time, the principal powers of both continents would enter into commercial treaties with us, based upon our mutual interests. Every thing, then, seemed to justify our most flattering hopes – a prosperous condition of the finances, more than sufficient for our necessities; a well organized and rigorous administration; a numerous and warlike army; a laborious and obedient population; the sympathies of the rest of the world; and, in order to develop the elements of prosperity vouch safe to us by Providence, the union of all domestic parties; public confidence; and above all, the blessings of independence and the hopes of liberty. – The present condition of the country but too plainly shows how these promises have been fulfilled. Selfish parties, without patriotism, and without honor, have succeeded to the chief command the sole purpose of tyrannizing over, and ruining the Republic. Civil discords have consumed our strength, and the foundations of society have been sapped by corruption. We have been now twenty-four years trying all kinds of systems, and the whole of this time has been marked by constant revolutions. And what has been the result.
If we cast our eyes abroad, we shall behold a nation insulted, and humiliated as well by the aims as the policy of strangers. The wealth and improvement administrations who have succeeded each other is power, have permitted Texas to be torn from our grasp, and we are threatened, if we attempt to reconquer the rebel province, with a disastrous war by a powerful neighbor. Our foreign relations in other quarters are far from being satisfactory. Our neighbors publicly predict, and the prediction is echoed by European politicians, that the North American stars and stripes will soon wave over the towers of Mexico and be carried in triumph as far as the isthmus of Panama. Such is the idea which the world has formed of our internal divisions, of our weakness and misery. If on the other hand we withdraw our glance from abroad and throw it for a moment over our own land, we see nothing but confusion and anarchy. The republic seems to be literally dropping to pieces, in all quarters – Texas has been separated from the national union – and the disaffected in other departments, calculating upon the imbecility of the central governments, are openly preaching insurrection. The administration, wholly under the influence of party, and occupied by its miserable quences, abandons the frontier departments to the sanguinary incursions of the savages. The army diminished in its numbers and neglected more and more from day to day, is unequal to the task of preserving internal quiet, or carrying on the foreign war. Its forbearance and its fortitude are constantly put to the severest test. While the soldier is neither fed nor clothed, the administration of military affairs seems to have been utterly abandoned.
The revenue, which in former times was sufficient to support the government in splendor, has fallen a prey to a combined system of robbery and quackery. The old servants of the republic – the judiciary, and the army, are suffered to remain in indigence and misery, whilst in some of the departments the most colossal fortunes are made, as if by magic. Bankruptcy stares us in the face, both abroad and at home. A public debt, which is daily increasing, threatens finally to overwhelm us. The revenues of the nation are hypothecated to its creditors, and the government like a mendicant, is obliged to beg its bread from day to day; paying the most enormous usury for its petty loans. The scales of justice have been thrown from their balance by the hand of the partisan, and we have witnessed in a recent and solemn trial, sedition itself, covered with the shield of impunity. Our agriculture is perishing for want of proper protection and security, while our commerce, already exhausted, threatens to abandon altogether our coasts, which it formerly promised to cover with rich and populous cities. This sad picture of our condition is unfortunately not exaggerated. It is a faithful account of what all observing men see and feel. Consider what we were 23 years ago, and what we might have been with 24 years of peace and prosperity, and then contemplate the picture here drawn. – In the vain hope of remedying these evils, every day has witnessed more revolutions. These revolutions having been the offspring of private interest, have brought us no relief. Congress and Presidents have been changed buy the evils under which we labor have remained the same – the same abuses and corruptions continue to eat up the substance of the Sate. No movement hitherto made has been more popular than that of December last. The nation rose up as one man to overthrow a degrading dictatorship. But has our situation been improved? Have not rather these evils been increased? The demagogue has but grasped at the power let fall by Gen. Santa Anna. But little satisfied with the important concessions of the Government, he has preached up war to strengthen his party, while he has been laboring hard to destroy the army. Hiding under the cloak of ultra federalism his well known projects of vengeance and his love of anarchy, he cares little for the interests of a country which he is bound by no ties, and whose ruin even he [illegible] and his adherents could fatten on the spoils. Governed by a set of partisans whom he frats, he travels from concession to concession. Defamation, calumny and threats extract from his weakness the most pernicious measures, whilst anarchy is daily organizing its forces to overthrow the nation anew. The army has at length determined to save the country and put a stop to the precarious and insane state in which it has existed for some time past. I, who have had the honor of combating for the independence of my country; I, who have had the honor of being the first to raise the standard of insurrection in Jalisco against a hateful tyranny, feel myself called upon to carry out the grito which the nation raised on that occasion. Mexico has not beaten down one tyrant to elevate others in his stead. She has not overthrown a soldier to deliver herself, bound hand and foot, to the demagogue. If such had not already been my conviction, the entreaties which I have received from my countrymen, and the spontaneous election of the army, to put myself at the head of the present movement, would be sufficient to inspire me with them.
While marching upon the capital to crown the glorious enterprise entrusted to my care, I declared in the most solemn manner, in presence of the whole nation, that we do not go, simply to effect a change of persons in the Government but that we aspire to a more noble object. We have not undertaken to usurp the Presidency, and to change the members of Congress. Our object is, to call upon the nations, in order that, without the fear of turbulent minorities, it may embody its will in a set of representatives, who will raise a barrier against the dissolution which threatens us – prevent the administration from falling in the hands of factions who will bring disgrace upon the nation. Our object is to restore to the productive classes the wealth and influence which they have lost, and to give to the industrial and laboring classes the position which belongs to them in the Government. The nation, tired of living amid eternal broils, cries aloud for some guaranty of peace and tranquility. For this reason I have decided and the army have decided with me, to make a new revolution, in order that it may be the last and that we may at length commence, beneath the shade of peace and internal tranquility, to develop those resources with which we have so abundantly been blessed by Providence. As for myself, I desire no place, no power. Those ephemeral dictatorships, which have heretofore served only to heap ill-gotten wealth upon their possessors, hove no illusions for me. On this point my opinions are well known, and they have been proved more than once during my arduous career.
The stain of avarice and corruption has never fallen upon my character. My ambition is more elevate; and if I despise political intrigues, and are usually bestowed upon those in power, I aspire in exchange to a more brilliant and lasting glory. These are not the hypocritical declarations of an ambitious man, seeking to hide his real objects from the public view, and I shall no sooner enter into the city of Mexico, that I will convoke an assembly, duly elected by all the voters in the state, and clothed with unlimited authority, for the purpose of remodeling the government according to the will of the people. All classes of society – the clergy, the military, the magistracy, the literary professions, commerce, industry and agriculture, will be represented in this assembly, and from the moment it meets, all power will cease to exist, except such as may emanate from it. Happy then, as having conscientiously discharged my duty, I shall either retire to private life, or I shall ask the privilege of marching to the frontier, to encounter the usurpers of our territory and the enemies of our independence and prosperity.
San Luis Potosi, Dec. 15th, 1845 .
(Signed) MARIANO PAREDES Y ARRILLAGA
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REv42n81p2c1-2, February 10, 1846: POSITION OF MEXICO
The New York Herald publishes the following “Ultimatum of Mexico, ” which, it says, has been furnished by an individual intimately associated with Gen. Almonte in this country, and well acquainted with his views:
“Mexico can enter into no new treaty of boundary with the United States. The treaties of boundary and amity antecedent to the revolt in Texas, are still in force; though, in effect, repudiated by the United States. If the treaties already in existence are, and have been, no protection to Mexico, of what use will it be to her to enter into any other treaty? The merchant will not trust a merchant without a guaranty, after his bond is once broken – neither can a nation. If the United States, through a friendly power or powers, shall offer regret and reparation for the injury done, and that regret and reparation prove satisfactory and be accepted by Mexico – Mexico will, in that case, enter upon the subject of a new boundary, to be guaranteed to her by Spain, France and England. A new treaty of boundary, without such a guaranty Mexico can, in no case (excoriated as she is by the citizen and governmental perfidy of the United States) enter into or put faith in.
“Mexico cannot view annexation as the simple act of two independent nations. Annexation, in the eye of Mexico, commenced when Gen. Jackson’s friend, Sam Houston, went to Texas to ‘raise a flag of revolt therein, ’ after the former found his earnest offers to purchase Texas would not be acquiesced in by the government of Mexico. Annexation, in the view of Mexico, progressed when the U.S. government, by ‘masterly inactivity, ’ permitted its citizens to make war upon a neighbor with whom, for itself and citizens’ the United States had entered into a treaty of ‘perpetual amity.’ Mexico has claims, therefore on the United States for her public lands in Texas and for the expenses of the war in her vain attempt thus far, to establish the national authority lost therein, solely by the aforesaid ‘masterly inactivity, ’ of the United States, in respect to curbing its own citizens.
“Mexico denies that Texas was estranged from her rule by Mexicans. The government and citizens of the United States are solely responsible for all the evil brought upon Mexico by the Texas revolt.
“Under these circumstances, to send a message into Mexico to make offers for a still larger territory than even Texas, cannot but be viewed by her other than an additional insult to her nationality; especially as the presses of the U. States are advocating the like emigration to that larger territory (California) where with to re-enact the T exas wrong. Whether Mexico accede or not to the offers of purchase by the United States, then the territory in question must, by United States’ accounts, be lost to Mexico. The independence of Mexico thus jeopardized by a stronger republic she has no alternative but to throw herself under the protection of powers stronger than the United States – unless, as we have above shown, the U. States proffer ample reparation, and a new treaty of boundary, guaranteed by Spain, France and England, settle all differences between the two governments.
“The first aggressive movement of the U.S. fleet in the Gulf, or the U.S. army at Corpus Christi, will be the signal for Mexico to throw herself on the protection of Spain, France and England. The navies of these powers concentrated at Havana, will then sail to Vera Cruz and there intimate the fact to the commander of the United States squadron. If the latter, in defiance of this intimation, proceeds to a demonstration against Mexico, the combined fleets will proceed to capture it, in much the same way as the Turkish fleet was captured at Navarino.
Last summer, we became so accustomed to these valorous threats, this bruim fulmer of Mexican arrogance, that we can, with but little difficulty, credit the above terrible revelations. – Every one knows that the United States have no more bitter and uncompromising enemy than Gen. Almonte, the fierce master-spirit of the present revolutionary Administration of Mexico. – He is a man of powerful intellect and burning ambition – and he will spare no means to thwart the progress of the United States.
We should not be surprised, were he seriously to count upon the aid of France, England and Spain to put down our power. We cannot yet believe that these European nations are willing to thrust themselves into the controversy, and break up the peace of the world. We have done no injury to Mexico, and therefore have no “regrets or reparation” to make to her. It is Mexico herself who has been guilty of bad faith, and of wanton mischief and insult, to our citizens and to our nation. She talk of violated treaties! The notion is absurdly false. It was her own bad faith which forced the people of Texas to rise up in defense of a broken Constitution, and to demand the restoration of their rights. True, they had been our citizens, but they had gone to Texas, in good faith resolved to live under the Mexican confederation, but as soon as the Constitution which bound the States together had been violated by Mexico, the Texans rose up and declared their independence of Mexican tyranny. Many of our citizens went over, as individuals, to push on because of liberty. Our Government had no right nor power to prevent their emigration, and it Is the flimsiest pretext in the world to make it responsible for the acts of its citizens, which it could not restrain.
Before Mexico demands reparation of us, let her do justice to our own injured and insulted citizens. The annexation of Texas is justified by every law of justice and right. She was forced by the perfidy and tyranny of the Central Government to stand up for herself. She was recognized as free and independent by the great powers of Europe, and by the voluntary consent of the two Republics she was made an important element of our Union of States. If we have done wrong, we have been justified in it, by the acts of Mexico’s sympathizing friends, England and France, who, in conjunction with us acknowledged the full and perfect independence of Texas, to do whatever she thought right.
Mexico, under the sinister influence of Almonte, may call in the aid of France, England and Spain to sustain her extravagant hopes. – It is needless
to say, that these threats will have no other effect but to urge our
Government to take prompt and wise measures to meet the crisis. We ought
to know from Mexico her real designs, whether for peace or for war.
And if she persists in her arrogant bearing we will be prepared to defend
our just rights, we will be prepared to defend our just rights, even
though all the powers of Europe be arrayed to put down the progress
of Republican institutions. Would it not be wiser, however, for Mexico
to summon some of her European allies to keep together her own rebellious
provinces? Already has Yucatan raised the flag of independence.
Others will follow her example, and fly off from the central power. Mexico
will have enough to employ her at home, and without rushing into a desperate
encounter with us. But in any event, it is the duty and policy of our
Government to maintain our rights and to reserve peace, by prompt and
firm measures.
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REv42n81p2c2, February 10, 1846: GEN’L PAREDES’ PRONUNCIAMENTO
In the critical condition of our relations with Mexico, our readers must take an interest in every thing connected with that ill-fated, but arrogant nation. We shall, therefore, publish on Monday the “Pronunciamento” of Gen. Paredes, the newly installed President – before whose victorious march Herrera, the constitutional President, fell without a struggle. It is ably and eloquently written. It sets forth the wretched and crumbling condition of that country – but, true to the characteristic boasting and arrogance of Mexicans, it flaunts the flag of war in the face of the United States.
We have no fear of any alarming assaults by these vaunting Bobadils. In the excitement produced, last Summer, in consequence of our bloodless victory in annexing Texas, we learned how lightly to treat the “raw head and bloody bones” threats and denunciations of Mexican Generals and statesmen. We have no more fears of their present vaporings. Nor would we declare war upon them, or send our vessels of war to bombard their towns, because they have thought proper to refuse to receive our Minister, whom a previous Government had specially invited, or because our name and conduct had been traduced by their Chief. All must admit, however, that our relations with Mexico have continued too long in a nervous and uneasy state. Though we had the power to cut the Gordian knot, and dispel the excitement, we have, in our generosity, suffered this state of quasi-war to be kept up too long. We trust that our Government will promptly take the matter in hand, call upon Mexico for specific information as to her real intentions towards us, and whether she is for peace or for war. When we shall know the true grounds which she means to assume, we can then take our own course finally – a course in which we shall be justified in the eyes of God and of man. We would not crush Mexico in her weakness. We would not wield against her a giant’s strength, because we have the power, and she is on the brink of annihilation. But a due regard to our own interests, safety and quiet demands that we should break up the present entangling state of affairs and that, while we are generous to a weak people, we should be just to ourselves. No one can say whether the rumored intrigues of England, France and Spain, to place a French Prince on the Throne of Mexico, may not, if things are suffered to remain as they are, ere long become matters of history. No one can say, that a vacillating course on our part towards Mexico may not, in itself, induce European powers to thrust themselves into the controversy, and secretly to give practical effect to their famous doctrine of the “balance of power.” For the sake, then, of our future peace, and for the protection of Republican institutions against the insidious movements of the monarchists of Europe our Government should call upon Mexico for a clear and unequivocal exposition of her designs touching the unsettled difficulties between her and the United States.
The dark outline drawn by Paredes of the condition of Mexico, is applicable to nearly every one of the Spanish-American Republics. Alternate anarchy and tyranny characterize each and every one of them. As Paredes most justly and mournfully remarks of Mexico, these various States seem constantly on the verge of disruption. How different has been the progress of our own Republic. We have been peacefully extending our bounds to the South and to the West, and increasing our strength and durability by adding rich and fertile regions. Our policy and our practice have been to enlarge the Union of the States. Mexico and her Spanish American neighbors, on the contrary, since they repudiated the Spanish yoke and set up for themselves, have continually split up into crumbling and disjointed fragments. Anarchy and revolution at home, and threatened invasion from abroad, have marked their tottering career.
Doomed
though Mexico may be, we would have our Government to treat her with
anything but harshness. But in being charitable and generous towards
Mexico, we should take care to be just to ourselves. The safety of our
own institutions should overrule every other consideration.
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REv42n83p2c5, February 17, 1846: MOVING TO TEXAS
News that Virginians are leaving for Texas and the expressions of general good wishes to those people.
The last Clarksville, Mecklenburg, Herald speaks of the great excitement in that country, produced by a projected movement to the new and fertile State of Texas. While we regret to see the citizens of Virginia, and from such a Democratic region too, quitting in a body their native Sate, to establish a new colony in a distant portion of our wide Republic, we must confess that the Herald advances some good reason, why they should turn their faces towards the great Southwest. We hope that it will not always be so. We trust to see the day, when the abandoned fields of Virginia will be cultivated with industry and success – and when the footsteps of our wandering citizens shall be turned back to their reinvigorated native State. But if our brethren of Mecklenburg will leave us for a richer soil and a more genial climate, we wish them “God speed” in their pilgrimage.
The Herald say:
“Some
of our citizens are busy in forming a company for the purpose of journeying
to the sunny South. We know several men of families who have pledged
themselves to join the expedition – and we think they are entitled to
much praise for their wise determination. This country in which we live
have claims upon us scarcely to be resisted. We have friends – we have
relatives – who are near and dear to us; but there is another friend
for whom all others must be sacrificed – SELF. The rich landholder, whose situation is already that of plenty, would be much to blame to
quit this country for any other; but we whose fortunes lie just in the
palms of our hands – we, who, by the sweat of our brow, but barely receive
enough to stop the mouths of our children, should better our condition
if possible. It is a hard task, truly, for a man to ‘make both ends
meet, ’ who rents lands and negroes, and pays an enormous price. Such
cases, when compared to our vast population, are few; but when together
would, of themselves, make a nation. We learn that it is the determination
of the projectors of this enterprise to settle a town in Texas, and
to accomplish their object, a committee is to be appointed to proceed
to Texas to hunt out a suitable site and purchase the same. There is
to be a country meeting on the subject at an early day, of which due
notice will be given.”
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March
April
May
RE46v43i1p1c1, May 1, 1846: MESSR. INGERSOLL AND WEBSTER.
As we wish to furnish to our readers an insight into the merits of the personal controversy now being waged between these two gentlemen, involving moreover important and delicate questions of State policy, we go back a few days, and first present the remarks of Mr. Webster delivered in the Senate on Wednesday, the 22d April, , immediately after the reception by the H. of Representatives of the President’s message, declining, for proper reasons, to make public the information called for in regard to the secret service fund –and at the same time stating, that the papers could be exhibited to a Committee of the House:
Mr. Webster rose and said: I have a few, and but a few, remarks to make on the President’s message in answer to the resolution of the House of Representatives, calling for an account of the disbursements during the period in which I had the honor to be Secretary of State, out of the fund for the contingent expenses of foreign intercourse.
In the first place, Sir, I am happy to say, that I entirely approve the course of proceeding which the President has adopted. In my judgment, he could not have acted otherwise than he has done, without the violation of law and of his own duty. Sir, as I know that not a dollar was disbursed from that fund without the sanction of the President, and as I am conscious that every disbursement was made for a proper and necessary public purpose, it might be thought that I should desire the publication of the papers, in order that every body might see what they are, or what they show. But this is a matter of so little concernment to me, (and I presume it is of as little to the late President, ) that I certainly would not wish to see an important principle, and an important law, violated and broken for any personal convenience in that respect. I am not at all apprehensive that the country will suspect either President Tyler, or me, acting under his authority, of any thing improper in the disbursement of a few hundred or a few thousand dollars, in a case in which the law reposes confidence in the President, and gives him a discretion as to making the expenditure public.
Sir, a President of the United States, or the head of a Department acting by his authority, must think but poorly of his own reputation and standing with the country, if he is afraid of being suspected of having violated his duty and his oath in a matter of so little moment. I will add, that a person who entertains such a suspicion, without reason, of any public man, may himself be well suspected of having held a no very complimentary dialogue with himself.
Sir, we all know that the head of a Department cannot touch a dollar of this fund except with the President’s sanction. The whole power and the whole responsibility is with the President. The President’s Message states this so fully and clearly, that I need not dwell upon it. I will say, in the first place, that no expenditure, improper in itself, or improper in its amount, was made to my knowledge, judgment, or belief. And I will say, in the next place, that the late President of the United States, in all things respecting the expenditure of the public moneys, was remarkably cautious, exact and particular.
And I here say, Sir, that all declarations, averments, statements, or insinuations, made any where, or by any body, which impute perversion, misapplication, or waste of the public funds, committed or made by me while Secretary of State, are utterly groundless and untrue. And I will conclude with one remark, the bearing of which, I shall leave to the Senate and to the country.
Whoever charges me with having either misapplied or wasted the public funds, while in the Department of State, has either seen the papers, or has, in some other way, obtained knowledge on the subject, or he has not. If he has seen no papers, and has no knowledge, then his imputations are purely wanton and slanderous. If he has seen the papers, or has any knowledge, then he would be sure to state what he knows, if he knows any thing to sustain him in his charge. Silence, under such circumstances, is conclusive that he knows nothing, because he is under no obligation of secresy, and, in absence of all other proof, he would, of course, tell all he knew, if he knew any thing which could, in the slightest degree, bear him out. The charge, therefore, was either made in utter ignorance of any facts to support it, or else with the knowledge that the facts which do exist would, if made known, entirely disprove it. As to the source of this miserable vituperation, I have nothing to say. I am afraid I shall be thought to have paid too much attention to it already. Sir, I leave the author of these slanders where he is—I leave him in the worst company I know of in the world—I leave him with himself.
Last Monday, in the House, Mr. C. J. Ingersoll made the follow remarks, by way of personal explanation:
Mr. Speaker: When Mr. Webster, in virulent terms, in Senate, assailed my truth, concerning transactions of which proofs ought to be in the Department of State, I went there in search of them for my vindication. As member of the Committee on Foreign Affairs, for some years, I have some freedom of access there, though probably none which any other member of Congress is not entitled to.
Searching for proofs, not to expose him, but vindicate myself, I fell most unexpectedly on others which led me next day, to denounce him as a delinquent.
When the President’s answer to the resolution of the House of Representatives refused certain documents, I repeated, in general assertion, the fact of his delinquency, and added that it is easily susceptible of proof. My friends advised me to go no further, supposing that Mr. Webster would challenge investigation.
Not having done so, but having again, with opprobious language, in Senate, charged me with slander, and called on me to substantiate my accusation of him, I now submit a short statement, which may be tested as to truth.
There are three charges of delinquency:
First. Unlawful use of the fund appropriated for the contingent service of foreign intercourse, commonly called the secret service fund.
Secondly. Misapplying part of that fund to corrupt party presses.
Thirdly. Leaving the Department of State in default to that fund.
First. Congress appropriates annually a small sum, commonly 30,000 dollars, for the contingent expenses of foreign intercourse; the disbursement of part of which is sometimes usefully clandestine, but never, as has been erroneously supposed, corrupt. Whenever, in the President's opinion, it would be wrong to make public how any part of it is disposed of, he so certifies, and, by act of Congress, his mere certificate is sufficient voucher at the Treasury for the required settlement.
These funds have, for the last sixteen years, if not always, been in the hands of a clerk, called, by acts of Congress, the disbursing agent of the Department of State, who kept them in banks, as agent. The official routine is for the President, on the requisition of the Secretary of State, to authorize the payment of the money from the Treasury to the disbursing agent of the State Department. The disbursing agent is debited at the Treasury with the sum drawn into the Department of State, keeps it to his credit as agent, in bank, and gives checks as required by the Secretary, for payment to any person he may designate.
In this way, the first check I saw, when I went to the department, was drawn by the agent for the service at New York in McLeod’s case, 1,000 dollars.
But shortly after President Harrison’s death, and before Vice President Tyler was at home in chief magistracy—in April, 1841—Mr.Secretary Webster began an entirely novel method of dealing with the secret service fund. Instead of directing the disbursing agent to pay any third person, Mr. Webster required the money to be paid to himself.
In this way he drew to himself from the disbursing agent twelve thousand dollars during the first nine months of Mr. Webster’s incumbency as Secretary, about 1,300 dollars a month, in 1841, and 3,000 dollars more early in 1842.
Thus he took into his own hands 15,000 dollars in his first twelve months. The President, there is written evidence in the department to show, never authorized this, knew nothing of it, and when first apprised of it, more than fourteen months after it had been going on, to the large amount of fifteen thousand dollars, refused it his sanction.
It was not till July, 1842, as the evidence in the department shows, in Mr. Webster’s handwriting, that he got a President’s certificate for four thousand four hundred and sixty dollars, ($4,460.).
That President’s certificate, of which I took a minute, dated 19th July, 1842, is—.
To J. J. Crittenden, for expenses of journey to New York, $100.
To F. O. J. Smith, for services connected with the North eastern Boundary, 2,000.
To Alexander Powell, for journey to, and stay on the frontier in 1841, on the subject of disturbances, 1,000.
With several other items.
The first item in this short account concerning McLeod, will show how I was led from that to other objects; and some of the other items will show the agents whom, as Secretary of State, Mrs. Webster employed. Both houses of Congress, if not the public at large, have not been left in ignorance of the characters of some of those on whom the Secretary of State bestowed large sums of public money, if their receipts correctly vouch what they got.
In a memorandum of payments to Mr. Webster, by authority of the President, there is a minute dated June 23, 1842, “By cash returned, $5,000.”.
After drawing $15,000 to himself during fifteen months, during which period there is no trace of what he did with those large sums, he appears to have returned one-third of the amount withdrawn. Why return it, if taken for any public purpose? Where he it been kept? If in any place of deposite, was it separate from Mr. Webster's private funds? funds? Did he use it?.
These $5,000 were returned ten days after, according to the published correspondence, his negotiation with the British Envoy Extraordinary, began by conversational and confidential intercourse, without protocols or other usual records of such transactions.
In 1843 Mr. Webster took to himself $2,000 more, making altogether $17,000.
On closing his account, crediting the $5,000 returned, and various other sums, there remained a balance against him of $2,290 of the secret service fund. One of his credits against it was for $1,400, published in House document, report No. 29, first session, 28th Congress—report of Mr. Rogers, for maps, charts, surveys and expenses of bringing them to the seat of Government, and for copies of transcripts, and for various agencies to procure information connected with the boundary treaty.
This inarticulate and comprehensive mixture of many incongruous items, without specification of prices, dates, or any apparent test of rectitude, Mr. Secretary Webster certified himself as a proper credit for himself and deducted from his debit to the secret service fund. Without that cre