NNR 73.001 call for new troops from Kentucky, Tennessee, and Indiana
NNR 73.001 general order no. 44 organizing troops in and around Veracruz
NNR 73.001 election of officers of the Maryland light artillery, company to depart for Veracruz
NNR 73.001 movements of troops and volunteers
NNR 73.001-73.002 troops to defend the line of communication between Veracruz and Perote
NNR 73.002 Gen. Robert Patterson to assume command of his division in Mexico
NNR 73.004 James Buchanan's letter on his sentiments on the Wilmot Proviso
NNR 73.004, 73.074 Col. Louis D. Wilson, obituary
NNR 73.004 movements of troops
NNR 73.004, 73.005 Gen. Mariano Paredes
y Arillaga's return to Mexico
NNR 73.004 guerrilla war
NRR 73.005 guerrilla war, affairs on the Rio Grande, helping the train of supplies, all idea of advancing on San Luis abandoned, Capt. Henry Baylor's affair with guerrillas
NRR 73.005 Maj. Folliot Thornton Lally and guerrillas
NNR 73.005, 73.017 Col. Lewis Gustavus DeRussy's regiment
NNR 73.005 arrival of Gen. Stephen Watts Kearny and Col. John Charles Fremont at Saint Louis
NNR 73.006 party from California
reports Gen. Stephen Watts Kearny in supreme command, Lt. Col. John Charles
Fremont not under arrest, Com. Robert Field Stockton's flagship at Monterey,
ships at San Francisco,
affairs at Santa Fe
NNR 73.006 guerrilla war
NNR73.006 movement of troops, &c.
NNR 73.006 partisan warfare
NRR 73.010 efforts in Honduras to assist Mexico to resist the United States
NRR 73.017 battle of San Angel
NNR 73.017 anxiety of the public, of San Angel, Mexico invested, armistice proposed,
Maj. Folliot Thornton Lally's train reaches Jalapa, Capt. James Mayo
Wells' detachment attacked
NNR 73.020-73.021 New York "Tribune" and "Courier and Enquirer" as to the course for the Whigs relative to the war
NNR 73.022 tranquility in California, no war among rival governors, no resistance by the Creoles to Americanization
NNR 73.033 comment on European interference in the war
NNR 73.034 the pay of the regiment of Col. Alexander William Doniphan
NRR 73.034 comments on the armistice
NRR 73.034 order to passengers landing at Veracruz
NNR 73.034 Com. Matthew Calbraith Perry's orders for visiting foreign vessels in Mexican ports
NRR 73.034 death of a guerrilla chief
NNR 73.034 difficulty
of reinforcements in reaching Maj. Folliot Thornton Lally
NNR 73.034-73.035 Capt. Lorenzo A. Besancon's detachment said to have been captured
NNR 73.036, 038 advance of Gen. Winfield Scott on Mexico City, battles of Contreras and Churubusco
NNR 73.038, 73.039 armistice ratified, its terms
NNR 73.039-73.040 letters of George Wilkins Kendall about the armistice
NRR 73.040 list of killed and wounded in the late battles in Mexico
NNR 73.040 correspondence of Gen. Winfield Scott and Gen. Antonio Lopez de Santa Anna about the armistice
NRR 73.040 concern for Lt. David Henderson's detachment
NNR 73.040-73.041 remarks on operations, orders for two brigades of troops to embark for Veracruz to reinforce Gen. Winfield Scott, disposition of remaining forces
NNR 73.041 guerrilla affair
NNR 73.041 operations at Santa Fe and Chihuahua
NRR 73.041 death of Gen. Enos B. Hopping
NRR 73.041-73.042 Mexican account of the battles
NNR 73.042 manifesto of Antonio Lopez de Santa Anna
NNR 73.044-73.047 the question of more territory and of the Wilmot Proviso
NRR 73.048 new companies of Illinois volunteers sent to Mexico
NNR 73.049 encounter of rangers with the escort of the Spanish minister
NRR 73.049 Dr. Cooper and the dragoons
NNR 73.049 letter from Gen. Gideon Johnson Pillow, comments by S.W. Oakey
NRR 73.049 revenue derived from tariff on Mexico
NRR 73.050 operations of ships in the Gulf
NRR 73.050 company of Marines leave Washington for Mexico
NRR 73.053 editorial on the war
NNR 73.053 British courier from Mexico proceeds through United States to London, our government without dispatches, rumors of peace, negotiations
NRR 73.053 Gen. Gabriel Valencia's defiance of Gen. Antonio Lopez de Santa Anna, his arrest
NRR 73.053 Gen. Juan Alvarez intending to assemble troops to attack the Americans
NRR 73.053 Gen. Mariano Paredes y Arillaga said to be marching on the capital
NRR 73.053 Gen. Jose Mariano de Salas' accusations against Gen. Anastasio Torrejon at Contreras
[see also, 73.102]NNR 73.054 detail of Gen. Winfield Scott's march from Puebla to Mexico City, movements prior to the battles
73.055 letter detailing operations and battles
NRR 73.055 letter from Buena Vista
NNR 73.056-73.057 "Mustang's" account of the battles
NRR 73.058 attack on the mule train near Papagallas
NRR 73.058 cases of yellow fever at Brazos
NNR 73.058 Capt. Mirabeau B. Lamar's expedition
NRR 73.058 items from Gen. John Ellis Wool's command
NRR 73.058 attack on a train
from Mier to Monterey
NNR 73.058 rumor at Buena Vista of the capitulation of Mexico City
NRR 73.058 released American prisoners arrive at Matamoros
NRR 73.058 troops leaving Gen. Zachary Taylor for Veracruz, his intention to visit the United States
NRR 73.058 account of the mutiny among the North Carolina troops
NRR 73.058 Yellow fever in New Orleans
NNR 73.064 arrangements for letters to and from the Army
NR 73.064 Gen. William Jenkins Worth's letter on Col. Pierce Mason Butler's death
NRR 73.064 Col. Pierce Mason Butler's letter to Gen. William Jenkins Worth
NNR 73.065 failure of negotiations
for peace, Gen. Winfield Scott accuses Gen. Antonio Lopez de Santa Anna,
and he accuses Scott, of violating the armistice, hostilities recommended,
a battle ensues, contradictory accounts of its result
NNR 73.065 reinforcements reach Veracruz
NNR 73.065 remarks relative to dispatches
NRR 73.065 report of a severe battle being fought and part of the capital being in possession of Gen. Winfield Scott
NRR 73.067 tribute to Assistant Surgeon Prevost's efforts during the Battle of Buena Vista
NRR 73.067 Georgia mounted battalion and a battalion of infantry forming for Mexico
NRR 73.067 movements of troops for Mexico
NRR 73.067 organization of two new Kentucky regiments
NRR 73.067 yellow fever aboard ships at Anton Lizardo and Tuxpan
NRR 73.067 Midshipman Robert Clay Rogers escapes from the Mexicans and reaches American headquarters
NNR 73.071 resolutions of the New Jersey Whig convention on annexation of new territory
NNR 73.071-73.073 Gen. James Shields and Col. James P. Dickinson's reports on the fighting of August 20
NNR 73.073 further particulars of the mutiny among the North Carolina troops
NNR 73.073-73.074 letter from the Massachusetts regiment in Mexico
NNR 73.074 letter from Gen. Franklin Pierce
NRR 73.075 letter concerning Gen. Gideon Johnson Pillow at Cerro Gordo
NNR 73.075 letter from an officer about the recent battles in Mexico
NNR 73.076 list of killed and wounded in the Palmetto Regiment
NRR 73.076 Notice of the Difficulties Among the Mexicans in Treating for Terms
NRR 73.076 Forces Under Gen. Winfield Scott as He Marched on Mexico City
NRR 73.076 Santa Fe, murder of Lieut. Brown; Indian attack, disease
NNR 73.077 Gen. Sterling Price's journey to Fort Leavenworth
NRR 73.077 Veracruz in its palmy days
NNR 73.080 steamers in the Gulf
NRR 73.082 Gen. Winfield Scott and Nicholas Philip Trist reported on good terms
NRR 73.082 additional regiments of volunteers for Mexican service
NNR 73.083 New Jersey volunteers sail for Mexico, riot among them
NRR 73.083 court-martial acquits Col. Bennet Riley for his conduct at Cerro Gordo
NNR 73.083 Gen. Sterling Price to return to Santa Fe
NRR 73.083 six companies of mounted Georgia troops at Mobile en route to Mexico
NNR 73.083 the Encarnacion prisoners released
NNR 73.084 the Massachusetts Whig convention on the war with Mexico and annexation of territory
NNR 73.087-73.088 Dr. Cooper and Lt. David Henderson safe
NNR 73.088 reports concerning Capt. Lorenzo A. Besancon's company
NNR 73.088 deficiency of transports
NNR 73.088 news about
Gen. Mariano Paredes y Arrillaga in the vicinity of Puebla
NNR 73.088 train to leave Veracruz under command of Gen. Joseph Lane
NNR 73.088 Puebla surrounded, danger to the commands of Col. Thomas Childs
and Maj. Folliot Thornton Lally
NRR 73.088 Maj. Folliot Thornton Lally's train advances from Jalapa
NNR 73.088 account of Sergeant Riley the deserter
NRR 73.088 Mexican account of the Battle of Molino del Rey
NRR 73.089 Chapultepec
taken, Battle of Molino del Rey, city bombarded, obstinate resistance,
entrance of the Americans, Mexican forces evacuate
NNR 73.089 reports of Gen. Winfield Scott having entered the capital
NNR 73.089 pursuit of the enemy by Col. William Selby Harney's dragoons after
Churubusco
NNR 73.090-73.092 peace negotiation
NNR 73.091 description of Chapultepec, negotiations (during the armistice),
Nicholas Philip Trist's project of treaty, instructions to Mexican commissioners,
subsequent instructions Mexican terms
NNR 73.092 Gen. Gabriel Valencia's proclamation as governor of the city of Mexico
NNR 73.092 protest of Mexicans against any treaty made under the guns of invaders, proclamation of the governors of the states of Mexico and Puebla same effect
NNR 73.096 drain of specie
to pay for the Army in Mexico
NNR 73.096 loan for the war anticipated
NNR 73.097 Washington "Union" on Nicholas Philip Trist's instructions
NRR 73.098 ship Empire sails
from New York City for Charleston and Veracruz with recruits
NNR 73.098 over-subscription of the Georgia mounted battalion
NNR 73.098 notice of troops between Baton Rouge and Memphis who have not
been sent to Mexico
NRR 73.099 letter about Thomas Corwin's views on the acquisition of territory and the extension of slavery
NNR 73.099 attention in Prussia to the exploits of Gen. Zachary Taylor
NNR 73.101 anxiety for further intelligence from the Army, innumerable rumors, &c., circular issued after evacuating the capital, report relative to officers said to have been killed and wounded
NNR 73.101-73.102 Col. James Simmons McIntosh's official report concerning the battle of August 20
NNR 73.102 Lt. Col. Martin Scott's official report
NNR 73.102 Gen. Jose Mariano de Salas' official report about the fighting at Contreras
NNR 73.102 rumors of Gen. Winfield Scott having been attacked in the capital, Gen. Joseph Lane leaves Veracruz with train for Mexico, attacked and stopped at National Bridge
NNR 73.103 Maj. Folliot Thornton Lally's official report from Jalapa, the line of communication, Mexicans take Puebla, Gen. Antonio Lopez de Santa Anna's address on resuming hostilities, tone of the Mexican press
NNR 73.104-73.106 Daniel Webster on the war
NNR 73.108-73.109 New York Whig convention on the Mexican war and the extension of slavery
NNR 73.109 official correspondence relative to the terms proposed by Nicholas Philip Trist, &c.
NRR 73.110-73.111, 73.157 account of the revolution undertaken by settlers in California before the acts of United States officers
NRR 73.112 deaths from yellow fever at Tampico and US
NRR 73.113 forces under Gen. Winfield Scott
NRR 73.113 comments of the Baltimore "American" on the proposal to acquire territory from Mexico
NRR 73.114 pain of the war (from "Union"), letter to mother of Lt. George Decatur Twiggs
NRR 73.115 letter describing the expedition of the Baltimore battalion from Veracruz
NRR 73.115 gloomy letter from a volunteer in the California expedition
NRR 73.115 operations of the Texas Rangers
NNR 73.118 officers killed and wounded, execution of deserters, Gen. Winfield Scott's general orders on occupying the capital, Washington "Union's" account and compliment
NRR 73.119-73.120 the battles of Molino del Rey and Chapultepec, and the capture of Mexico City (from the New Orleans "Delta")
NRR 73.120 number of shot and shells fired, letters from Veracruz, troops arrive, "Union's" statement of forces under Gen. Winfield Scott
NRR 73.120-73.121 George Wilkins Kendall's account of the Battle of Molino del Rey
NRR 73.120-73.121 entrance and conflict in Mexico City
NRR 73.122 Col. John W. Tibbatts' proclamation on assuming governorship of Monterey
NRR 73.122 items from California
NRR 73.122 "beauties of the war"
NRR 73.125 speech of John Macpherson Berrien on the war, his amendment to the three-million bill
NNR 73.125 23 OCT 1847 Union on Senator Berrien’s Amendment to the three million bill
NRR 73.129 rumor of Gen.
Jose Urrea advancing towards the Rio Grande and of Gen. Zachary Taylor
visiting the United States, both discredited by the "Union"
NRR 73.129 no dispatches yet from Gen. Winfield Scott, supposed
to have been intercepted, report that Gen. Jose Urrea is proceeding to
the Rio Grande with 20,000 men
NRR 73.130 official statement of the troops under Gen. Winfield Scott
NRR 73.130 tribute to Col. Martin Scott
NRR 73.131 notice of Virginia officers killed or wounded
NRR 73.136 movements on the city of Mexico (New Orleans "Courier")
NRR 73.137 an officer's account
NRR 73.138-73.140 march
from Puebla, the battles at Contreras and Churubusco
NRR 73.140 Gen. Nicholas Bravo and his staff taken prisoner
NRR 73.140 Gen. Winfield Scott proclaims martial law
NRR 73.140 Gen. John Anthony Quitman's orders
NRR 73.140 Gen. Winfield Scott's order concerning a conspiracy to surprise his forces
NRR 73.140-73.141 Mexican expose of Gen. Antonio Lopez de Santa Anna's views
NRR 73.141 communication to the "National Intelligencer"
NRR 73.142-73.143 list of killed and wounded
NRR 73.144 Gen. Antonio Lopez de Santa Anna summons Col. Thomas Childs to surrender at Puebla, is refused
NRR 73.144 Gen. Antonio Lopez de Santa Anna is deserted by his troops, defies orders and marches for Oaxaca to raise a new Army
NRR 73.144 Americans
fortified at National Bridge
NRR 73.144 Capt. Jack Hays reaches Veracruz from Brazos
NRR 73.144 troops from New York sail for Mexico
NNR 73.144 the question of whether additional volunteers will be sought
NRR 73.146 the Encarnacion prisoners paid off
NNR 73.001 September 4, 1847, call for new troops from Kentucky, Tennessee, and Indiana
OFFICIAL- New call for troops, The war department has first called for five new regiments, explosive of the regiment from Ohio, which is already reported to be raised, and is now in progress of being mustered into the public service, and will in a few days be en route for Vera Cruz.
The five new regiments from Kentucky are to rendezvous, one at Louisville, and the other at Smithland, at the mouth of the Cumberland river.
The regiments from Tennessee are to rendezvous, one at Nashville, and the other at Memphis.
The Indiana regiment is to rendezvous at such convenient point on the river Ohio as the Governor of the state may designate.
These five regiments are expected to be rapidly raised and promptly placed in the public service. Officers have already been made, which induced the executive to designate these states, and to make the necessary arrangements for embodying these troops without delay. [LTR]
NNR 73.001 September 4, 1847, general order no. 44 organizing troops in and around Vera Cruz
Headquarters, Department of Vera Cruz , Mexico, August 11, 1847
I. Lieut. Col. D.S. Miles, U.S. army, is placed in he immediate command of the troops of this city, and the cavalry and infantry outside the walls, ate the gate of Mercy and Bergard.
II. Lieut. Col. Miles will see that the proper guards are mounted, and give such orders as he may deem necessary for the protection of the city-communicating them to the colonel commanding whenever they differ with the orders now in existence.
III. The cavalry will be actively employed in scouring the country about Vera Cruz for about a circuit of 6 or 8 miles, further if necessary. The captains of cavalry are cautioned to take the very best care of their horses. The company of infantry stationed at Bergard, is especially to protect the mules and horses penned there.
IV. No Scouts or armed parties will go from the city or outposts, but by express orders of the commanding officer, or Lieut. Col. Miles; in the latter case, the lieutenant colonel will communicate with the commanding officer.
V. Second Lieutenant W.L. Crittenden is appointed adjutant of the post, and will be obeyed and respected accordingly.
VI. Officers of the day will report to Lt. Col. Miles for orders
By order of Col. H. Wilson: Adj’t U.S. infantry and A.A.A.G. Dept Vera Cruz.
NNR 73.001 September 4, 1847, election of officers of the Maryland light artillery, company to depart for Vera Cruz
Maryland light artillery.-Some informality having occurred in the first election of officers for this company, another election has been held, which resulted in the choice of the following gentlemen:-Captain, L. Tilghmen; First Lieutenant, Dr. Frisby Tilghman; Second do. Isaac Morrow; Second do. Arnold Tensfield. The company now numbers over 100 choice men, and will embark for Vera Cruz, on the 3rd of September, on the barque Paoli Capt. Welsh, which has been chartered by the government to transport them. There is also at Fort McHenry a company of volunteers from Washington city, which together with about 76 regular recruits, will also sail for the seat of war, on one of the several vessels about to start from this port. Besides the Poali, the transport brigs G.M. Randall. Capt. Pinkham, and Pecard. Capt. Buck, and the new transport schooner Mayer Vinton, are now here and will carry troops, horses, provisions, &c. to Vera Cruz and other ports on the Gulf of Mexico. [LTR]
NNR 73.001 September 4, 1847, movements of troops and volunteers
Georgia volunteers. The Columbus Enquirer of the 17th says:-The three companies that will compose the mounted battalion, we are informed, have been accepted by the executive, and we suppose may be looked for in this place in some eight or ten days. The companies are:
Capt. Goulding’s “Calhoun Guards,” Muscogee county.
Capt. Kendall’s “Opeotore Rangers,” do.
“ Fulton’s, Chattooga county.
“ Hamiltion’, Cass county
“ Wofford’s
do.
It is, we believe, generally understood that our fellow citizen, Capt. James S. Calhoun, will receive the appointment of Lieut. Colonel of this battalion.
The infantry battalion is as yet far from complete. Only two full companies, Captain Nelson, of Columbus, and Capt. Gaulden’s of Stewart, are yet organized.
The departure of volunteers. Capt. Latham’s fime company of volunteers, of the 2nd Ohio regiment, are, as we write this article, just leaving the city for the encampment at Cincinnati, where they will remain until regularly mustered into the service, and then be off for the seat of war. We return them, in this manner, our most grateful acknowledgements for their expression of friendly feeling, and hope their campaign may be both an agreeable and a glorious one. May health and success attend them wherever destiny may lead them. [ Ohio Statesman Aug. 25th.
Departure of troops. The following vessel were to leave New Orleans on the 23rd ult. for the seat of war.
The Steamship-New Orleans for Tampico, with five companies of the 3rd regiment Illinois volunteers, under the command of Lieut. Col. Hicks. The steamship Mary Kingsland, for Vera Cruz, with one company 2nd regiment Illinois volunteers, and Capt. Connolly’s company of Louisiana mounted volunteers. The steamship Massachusetts was also to leave for the same destination, with the remaining four companies of the 2 nd Illinois volunteers, under the command of Col. Collins.
The Telegraph was to leave on the 24th ult. for the Brazos, with a detachment of 12th infantry, under Capt. Clinck. [LTR]
NNR 73.001-002 September 4, 1847, troops to defend the line of communication between Vera Cruz and Perote
The line of communication between Vera Cruz and Perote.-A letter has just been received from Lieut. Col. Hughes of this city. He arrived by the river route at New Orleans on the th August, and left that place in the Mary Kingsland on the 23rd. He expects to reach Vera Cruz in advance of his command, unless they should have made and extraordinary run from the capes of Virginia. Lieut. Col. Hughes will have under his command the six companies which sailed from Baltimore some time since for Vera Cruz: and also one artillery company that has been raised in Baltimore, one company that is know raising in Washington, and perhaps two others that may be completed, the Colonel will have under him a regiment. It is destined for the line of communication from Vera Cruz to Jalapa and Perote.
Besides these, there are five companies of mounted volunteers from Louisiana, some of whom have already arrived at Vera Cruz, and the others were en route-the whole, in all probability, have arrived b this time. In addition to these, there are five companies of horse from Georgia, and three from Illinois. These are all en route for Vera Cruz.
Then, there is the regiment of Texas Rangers under Hayes, or such part of them as General Taylor can spare for service-at least five companies.
All these mounted volunteers have been called out to operate principally against the guerrillas; and when the line of communication is opened, they will join Gen Scott. Gen. Patterson, who left Washington on Monday on his way to Norfolk-there to deliver some baggage, which is to round to Pensacola in the Water Witch-will go thence to Pensacola where he is to embark in the same vessel with other officers, for his point of destination. It is said that he is to take charge or this military force, unless order should have been received from Gen. Scott to change these arrangements; and after he had opened the line of communication, he will join the General’s camp. [LTR]
72.002 September 4, 1847, Gen. Robert Patterson to assume command of his division in Mexico
Major General Patterson-The Pennsylvanian says, “he will assume the command of his division in Mexico, which, it will be recollected, he was deprived fo on the disbanding of the seven regiments of volunteers by General Scott, after the battle of Cerro Gordo.” [LTR]
NNR 73.004 September 4, 1847, James Buchanan’s letter on his sentiments on the Wilmot Provost
WILMONT PROVISO. The following letter from Mr. Buchanan on the Wilmot proviso, is from the Pennsylvanian. Washington, 25th August1847.
GENTLEMEN: I have been honored by the receipt of your kind invitation to unite with the democracy of Old Berks in their Harvest Home Celebration, to be held at Reading, on Saturday, the 28th inst. I should esteem in both a pleasure and a privilege to be present on that interesting occasion: it is, therefore, with regret I have to inform you, that my public duties will render this impossible.
I rejoice to observe that glorious democracy of “Old Berks” are buckling on their armor, and preparing for the approaching contest. It is long since any state election has involved such important consequences for the democracy of the Union, as the approaching election for the governor of Pennsylvania. On its result may probably depend the ascendancy of the democracy of the Union for years to come. Hence our democratic brethren of other states are witnessing the contest with intense anxiety. The field is a fair one; our candidate well tried and honest; and he has been regularly nominated by the party. Should he be defeated, at the attempt will be vain to explain the decision of the ballot boxes in any other manner than by admitting that the whigs have the majority. Our candidate for canal commissioner is, also, above all reproach, both personally and politically, and is eminently qualified for the duties of that important offices. If, under the circumstances, the democratic Keystone should give way, there is great danger that the arch may tumble into pieces. I do not apprehend defeat, unless our wily foe should first lull us into security by making no extraordinary public efforts; and then, at the eleventh hour, quietly steal a march upon us as they have done in some other states. Our vigilance ought to be constantly on the alert, until the moment of victory.
The question of slavery, in one of its ancient aspects, has been recently revived and threatens to convulse the country. The democratic party of the Union ought prepare themselves in time for the approaching strom. Their best security, in the hour of danger, is to cling fast to their time-honored principles. A sacred regard for the federal constitution, and for the reserved rights of the states, is the immoveable basis on which the party can alone safely rest. This has saved us from the inroads of abolition. Northern democrats are not expected to approve slavery in the abstract; but they owe it to themselves, as they value the Union, and all the political blessings which bountifully flow from it, to abide by the compromises of the constitution, and leave the question, where that instrument has left it, to the states wherein slavery exists. Our fathers have made this agreement with their brethren of the south; and it is not for the descendants of either party, in the present generations, to cancel this solemn compact. The abolitionists, by their efforts to annul it, have arrested the natural progress of emancipation, and done great injury to the slaves themselves.
After Louisiana was acquired from France by Mr. Jefferson, and when the state of Missouri, which constituted a part of it, was about to be admitted into the Union, the Missouri question arose, and in its progress threatened the dissolution of the Union. This was settled, in a spirit of mutual concession. Under the Missouri compromise, slavery was “forever prohibited” north of 36 deg. 30 min.; and south of this parallel the question was left to be decided by the people. Congress, in the admission of Texas following in the footsteps of their predecessors, adopted the same rule; and, in my opinion, the harmony of the states, and even the security of the Union itself, require that the line of the Missouri compromise should be extended to any new territory which we may acquire from Mexico.
I should entertain the same opinion, even if it were certain that this would become a serious practical question; but that it never can be thus considered, must be evident to all who have attentively examined the subject.
Neither the soil, the climate, nor the productions of the portion of California south of 36 deg. 30min. nor indeed any portion of it, north or south, is adapted to slave labor; and, beside, every facility would be there afforded to the slave escape from his master. Such property would be utterly insecure in any part of California. It is morally impossible, therefore, that a majority of the emigrants to that portion of the territory south of 36 deg. 30 min. which will be chiefly composed of our fellow citizens from the eastern, middle, and western states, will every re-establish slavery within its limits. In regard to New Mexico, east of the Rio Grande, the question has been already settled by the admission of Texas into the Union.
Should we acquire territory beyond the Rio Grande, and east of the Rocky Mountains, it is still more improbable that a majority of the people of that region would consent to re established slavery. They are themselves, in a large proportion, a colored population; and among them the negro does not socially belong to a degraded race.
The question is, therefore, not one of practical importance. Its agitation, however honestly intended, can produce no effect but to alienate the people of different portions fo the Union from each other, to excite sectional divisions and jealousies; and to distract and possibly destroy the democratic party, on the ascendancy of whose principles and measures depends, as I firmly believe, the success of our grand experiment of self-government
Such have been my individuals opinions, openly and freely expressed, ever since the commencement of the present unfortunate agitation; and of all places in the world, I prefer to put them on record before the incorruptible democracy of Old Berks. I, therefore, be leave to offer you the following statement:
The Missouri Compromise -Its adoption in 1820 saved the Union from threatened convulsions. Its extension in1848 to any new territory which we may acquire, will secure the like happy results. Yours, very respectfully, JAMES BUCHANAN. [LTR]
NNR 73.004 September 4, 1847, October 2, 1847, Col. Louis D. Wilson, obituary
Headquarters, Vera Cruz, Aug. 12, 1847
It is announced to this command, the melancholy intelligence of death of Col. Lewis D. Wilson of the 12th Regiment U.S. infantry, who died on this date
The escort for his funeral will be commanded by the Lieutenant Colonel
commanding, and consist the 1st U.S. infantry, stationed in
the city. The funeral will take place at 5 o’clock, P.M. on tomorrow,
to which all the U.S. navy, citizens and strangers are respectfully invited
to attend.
Col. Wilson, Commandant and Governor of Vera Cruz, was laboring under attack of yellow fever and his life was considered in great danger, at the time intelligence of the death of Col. Wilson, of NC., was received. On the announcement of the death of Col Wilson, the impression became general that it was the Governor of Vera Cruz, and the journals reported.
His friends will be gratified to learn that he has recovered.
Col. Wilson, of North Carolina-The Washington Union says-We learn that, by his will, the late Col. Louis D. Wilson, of the twentieth infantry, bequeathed to the “chairman of the county court of Edgecomb, in North Carolina, and to his successors in office, forty thousand dollars, to be applied to the support of the poor of said county.” This act of charity is touchingly beautiful. Col. Wilson had for years represented the county of Edgecomb in the senate of his native state. When it appeared probable that the requisition for volunteers made by the president on the Governor of North Carolina would not be met, he resigned his seat in the senate, volunteered, and was elected a captain, the highest post to which the voice of men could elevate him-and in that humble rank marched into Mexico. Before marching he made his will, and evinced his gratitude to the constituency which had so long honored him with their confidence, and his charitable regard for his poor neighbors, by this munificent bequest.-There has not fallen in the service of his country a braver or a better man. [LTR]
NNR 73.004 September 4, 1847, movements of troops
The company of Capt. Halle, of the 14th infantry reached Vera Cruz on the 12th inst. was immediately armed and left the same evening for the scene of action. There had been no further arrival from the train, which was deemed a good omen. No further courier has arrived at Vera Cruz from Puebla. One came through on the 12th instant. He left Puebla on the 7th. He reported that the army commenced its march that day agreeably to announcement. [LTR]
NNR 73.004, 005 September 4, 1847, Gen. Mariano Paredes y Arrillaga’s return to Mexico
The Washington Union of Saturday night says: We have seen letters from Vera Cruz, which we received by this evening’s Southern mail. To relate to the two interesting topics of Paredes’ leaving, and of Major Lally’s detachment.
As to Paredes, we regret to state that the Capt. of the British steamer must have been acquainted with his true name and character, as Paredes’ not hesitate to speak freely on board the vessel. He spoke freely about Santa Anna’s want of energy, ability, and principles, and declared that unfortunate Mexico would have to throw herself into the arms of America, or of some European power. (This last statement is suspicious, and confirms what the president stated in his message to congress:)
In any event, it was certain that no change whatever in the Government of Mexico which would deprive Paredes of power could be for the worse, so far as the United States were concerned, while it was highly probable that any change must be for the better.”
Paredes is a monarchist-a friend of a foreign monarch, there is some reason to believe; and his presence in Mexico, if it looks to any change of her rulers. It will remain for the British captain to explain how and why he as a neutral introduced so decided an enemy into our ports at all, and without acquainting us with his character.
It appears from the Vera Cruz letter, that when Paredes entered that city, he was recognized by two or three persons-an inspector at the gate and by Senor Atocha, who attempt justification for his silence upon the lame excuse, that though he was an American citizen, yet he was no spy! The fact is, that Paredes scarcely remained ten minutes in the city, and went off without the knowledge of Col. Wilson, or any of the military officers.
As to Major Lilly, he is reported to have been attacked by about 1,500 guerrillas, whom he bravely resisted. A reinforcement had been dispatched to him about four hundred troops, including a corps of cavalry, with munitions, &c. &c. No later account had been received of him or from him. [LTR]
NRR 73.005 Sept. 4, 1847 guerrilla war
From the Rio Grande. AN arrival at N. Orleans brings advices from Brazos to the 17th ult.
It appears that the roads between Monterey and Camargo are becoming more and more infested with irregular activity and guerrilla bands, and several trials have been attacked.
La Patria published at New Orleans, contains a letter from Havana, which states that four British officers accompanied Parades, but it does not appear whether they had landed at Vera Cruz.
The New Orleans papers brings us accounts from Matamoros of the 18th ultimo, by which it appears that a most lamentable state of things exists along the route to Monterey, for want of a proper force on the road, and that the Mexicans are robbing and slaughtering without restraint everything and everybody that it not strongly protected by a suitable escort.
It also appears that the heavy trains have been halted by order of General Taylor, which the Matamoros Flag attributes to the fact that all idea has been abandoned of that army advancing towards San Luis. The following is the Flag's paragraph on the subject:
"Halting the trains-by an arrival from Camargo, we are informed that an order had been received there from General Taylor, directing a halt of the heavy wagon trains which were being got ready for Monterey, and which it was supposed were intended for the march upon San Luis. We cannot learn whether the dangers of the road or a final resolve not to make any further advance with the army has induced this order; but, from other circumstances, we judge the latter cause to have dictated it."
The subjoined paragraph, from the Picayune, confirms the view of the Flag that the advance upon San Luis is to be abandoned:
"Diversion of Troops-We have a letter from the Brazos, dated the 19th ultimo, mentioning the rumor as current that Gen. Hopping might shortly be expected there, with a considerable body of troops, to embark for Vera Cruz. It is altogether probable that several general officers will be detached from Gen. Taylor's column to repair to the line from Vera Cruz. But a little time will elapse, we trust, before communications will be entirely re-established between Vera Cruz and the capital."
The Matamoros Flag notices several recent attacks upon Government trains by the guerrillas bands, the most serious of which are this abridged by the New Orleans Bee:
A scouting party of twenty seven Texans, commanded by Capt. Baylor, and ordered out by Col. Abbot, commander at Ceralvo, to scout the country between the post and Monterey, fell in with a large body of Mexicans, and were all killed but three. It appears that the Texans visited several ranchos in the neighborhood of the place where the recent attacks had been made upon the trains. They found goods and property captured from the trains, and, the guilt of the Mexican residents being clearly proved, the property was retaken, the dwellings of the guilty burnt and several known desperate characters killed. Captain Baylor was returning with three prisoners, when he was surrounded by some three prisoners, when he was surrounded by some three hundred Mexicans and completely hemmed in. The Mexicans charged upon his little band, killing many of them at the first fire. Three of the party escaped through the chaparral, having been dreadfully lacerated by thorns. When Captain Baylor was last seen he was wounded and unhorsed, but still fighting, and only three of this men were in their saddles-Letters were found among the property in the ranchos, establishing already a connivance between the Alcade of Cerralvo and Canales. The Alcalde has been therefore arrested. Letters from Cerralvo state that the Mexicans are lying in wait to cut off every train between that place and Monterey. A gentlemen writes that hardly a day passes without some person being murdered on the road, and that the Americans know that the enemy are in large force in their immediate vicinity, without the means of acting, except on the defensive. We have, adds the correspondent, no mounted force at the post, not the means of mounting a single man of our own, should an extreme case of necessity require it. It is much to be desired that the Government will soon clearly see the great folly of placing troops along this line with their hands tied, to be made a laughing stock of, with an enemy so contemptible as the Mexicans. [KAS]
NRR 73.005 Sept. 4, 1847 Maj. Lally and guerrillas
From the New Orleans Times, Aug. 22.
MORE NEWS FROM VERA CRUZ.
Particulars of the attack on Major Lally's Train--Reported defeat of our troops by the Guerrillas.
We are also indebted to the Patria for some particulars regarding Major Lally's train, published in the extra of that paper yesterday. A correspondent from Vera Cruz, who signs himself El Jarocho, under date 15th instant, says that Padre Jarauta had returned to that vicinity at the head of 400 guerrillas, and, having effected a junction with two other bands, commanded by Munez and Alberto, attacked Major Lally's train at Tolome.
After killing and wounding a few of our troops, and capturing some wagons, they had taken post at a spot called Puente Chica, near the Puente Nacional. Major Lally, having divided his command into six columns, attacked the position occupied by the guerrillas, with his whole force, but after a sanguinary fight, he was driven back, leaving the ground covered with killed and wounded.
The guerrillas, through want of ammunition, were obliged to abandon their position, which was the occupied by the Americans on the morning of the 13th . This is the key to the truth in this strange story, which is, we believe, nothing but Mexican gasconade; for if our troops still advanced, the account of their defeat cannot be true.
The Patria's correspondent adds that, on the same day, negotiations were opened with the chiefs of the guerrillas for a capitulation of the whole convoy.--The number of wagons lost is said to be very great, and the killed and wounded of our men exceeds 250, reducing the whole command to 400 and odd effective troops. The guerrillas were in great force on this occasion; and it is said that, as they are persuaded that there is a large amount of specie with the train, it will be attacked throughout the whole of its long route, as long as the enemy can bring an effective man into the field.
El Jarocho, at the close of his letter, says information has just arrived that "The Yankees have capitulated." The whole tale is grossly exaggerated, we have no doubt, though we believe that Major Lally's train has had to fight its way onward, against disadvantages with which other preceding trains have not had the contend--such as vastly increased numbers on the part of the assailants, &c. The necessity of forwarding reinforcements from Vera Cruz, sufficiently proves the fact of the command having been vigorously attacked. [JNA]
NNR 73.005 September 4, 1847, September 11, 1847, Col. Lewis Gustavus DeRussy’s regiment
A Tampico letter of the 17th August says that the Louisiana regiment in that place, under command of Col. De Russy, left their homes a few months ago one thousand strong; and of this number not more than two hundred appeared on parade on the 16th. The diseases of the climate had brought about this sad change in the regiment.
A Tampico letter of the 17th August says that the Louisiana regiment in that place, under the command of Col. De Russey, left their homes a few months ago one thousand strong; and of this number not more than two hundred appeared on parade on 16th. The diseases of the climate had brought about this change into the regiment. [LTR]
NNR 73.005 Sept. 4, 1847 arrival of Gen. Stephen Watts Kearny and Col. John Charles Fremont at Saint Louis
Gen. Kearney and suite arrived at St. Louis on Wednesday, the 25th July. Col Fremont and his party were left at the Kansas, and will arrive in the next boat that comes down.
Gen. Kearney left California on his homeward route on the 18th June. He was accompanied by his personal staff and several discharged volunteers, formerly belonging to the Morman battalion, so that his whole party numbered from fifty to fifty five persons.
Col Fremont, being under arrest, and ordered home for trial under charges of disobedience of orders, left California with his party about the same time that General Kearney did, and was but a short distance in his rear during he entire journey, and reached Fort Leavenworth before the General’s departure for St Louis General K. arrived at the fort on Sunday the 22d ultimo, having made the entire trip in the very short space of sixty five days. He chose the south pass for his route, and had many obstacles to encounter, as the snow on the mountains was on the mountains was very deep, and the track in places almost impassable.
Neither party experienced any difficulty from the Indians: on the contrary they were very quiet, and evinced no hostile disposition whatever.
Major Cook and Judge Bryant, who, who were of the returned party, state that all the trains of emigrants now on the way to Oregon, were severally met. They were progressing finely; stood the fatigues of the journey well, and had abundance of provisions.
When Gen. Kearney and his party left California every thing was in a peaceful and prosperous condition.
Col. Mason was left in command, as military Governor of the Territory.
There was quite a fleet off the coast of California, consisting of the 74 gun ship Columbus, bearing the broad pennant of Com. Biddle; the frigate Congress44; the three sloops of war, Portsmouth 20, the Warren 20, and Dale 16, and the storeships Lexington 8 and Erie 8. The latter was to leave in a few days with about 500 men.
The rest of the troops were divided into parties under separate commands, and stationed at different posts throughout the country, where it was deemed most advisable either from precautionary or defensive views.
Nothing has yet transpired as to the specific nature of charges against Lieut. Col. Fremont, but as both the commanding officer and the arrested subordinate have now returned, we shall soon have our curiosities satisfied on this head.
There seems at least, for the present to be no further feeling of resistance towards our army in California. The civil officers elected under the provisional government are executing their duties with Anglo Saxon honesty and directness, and present so new a phase of justice to the native inhabitants that they are delighted. [LTR]
NNR 73.006 September 4, 1847, party from California reports General Steven Watts Kearney in supreme command. Lt. Col John Charles Fremont not under arrest, Com Robert Field Stockton’s flagship at Monterey, ships at San Francisco, affairs of Santa Fe
FROM SANTA FE. The St. Louis Republican of 23d inst. says: “Capt. Fischer’s company of light artillery, consisting of about forty men, and Lieut. Gratiot, of Capt. Weightman’s company, arrived yesterday on the steamer J. J. Hardin. They left Santa Fe on the 29th of June, and met with no obstacles in coming in.”
We are indebted to the same paper for an extra, dated August 23, 12 M., in which we find the following interesting intelligence:
Arrival from Oregon and California. On Saturday evening, Captain T. G. Drake, of he British ship Modeste, (not, however, a bearer of dispatches, as has been stated,) and Mr. John G. Campbell, arrived in this city from Oregon. They left Oregon on the 6th of May, and traveled to Fort Hall in company with a brigade of the Hudson Bay Company. They left Fort Hall with only four men, but overtook another party of seven, and arrived in the settlements with a party of fourteen.
They bring us but little information in addition to that already received from Oregon. Every thing was quite when they left, and the prospect for the season favorable. The Columbia had been so high as to require them to take the southern route. This we presume, they were induce to do from the pleasure and facility of traveling afforded by the force of the Hudson Bay Company.
The British ship Modeste left Fort Vancouver on the 3d, and dropped down the river, on her way to England. She was to proceed, by the Sandwich Islands, home. There were no American ships in the river. The British squadron in the Pacific had not been heard from for nearly eight months prior to their leaving.
Between Fort Hall and Soda Spring, they were overtaken by a party of four men from California. This party left California on the 4th of June. They reported all things quiet when they left. Gen. Kearny was in supreme command, and this party understood to state, most positively, that Col. Fremont was not under arrest up to the time of their leaving. Com. Stockton’s flag ship was at Monterey, and several ships of the United States squadron were at St. Francisco. This party arrived at St. Joseph with Capt. D and Mr. C and may be expected in this city shortly.
Capt. D. and Mr. C. met a great many emigrants and their wagons. They were progressing rapidly and very comfortably, but Mr. Campbell thinks that those for Oregon, because of their number, may suffer a great deal from the want of grass for their stock, on the other side of the mountains. They met the advance party of the Mormon emigrants, and subsequently the main body of about five hundred wagons. The advanced party were hastening on by forced marches, to select a place for a winter encampment somewhere in the vicinity of the Great Salt Lake. A few days pervious to their meeting with the main body, the Mormons and a large party of Pawnees, going out on a hunting expedition, to the Little Blue River, met and held a festival together. Our informants passed the ground where the festival was held, but were fortunate enough (from Mr. Campbell’s long and intimate knowledge of the country) to escape falling in with the Indian party. The Mormons represented themselves as being supplied with at least eighteen months’ provisions. They had with them pigs, poultry, and cattle, and appeared to have an abundance of every thing. They seemed to be harmonious among themselves, but it was understood that those of he church who had reached California, had split, and there was a strong quarrel going on between them. The Californians, and most of the emigrants from the United States, were very decidedly opposed to the settling of Mormons there. It was thought they would resort to force to resist their settlement.
From Fort Hall Capt. Drake and Mr. Campbell met with no incident, except
the loss of a favorite mare of the captain’s, which was stolen whilst
they were encamped at Soux village. Captain Drake returns to England
by the earliest steamer to Liverpool. Mr. Campbell will return to
Oregon this fall, by some of the southern routes. [LTR]
NRR 73.010, Col. 2 Sept. 4, 1847 Central America: Efforts in Honduras to Assist Mexico to Resist the United States
The Spanish paper La Patria, published at New Orleans, says that the state of Honduras has, through its president and two of its conspicuous generals, invited the other states of Central America to combine to aid Mexico in her present struggle with the United States.
This confederacy of states consists of Guatemala, Quesaltenango, Honduras, Nicaragua, San Salvador, Costa Rica, and the Federal District, a small space laid aside for a federal capital. They have separate territorial governments and legislatures. The population of the confederacy is little more than two millions, and its area about one hundred and ninety-six thousand square miles.
PROCLAMATION.
Compatriots! Fortune now rules the destinies of Mexico, and menaces her sons with desolation and extermination. The North Americans have destroyed the interesting population of Vera Cruz-have possessed themselves of their effects, and are now marching upon the capital. We cannot yet know what either calamities will afflict that nation.
They are our brethren; their dangers are ours and their fate awaits us. We should not maintain neutrality, if we can in any manner aid them in their honorable struggle.
The Entire world should know that the Hondurenos are ready to fulfil their duties, of whatever nature they may be.
I will sustain in the state all honorable peace, at all hazards; but I will not do it with the sacrifice of Hondurenian honor, of a disgraced people are fit to but to bear chains, and to suffer with humility the threats and injuries which the stronger impose.
I address myself to day to the governments of the republic, making these observations in order that if it shall be deemed expedient, we may, if it is possible, afford aid, or at least manifest our favorable disposition to their cause and to liberty.
Divisions and internal feuds have ruined our Mexican brothers. Eight millions of inhabitants, of whom htat nation is composed,have been unable to defend themselves against a handful of men, who have seized upon their territory and their property, and annulled their right. What may be the fate of the Central Americans, if we continue divided?
The Honduranians always appear extraordinarily great; they adopted the most effectual means to secure their independence; but nothing has been sufficient to estrange them; respect to the government, and submission to law, they consider as their power, their glory, and their honor.
What happiness does he experience, who rules the destinies of a people adorned by these virtues!!!
JUAN LINDO.
Comayagua, June 1 st, 1847.
The undersigned, generals of division, to the army of Honduras.
Compatriots! Notorious is the anguish of Mexico, and evident is our obligation to co-operate in the defense of that country. Her sons are our brothers, and the cause which they sustain is also ours, that of liberty against conquest.
In compliance with a sacred duty, the proclamation addressed by the president to the Central Americans, was yesterday published, and we wish to express our deference and our desire to co-operate at any time that he may call upon us to aid our neighbor.
Forgotten forever are all those ideas which could divide us. Our interests and our passions are secured to our country. Her triumph is our glory and our honor. She demands our union, and that suffices to cause us to cordially offer it. Union and liberty is our motto! Eternal opprobrium to him who would promote and assist dissensions and conquests.
SANTOS GUARDIOLA.
[DCK]
NRR 73.017 Sept. 11, 1847 BATTLE OF SAN ANGEL-MEXICO INVESTED-PEACE PROPOSED-ARMISTICE CONCLUDED
The arrival at New Orleans on the 21instant, of the steamer Fashion, with Vera Cruz dates to the 7th of August, brings tidings to relieve the anxiety of the public. Our army have as usual, been victorious, and have the "Halls of the Montezums," within their grasp.
Owing to the late hour at which this intelligence reaches us, we have neither time nor space for more than a brief synopsis.
It appears probable from the account, that Gen. Scott met with no opposition on his march until arriving within eight or nine miles of the capital. At El Peñon, a position fortified by Santa Anna, according to the account in the El Sol de Anahuac, the hostile arms first came into conflict. A division of the American army made an onset on the enemy. The main body passing through Guadeloupe, and to their surprise of the Mexicans, appeared suddenly in their rear, and the contest ended.
A regular fight next occurred at a place called San Angel, situated six or eight miles south west of the capital. Gen. Valencia's division of the Mexican army was here totally routed on the 20th . Whereupon the division under the immediate command of Santa Anna retired to the capital where of course the utmost confusion prevailed. It was decided by them and his government to send a flag of truce to Gen. Scott, proposing to treat for peace, offering to receive Mr. Trist's proposals and asking for an armistice until congress could be assembled for that subject. They city of Mexico was now surrounded by the American army. Gen. Worth's division was in near of the city, ready to cut off all supplies from that quarter.
Gen. Scott deciding not to drive the Mexicans to separation, accepting their proposition. AN armistice was concluded. The minister of foreign affairs immediately wrote circulars, which are published in the Mexican Diario Official, calling an immediate session of congress for the purpose of taking the propositions for peace into consideration.
The express which brought the intelligence to Vera Cruz came by the way of Orizaba. The dispatch which he brought reached New Orleans on the opening of the 26th ult.
Since placing the above in type, we find the following copy of it in the N. Orleans Picayune of the September:
Orizaba, August 25th, 1847.
My dear friend-The Mexican mail, which has at last come in, brings the following intelligence, which the copy from the Diario Official del Gobierno. Being of so great importance, I send you this express, courier, who will be with you to morrow about 12 o'clock.
On the 20th two brigades commanded by General Valencia and Santa Anna, went out to attack the Americans near San Angel. Valencia's division has been completely defeated, and Santa Anna after the first recontre, fell back also in disorder to the city.
They immediately after this asked for a suppression of hostilities, and offered to hear the propositions of peace from Mr. Trist.
The next day the minister of foreign relations invited the congress, through the newspapers to meet for that purpose.
These are the great facts which no doubt will bring after them peace.
Your, truly.
F.M. Dimond, Eq.
Another express arrived in Vera Cruz on the 26th with letters containing the same news in substance and the following:
[Translated from the Diario Official del Gobierno ]
On the 20th August Scott's troops, who intended marching on Penon, turned [away from] it and arrived near Tacubaya. As soon as the news was known at Mexico Valencia's division went out to attack the Americans at Los Llanos de San Angel, and was completely routed. Next came Santa Anna with another division, which shared the same fate after some fighting. The Mexicans retreated to the capital in great disorder, and such was the panic created by their defeat that the minister of foreign relations immediately convoked the congress to take into consideration Mr. Trist's proposition. A suspension of arms was demanded by the Mexicans and granted. The Americans are around Mexico, but had not entered the city on the 21 st .
Intelligence reached Vera Cruz on the 27th, that Lieut. David Henderson, of Captain Fairchild's company of dragoons and his party, who were sent out by Captain Wells, on the 15th of August, to apprise Mr. Lally of the approach of reinforcements, were all shot by the guerrillas. There is little or no doubt of the correctness of this sad intelligence.
It is now very generally believed that Captain Besancon's company went up with the train under Maj. Lally.
Maj. Clark, commanding the Castle at Vera Cruz has died of the vomito.
Lieut. Meads, of the 11th infantry, U. States army, died on the 26th at Tampico. [KAS]
NNR 73.020- 021 September 11, 1847, New York “Tribune” and “Courier and Enquirer” as to the course of the Whigs relative to the war
Two of the leading prominent party journals of New York, The Tribune and Courier and Enquirer, are chalking out the course which according to their dictation, the Whig party should pursue in the ensuing congress.
The following article from The Tribune will show their position on the subject:
The subject above discussed (in the Courier and Enquirer of Wednesday), is so immensely important, while the necessity of action thereon is so imminent, that we desire to place it in every practicable light before our readers. Having already submitted to them the views of a leading locofoco journal thereon, we repay the Courier’s courtesy in copying one of our paragraphs by placing its entire article conspicuously before our readers. The Courier’s past and present attitude with regard to annexation and the war, to say nothing of the ability and moderation which characterize the above article, incline us to weight its words thoughtfully. But
But more: If the money is to be raised for another year of warfare in Mexico, it must be raised in great part by loans or measured taxation. Shall a whig house concur in borrowing twenty or thirty millions more for this purpose? By what moral right shall this burden be saddled upon the American People of 1860 or ’80? What will be the nature of their obligation to pay, it no real necessity prompted, and no benefit acerned from this in position? These are questions we should probably answer with the Courier, yet all must see that the number who answer differently is daily increasing; all must feel that there is somewhere a limit to the right of one generation to impose burthens on its successors. (See the last Democratic Review of what we may expect by and by from those who are now pushing the nation deeper and deeper into debt.) If Messers. Polk and Walker will frankly recommended the direct taxation professed to love so well when out of power, we hope congress will accommodate them; not for more loans, and especially loans on mortgage on the public lands, we have slender appetite.
Now as to “conquering a peace” How are we at war? By means of our armies in Mexico. Suppose they were at home again, what would the war amount to? Let the last five or six years of nominal war between Texas and Mexico give answer. Mexico wants nothing, expects nothing of us but that we let her alone. And even if she would not make her forces at long cannon shot these past ten years. Now suppose some stout bully were seen in one of the streets holding down and pummeling a feeble, colic child of ten or a dozen years, and, being remonstrated with by the bystanders, should explain “I am trying to conquer a peace! If I stop pounding and get off him, he will fly in my face and do me serious damage,-what would be the response of true manhood, to say nothing of Christianity?
The following extract from the N.Y. Courier and Enquirer will give their position on the subject.
The Whigs and the War-The Tribune reiterates its instructions to the whigs in congress, as to their duty in regard to the war with Mexico. We publish its article at length this morning, and have but little to say in reply to its positions. The Tribune is wrong, (if our memory serves us,) in saying that the National Intelligencer and Albany Evening Journal took to the lead in discussing the subject, and should therefore screen the Tribune from the charge of dictation. We remember articles in the Tribune as long ago as June setting forth the positions which it now repeats, and on the 4th of August, before it was known that the whigs would have a majority in the house, the Tribune declared in the most emphatic language, that “the whigs generally whom it was acquainted,” would not contribute to prolong or prosecute, in any way, the existing war. Up to that time none of the papers mentioned, so far as we are aware, had set forth their views upon this subject.
This point, however, is of slight importance. The only question of interest is, what ground shall the whigs take in the approaching session? The Tribune insists that they should vote for withdrawing our army instantly from Mexico, and that the only supplies which they grant, should be those necessary for doing this safely and comfortably. To what line they should be withdrawn, the Tribune at present declines to say: but the ground it has uniformly taken that we ought not to occupy any portion of disputed territory, would require them to retreat beyond the Sabine, since Texas is still claimed as one of its provinces by Mexico. But for active operations, for a further prosecution of the war against Mexico, the Tribune insists that the whigs should not vote a single dollar.
Now as far as the Tribune stands upon its ultra peace theories, we have nothing to say, if it believes that the divine commandment against murder, forbids the infliction of death upon any human beings, by any human authority, and under any circumstances, consistency of course, requires it to oppose all grants of men and money for any war, offensive or defensive: and so far as we can understand its argument upon this point, it proves this, if it proves anything. And yet the Tribune professes a willingness to “shed blood” in the defence of our soil, and concedes the necessity of driving the Mexicans from our territory in case of its invasion. Now where does the Tribune find warrant for disregarding the divine mandate, “thou shalt not kill,” in this case, more than in others, that may at least be conceived? If “prompt and through obedience” to the Tribune’s understanding of this command is to be yielded in every case, how dare the Tribune assume the guilt of shedding blood, even to keep the Mexicans at “long cannon shot distance: from the rightful boundary?
Our belief upon this subject is that armies are the Police of Nations; and that war is the harsh, but necessary process of enforcing the demands of justice and of law, upon these who rebel against them. If a constable or a sheriff may rightfully enforce the law against a recusant individual, then may the executive rightfully send and army to coerce a nation, into the performance of acts which she wrongfully and unjustly refuses to do. War is justifiable. And the divine command against under no more prohibits war, than its prohibits killing in self denfence or as a penalty for the prohibited crime. Upon this point, certainly, argument cannot be needed.
The Tribune renews its assertion that we are waging upon Mexico an offensive war, simply because it is waged on Mexican soil. The position seems o us absurd. According to this, if the fortunes of war had been different,-if success had rested with Mexico instead of the U. States, and their armies had penetrated our territory as we have penetrated theirs the character of the war would have been changed. In that case, although we were the first aggressors, as the Tribune contends, we should have been fighting a defensive war; and for such a war the Tribune would vote both men and money. According to this logic, nothing is needed but defeat, to render the war just an defensive! If we had been beaten, we should have been in the right: but our victories have put us in the wrong. This is reversing the maxim that “might makes right,” and establishing the equally untrue and still more absurd maxim, that “might makes wrong,”-that the defeated party is always in the right. If this be the Tribune’s theory, we do not wonder at its former declarations , that our victories have been our disgrace. Nothing seems to us more clearly true than the position, that the character of a war does not depend at all upon its seat, but entirely upon its origin.
The Courier then proceeds a some length to show that this is a defensive and not an offensive war. [LTR]
NNR 73.022 September 11, 1847, tranquility and in California, no war among rival governors, no resistance by the Creoles to Americanization
The news from California and the letters our Monterey correspondent, of which we publish second package to day, represent that remote conquest the present Dorado of the American imagination, in a state of tranquility comparative tranquility. There is no actual civil war raging between the numerous rival governors, naval and military, whom the wisdom of the administration dispatched thither to reign over the new acquisition; and the Mexican creoles, after a various experiment of resistance, seem to have settled down pacified and reconciled to their fate, which is that a speedy denationalization, if not extinction. Their lands are mortgaged to the foreigner; they are too indolent and powerless to redeem them either with the gold of labor or the iron of war; and everyday almost, witnesses the increase of Americans by a new horde of adventurers landing from ships, or descending the precipices of the Sierra Nevada. [LTR]
NNR 73.033 September 11, 1847, comment on European interference in the war
“The Boston Journal says it is the intention of our government at once to resend the order by which the British steamer has hitherto allowed to enter the port of Vera Cruz.” We doubt their doing any such thing, whilst availing of the friendly agency of the British Minister at the city of Mexico towards bringing about a treaty of peace. The Washington correspondent of the Phia. Ledger, who is considered semi-official authority, says:
“I can assure you to-day that all fears and apprehensions of a European intervention, other than the kind of Mr. Bankhead, British minister in Mexico, to bring about reconciliation and a treaty of peace, have completely vanished. Our government has received the most positive assurance from all the powers of Europe that they will leave us to settle our quarrel with Mexico in our own way, though they are all most anxious that our negotiations may be brought to a successful issue. Their commerce, of course, suffers greatly by the war, and by the state of anarchy and uncertainty which is its immediate consequence.” [LTR]
NNR 73.034 September 18, 1847, the pay of the regiment of Col. Alexander William Doniphan
Col. Doniphan’s regiment consisted of 1000 men. When they returned
home each of them received $650 for his pay, horses, &c., and his
land scrip besides, so that the expedition cost in these particulars $
750,000, three-fourths of a million of money. [LTR]
NRR 73.034, Col. 1 Sept. 18, 1847 War With Mexico: Comments On the Armistice
During the week we have received ample confirmation of the brilliant victories achieved in the immediate vicinity of the city of Mexico, by the army under Gen. Scott and of the subsequent conclusion of an armistice, with a view to a treaty of peace, so desirable to all parties. Deeply is it to be lamented that these achievements had to be purchased by the loss of so many brave men. The conflict has been one of the bloodiest of the war. The enemy appear to have been completely outgeneralled in every direction. According to the American accounts received, our forces were outnumbered four to one. The Mexican loss is represented to be in about the same proportion, four to one. The Mexican account varies widely from those figures however. Without stopping to recapitulate, we proceed to place the intelligence before our readers somewhat in the order in which the same reached us during the week.
"As to the result of the negotiations, the Washington Union of the 14th says:-It is useless to speculate, but we cannot forbear adding, that this decisive victory places the capital of the Mexicans at the mercy of our army. The consternation caused by the rout of their army, has induced the enemy to enter into negotiation for peace. The issue of this negotiation is not to be counted on with confidence. The firmness with which the war has been prosecuted has brought the infatuated Mexicans to enter on the discussion of peace. After the panic of the moment is passed, they may again manifest their insane obstinancy in prolonging the war. There should be no relaxation of our efforts, no pause in our preparations, until a peace is conquered, and a ratified treaty shall secure its continuance."
The Union of the 16th, referring to what Mr. Kendall writes to the Picayune on the 25th relative to the disaffection produced in the army by the armistice, says:-"We are unwilling, until we receive fuller and official accounts, to discuss the question, or to cast any slur upon the General, whose military services are receiving the thanks of the people. But this we undertake to say, in relation to the whole subject-that it would be most unfortunate if Mr. Trist should permit the negotiation to be spun out beyond the shortest possible time-say two or three days; for, as we now advised, that course is the very policy which the wily politician Santa Anna would himself prefer for rallying and organizing his means; and, under the same reservation, we may add, it is to be regretted that as long a period as forty eight hours after the negotiation had terminated has been allowed for the resumption of hostilities." [DCK]
NRR 73.034, Col. 1 September 18, 1847 War With Mexico: Order to Passengers Landing at Veracruz
From the letters of Indicador, the correspondent of the New Orleans Times, we extract the following:
Collector's office, Vera Cruz, August 25th, 1847.
NOTICE. Passengers arriving at this prot without passports from the American consul resident at the port they embark from, will not be allowed to leave the vessel, and the master of any vessel permitting such passengers to land, will be fined $500 for each and every passenger so landed, and the vessel held responsible for the same.
U. States flag ship Germantown,
Anto Lizardo, Aug. 18, 1847.
[DCK]
NNR 73.034 September 18, 1847, Com. Matthew Calbraith Perry’s orders for visiting foreign vessels in Mexican ports
GENERAL ORDER, NO 11.
All vessels except army steamers and transports arriving at ports in Mexico held by the U.S. forces are to be visited by a boat from the general ship of the day, or any single vessel of the squadron, that may be in port, for the purpose of tendering the usual compliment of services to foreign vessels of war, and of detecting any irregularities in foreign mail steamers or merchant steamers, whether foreign or American.
It is desireable, when it be practicable, that the boarding officers should be a lieutenant. M.C.Perry, Commanding Home Squadron.
The Effects of these two intimations is exemplified in the following:
“The Spanish brig Martin, Capt. Escalza, arrived her yesterday, from Havana, brings several passengers, some of whom were permitted to land. We are glad to see such measure taken. This is the only way to stop the guerrillas from daily increasing in gangs of robbers that infest the country.” [LTR]
NRR 73.034, Col. 2, Sept. 18, 1847 Death of a guerrilla chief
DEATH OF A guerrilla CHIEF. El Arco Iris, of the 26th ult., says that Don Juan Aburto, the most active of the guerrilla chiefs, after Jarauta, died on the night of the 24th ult., of a fever, at Paso de Ovejas. He had been recently engaged with Major Lally's train, at the Puente National, where he captured six of our wagons. [JNA, DCK]
NNR 73.034 September 18, 1847, difficulty of reinforcements in reaching Maj. Folliot Thornton Lally
GENTLEMEN: The reinforcements, mentioned in a late letter as having been dispatched from this place, in compliance with the urgent call of Major Lally, whose road was blocked up by the guerrillas, returned yesterday afternoon, afternoon, after having suffered the loss of all their wagons, (except one) and five or six men killed. The guerrillas began to harass them near San Juan, a short distance from Santa Fe; but they pushed their way through without loss, until they arrived in sight of the National Bridge. Here they found and eminence fortified and furnished with a piece of artillery, effectually commanding the road, and from which they received a rapid fire of grape.
Defense is said to have been useless or impossible, and after sustaining the fire for some time and losing several mules, which were in their harness, the officers decided upon a retreat, abandoning nine of their wagons to the enemy. These wagons were loaded chiefly with ammunition, and form a most valuable prize to the guerrillas. They also contained a good deal of money, and private baggage belonging to officers and other; but perhaps the most important item of our loss is that of the government dispatches brought here by Col. Wilson, and unfortunately forwarded by this party.
Poor Col. Wilson was very low when the reinforcements started, and feeling that he could no longer indulge the hope which he had at first entertained, of overtaking his command, he insisted, against he advice of his friends, upon sending these dispatches by Capt. Wells to Major Lally. They are supposed to be very important; but whether they are or not, Gen. Scott must await the pleasure of Santa Anna for the enjoyment of reading them. By the way, is it possible that our departments have no cipher by which these important communications could be made without giving their secrets this constant liability to betrayal? But to return to our subject.
As the guerrillas were evidently too well acquainted with each other to suffer a distribution of the spoils to take place without their individual participation, the retreat of our routed party was made without additional loss or molestation. The fellows seemed to want plunder more than blood, and the wagons proved a golden apple to them.
Blame is attached by many to Major Lally for moving forward, after having sent for reinforcements, before they could have reached him. How far his circumstances free him from blame we cannot tell, but the act seems really censurable a seen from this place. He is supposed to have pressed Captain Besancon’s company into the command, as they have been heard from definitely since the left the city several days ago on a scouting excursion. It was probably by their appearance that the train was enabled to pass the bridge, as the enemy would be apt to mistake his company for the van of a large reinforcement, and under that impression to retire. [LTR]
NNR 73.036 September 18, 1847, advances of Gen. Winfield Scott on Mexico City, battles of Contreras and Churubusco
The U. States steamship Mary Kingland, Capt. John Davis, arrived at an early hour this morning.-By her we have received our letters from Mr. Kendall from the 22nd to the 28th of August, all dated from Tacubaua. A courier dispatched by him on the 29th with the first account of the battle fought on that day, was cut off.
From a map and plan of the battle fields before us, we note that they are called the battles of Contreras and Churubusco-so called from field works of the enemy of those names. The victories were decisive, but as far as we can judge from a hasty perusal of a portion of our letters, the proposition for an armistice was made by Gen. Scott-probably at the suggestion of the British Embassy. The report we have hitherto given that the city of Mexico was at our mercy, appears to have been unfounded.
Should peace not follow from the negotiations now pending, another battle must ensue, the enemy having a force of from fifteen to twenty thousand men yet left. But the road appears to be completely open to us, and the city is only two and a half miles from our encampment.
Our entire loss in killed and wounded is short of eleven hundred; that of the enemy is not well known. His loss in killed alone is believed to be fully equal to our entire loss, and it is estimated that at least 3,000 prisoners were taken. The number of his wounded was not ascertained, but is supposed to be very large. Gen. Scott himself received a wound n the leg below the knee, but from the manner in which Mr. Kendall speaks of it, we are led to hope the injury a slight one.
THE BATTLE OF CHURBUSCO. We have at length received account of the great battle which has been fought before the capital of Mexico, from the pens of our own friends. The dispatches, which were expressed from New Orleans, were received by the mail of this evening by the Secretaries of State and of War, and we are enabled to lay some very interesting details of the bloodiest, and perhaps the most decisive and brilliant battle fo the war, before our readers.
We have not heard whether any dispatches have been received from Gen. Scott, nor, indeed, that any letters have been received by the Secretary from the camp. But instead of these, we have been favored with the following letters, received at the war department from an officer at Vera Cruz-the first written by himself, and the other addressed to him by two officers of the army-one a highly distinguished general, who “bore the brunt and battle of the day,” and the other from a captain in the service. These letters give to the whole account the stamp and authenticity of official intelligence. In addition to these, we give copious extracts “from the Sun of Anahuac” (Vera Cruz) of the 1st Sept. derived, also, no doubt, from the most authentic sources.
These events are glorious to the arms of our country. The most important, and perhaps most correct letter which we publish-certainly from an officer of the highest distinction-represents the disparity of the number of troops engaged, and the losses of the respective armies, in the most imposing form-7,000 only of our men actually engaged at the main battle of Churubusco-only 7,000 with two light batteries of eight pieces, in the conflict with 32,000 of the enemy, with heavy artillery and strongly fortified. After two hours of bloody conflict, mainly with the bayonet, we carried everything-the enemy were pursued to the gates of the city.- Our loss (heavy, indeed!) short of 1,000, “the enemy’s 5,000 including many distinguished men.”- This is indeed, a brilliant victory. We congratulate the whole country upon the glory which our arms have attained, and the prospect it promises of peace. An armistice had been concluded for forty eight hours-the particulars of which we give full-in order to open negotiations. We give the names of the Mexican commissioners, at the head of whom stand Herrera himself. Mr. Trist writes, that they had already had two meetings and were to have a third, and perhaps a last interview, on Monday, the 30th August. It would be idle for us to speculate on the ultimate results. Indeed, we have no time to night for that purpose, even if we had all the elements of calculation before us.
But we cannot forbear adding that this decisive victory places the capital of the Mexican at the mercy of our army. The consternation caused by the route of their army has induced the enemy to enter into negotiations for peace. The issue of this negotiation is not to be counted on with confidence. The firmness with which the war has been prosecuted has brought the infatuated Mexicans to enter on the discussion of peace. After the panic of the moment is passed, they may again manifest their insane obstinacy in prolonging the war. There should be no relaxation of our efforts, no pause in our preparations, until a peace is conquered and a ratified treaty shall secure its continuance. [LTR]
NNR 73.038, 039 September 18, 1847, armistice ratified, its terms
THE ARMISTICE. The undersigned appointed respectively-the three first by Maj. General Winfield Scott, commander-in-chief of the armies of the United States; and the two last by his excellency D. Antonio Lopez de Santa Anna, president of the Mexican republic and commander-in-chief of its armies, met with full powers, which were duly verified in the village of Tacubaya, on the 22nd day of August, 1847, to enter into an armistice, for the purpose of giving the Mexican government an opportunity to receiving propositions for peace from the commissioners appointed by the president of the United States, and now with the American army; when the following articles were agreed upon:
ART. 1. Hostilities shall instantly and absolutely cease between the armies of the United States of America and the United Mexican States, within 30 leagues of the capital of the latter states, to allow time to the commissioners appointed by the Mexican republic, to negotiate.
2. This armistice shall continue as long as the commissioners of the two governments may be engaged on negotiations, or until the commander of either of the said armies shall give formal notice to the other of the cessation of the armistice, and for 48 hours after such notice.
3. In the mean time, neither army shall, within thirty leagues of the city of Mexico, commence any new fortification, or military work of offence or defence, or do anything to enlarge or strengthen any existing work or fortification of that character, within the said limits.
4. Neither army shall be reinforced within the same. Any reinforcements in troops or munitions of war, other than subsistence now approaching either army, shall be stopped at the distance of twenty-eight leagues from the city of Mexico.
5. Neither army, nor any detachment from it, shall advance beyond the line it at present occupies.
6. Neither army, nor any detachment or individual of either, shall pass the neutral limits established by the last article, except under flags of truce bearing the correspondence between the two armies, or on the business authorized by the next article; and individuals of either army who may chance to straggle within the neutral limits, shall by the opposite party be kindly warned off or sent back to their own armies under flags of truce.
7. The American army shall not by violence obstruct the passage from the open country into the city of Mexico, of the ordinary supplies of food necessary to the consumption of its inhabitants, or the Mexican army within the city; nor shall the Mexican authorities, civil or military, do any act to obstruct the passage of supplies from the city, or the country needed by the American army.
8. All American prisoners of war remaining in the hands of the Mexican army, and not to heretofore exchanged, shall immediately, or as soon as practicable, be restored to the American army against a like number, having regard to rank, of Mexican prisoners captured by the American army.
9. All American citizens who were established in the city of Mexico prior to the existing war, and who have since been expelled from that city, shall be allowed to return to their respective business or families therein, without delay or molestation.
10. The better to enable the belligerent armies to execute these articles, and to favor the great object of peace, it is further agreed between the parties that any courier with dispatches that either army shall desire to send along the line from the city of Mexico or its vicinity, to and from Vera Cruz, shall receive a safe conduct from the commander of the opposing army.
11. The administration of justice between Mexicans, according to the general and state constitutions and laws, by the local authorities of the towns and places occupied by the American forces, shall not be obstructed in any manner.
12. Persons and property shall be respected in the towns and places occupied by the American forces. No person shall be molested in the exercise of his profession; nor the services of any one be required without his consent. In all cases where services are voluntarily rendered, a just price shall be paid, and trade remain unmolested.
13. Those wounded prisoners who may desire to remove to some more convenient place for the purpose of being cured of their wounds shall be allowed to do so without molestation, they still remaining prisoners.
14. Those Mexican medical officers who may wish to attend the wounded shall have the privilege of doing so, if their services be required.
15. For the more perfect execution of this agreement two commissioners shall be appointed, one by each party; who in case of disagreement shall appoint a third.
16. This is convention shall have no force or effect unless approved by their excellencies the commanders respectively of the two armies within 24 hours, reckoning from the sixth hour of the 23rd day of August, 1847.
A. Quitman,
Major Gen.
U.S.A.
Persifer E. Smith,
Bvt. Brig. Gen. U.S.A.
Franklin Pearce,
Brigadier Gen. U.S.A.
IGNACIO DE MORA Y VILLAMIL,
BENITO QUJANO
A true copy of the original.
G.W. Lay, U.S.A.
Mil. Sec. to the General in chief.
NNR 73.039-73.040 September 18, 1847, letters of George Wilkins Kendell about the armistice
Mr. Kendell writes on the 25th. “The armistice has finally been settled and signed-and I do not tell half the story when I say that it has produced universal dissatisfaction in the army-in the entire army. Let me give you an idea as to the mode by which it was brought about.
“On the night of the 20th inst., after the great Mexican army was thoroughly beaten, broken to pieces and routed, Mr. Thornton, of the English legation, accompanied by the British consul, Mr. Mackintosh, a man who regards Santa Anna, hates the Yankees, and never moves unless his own ends are to be gained-came out of the city post haste, on a visit to Gen. Scott.”
“The next morning, Gen. Mora, accompanied by Mr. Arrangoiz, who was formerly Mexican consul in New Orleans, came out, also on a visit to Gen. Scott, and on the same day the latter wrote to the Mexican authorities, hinting at an armistice between the two armies, with a view of opening negotiations for peace. The proposition was eagerly jumped at by the Mexican minister of war, at the instigation of Santa Anna, of course, and the result has been a treaty of armistice in which, according to rumor, nearly everything the Mexicans asked for was conceded. I know nothing of the proceedings of this commission, except from hearsay.
There are many who believe that Gen. Scott has been compelled to adopt this policy, at the threshold of the Mexican capital, by Mr. Trist and his instructions, but there are few, and I must acknowledge myself among the number, who think that a peace honorable and satisfactory to the U. States is to grow out of this matter. The whole affair, on the face of it, looks like one of Santa Anna’s old tricks, to gain time and plan some new scheme of trickery and destimulation, and as he has British influence to back him, he will be likely to carry out what he undertakes.”
“I have always said and always believed that Santa Anna was favorable to peace-to peace from policy only-and still believe he may endeavor to bring it about; but great as is his power, like a sail vessel, he can only go with the wind and current, and has too many and too powerful enemies to carry out his present schemes, at least without strong assistance from the United States.”
On the 27th he wrote, “The prospects for a peace look brighter, strong peace feeling pervades the better class of citizens, as well as those of the middling order. I may be mistaken, but my humble opinion is that there are three influences now at work in the city of Mexico to bring about a peace. The first and foremost is Santa Anna himself, sick and tired of the war, and seeing nothing in its continuance but his own utter and irretrievable ruin. The second is Mackintosh, Thornton, & Co., the later gentlemen secretary of legation to the English minister, and both representing English interests. -The third, and all powerful interest is, American gold of which Santa Anna and some of his friends are known to be exceedingly fond, and to handle which they will stop at nothing. Thornton, during the illness of Mr. Bankhead, does the talking on the English side-Mackintosh acts as banker and general agent. Not one of these men care any more for the credit or honor of Mexico than they do for that of the Tongo islands-self is at the bottom of all, and Santa Anna is the most selfish man of the lot. -On our own side we have two influences at work; the first is Gen’l Scott, hampered and bound down by his own government, and anxious to bring about a peace, because he believes a majority of his countrymen are warmly in favor of it; and the second is Mr. Trist, covetous as any man in his position would be, of the distinction so important a deed as making a peace must give him.
Opposed to these influences is a proud but cowardly set of Mexican military
demagogues-a band of leeches who have lost all caste but still retain
a species of hold upon the people-and then there is the great body of
the people themselves, who know not themselves what they want, but who
are hoodwinked and led by the demagogues. Santa Anna has no friends;
but he has power, and that suits him just as well-perhaps better.
Now all the influences enumerated above are to be used to bring about
a peace, but how they succeed is a matter of conjecture. I suppose
that the means should not be rejected so that the ends are gained.
[JCS]
NRR 73.040 Sept. 18, 1847 Killed and wounded in late battles in Mexico
THE KILLED AND WOUNDED.--The New Orleans Delta of the 9th instant has a list of the killed and wounded of our army in the late battles in Mexico. The following is the recapitulation:
First Division, under Gen. Worth
Killed: Commissioned officers, none; non-commissioned
do 5; musicians and privates 32. Wounded: Commissioned officers
13; non-commissioned do. 41; privates, &c. 235 Missing:
Privates 10.--Aggregate 336.
Second Division, under Gen. Twiggs.
First Brigade.--Killed--Rifles 4; 1 st
artillery 10--3d infantry 5, 19. Wounded--Rifles 10; 1 st
artillery 16; 3d infantry 28-54. Missing--Rifles 3; 1 st
artillery 1; 3d infantry 8-12, Total, 85.
Second Brigade.--Killed 23, wounded 126; missing 4. Engineer company; wounded 4; missing 1. Total, 158.
Company K. 1 st artillery.--Killed 2; wounded 23.
Third Division, under Gen. Pillow.
First Brigade--Commissioned officers; Killed 1; wounded 11; missing
1. Non-commissioned officers and privates; Killed 11; wounded 124,
missing 10. Total 158.
Second Brigade--Voltigeurs, Howitzer battery, and 11th and 14th infantry; killed 7, wounded 26; missing 2. South Carolina volunteers; killed 11, wounded 126. Total, 172.
Fourth Division, under Gen. Quitman.
New York Volunteers, killed; commissioned officer 1; non-commissioned
4; privates 11. Wounded, commissioned officers 9; non-commissioned
9; privates 68.--Missing, 1 private. Total, 103.
Dragoons attached to the Headquarters of General Scott, killed 8, wounded 4. [JNA]
NNR 73.040 September 18, 1847, correspondence of Gen. Winfield Scott and Gen. Antonio Lopez de Santa Anna about the armistice
Headquarters of the Army United States.
Tacubaya, August 23, 1847.
Considered, approved, and ratified, with the express understanding that the word ‘supplies,” as used the second time, without qualification, in the seventh article of this, military convention-American copy-shall be taken to mean (as in both the British and American armies) arms, munitions, clothing, equipments, subsistence (for men,) forage, money, and in general all the wants of an army. That word “supplies” in the Mexican copy, is erroneously translated “rivers” instead of “recursos.”
WINFIELD SCOTT,
General in chief of the U.S.A.
Ratified, suppressing the 9th article, and explaining the 4th, to the effect that the temporary peace of this armistice shall be observed in the capital and 28 leagues around it; and agreeing that the word supplies shall be translated recursos; and that it comprehends everything which the army may have need of, except arms and ammunition.
ANTONIO LOPEZ DE SANTA ANNA.
Headquarters Army U.S. of America,
Tacubaya, Aug. 24, 1847.
To His Excellency the President and General-in-chief of the Mexican Republic:
Sir: Under a flag of truce I sent Lieut. Semmes, of the United States navy, who will have the honor to exchange with such officer as may be appointed for the purpose, the ratification of the military convention that was signed yesterday by commissioners from the American and Mexican armies.
I particularly invite the attention of your excellency to the terms of my ratification, and have the honor to remain, with high consideration and respect, your excellency’s most obedient servant.
WINFIELD SCOTT,
General in chief of the U.S. army.
National Palace of Mexico,
August 23d , 1847.
I have the note of your excellency of this date, in which you are pleased to say that Lieut. Semmes, of the navy of the U. States, will exchange with another officer named for that purpose, the ratification of the military convention which was signed yesterday by commissioners of the Mexican and American armies, and calls particular attention to the terms of the ratification.
The most excellent president orders the undersigned to say to your excellency, as he has the honor to do, that he orders his ratification within the time agreed in the armistice; and he is also charged to direct the attention of your excellency to the terms of the ratification by his excellency the president.
I have the honor to be, &c.,
LINO JOSE ALCORTA,
Minister of state, and of war and marine.
To his excellency the general in chief of the United States of America.
[JCS]
NRR 73.40 Sept. 18, 1847 pronunciamentos
A Vera Cruz letter of the latest date says: "Already there are two pronunciamentos promulgated, one by Valencia at Toluco, where he fled the day of his defeat. Another by Paredes, who has gathered a few hundreds of the discontented around him at Atlisco, and a third by Francisco Rebaud, commandant of the port of Mazatlan, who has declared himself independent of the whole republic." [KAS]
NRR 73.040 Sept. 18, 1847 Concern for Lt. Henderson's detachment
Lieut. Henderson, the Vera Cruz Sun of Anahuac of the 27th ult. says:
"Nothing has yet been heard of Lieut. Henderson and the detachment under his command, who were, it is supposed, taken by the Mexicans near Puente National a few days ago."
The Jalapa Boletin of the 20th says, "that Aburto, the chief who commanded the guerrillas at the Bridge, had made his report, but nothing is said of his detachment.
Postscript-Since the above was put in type, we have seen a Mexican who told us that he was present when the detachment was taken in the chaparral, after surrendering to twenty times their number, and shot! [KAS]
NNR 73.040-73.041 September 18, 1847, remarks on operations, orders for two brigades of troops to embark for Veracruz to reinforce Gen. Winfield Scott, disposition of remaining forces.
The Washington Union received after our last was at press, contained an article so strongly implying that it was not the government that had ordered the two regiments and sundry campanies from the Rio Grande to Vera Cruz, that we prepared an article to correct the statement in our last number saying that government had given such orders. The inference we drew from the remarks of the Union was inference we drew from the remarks of the Union was, that Gen. Taylor had of his own accord, given the orders, as they were stated to be in accordance with “General Taylor’s recommendations which Gen. Taylor was known to have made that the Rio Grande should be held by competent garrisons and that the active operations should be carried on from Vera Cruz or Tampico-and to carry out which recommendation he was rapidly advancing at the head of his old regulars when he received General Scott’s orders, (given probably in accordance with an undertaking from the department) to leave his said forces and return to Monterey. Gen. Taylor probably did not contemplate when he made the suggestion alluded to, that he would be deprived of a participation in the active operations he recommended, and by himself be laid up in garrison. Fate decreed that active operations should take a turn in the direction to which General Taylor was thus ordered, and the battle of Buena Vista left but a mere wreck of the Mexican army to oppose Gen. Scott’s division. Gen. Taylor was manifestly making demonstrations indicating his design recently to move on towards San Luis Potosi.
The Union of Tuesday however, distinctly says that General Taylor
“in compliance with instructions,” had ordered certain portions of his
present forces “to join General Scott’s column” and repeats the idea
that these instructions were in accordance with the advice of Gen. Taylor.
[JCS]
NNR 73.041 September 18, 1847, operations of Santa Fe and Chihuahua
The arrival of Mr. Aubry, direct from Santa Fe, puts into my hands some news that will be interesting to your readers, and which I hasten to communicate. Mr. Aubry left Santa Fe on the 28th of July, accompanied by Mr. Barnum of Baltimore (direct from Chihuahua,) Captain McCinney’s company of volunteers from Monroe county, and a train of 65 United States wagons, under the charge of Mr. King.
Through Mr. Barnum, Mr. Aubry has news from Chihuahua to the 3 d of July. On the 23d of June Mr. James Aull, the partner of the late Colonel S.C. Owens, in an extensive mercantile business, was killed by four Mexicans. They entered his store at Chihuahua, killed him, and took away $5000. The authorities of the city, and the friends of the deceased immediately had three of the murderers arrested, and put in prison, to await their trial. Mr. Aull’s death was not occasioned by any rising of the mob, but chiefly for plunder. Mr. Aull is a gentleman well known in this community, and highly respected. His death spread gloom and consternation over everyone, and more particularly at this crisis, in the midst of large commercial transactions, and so soon after the death of Col. Owens.
The person and property of American citizens generally, were respected at Chihuahua, though none were permitted to leave the city, except neutrals, who could bring away their means by paying a duty of 6 per cent. Mr. Barnum obtained his passport by pretending to be an Irishman.
Gov. Armijo, on his way to Albuquerque, to visit his family, was arrested at Chihuahua, and kept within the limits of that city. He is said to have expressed great satisfaction at the result of the battle of Sacramento.
No merchandize of any description was suffered to come into Mexico by the southern route.
In New Mexico, the territorial election was to have taken place on the 1st or 2d Monday of August. Consul Alvarez, Capt. Angney, and Mr., Kirkland, of St. Louis, were candidates for the legislature.
The murderers of Brown and others, were on trial, and seven of them would certainly be convicted.
Col. Willock’s battalion of volunteers, their time having expired, were ordered to leave Taos and return to Santa Fe. Twenty five citizens remained, and were determined to follow our army, and not to return to their homes until their husbands would consent to become friendly to the United States.
An insurrection had, a short time previous, commenced, but it was nipped in the bud, and the leaders, terrified at the numbers sent out in opposition to them fled precipitately to the mountains.
On this route, Mr. Aubry met a number of troops, traders, government trains, &c., who were getting on easily and safely. On the 1st of August, when three days out from Santa Fe, he met at the Wagon Mound, a company of U.S. dragoons, under charge of Lieut. Love, with a large sum of money for the payment of the troops, and a train of government wagons, in care of Fagan, of Platte city. Messrs. Fitzpatrick, Wetherhead, Turlay, Wally and Dewitt were also accompanying him. [JCS]
NRR 73.041 Sept. 18, 1847 Death of General Hopping
Later.- A telegraphic dispatch from Richmond, Va., states that Gen'l Hopping died at Mier on the 1st inst.
General Lane's command embarked at Brazos on the 8th for Vera Cruz.
General Cushing was concentrating his brigade at Palmo Alto.
NRR 73.041 Sept. 18, 1847 THE MEXICAN ACCOUNT BY THE MEXICANS THEMSELVES
We are indebted for the following letters to a gentlemen in this city. They were forwarded by an officer of distinction at Tampico, who obtained the Spanish copies at that place.
[Union City of Mexico, August 21]
My dear friend-I am in the blackest of humors; I am overpowered by the most profound melancholy; the whole has gone to the devil. The Yankees-the hateful Yankees- have triumphed, because our efficient generals cannot even command four soldiers. Generals Valencia and Santa Anna have been routed successfully at the stone quarry of San Angel, and at the Churubusco bridge, and Scott with his army occupies the hacienda of Portales, distant five miles from here.
That gang of miscreants would have occupied the capital to day, but Gen. Santa Anna, in order, as is reported, to prevent such ignominy to the nation as to have the hateful flag of the stars waving over the palace of Montezuma's, has decided on hearing the proposals for peace from the Untied States commissioner; and as a preliminary, to morrow they will discuss the terms of the armistice. The commissioners on the part of our government are Generals Mora, Villamil ad Quijano.
Malediction and eternal hatred to the preserved, who have usurped the title of leaders of the nation only to head revolutions they promoted for their own aggrandizement, and to demoralize all classes of society. A most shameful condition to us; without an army or public spirit, which, has been demanded by civil distensions, and in the face of the treasonable selfishness shown by the authorities of some of the states, what advantages is it possible to obtain from a proud enemy who is conscious of his power.
I will not continue discussing this point, because I feel my soul is burning in the mire by those. [KAS]
NRR 73.042 September 18, 1847, manifesto of Antonio Lopez de Santa Anna
MANIFESTO OF SANTA ANNA.
[Translated for the “Union,” from the second and corrected edition published in the “Diario.”]
Manifesto of the president ad interim of the republic, and general in chief of its army, to the nations:
On critical and solemn occasions, it is a duty, on the part of him who presides over the republic, to give publicity to events; and I discharge this duty with pleasure, because frankness has at all times been the characteristic of my administration. The occurrences of the 19th and 20th are too well known, for they were unfortunate; but it is proper for me to review them, in order that they may not be misrepresented, as well from a spirit of detraction and malevolence, as from errors resulting from a want of analysis in subjects of grave and transcendent importance.
The nation has witnessed the great-the extraordinary efforts with which, during the space of three months, I have labored for the defence of the capital, which was about to be surrendered defenceless to the enemy. I have organized, armed, and equipped an army of more than 20,000 men; I have collected an immense material for this army; I have fortified various lines in order to keep at a distance from Mexico t he ravages of war; I have created resources in the midst of the state of abandonment in which the government was left; and no fatigue, no labor, have I omitted, in order that my country might present herself with dignity and firmness in the struggle to which she has been so unjustly provoked.
In war, an accident-a circumstance apparently the most insignificant-may frustrate the most skillfully devised combinations. A glance at the defences which I caused to be constructed around the city is sufficient to discover the plan which I had proposed to myself.
The troops which I had advanced, by one of the flanks, supported by others posted en echellon at convenient distances, were to have made a concerted retrograde movement, which I commanded at the proper moment. A general who commanded a strong division of 5,000 men and 24 pieces of artillery, whose headquarters were at the town of San Angel, was ordered by me on the 18th, and 11 o’clock in the morning, to fall back on the village of Coyoacan, in order to effect the concentration of forces, in consequence of demonstration already made by the enemy, and for the purpose of exactly carrying out my plan of operations. But this general, forgetting that there cannot be two commanders on the field of battle, and that the execution of a plan will not admit of comments which annul or retard it, suffered himself to himself to object to the orders which he had received; and obedience and discipline, so indispensable in military movements, having been banished from among us, thus rendering it necessary, in order to avoid greater and imminent evils, to tolerate what it would be absurd to approve of, I suffered him, in spite of myself, to persevere in his purpose, and charge himself with the whole responsibility of the consequences. They were not less disastrous than they had been obvious. He advanced, motu proprio, [of his own accord,] more than a league to choose a position from which to meet the enemy, without acquainting me either with his movement or his intentions. His refusal to obey the order sent him was the first notice which I had of this temerity; and soon afterwards the report of cannon enabled me to ascertain the position he had taken, and apprized me that an action had commenced. Although weighed down with the presentiment of what was to follow, I instantly placed myself at the head of a splendid brigade of four thousand men and five pieces of artillery. I arrived at the moment when the enemy had cut off the rear of the position of the ill-fated general by a considerable force, whose operations I was then hardly able to check, for it was now nearly night.
But I observed, with the greatest grief, that the position in question was isolated-that a large ravine interevened, and a neighboring wood was occupied by the enemy; the troops under my immediate command could not advance by the only road which existed, without being exposed to the same fate as the others; and a single battery, which arrived late, was my only means of attack. The firing having ceased, our brigade took up their quarters in the town of San Angel; for the rain fell in torrents, and to keep the troops in the field would have been equivalent to their being routed.
Previous to this, I ordered that my aid-de camp, Col. Ramiro, should, taking as a guide the deputy, Don Jose Maria del Rio, who was acquainted with the ground, proceed to the head of the terrible ravine in front of us, and along the skirt of a distant hill, and, making all haste to the camp of the general referred to, order him to retire that night, without fail, with his infantry and cavalry, to San Angel, by the only road which was left him, firing spiking his cannon, if it already impossible to save them. This my aid accomplished, and communicated my order between 10 and 11 at night; but instead of punctually obeying the order, the general hardly suffered my aid to speak, interrupting him by saying that what he wanted was 6,000 men and munitions, and sent him off, after giving him two official letters, which he had signed and sealed, one of them containing a report of the action of the evening, in which he stated that he had beaten the enemy, and put him to shameful flight, and that he had, in consequence, granted promotions of the generals, field officers, and others.
The following day, at dawn, I repaired again to the same field, reinforced by the brigade which I had ordered to be brought from the capital, and determined to effect the enemy made his attack, which lasted about ten minutes, and I witnessed, in the midst of despair, the rout of those troops, worthy of a better fate, and unfortunately commanded by a general who was himself the cause of their being cut off.
The consequences of this affair were, in my view, terrible. The enemy could, by a rapid movement, reach the capital before it would be possible for me to succor it; he could, by a flank movement, cut off my detached forces; he could, by a flank movement, cut off my despatched forces; he had obtained, as the result of his victory, the power of falling with the main body of his troops upon a part of mine; the enemy, in fine, through the unskilfulness and insubordination of a general, converted to his own benefit all the advantages of my situation.
The advanced fort of San Antonio could not sustain itself; for our time had been intersected, and I ordered its garrison to retire, while I covered the fort and tete depont of Chururbusco. The enemy advanced, cutting off a portion of the troops as they were retiring, and presented himself in front of our nearest defences. I there placed myself again in front of our soldiers, and my efforts cost the enemy not a little bloodshed. The losses ensued, although lamentable, were the natural result of the retreat, which was sudden, unexpected; and embarrassed by the trains, marching along a narrow causeway flanked throughout its whole extent. -The defence was from line to line, until the third was reached, where I personally opposed the enemy, and a saved the capital, which was suddenly placed in danger. While I was engaged, on the 22d, in reorganizing the forces and covering the batteries, and again in person at the head of a column, which would have continued the defence to the last extremity, I received a communication from the enemy’s general-in-chief, proposing to me to conclude an armistice, which would afford time to consider the propositions which may be made by the commissioners of the United States, for ending the struggle between the two nations. I consented to the armistice; and, after consulting the ministers in cabinet, I determined that the propositions referred to shall be taken into consideration.
The suspension of hostilities is always a good thing, because war is always an evil; and much more so, after great combinations have been frustrated. To save the capital from the horrors of war, or at least defer them, was a consideration which I could not overlook, more particularly when viewed as a means of arriving at an honorable peace.
When two nations find themselves in a state of war, they have the reciprocal right to make propositions. A perpetual war is an absurdity, because it is a calamity; and the instinct of self-preservation, which is even stronger and more powerful in nations than in individuals, counsels that no means shall be disregarded which may lead to an advantageous adjustment. The constitution gives me full authority to adopt this course.
Devoted to interests so great and of such pre-eminent importance, I must maintain at all risks the respect and consideration due to the supreme authority which I exercise-now especially, when, if factions beset and harass the government, they will deprive it of the power of deliberating, and it will become contemptible in the presence of the enemies of the nation, I will be still more explicit-commotion and sedition shall be exemplarity punished.
I have preserved a considerable body of troops, and the nation will support me in maintaining its honor and vindicating its reputation. I consider myself as free as if I had just obtained a signal victory, and there is no fear that I shall be imposed on by the enemy’s negotiators, when his troops and a cannon have failed to alarm me. We shall adjust our differences, provided honor, above all, is saved; and we shall renew the combat, if the sword is thrust between our justice and acknowledgment of the rights of the nation.
ANTONIO LOPEZ DE SANTA ANNA
Mexico, August 23, 1847.
NNR 73.044-73.047 September 18, 1847, the question of more territory and of the Wilmot Provisio
The Washington Union strenuously advises, that these questions should be postponed, deeming the present agitation of them as calculated to embarrass rather than settle existing difficulties. Meantime however the Union hesitates not to recommend very warmly, the course suggested by Mr. Buchanan in his letter to the “democrats” of Berks County, Pa., (inserted page 4, this vol.) in other words, -the extension of the line of the Missouri compromise to the Pacific ocean. The frequency and earnestness with which the Union recurs to and recommends that letter induces the belief that the policy therein indicated is at present the adopted views of the Administration of which that paper is the organ.
The contrarieties of opinion entertained in the several sections of the Union or adopted by the several parties into which the people of the Union are divided, the pertinacity with which those opinions are asserted, and the earnest disposition manifested of maintaining them, even to desperate extremities, very soon have to be met and determined one way or another, renders its consideration a matter of the gravest interest.
To record the proceedings now taking place, and to give an abstract of the opinion expressed by the leading authorities on the subject is our task.
The principle embodied in the Wilmot proviso has received the sanction of ten states, through their respective legislatures. The following are the states referred to: New York, Pennsylvania, Massachusetts, Vermont, Ohio, Maine, New Hampshire, New Jersey, Rhode Island and Michigan.
Three of these states-Ohio, New Hampshire and Vermont-go beyond the stipulation of the proviso, and insist that no new state shall, in any case, be admitted into the Union, unless slavery be prohibited therein.
The resolution of the legislature of Ohio requests the senators and representatives of that state in congress “to procure the passage of measures in that body, providing for the exclusion of slavery from the territory of Oregon, and also from any other territory that now is, or hereafter may be, annexed to the U. States.”
The senators and representatives from N. Hampshire are requested “to urge the passage of measures for the extinction of slavery in the District of Colombia, for its exclusion from Oregon, and other territories, that now or at any time hereafter may belong to the United States.”
The legislature of Vermont declares that it “will not give its countenance, aid or assent to the admission into the federal union of any new state whose constitution tolerates slavery.”
The language of the south, protesting against the proviso, is, in its way, as emphatic and as decided as that of the states, quoted above, in favor of the proviso.
In view of an issue so directly formed, says the Baltimore American, it is evident that a compromise of some kind must be agreed upon. It was by a compromise that the Missouri question was settled; and, indeed, the action of the general government, whenever it relates to slavery, must always involve a compromise. Clearly nothing is to be gained by the urging of extremes on either side-nothing is aggravating the tendency to exasperation which is already manifest both at the north and at the south, and which is so easily quickened when prejudices and passions only are addressed. Politicians of limited range, sectional and selfish, may find their account in stirring up and inflaming the sectional and selfish feelings of the people and their respective localities-knowing no higher ends than the success thus aimed at. It belongs, however, to a better order of men to evoke better feelings, to embody them in sound principles, to give them efficiency in the shape of wise and patriotic measures. That this will be done we are as well assured as that there are sanative elements in the country sufficient for its redemption from worse ills than any which are likely to trouble it now.”
Amongst the most prominent of the proceedings, is probably the following, which has just occurred in the State of Ohio.
WHIG MEETING IN OHIO-CORWIN ON THE STUMP.
From the Cincinnati Atlas, Aug. 30th.
In pursuance to previous notice, a large assemblage of whigs took place at Lebanon on Saturday, the 28th inst. The specific object of the meeting was to receive from the Hon. R.C. Schenck, a report of his stewardship; the country of Warren, which he represented in the last congress being struck out of the district which he now represents.
The meeting was organized by the election of the following officers:
President-Hon. Jeremiah Morrow, of Warren.
Vice Presidents-Governor William Bebb, Hon. John Woods and John M Millikin, of Butler, John N. C. Schenck, of Warren, and John M. Gallagher, of Clark.
Secretaries- -W. H. P. Denny, of Warren, and Wm. C. Howells, of Butler.
Committee on Resolutions . -Lewis D. Campbell, of Butler, Hon. David Fisher, of Clinton, Thomas B. Stevenson, of Cincinnati, Wm. Crossley, of Montgomery, and A. H. Dunlevy, J. J. Janny, E. Baily, Colonel John Hopkins, and Gideon D. Hart of Warren.
During the absence of the committee on resolutions, Mr. T. B. Stevenson addressed the meeting. A committee having returned and reported resolutions for consideration, the meeting adjourned before dinner, after which they were resumed and unanimously adopted as copied below. Mr. Schenck then delivered a powerful discourse on the origin and objects of the war, as well as the means of terminating it honorably, and embracing, besides a masterly, manly, and conclusive defence of himself, for his own course in congress on that subject. He was listened to with deep attention, and frequently responded to from the audience by expressive bursts of approbation, as period after period of indignantly lack of triumphant self defence rolled eloquently upon his tongue. Mr. Corwin followed. We had never heard him before. We have heard some good speaking in our time, having grown up among people where oratory and eloquence seemed to the “manor born;” but we must say, (for sober conviction extorts it) that Mr. Corwin’s speech at Lebanon last Saturday was the noblest, whether considered with reference to its matter or manner, or both, that we ever heard from mortal lips. It was directed to a defence of his vote against war supplies; to the maintenance of the fundamental principle of free government, that the representatives of the people must judge of the propriety or objects for the attainment of which they are called on to furnish means-a principle for which he solemnly declared, he was ready to lay down his life, as did our forefathers of the revolution; and to the consideration of the practical means of preserving the Union from the overthrow threatened by the acquisition of new territory and the prosecution of the Mexican war. On this last point, he concurred with Mr. Schenck and the resolutions of the meeting, that no safe plan of redemption remained, but that of refusing to take any portion of Mexican territory. On the blessings of the Union, on the duty to preserve it, and on the means of its preservation, his eloquence seemed super-human. Never before was assembled an audience so solemn, so rapt, so deeply moved; and, on the cheeks of the old, the middle-aged and the young rolled down torrents of tears as the eloquent and patriotic truths of the noble orator of the people fell from lips that seemed almost inspired.
But we feel how vain and presumptuous the attempt to describe such a speech. Some idea of its eloquence and power and effect maybe inferred, though not realized, by the fact that everyone who heard it, declared the ablest speech he ever delivered; and to say that Mr. Corwin far surpassed himself is the highest eulogium that can be pronounced upon his effort. It was certainly superior in ability to his great speech in the senate; and it would be worth more to this country than the expenses of this Mexican war, could it be printed verbatim and given to every man, woman and child in the land. It should be put in the hands of school boys for all time to come, and it would be appropriate both to the Sunday school and the pulpit.
The whigs of Warren county have made a renowned declaration of the faith that is in them-the faith by which they have directed their political course hitherto, and by which they will be guided hereafter. We have no doubt that this expression will be responded to throughout the Union, and we think we assume nothing in saying that the whigs of Warren have expressed the sense of the entire whig party of the great and growing state of Ohio.
The resolutions of the meeting are in the words following: -
1. Resolved , That the usurpation of power by the president of the United States, and the wanton abuse by his administration of sound moral and political principles, have involved the country in an alarming crisis, which threatens the permanency of our National Union, and the perpetuity of our republic institutions.
2. Resolved , In the language of HENRY CLAY, is his letter on the annexation of Texas, “That regard all wars as great calamities, to be avoided if possible, and honorable peace as the wisest and truest peace of the country. What the United States most need, are union peace and patience.”
3. Resolved , That we view the existing war with Mexico as the result of a most flagrant violation of the constitution by the executive-uncalled for by the true interest or honor of the country-disastrous by in its immediately and ultimate consequences, to the best interests of the nation, and if not arrested terminating in a question which must distract and dissever the Union.
4. Resolved, That we regard the annexation of Texas as the primary cause of the war, and the march of the army from Corpus Christi to the Rio Grande, as its immediate cause, and adopting the language of Senator Benton, “we denounce it, 1st. As an unjust war. 2 nd. That it is a war unconstitutionally made. 3 d . That it is a war upon a weak and groundless pretext.”
5. Resolved , That the predictions of Whig statesmen, that the annexation of Texas would involve us in war, and would be the precursor of further attempt for the acquisition of further territory, are fully veiled by the war, and the efforts of the party in power to acquire a conquest apart, if not the whole of the Mexican empire.
6. Resolved, That we solemnly declare to the world that from high moral principles, as well as from our views of sound national policy, we are unchangeably disposed to the annexation of any territory in this union, either directly by conquest, or indirectly as payment of the expenses of the war; but, if additional territory be forced upon us, we will demand that there shall neither be slavery nor involuntary servitude therein, otherwise than for the punishment of crimes.”
7. Resolved, That we are opposed to an improper interference with the question of slavery, where it constitutionally exists, yet we solemnly protest against its further extension.
8. Resolved, That inasmuch as the war with Mexico was commenced in violation of law-without any adequate cause, is conducted at a vast sacrifice of human life and an enormous expenditure of the national treasure, and promises nothing favorable to our country’s true glory and prosperity, we regard it as the imperative duty of the next congress to adopt summary measures to restore peace, by requiring the president “to call home our armies and bring them all once within our acknowledged limits.”-“Conquer your insane love of false glory and you will conquer and peace.”
9. Resolved, That we have abiding faith in the cardinal principles and measures contended for the whig party in the contests of 1840 and 1844-protection to American industry-a sound and uniform currency-internal improvements-opposition to the treasury scheme, and eternal resistance to executive usurpations.
10. Resolved , That as whigs of Ohio-we contend for the success of our PRINCIPLES, and that no man who is not a thorough whig, approved by a whig national convention, can receive our support for the presidency now or hereafter.
11. Resolved, “That the congress has power to regulate commerce with foreign nations and amongst the states”-that the lakes and rivers of the mighty west are fit objects for the exercise of this power, and that her people have already too long endured the parsimonious appropriations of congress and the insulting vetoes of the president.
12. Resolved, That we must cordially approve of the course pursued by our senator in congress, the Hon. THOMAS CORWIN, and especially in opposing the war with Mexico, and that we have entire confidence in his talents, patriotism and enlightened statesmanship.
13. Resolved, that the fidelity with which our principles have been represented and our interests advocated by the Hon. ROBERT C. SCHENCK, in congress entitles him to our gratitude. That his acknowledged talents and unflinching integrity have secured to him an enviable renowned, and are sure guarantees of his future usefulness.
The Cincinnati Gazette thus alludes to the subject: THE UNION-MR. BUCHANAN. -The Washington Union endorses Mr. Buchanan’s letter. Mr. Ritchie says: “It is written with the distinguished author’s usual clearness and force, and it is marked by that high moral courage which the occasion demand,”-that Mr. B has stepped “boldly into the field” to “discharge a great duty at a critical period of public affairs”-that he comes forward in the “spirit of union," of “conciliation,” of “compromise to pour oil upon the troubled waves.” What “critical period of public affairs” is referred to by the official? -Does it connect itself with the Pennsylvania election? Where are found “the troubled waves” accept in the locofoco in that state? True the “old Jackson doctrine” was that “federal officers should not interfere with state elections;” but that doctrine is among the things of the past-the party has progressed beyond that point! The “troubled waves” roll high and threaten defeat to the party. The necessity is great and urgent-something must be done-done immediately-and in such emergencies laws and rules give way.
Mr. Buchanan opposes the Wilmot proviso, and advocates the “Missouri compromise to settle the agitating question-and he is right” says the Union, and for thus throwing himself into the breach, by his warning voice to lull the storm, he deserves the “sincerest gratitude.” The doctrine of compromise which he advocates-the compromises of the constitution, the compromises “which prevailed over the destinies of Missouri and Texas,” in the opinion of the Union, must “stand, for it is built upon a rock.” But has it stood firm in time past? Did it stand when the limits of Missouri were extended, and slavery admitted within the limits from which the compromise excluded it? Has it ever stood, or will it ever stand when it suites the slave power to disregard it?
The state of “democracy” in the Key Stone, required extraordinary exertions to prevent its overthrow-Mr. Buchanan, the second officer in the administration, was detailed on that service and entered upon it, in a wiley and artful way, with a palaver about compromises! He says nothing about the tariff, to which Pennsylvania is wedded, nothing about the Kane letter, nothing about the publication of Mr. Clay’s tariff speeches with Mr. Polk’s name prefixed as the speaker, nothing of any of the frauds practiced to deceive the honest German voters into the support of Mr. Polk. Nothing of thins-these frauds have produced their effect, have had their day, and the sooner they have forgotten the better. -But Pennsylvania is anti-slavery-has been so from the days of William Penn. The Wilmot proviso was gaining popularity in the State. It received the entire vote of her delegation in the house. It asserts the precise doctrine of the ordinance of 1787 against slavery-the precise doctrine under which all the world has witnessed the astounding growth, and the equally astounding advance in prosperity, of the whole north-west; of the states of Ohio, Indiana, Illinois, Michigan, Wisconsin. Pennsylvania is as firmly wedded to the prohibition of slavery, contained in the ordinance of ’87, and reiterated in the Wilmot proviso, as she is to he tariff or to any thing else. The cabinet at Washington oppose the principle of the ordinance and oppose all restrictions upon the South, and all efforts to restrict slavery south of the 36º 30 north latitude, and the secretary is to enter Pennsylvania, and quiet the free spirit of her people, allay this hostility to slavery, and put at rest all effort to advance the great cause of freedom in his native State. He is to “pour oil on the troubled waves,” which agitate all parties there on that question. He has made the effort, and made it in a way to win the unqualified approbation of the government organ. We know the “honest Germans” are credulous, easily deceived by those in whom they confide, but in this instance the Washington interference, is too barefaced-to manifestly an effort to cheat Pennsylvania into the support of slave extending doctrines, to be effectual. We should suppose the people of Pennsylvania would spurn the doctrine and the instrument, yet we may find ourselves mistaken. Time will show.
The Charleston Mercury says: -
Now-what does the proviso in question propose? -Nothing less than to impose on a large extent of country, about to become the territory of the United States, for the purposes of future states, a restriction or disability, which is to be the fundamental law, as well of the future states as of the territory in the meantime, to which all other states of the Union are not subjected. The very object of it is to abridge such new states of certain political power possessed by the old states and thus create the inequality which we have contended is inconsistent not only with the whole structure of our government, but with the provisions of the constitution itself. It is to say beforehand to the new states to be carved out of the proposed territory, though New York and Virginia may possess this power, you shall not possess it, and this shall be the condition of your admission into the Union. We are aware that countenance is sought for this usurpation in the ordinance of 1787, and in what is called the Missouri compromise; we are, as it were, upbraided with the sacrifices made by the south at the shrine of peace and harmony, and these sacrifices are held up as the covenant and sanction of all future encroachment. It would be out of place to enter into the history of that memorable controversy; the action of the southern states, on that occasion, has always been regarded by them as a concession; and even supposing it binding and giving it the fullest operation, we deny that such concession in relation to a particular case can be regarded as a surrender of right and relation to any other. As well contend that the southern states, by consenting to such concession, have abandoned all their rights under the constitution, and now enjoy them only at the mercy of the majority of congress.
From the Albany Argas.
THE WILMOST PROVISO-ITS ‘CAUSES AND CONSEQUENCES.’-If there is one sentiment more prevalent than another, touching the relations between Mexico and the United States, it is the claim which the latter has in justice and right, upon the former, to indemnity for aggression and spoliation, and the obvious certainty that we must received such indemnity alone through an acquisition of territory. Without just acquisition, peace is unattainable, with honor or justice. As Mexico can offer, or at least can furnish, indemnity in no other form; those who insist upon trammeling the acquisition of conditions, impracticable in themselves, virtually refuse a peace, and protract the war, or invite or promote a surrender of our interests and character, at once humiliating and dishonorable. A peace without indemnity, is inadmissible. Indemnity can only come in the shape of territory-territory already conquered and held by us. A treaty, recognizing the principle or proposition resisted by one entire section of the union, and the national representatives thereof, could never receive their ascent, and hence, would fail in receiving the constitutional sanction. We should therefore have either no peace or no indemnity-and probably neither. The advocates of the Wilmot proviso, in urging and insisting upon a “fundamental article,” repugnant as they know to a large section of the union, and in admissible because certain to receive the negative votes of that section, in whatever form the question may be presented, become responsible for the duration of the war, or for the rejection of terms on which peace can alone be honorable and advantageous to our country.
Again: In reviving the anti-slavery discussion, -for the intended benefit of any body or any party, an absolute and positive good should be effected, as a counterpoise to the certain evil which, in many respects, the agitation of the question will produce. If sectional divisions and alienations, so much deplore by the father of his country, are to be renewed, with embittered force-if the Union and the constitution are to be invaded-if parties are to be reorganised, and new forms of political association invited-the northern democrat in conjunction with the whig abolitionist-something more than the adoption of an abstract declaration would seem to be demanded as the supposed positive good for so much positive evil. But the Wilmot proviso is simply an abstraction-inoperative in itself-occupying with it not the least legislative or practical force the moment the new territory become a state-and in short, performing little other service than to array the south compactly against the north, and to divide the north with itself.
Again: In the last congress, its effect was to divide and paralyze the friends of the administration-to postpone action upon the measures early reported to congress, and demanded by the exigencies of the country-and to withhold the material for a vigorous prosecution of the war, then and still regarded as the most effectual means of peace. What its effect will be at the approaching session-with a probably whig majority in the house of representatives, and with every disposition in that quarter to embarrass and annoy the administration, it is easy enough to foresee.
There is yet another view of the question. It is politically adverse to the democratic party-that great patriotic and dominant party, which has ever great patriotic and dominant party, which has ever maintained the compromises of the constitution, and all its cherished features of equality, union, and the recognition of the state sovereignties. That party has ever sought to prevent the intestine agitation of this question. While it feels that slavery is a great evil, it has ever recognized the sanctions and guaranties of the constitution, and the clear rights of the southern states under it. It has invariably set its face against the incendiary or fanatical efforts which, at different stages of our history, have been made by excited zealots or at the instigation of designing partisans-and has successfully resisted them, as repugnant to the constitution, fatal to the public tranquility, and calculated to rend the Union asunder. -In these high aims, acting as a party, and as the friends of the constitution and of the union, they have been sustained by the American people. The democracy, North and South, in cordial association, have resisted and checked the abolition designs, through all the phases of incendiarism. On the other hand, the “anti-slavery agitation,” in some form, -the reception of petitions, congressional reports and speeches, newspaper paragraphs and appeals, and finally Wilmot provisos, -has been a favorite element of opposition electioneering. IT has formed invariably a staple party commodity, through which they have sought power, and sought also the defeat of the democratic party. The course of the two parties has been as distinctive, as any of the principles or action by which they have been characterized. Hitherto the democracy have successfully resisted all these efforts at agitation-all the attempts to array one section of the union against the other-and maintaining the integrity of the democratic party, and the guarantees of the constitution, have contributed to preserve the union inviolate, and have carried forward the government to its present high and auspicious state.
At this juncture, however; we are called to witness another and a more remarkable phase in these efforts to revive or produce sectional agitation and falling back upon the whig or federal course upon this question, have started the game afresh, and attempt to set up their candidates upon whig capital. -Why they have done so, and with what ulterior views-with what certain defeat to themselves, and what prejudice and disadvantage to the democracy-will be the subject of farther remarks tomorrow. Meanwhile, we copy from the Buffalo Daily Courier, a very forcible article in relation to this Wilmot proviso question, presenting other and cogent objections to this new form of semi-abolition agitation.
The Buffalo Courier , under the same caption has the following-
Ill was it for the democratic party of the Union, at the north, as well as the south, when the Wilmot proviso was inopportunity brought forward in the house of representatives. It is one of those measures of useless agitation, ineffectual for good in itself, introduced at a time and under circumstances not only calculated to embarrass the government in the prosecution of the war, but to cast distrust upon the motives and purposes of those who threw it as a firebrand into our national councils, when there was the most urgent necessity for union and concert of action-firmness of purpose and promptness of execution, to meet the machinations of an eternal political enemy, and to provide the sinews of war for our army, which was fighting to vindicate the honor and rights of the nation and to chastise the insults and aggressions of a faithless foe, whom no treaty could bind-no obligation of national justice could restrain.
Let us examine this question abstractly-that is, disconnected with any irrelevant matter. It provides that slavery shall not exist in any territory which may hereafter be acquired by the U. States, either by conquest or purchase. What would be the result on the acquisition of territory? So long as it remained under the jurisdiction or congress, the proviso could be enforced. But the moment state governments are formed, the power of Congress ceases-and the people, acting in their sovereign capacities, can establish slavery at any moment. Congress has no longer power or jurisdiction over them. The Wilmot proviso becomes null and void. It is in vain to contend that its provisions would be binding upon States. Such a doctrine would lead to the worst kind of consolidation, and the establishing of central power which would be gradual and constant encroachments, swallow up all rights, and become a monster more to be feared than an absolute monarchy. Against such a consummation, every democrat, whether at the north or the south, will raise his voice, and exert the utmost of his energies. And yet there are those who advocate this doctrine under the disguise of the Wilmot proviso. There are those who contend that it will be binding in all coming time upon any territory which may be acquired by the U. States. Such as these, either do not understand the true relation between the State and General Governments, or have imbibed the federal notions upon this point, which would go to destroy the former and build up the latter in increased strength. -Restrictions similar to those of the Wilmot proviso were laid upon the northwestern territory. But who supposes that it is not competent for the people of Illinois, or Indiana, or any other state, formed of this territory, to establish slavery? All it requires is an amendment to that effect, in their organic law, and there is no power on earth to prevent it. Congress cannot interfere, for the States are sovereign above Congress. It is a mistaken notion that the General Government is the superior Government of the country. It had its being and continues it existence only at the will of the States-two-thirds of which can control its destiny-while it exercises only powers which it has acquired of the States, and which are enumerated in a written instrument.
If there are any who honestly suppose that the Wilmot proviso will prevent the existence of slavery in States which may be formed of acquired territory, an examination of the question will convince them of the falacy of their hopes. If any territory should be acquired favorable to the existence of slavery, the Proviso, would or could be no bar to its existence there. It might be excluded in form previous to the formation of State Governments, but beyond this, its power and effect would cease. But the territory which it is proposed to acquire, if any, is so situated in regard to climate, soil, and productions, that slavery could not exist. Its very first principle, avarice, would be opposed to it establishment, as free labor would be most profitable. Therefore, the Wilmot Proviso would be useless for these two reasons: the first, it would be unnecessary to accomplish the professed objects of its agitators; and second, it would be powerless for good as affecting states.
But there is another aspect of this question which is worthy of the serious consideration of the democracy. That is, its effect upon party relations. The democratic party has ever been recognized as standing up firmly and consistently to the compromises of the constitution upon all questions, including of course, that of slavery. Who does not remember the opprobrious epithets heaped upon our public men-the public men of our own State, Messrs. Van Buren, Wright, and others, for the stand they have heretofore taken in relation to the agitations of the abolitionists, and particularly in the matter of the “right of petition,” so called? They have been foremost in vindicating the rights of our southern brethren, and so far have they gone, as to have been denounced as “dough faces,” f or, what was termed their obsequiousness to southern dictation. This has been the position heretofore, of all the prominent democrats of the north. They have stood up manfully to the spirit of the constitution, regardless of the clamor of the abolitionists and whigs. But the springing of the Wilmot Proviso, has caused a “fusion of parties”-a sudden and to superficial observed, an unaccountable abandonment of position by a portion of the democracy which, has, in time past; gone as far as the farthest in opposing a mischievous agitation of the slavery question. Of objects and motives we shall have nothing to say. -They are transparent. But we have to do with effects-with results-with consequences. We have shown-and all may see it, by a candid investigation of the question in all its bearings-then the proviso, if enacted, will be inoperative and void. The consequence of its agitation has been-disconnected with the war measures-to create sectional animosities-to strengthen prejudices-to widen the breach between the north and south-to create ill feeling, and to engender a spirit which may grow and increase until it will threaten the integrity of the Union. Upon the democracy of the north, its effects have been most disastrous. These we may behold most emphatically exemplified in New Hampshire. In that state, the democrats from being the most firm and steadfast in their adherence to the compromises of the constitution, abandoned the safe ground, and went in for the Wilmot Proviso. The whigs and abolitionists, notwithstanding, united against them, and they were defeated.
The Angelica Reporter , New York (Administration) paper, says-We this week lay before our readers in another column, a number of extracts of public sentiments upon the principle of the Wilmot Proviso. We are induced to do this that our readers may judge of their merits, and as to whether its advocates are confined in a “few meddling politicians of this state, or whether the principle is sustained by almost the entire people of the north. We shall continue these extracts from time to time as we may have room and leisure.
We agree with the New York Evening Post, that these extracts contain expressions of a principle which we fully believe is destined to prevail in the future domestic policy of our country. On this point the minds of men throughout the populous north and the fertile and flourishing west are in perfect agreement, and nothing short of the absolute penalty of Congress-a venality too monstrous and barefaced to be thought of-can prevent it from being embodied in our territories, whether already in possession or hereafter to be acquired.
That the south will insist very strongly upon giving us the next president, and will adopt almost any candidate who is a slaveholder, without looking very narrowly at his political opinions, in the hope of preventing the recognition of this principle by congress, is now pretty clear; but even if the south should succeed in this, the most difficult part of its task will remain to be accomplished. No influence which any administration may exercise will be strong enough to overcome the strength of popular opinion diffused through a large majority of the American people. -Whenever Oregon received a territorial government, the prohibition of slavery is to be incorporated into her institutions. If California is to be added to our territories, it must come in as a domain the air of which cannot be breathed by a slave. The majority has made up its mind, if any faith is to be placed in the signs of the times, and every day adds to its determination. The minority may be able to protect somewhat the struggle; the minority will be angry, vehement, and loud, but it will submit to the inevitable decision, without any attempt to read asunder the Union.
The Patriot , the leading Administration paper in New Hampshire, in which state the “democrats” are for the proviso, has the following:
The Federalists abandoning the Wilmot Proviso .
We have always believed and frequently declared that there was not a particle of sincerity in the abolition professions of the federal leaders; and we have always maintained that they were dishonest, insincere and treacherous in their professions of detachment to the Wilmot Proviso. We have become more and more confirmed in this belief; every week that has passed since the subject was first agitated. We have never doubted that as soon as they had made all the capital possible out of it, the would throw it aside for somemore available issues. What was more opinion then has now become evident to all. As long as there was the least prospect of gaining anything by sustaining this proviso, they were continually proclaiming their attachment, and swearing eternal fidelity to it. But what do we now see? The elections in this state are over; they have gained all that was to be secured by hypocritical professions and base bargaining; and now we see their base hypocrisy fast developing itself. We now see them openly repudiating this same Wilmot Proviso, to which they so openly proclaimed their attachment and swear eternal fidelity!
The Boston Atlas, which all along pretended that this very Wilmot Proviso was the very ark of our national salvation, and which but a few weeks ago denounced every opponent of that proviso as a “doughface” and an “apologist of slavery-this very consistent and honest print is now laboring to show that same proviso, in the words of the paper it was originally written on.” In its zealous effort to write down that measure, it argues that so far from its preventing the extension of slavery-we may have a virtual and actual spread of slavery, and increase of slave territory, by the very means of, and under cover of the Wilmot Proviso itself.”
Not content with turning this their hobby out to grass, as a favorite broken down horse, unfit for further use; not content with drumming this “issue out of their camp as a disturber of the peace, they sit down and coolly charge that it will cause the very evils for which they have always heretofore declared it to be the sole cure! And this denunciation of the Wilmot Proviso, let it be remembered, as been copied and approved by all the leading federal papers in New England! It is true that in thus repudiating the Wilmot Proviso they urge the adoption of another issue in its place; they raise the cry of “no more territory,” and insist that the immense regions of New Mexico and Upper California, which must be free territory, shall not be added to our country. -But this does not in the least palliate their baseness and hypocrisy in repudiating the Wilmot Proviso; for this latter issue-this cry of “no more territory comes from the south; it is the slaveholder’s cry and is raised for the express purpose of “heading off” the supporters of the Wilmot Proviso. Mr. Berrien, of Georgia, and Johnson, of Maryland, both slaveholders, both declared in the senate that they would oppose the acquisition of any territory, because they were satisfied that every acre of territory acquired must be free from slavery! And now we see the federal party of New England going over that very issue, thus raised to defeat the Wilmot Proviso and to prevent the acquisition of free territory!
Another writer in the Boston Atlas goes further than its editors; he talk the very language of Mr. Calhoun upon the subject; he declares that the Wilmot Proviso, if adhered to, will finally destroy our Government, and bring upon us, “the fate of former Republics!” Hear him rant and rave like a Southern nullifier: -
“AWAY, THEN, WITH THE WILMOT PROVISO!”
Such is the frightful picture which a federal abolition draws as surely to result from “the spirit of the Wilmot Proviso! Has Southern slaveholder predicted more dire results? No; Mr. Calhoun himself has not predicted such fatal consequences, as the great oracle of New England federalism declared will surely follow the carrying out the spirit of the measure which that same paper has a thousand times represented to be the only salvation of the Republic. And here we have the union of the extreme advocates of slavery with the ultra abolitionist; both uttering the same cries of “away with the Wilmot Proviso,” and “no more territory.” Here we see New England federal abolitionism openly uniting with S. Carolina and Georgia slavery advocates, in opposing the acquisition of free territory!
This is a picture for the honest anti slavery people of New Hampshire to look upon, and to consider seriously. Those who have heretofore given the federalists the least credit for sincerity in their professions of attachment of the Wilmot Proviso-those who have ever believed that they cared the value of straw for the poor slave, will now see that they have been grossly deceived. They will now see that the abolition of slavery is a thing to be thought of and cared for, by the federal leaders, only when votes are thus to be gained, and they will thus know how to estimate their professions upon this subject, at their true value. In reflecting upon this subject, let them bear in mind the authoritative promulgation of the Boston Atlas-“AWAY WITH THE WILMOT PROVISO!” and compare it with the late talk of that and other federal papers before our election, upon the same subject. And let them watch well the course of the federal papers for this state, for they are now preparing to follow the Atlas; they already copy and approve the slaveholder’s method of getting rid of the Wilmot Proviso; and ere long they will openly join in the cry of “AWAY WITH THE WILMOST PROVISO!”
The Richmond (Va.) Whig in conclusion of a long article upon the Wilmot Proviso, says: “It is for every lover of the Union, and to submit to receive no gift which will bring its continuance into danger. Like the Trojan horse, this fatal gift of Mexican territory is fraught with danger and death; like the unwary Trojans let us not break down the walls and admit into the citadel. Let us repel it and those who offer it to us. Then and then only can we be safe; then and then only will we have done our duty to he Union, to ourselves, and to mankind in general, whose hopes are wrapped up in the success of our great experiments.”
The Baltimore American of the 14th has the following as a leading editorial.
The question of more territory -The question is, just now, very extensively discussed in the newspapers; and the main consideration, on the part of those who object to further territorial acquisitions, seems to resolve itself into a desire to avert the issue presented by the Wilmot Proviso.
We here leave out of view, as not connected necessarily with the subject, all questions as to the manner of acquisition-taking it for granted that the violence of injustice is contemplated; but that an acceptable and an ample equivalent is to be proffered for any new region that may be added to our domains
The question, then, is concentrated into one of the geographical affinities, and of national interests and national unity.
Excluding all ideas of violence and injustice, as against other nations, the subject also excludes all ideas of mere aggrandizement on our part, spring from a lust of dominion or a passion for conquest.
A philosopher of no mean note has declared that with the geography of a country given him he will deduce the general features of its character and civilization. This is a generalized expression to be understood according to its spirit-in which view it has a great deal of meaning. In like manner, military men who study the natural features of a country, in the way of their profession, come to ascribe to the facts of geography an importance, which, to less observant persons, might seem exaggerated-the possession of a particular point, for example, being made essential to the security of some other point, not a series of points, with other relations of dependence or affinity so controlling in their influence as to determine the most momentous questions of policy and generalship.
It is to geography, then, that we are to look, mainly in order to determine the extent of our territory and to fix its boundaries.
In this view we find one central fact which gives shape and color to all other facts pertaining to the matter. The characteristic feature of our country is the Mississippi Valley-a grand characteristic. To this great valley all other parts of our country are adjunct, appurtenant-dependencies merely. -This magnificent valley, a unit in itself and a pledge of unity to all the elements it embraces, must draw to itself and bring within its sphere such territories as are really dependent on it. Thus with regard to California advocates of the acquisition of that region believe that it is as much dependency of the Mississippi Valley as Oregon is, or as our own strip of territory between the Alleghanies and the Atlantic.
The Mississippi river, indeed, draining the great valley, disembogues into the Gulf of Mexico and has New Orleans as an emporium of its commerce. But it also stretches out its arms, east and west to lay hold of both oceans. That vast alluvial region, the garden of the civilized world, extending from the Alleghanies to the Rocky Mountains and forming the heart of the North American continent, is to be, and that before many generations shall have passed, the centre of the world’s commerce and its most prolific source. It must have access to the sea coast on both shores, and along the whole extent, communicating freely with Atlantic sea board, which we already possess, entire, and with the Pacific which we must possess, entire. We could not permit a foreign power to occupy on this side of the Alleghanies, any where, between those mountains and the Atlantic. Neither can we permit any foreign power to hold between the Rocky Mountains and the Pacific, intercepting our communications with that coast.
Besides, it is clear that California must have its connections with the Mississippi Valley. It will have them by two routes: the upper route, by Fremont’s Pass communicates with the head waters of the Platte and the Missouri; the lower route, by El Passo, reaches the waters of the Rio Grande. Without these connections California would be insulated. Confined to her own resources, which are not believed to be great, she would maintain only an insignificant existence; her fine harbors without the materials of commerce would not avail her much. But once drawn into the embrace of the great valley and suffused with the rich currents of its ample products, California, from her position alone, becomes important, and her commercial greatness stands revealed.
Holding, then, the Mississippi Valley, we must hold its avenues and outlets. In view of our commercial interests, present and prospective, it would not do to let a rival power possess the harbor of San Francisco. In the hands of Mexico it would be of no account. But it is evident that Mexico cannot long retain it. The country must soon pass from her hand-nay, it has passed already. The inhabitants are Americanized by immigration, and the country is ours really, as it will soon be, we doubt not, formally and by treaty.
The Washington Union on one side and the New York Evening Post on the other, are disputing at great length the point whether the Missouri compromise was or was not sustained and carried out in the annexation of Texas. The Union argues that the express provisions of said compromise were incorporated as the 3d section of the law of congress authorising the admission of Texas, and also into all the enactments and formalities observed by Texas, in assenting to and confirming said annexation, which several provisions the Union proceeds to quote. To their argument and these quotations the Post thus replies:
The next position of the Union is, that we are wrong in affirming that the Missouri compromise was disregarded in the admission of Texas, and that Mr. Buchanan is right in saying that Texas was admitted “under the rule” of that compromise. To settle this point, it will be necessary to consider the words of the Missouri compromise. Here it is-forming the eighth and concluding section of the act of 1820, by which provision was made for admitting the state of Missouri into the Union.
“That in all the territory ceded by France to the United States, under the name of Louisiana, which lies north of thirty-six degrees and thirty minutes lies north latitude, not included within the limits of the state contemplated by this act, slavery and involuntary servitude, otherwise than in the punishments of crimes, whereof the parties shall have been duly convicted, shall be, and is hereby, for ever prohibited; Provided always. That any person escaping into he same, from whom labor or service is lawfully claimed, in any state or territory of the U. States, such fugitive may be lawfully reclaimed and conveyed to the person claiming his or her labor or service as aforesaid.”
This is a sweeping, entire, immediate and perpetual prohibition of the existence of slavery throughout every part of the region north of the line of latitude mentioned. If this same prohibition has been applied, in the same manner and with the same strictness, to any part of Texas, then, we are in the wrong, and Mr. Buchanan in the right. On turning to the constitution of the state of Texas, we find the following provisions:
“The legislature shall have no power to pass laws for the emancipation of slaves without the consent of their owners, nor without paying their owners, previous to such emancipation, a full equivalent in money for the slaves so emancipated. They shall have no power to prevent emigrants to this state from bringing with them such persons as are deemed slaves by the laws of any of the United States, so long as any person of the same age shall be continued in slavery by the laws of this state.”
Those provisions form a part of the constitution under which Texas was admitted into the Union, and they received on that occasion the sanction of congress. They are in force in every part of Texas, as well that portion which lies north of the compromise line as of that portion which lies south of it. -They allow the owners of slaves to enter that northern portion with their bondsmen, and forbid the legislature to emancipate them unless by the consent and act of the owners. Slavery therefore is legalized, protected, enforced over every foot of soil every handful of dust that forms a part of the domain of Texas. Will Mr. Buchanan or will the Union, on comparing the Missouri compromise with the constitution of Texas, again seriously affirm that Texas has been admitted into the Union under the terms of that compromise?
The Union, however, cites the resolution by which provision was made for admitting Texas into the Union, and insists that the terms of this resolution, including as it affirms, an extension of the Missouri compromise to the soil of Texas, were strictly fulfilled. To this we reply in the outset-that if they resolution did, in fact, apply the conditions of the Missouri compromise to Texas, then that condition has been since repealed by congress, in admitting of Texas with a constitution enforcing slavery throughout its limits; but, if, on the other hand, the resolution does not include that condition, then the north has been cheated. In either case, faith has been violated. The following are the terms of the resolution in question:
“Third. New States, of convenient size, not exceeding four in number, in addition to said state of Texas, and having sufficient population may hereafter, by the consent of said states, be formed out of the territory t hereof, which shall be entitled to admission under the provisions of the federal constitution. And such states as may be formed out of that portion of said territory lying south of the thirty-six degrees thirty minutes north latitude, commonly known as the Missouri compromise line, shall be admitted into the Union with or without slavery, as the people of each state asking admission may desire. And in such state or states as shall be formed out of said territory north and said Missouri compromise line, slavery, or involuntary servitude, (except for crime,) shall be prohibited.”
This is not exactly the Missouri compromise, we confess, but there is no doubt that, at the time, the people of the north supposed that some part of Texas would be exempted from the evil of slavery, when that republic should be admitted into our Union. -That was not done, however; the expectation, which the tenor of the Union’s whole argument admits to have been reasonable, was disappointed, and a state, lying partly north and partly south of the line of the Missouri compromise, was admitted into the Union with a constitution extending slavery over every part of it. If the south remains in the same temper as now, no free state will ever be carved out of Texas. It is only when a new state lying above the line of the compromise is erected, that the prohibition of slavery will begin to prevail. Texas may always refuse to give the free states the advantage of an addition to their number. She may consent only to the formation of a state lying partly north and partly south of the compromise line; in which case, the example of Texas herself will be pleaded forgiving it a constitution perpetuating, protecting, and enforcing the existence of slavery. The more we look at this pretended compromise, the more it strikes us as a trick, and a trick of the lowest surf-a stratagem to extend slavery over the whole domain of Texas, while we were amused with a hollow promise to give us a free state in the north of Texas, whenever it might suit the southern politicians to allow one to be erected north of the latitude so much talked of.
The Union dwells a good deal upon the reference made to this resolution and to the Missouri compromise, by name, in the constitution of Texas and in the various official proceedings by which Texas was incorporated into the Union. All these things make the trick the more gross, and the breach of faith the more profligate. It is no matter what mockery of words and phrases is used, as long as we are defrauded of the substance of what we were made to expect. We all know that the Missouri compromise has not been extended to any part of Texas, nor is it likely to be in our day; we know that slavery is allowed in every part of her domain and is likely to remain so in our time, and that is enough. [JCS]
NNR 73.049 September 25, 1847, encounter of rangers with the escort of the Spanish minister
The Spanish minister in Mexico, is recalled, in consequence of his having unduly interfered any attempts to revolutionise the government and have a monarchy established in place of a republic. On his route from the city of Mexico he had the dangers of war to encounter, as appears from the following, extracted from the New Orleans Picayune.
A minister is a dilemma . A squad of Capt. Fairchild’s company of rangers happening to be in a scout, espied a body of Mexican lancers in a valley, advancing along a road from the city of Mexico. -The men had not forgotten the fate of some of their companions who accompanied Captain Wells to the Natural Bridge. Thirsting for vengeance, they were soon charging down the hill with sabres drawn. As they approached the Mexicans, a gentleman was to spring from a litter borne by a pair of mules endeavoring by gesticulations and speech to keep the squad off. Some few of the boys who understood Spanish, learned that the gentlemen who was making such a liberal use of arms and tongue, was no less a personage than the Spanish minister, and that the lancers were sent with him from the city of Mexico. The squad mistrusted there might be some trickery in the matter, and escorted the party to the gate of the city, where his excellency, followed by numerous trains of mules, entered; and the lancers wheeled about and made their way back. [JCS]
NRR 73.049, Col. 2 Sept. 18, 1847 Dr. Cooper and the Dragoons
Dr. Cooper and the Dragoons.-The N.Y. Herald says that "a letter received in New York from Lieut. Sears, of the second artillery, dated 24th Aug., states that Dr. Cooper and the twelve dragoons who left Capt. Well's command, for the purpose of joining Major Lally, and informing him of the approach of reinforcements, and who was supposed to have fallen into the hands of the Mexicans, reached the train at Cerro Gordo in safety on the 23d ult. This letter is the only one received that mentions this intelligence." We fervently hope the account may be confirmed. [DCK]
NRR 73.048, Col. 3 Sept. 18, 1847 Illinois Regiment: New Companies of Illinois Volunteers Sent to Mexico
Illinois regiment.-The steamboat Eudora brought down yesterday four companies of the 6th regiment of Illinois volunteers, (being the second under the new requisiton,)-348 men in all-under command of Maj. Livingston. They landed at Carrolton. Three companies, commanded by Capts. Bowman Burnes, and Ewing, embarked at St. Louis on the 13th, on the Buena Vusta, under the charge of Lieut. Col. Hicks; and the three remaining companies were to embark on the 15th, on the Ne Plus Ultra. They will shortly be expected here. [DCK]
NNR 73.049 September 25, 1847, letter from Gen. Gideon Johnson Pillow, comments by S.W. Oakley
GEN. PILLOW-The New Orleans Delta of the 22d ult., contains the following letter from Gen. Pillow.
Puebla, Mexico, Aug. 6, 1847.
EDS. DELTA: My attention has been called to a letter dated, “St. Charles, May 9, 1847,” and purporting to have been signed by myself, in reply to an invitation to the festivities given in honor of the returning volunteers, first published in some paper in New Orleans, (I do not know which) and republished in the Politician, in Nashville Tenn.
I know nothing of this letter, or of its author, further than that, from its being address to Col. Oakey, he would seem to have (no doubt from kind and friendly motives to me) had some agency in it.
I was invited to attend the dinner by several gentlemen of the committee, but it was one the eve of my departure for the army, and I gave none but verbal replies that I could not attend in consequence of my public duties in the army requiring my immediate departure for the seat of war.
I neither wrote that letter nor authorized it to be written, nor in any way sanctioned it; nor do I adopt or approve the sentiments or opinion therein expressed, and cannot allow such liberties to be taken with my name, no matter what the motive.
Papers that have published that letter will please insert this.
With great respect, I am your ob’t serv’t.
GID. J. PILLOW.
Editorial Commercial Bulletin : Being the member in behalf of the committee, to invite Major General Pillow, I was bearer of the invitation, verbally; so, also was made the reply; but with the express request to me that his reply should be published with the proceedings, and that I should send him a copy of the paper containing it.
Perceiving that Gen. Pillow’s whole thoughts and feelings were most concentrated in the desire to embark that day, and push forward to the command of his division in Mexico, I yielded to this request, promised performance, and redeemed my pledge.
Maj. Gen. Pillow has only been reminded of these circumstances, to do justice to himself as well as to the individually and as a member of the committee. I may have been mistaken in the subject of our conversation, as what he did, or did not, wish to appear in the reply; but, in making the request to me it was his risk as the phraseology: but he knew he incurred no risk of anything appearing, while I was his amanuent is, but those correct, honorable and patriotic sentiments in unison with those on which he can so eloquently converse, and which he did then so fervently express.
I regret that Maj. Gen. Pillow regards so sensitively the fire of ridicule from his enemies in the rear. -He has before him an example in his present senior Major General, who left behind him an almost overwhelming tirade of ridicule. But his onward movements through the enemy’s fire in front, had changed those sneers and laughter into applause, universally bestowed on his generalship and military science, never excelled, if equalled, by any general in any quarter of the globe, excepting only those of our own country.
S. W. OAKLEY.
[JCS]NRR 73.049, Col. 3 Sept. 25, 1847 The National Revenue: Revenue Derived from tariff on Mexico
The National Revenue-Official Statement.
Treasury Department, Sept. 16, 1847
Sir: The enclosed statement, prepared in the office of the register of the treasury, is transmitted in compliance with the request contained in your communication of the 26th ultimo.
The new tarif went into operation on the 1 st December last; and the nett proceeds under it (after deducting all expenses of collection) actually paid into the treasury during the first nine months of its operation, is, as you perceive, $22,961,333 28-being greater by the sum of $3,176,018 57, than the sum paid into the treasury during the same period of nine months under the tariff of 1842; and exhibiting a gain, at the same ratio of increase, of $4,234,691 42 of the first twelve months under the tariff of 1846 as compared with the tariff of 1842.
The gross proceeds received by the collectors is much greater, as the
expenses of collection are deducted before the money is paid into the
treasury and recorded by the register. Most respectfully your obedient
servant,
R. J. Walker,
Secretary of the Treasury.
Tr E. Barksdale, Esq., Yazoo city, Mississippi.
[DCK]
NRR 73.050 Sept. 25, 1847 Naval Journal
The US frigate Brandywine, Capt. Crabb, bearing the broad pennant of Com. George W. Storer went to sea from Hampton Roads on Monday morning.
The US sloop-of-war Saratoga, was anchored off the city of Vera Cruz on the 14th inst., where she would remain for some time.
The US schooner On-ka-hy-e, Lieut. Berryman commanding, sailed from Pensacola on the 20th inst. for N. York.
The US brig Hecla was at anchor at Anton Lizardo on the 12th inst.-to sail in a few days for the southward. Forty-seven sick on the Island Salmadina, twelve of them of yellow fever. The Germantown was at anchor on the 9th at Anton Lizardo.-She is now the flagship. The Decatur, on the 7th, sailed on a cruise, the fever having broken out on board. The john Adams was blockading the port of Tuspan. Com. Perry expected to sail in a few days with the whole squadron for Las Arcas Islands, lying westward of Yucatan.
The Boston daily Advertiser of Saturday says:-
The sloop-of-war-Albany was to go into the dry dock at Charleston, yesterday. The statement that the frigate Constitution had been docked for repairs, was a mistaken one. We understand that the Constitution is to follow the Albany in the dock, and received a very thorough repair.
Letters have been received from Com. Perry dated Anton Lizardo, Aug. 12, stating that the health of the squadron was improving.
A company of one hundred and seven marines, under the command of Lieut. Taylor, left the barracks at Washington city, on Monday last, for Mexico. It is expected that more of the same description of soldiers, will leave the same place, for the same destination, shortly.
The US frigate Brandywine, at Norfolk, took her crew on board on Monday last, and is preparing for sea will all possible dispatch. A draft of men for the B. and general service arrived at Norfolk on Saturday from Boston, under command of Lieut. Winslow.
A draft of on hundred men left the New York navy yard on Monday for Norfolk. [KAS]
NRR 73.050, Col. 3 Sept. 25, 1847 Company of Marines Leave Washington for Mexico
The U.S frigate Brandywine, Capt. Carbb, bearing the brad pennant of Com. George W. Storer, went to sea from Hampton Hoads on Monday morning.
The U.S. sloop-of-war Saratoga, was anchored off the city of Vera Cruz on the 14th inst., where she would remain for some time.
The U.S. schooner On-ka-hy-e, Lieut Berryman commanding, sailed from Pensacola on the 20th inst. for N. York.
The U.S brig Hecla was at anchor at Anton Lizardo on the 12th inst.-to sail in a few days for the southward. Forty seven sick on the Island of Salmadina, twelve of them of yellow fever. The Germantown was at anchor on the 9th at Anton Lizardo. She is now the flag ship. The Decatur, on the 7th, sailed on a cruise, the fever having broken out on board. The John Adams was blockading the port of Tuspan. Com. Perry expected to sail in a few days with the whole squadron for Las Arcas Islands, lying westward of Yucatan.
The Boston Daily Advertiser of Saturday says:-
The sloop-of-war-Albany was to go into the dry dock at Carleston, yesterday. The statement that the frigate Constitution had been docked for repairs, was a mistaken one. We understand that the Constitution is to follow the Albany in the dock, and received a very thorough repair.
Letters have been received from Com. Perry dated Anton Lizardo, Aug. 12, stating that the health of the squadron was improving.
A company of one hundred and seven marines, under the command of Lieut. Taylor, left the barracks at Washington city, on Monday last, for Mexico. It is expected that more of the same description of soldiers, will leave the same place, for the same destination, shortly.
The U.S. frigate Bandywine, at Norfold, took her crew on board on Monday last, and is preparing for sea with all possible despatch. A draft of men for the B. and general service arrived at Norfolk on Saturday from Boston, under command of Lieut. Winslow.
A draft of one hundred men left the New York navy yard on Monday for Norfolk. [DCK]
NRR 73.053 Sept. 25, 1847 War with Mexico
When the daily journals which are now filed with interesting details of the progress of the war, shall have taken the usual course of such passing publications, and a few or none of them are to be found, it has been our purpose that the pages of the national Register shall preserve the best the most comprehensive of those details in such a form as to render them accessible to its readers as well as future historians. We remarked at the commencement of this war, that all its incidents and the transactions of those who were embarked in it, would be more thoroughly known by mankind, than those of any war that he ever taken place:-because the persons who were actors as well as those who observed, were far better qualified to furnish correct accounts of what transpired on one hand, and the faculties for diffusing their statements never have been equaled-heretofore the world learned of such events mainly through the partial statements of the commanders.
In our last we furnished, along with others, the graphic letters of Mr. Kendall, the talented corespondent of the New Orleans Picayune, giving his first version of the affairs which transpired in the vicinity of the city of Mexico. In this number we furnish the statements of other officers engaged in those brilliant transactions, and amongst them, those of "Mustang," the no less talented correspondent of the New Orleans Delta. It is from the accounts of such writers that a vast deal is ascertained, and often a truer picture is given, of events, than could ever be known from the mere perusal of official statements, which come however, very properly, to correct the errors into which such writers are liable to fall, from writing under hasty impulses and with but partial view often ground.
The list of our killed and wounded is given by "Mustang," and is inserted in the Delta, the Washington Union, and the National Intelligencer. After some hesitation between a desire to gratify the impatience of our readers to see the melancholy record, and the uncertainty whether the list would correspond with the more deliberately prepared official list, which will be included in the report of the commander, we have finally concluded to defer the publication of the list for the arrival of the later, as ours is intended to be of the highest authority, for future reference.
The "Union" states that no idea of a relaxation of the measures to reinforce out army in Mexico is entertained by government; on the contrary, every effort is being made to reinforce Gen. Scott with such bodies of men as will "be able to control the Mexicans, to coerce peace, or, of a treaty be already made, to secure its execution." [KAS]
NRR 73.053 September 25, 1847, British courier from Mexico proceeds through United States to London, our government without dispatches, rumors of peace, negotiations
When the daily journals which are now filled with interesting details of the progress of the war, shall have taken the usual course of such a passing publications, and few or none of them are to be found, it has been our purpose that the pages of the National Register shall preserve the best and most comprehensive of those details in such, a form as to render them accessible to its readers as well at future historians. We remarked at the commencement of this war, that all its incidents and the transactions of those who were embarked in it, would be more thoroughly known by mankind, than those of any war that has ever take place: -because the persons who were actors as well as those who observed, were far better qualified to furnish correct accounts of what transpired on one hand, and the faculties for diffusing their statements never have been equalled. -Heretofore the world learned of such events mainly through the (partial) statements of the commanders.
In our last we furnished, along with others, the graphic letters of Mr. Kendall, the talented correspondent of then New Orleans Picayune, giving his first version of the affairs which transpired in the vicinity of the city of Mexico. In this number we furnish the statements of other officers engaged in those brilliant transactions, and amongst them, those of “Mustang,” the no less talented correspondent of the New Orleans Delta. It is from the accounts of such writers that a vast deal is “ascertained, and often a truer picture is given, of events, than could ever be known from the mere perusal of official statements, which come however, very properly, to correct the errors into which such writers are liable to fall, from writing under hasty impulses and with but partial view of the ground.
The list of our killed and wounded is given by “Mustang,” and is inserted in the Delta, the Washington Union, and the National Intelligencer. After some hesitation between a desire to gratify the impatience of our readers to see the melancholy record, and the uncertainty whether the list would correspond, with the more deliberately prepared official list, which will be included in the report of the commander, we have finally concluded to defer the publication of the list for the arrival of the latter, as ours is intended to be of the highest authority, for future reference.
The “Union” states that no idea of a relaxation of measures to reinforce our army in Mexico is entertained by government; on the contrary, every effort is being made to reinforce Gen. Scott with such bodies of men as will “be able to control the Mexicans, to coerce a peace, or, if a treaty be already made, to secure its execution.
The week has passed without government having received any despatches from Gen. Scott’s army. They have no letter from our commanders since the battle. The Union says, that a steamer was kept in readiness at Vera Cruz to receive the general’s official and bring them on to government. IT is to the British couriers we are indebted for most of the information lately received from our army. The New Orleans Picayune of the 8th says: “We learn that an English courier arrived here on the Col. Stanton, who had been despatched by the house of Manning & Macintosh from the city but a few moments. It is conjectured by those with whom he transacted business here, that he was despatched to England with a view to some operation in Mexican bonds. He left here in hopes to hit the Boston steamer of the 16th inst.”
This courier will probably be in London by the time our government receive their official despatches from Gen. Scott.
One reason for this delay, is the difficulty experienced in communicating between Gen. Scott’s headquarters and Vera Cruz. A letter from Vera Cruz written a few days after the battle of Churubusco, states that the governor of that place would not allow any body of men less than 1,500 to start from thence to General Scott’s headquarters. This precaution was induced by the repeated embarrassments experienced already. Gen. Cadwallader had to fight all his way up to Puebla. -Gen. Pierce had to fall back for reinforcements, and had with him 2,500 men. Major Lally had to send back for reinforcements, and barely escaped with his forces. Capt. Wells, the last that started, was compelled to return, with the loss of his train and a number of his men. The distance to be traversed to connect this depot with headquarters is now greater and the danger undiminished. We see no intimation from Vera Cruz to reinforce Gen. Scott. A considerable body of men must have concentrated there by the 1st September, whether a sufficient force will be collected to advent on the route before the arrival of the two brigades from the Rio Grande, is questionable.
The Washington Union speaks of the six additional regiments which have been called for, and which is now organizing with all practicable despatch, and put them en route to embark to reinforce Gen. Scott. It is fervently hoped that Gen. Scott may not have to await till they arrive, to commence further active operations, should a treaty no be concluded.
Gen. Pierce writes, after the late battles, to his friend, “Our loss has been heavy. -with out small army we cold not afford to purchase many victories at such a price.”
RUMORS RESPECTING A TREATY OF PEACE. The Spanish paper La Patria, published at New Orleans ins an extra, gives a letter from their correspondent at Tampico, dated the 6th September, which we had so little faith in as to conclude not to insert-but as our compositors call for “more copy” we give it, “for what it worth,” as the Picayune has done adding “It is no later from the city of Mexico than has been received by way of Vera Cruz. Nobody we take it, believes the United States are going to restore California.
There may be some diplomatic arrangement by which we may exchange the title by conquest which we now have for one by purchase-we suppose the three millions are intended for some such purpose. -But the United States will never give up California, and this part of the letter must be all fudge. The statement about the canal and Matamoros is simply unintelligible.
But this letter, which we give solely to gratify the gaping curiosity of the town for every word or news from Mexico, is important in one view of it. It confirms the fact that Mexicans generally do sincerely believe that an immediate peace is to grow out of the late victories and the negotiations founded upon them.”
The letterwriters with our army show themselves by no means as sanguine of this as do the Mexicans.
But the letter of the La Patria-Here it is-
Tampico, Sept. 5th, 1847.
My friends -I have just received a letter from Mexico, which arrived here by special express, via Huejutla, and I take advantage of the departure, almost at this very moment, of a vessel bound to your port, to transmit a copy of it. It is to this effect:
Mexico, August 29th, 1847 -Esteemed friends; I have already informed you that Gen. Scott proposed a suspension of arms on the 21st, and that is was followed by an armistice agreed to on the 22d inst. A negotiation was forthwith opened with Mr. Trist, and I have just been assured that up to yesterday it had progressed very satisfactorily. Very shortly, a treaty of peace, it is expected will be concluded. The principal articles re the following:
“The United States shall restore Mexico to California, together with all the ports, cities and towns which the Americans forces occupy in our territory.”
“The United States shall for ever retain the State of Texas whose limits shall extend to the left bank of the Rio Bravo del Norte, comprising Matamoros, by means of a canal which shall be cut for that purpose.”
In respect to this latter point, it appears that nothing definitive has been agreed on.
It has been found impossible to assemble congress, consequently, a junta of “notables” will be formed, for the express purpose of revising the treaty. There are other articles, but as they are of secondary importance, they are not given.
General Valencia marched to Toluca where he publicly declared that he would not recognize Santa Anna as president of the republic, not as commander in chief; -and the proposed to assemble troops for the purpose of attacking the capital. Subsequently, however, appears he surrendered himself to the government, b y whom he had been sent prisoner to Guadalupe, where he is to be brought before a court martial.
Gen. Alvarez is announced as intending to reassemble his troops for the purpose of attacking the Americans, on the first favorable opportunity.
General Paredes, it is stated, is marching on the capital, with a respectable force, which he has succeeded in bringing together, with a view to assist his countrymen. Then he persists in doing notwithstanding the order that has been transmitted to him from Santa Anna to quit the country-to return again to the place of his exile.
General Salas. I have just seen a communication from General Salas, dated Coyyncan, where he remained a prisoner. In this, he declares that it was by the unskilfulness of Valencia, and the cowardice of Torrejon that the battle of Contreras was lost.
Torrejon, instead of obeying the orders of Salas, which directed him to charge the Americans with his cavalry, pusillanimously fled, and in this manner brought ruin and destruction on our infantry.
This is positively the latest news from the capital, but I expect at every moment the receipt of more, of still greater interest, which will enter more into details. [JCS]
NRR 73.053, Col. 3 Sept. 25, 1847 Gen. Gabriel Valencia's Defiance of Gen. Antonio Lopez de Santa Anna, His Arrest
General Valencia marched to Toluca where he publicly declared that he would not recognize Santa Anna as president of the republic, nor as commander in chief;-and he proposed to assemble troops for the purpose of attacking the capital. Subsequently, however, it appears he surrendered himself to the government, by whom he had been sent prisoner to Guadalupe, where he is to be brought before a cour martial. [DCK]
NRR 73.053, Col. 3 Sept. 25, 1847 Gen. Juan Alvarez Intending to Assemble Troops to Attack the Americans
Gen. Alvarez is announced as intending to reassemble his troops for the purpose of attacking the Americans, on the first favorable opportunity. [DCK]
NRR 73.053, Col. 3 Sept. 25, 1847 Gen. Mariano Paredes y Arrillaga Said to be Marching on the Capital
General Paredes, it is stated, is marching on the capital, with a respectable force, which he has succeeded in bringing together, with a view to assist his countrymen. This he persists in doing notwithstanding the order that has been transmitted to him from Santa Anna to quit the country-to return again to the place of his exile. [DCK]
NRR 73.053, Col. 3, 1 Sept. 25, 1847 Gen. Jose Mariano de Salas' Accusations Against Gen. Anastasio Torrejon at Contreras
General Salas. I have just seen a communication from General Salas, dated Coyoacan, where he remained a prisoner. In this, he declares that it was by the unskillfulness of Valencia, and the cowardice of Torrejon that the battle of Contreras was lost.Torrejon, instead of obeying the orders of Salas, which directed him to charge the Americans with his cavalry, pusillanimously fled, and in this manner brought ruin and destruction on our infantry.
This is positively the latest news from the capital, but I expect at every moment the receipt of more, of still greater interest, which will enter more into details.
J.***
Official Report of the Mexican General Salas.
Department of War and Navy--Section of Operations
Army of the North.-Second General in Chief.
Most excellent sir: On the 19th inst., about 12 or 1 o'clock, p.m., the enemy appeared, as if with the intention of attacking the position occupied by this army on the heights of Contreras. In the moment we began a very steady fire of artillery and musketry, a successively, as the enemy presented himself in the various points sustained by our troops, and we succeeded in stopping him in several places, until night put an end to the fighting, in which all the classes of his army gave proofs of their gallantry and the decision with which they sacrificed their lives in the defence of our nationality; but on the morning of the 20th -thanks to the bad position we occupied, and the carelessness paid the movements of the enemy to surround us-we were routed in all derections by more than 6,000 men-the 3,000 infantry being placed in one point, which was surrounded. When we observed the dispersion of our forces, I tried all I could to stop it, and, crying "Victory for Mexico," at the same time that the bugle sounded for slaughter, I succeeded in stopping it for a moment, and ordered General Don Anastasio Torrejon to charge with his command; but this chief, instead of obeying my order, fled cowardly, and the cavalry following his example, trampled on the infantry, and contributed to the complete rout of it.
It would appear ridiculous to make any recommendations of those who have been present in an unfortunate battle; however, I cannot help mentioning to your excellency that I am perfectly satisfied of the gallantry and tenacity with which the chiefs and officers of the several corps tried, even in the midst of disorder, to reunite their forces to resist the enemy, who was hotly pursuing us. This conduct, observed by them, preferring to be made prisoners before abandoning their soldiers, will always do them honor; and for this, I, think, they are entitled to the consideration of the supreme government, and the gratitude of their fellow citizens.
His excellency the commander-in-chief, Don Gabriel Valencia, disappeared from amongst us at the commencement of the action of the 20th ; and I, not knowing his whereabouts, have thought it my duty to address your excellency, accompanying a list of the chiefs and officers who are prisoners in this city; another of those who were wounded in San Angel, and of those known to have been killed; another list of those made prisoners in the action of Churubusco;-all of which I have the honor of manifesting to your excellency for your intelligence, praying that, on communicating the above to his excellency the president, you will please manifest to him the total indigence in which the prisoners find themselves, as having lost everything, and the American general having given orders that they be maintained by the inhabitants of this city, which is destroyed, they must perish in misery, if their government does not supply them with what they are entitled to, and which their actual situation and the well-deserving conduct that has distinguished them, energetically claim.
I reiterated to your excellency my respects and particular esteem. God and liberty.
[DCK]
NRR 73.054 September 25, 1847, Detail of Gen. Winfield Scott’s march from Puebla to Mexico City, movements prior to the battles
The army left Puebla on the 8th of this month, and after a few days’ march, reached Avolta, immediately on the margin of the valley of Mexico. Between this place and the city, about 4 miles distant, we knew there was a strongly fortified position, called St. Pinon; it is a small isolated mountain, surrounded by water, on one side of the principal causeways leading to the city. After spending a day or two in reconnoitering this place, and which would have caused a great loss of life to have taken, it was ascertained that there was a practical road south of Lake Chalco. The general dete4rmined to take this route, and put the army in motion, leaving out division to watch the enemy in our rear. The march was a dreadful one, being the rainy season. The road was in many places, where it passes at the foot of the mountains, and on the margin of the lake or narrow causeway, nearly covered with water, and excessively muddy; at others it was over rocky spaces of the mountains, and in places entirely obstructed by huge rocks rolled down by the enemy; but nothing seems to damp the ardor of the army-all obstacles vanished before them. In two or three days when the whole army was in motion, they could be seen from the front stretched out over a distance of seven or eight miles. On the 18th the general reached small town called San Augustin, about twelve miles south of the city, the leading division having arrived there the day before. General Worth had placed his pickets in advance for the arrival of the general; he ordered the whole division to advance and take possession of the hacienda within striking distance of a strongly fortified place called San Antonio and also that reconnoitering parties should be pressed forward still in advance; the party was supported by a squadron of cavalry and a battalion of infantry. In passing to the front, I found that a troops which had been placed as a pickets had gone forward; and as I came up with it, it made a turn in the road which opened upon them. The first tire killed Capt. Thornton, margling the body in the most horrid manner. The ball, a 16 pounder, afterwards struck the road, and literally covered me with mud and fragments of stone, one of which made a slight bruise on my right thigh. A guide was knocked down from his horse within five feet of me, with a shocking wound in the head by a piece of stone. It is thought he will recover, but with the loss of an eye. The reconnaissance was continued right and left with some hopes of storming the battery that afternoon; but night and the rain came on, and it was given up. Very early the next morning, I discovered from the top of the house in which we were quartered in San Augustin, a large body of the enemy, some 12,000 or 15,000 on our left, about three miles distant. The general had ordered reconnoissances in that direction towards San Angel, where I reported to him. He immediately ordered two divisions forward under Pillow and Twiggs, and followed soon after himself. The enemy were found in an entrenched camp, at a place callen Contreros, with twenty pieces of artillery, some heavy siege pieces. The attack commenced at noon, and the firing continued incessantly until dark, when it ceased on both sides, our troops maintaining their ground and occupying a village near by.
During the afternoon we watched the different movements of our troops with the most fearful anxiety, and could plainly see one of our columns resist a charge of a large body of cavalry, and the enemy falling from their saddles, and taking to their heels. During the whole of the fight, we could see on the right a body of at least ten thousand infantry, and cavalry in reserve, towards the city; but they had not the courage to advance, although Santa Anna himself was said to be there. The attack was ordered to be renewed at 3o’clock next morning, and the general returned to San Augustin. He left at an early hour, taking with him General Worth’s and one half of his division as a reinforcement; but en route he was met by an officer, who reported that the batteries had been carried by our troops in a most gallant style, Colonel Riley leading the assault. As he approached the scene of action, it seemed most incredible how our men got over the ground to the attack. It was over immense masses of lava thrown up in the roughest, sharpest, possible shapes, and covered with dense brushwood. Streams had to be crossed and deep ravines; and most of them having passed the night in a pelting rain without shelter, it appears almost incredible that they should be able to drive double their numbers from a battery of 23 heavy guns. The scene of the arrival of the general was most exciting. The cheering of the troops left to protect the property taken, and their delight was very gratifying. Many of the guns taken have been added to our siege train. The amount of ammunition taken exceeded by three times the whole which we brought from Vera Cruz, so that we are well provided. But the greatest cause of exultation was the recapture of two of our own guns, brought from Buena Vista, the last battle of General Taylor. When I saw the U.S. on them, I felt like dismounting and embracing them. What is remarkable about their recapture; it was made by the 4th artillery, to which regiment they formerly belonged. They, with other small capture pieces, were immediately fitted up as a light battery, and the captain (Dunn) who took them, in command of it. The general, when he received the intelligence of this victory, sent General Worth back to make a demonstration on San Antonio, whilst he, with the portion of the army which was pressing the enemy, shoutd get in its rear. I will not stop to describe the scene on the field of battle. On leaving it, the road was literally strewed with dead Mexicans, arms, broken carriages, &c. In passing a bridge, I looked over, and saw the bodies of at least twenty, piled one on the other, and the bank of the stream was strewed with them, and it was some distance before we out of sight. Going on, we came to a church, in which were confined 700 prisoners. The general halted a few minutes, and addressed the officers very kindly. Amongst them were four generals. He then hurried out to join the pursuing army. We came put with them at San Angel, where they halted. As the general passed along the line, it was one continued shout. After a few moments we passed on to a village called Coyoacan, where we heard firing on our right, about two miles off, in the direction of San Antonio. The general immediately sent me, with Capt. Kearny’s troop, to ascertain the state of affairs. We galloped on; and on approaching the place, I found that Worth had turned the place by both flanks, and driven the enemy from it, and was in hot pursuit of them. I returned to the general as quickly as I had gone, and as I galloped among I heard a brisk firing in the front. When I reached him I found that he was fiercely engaged with the enemy at another strongly entrenched position-San Pablo. This action lasted more than two hours, and the firing was more general and more continued than any I had heard yet. The enemy’s grape and canister flew like hail, and the fire of our infantry was one continued volley. Captain Taylor’s battery was obliged to retire, being most sadly crippled –lost two officers, a great many men, and left the field with only two horses to a gun; but the enemy, although behind entrenchments, with heavy guns, could not withstand the impetuosity and valor of our troops. The place was carried by assault, and the whole armament and a great number of prisoners were taken. In the mean time, Worth having hotly pursued the enemy, came up with them at another fortified place in advance of San Pablo, called Churubasco, and, after an obstinate resistance carried it, made many prisoners, and drove the enemy before him. The dragoons pursued and followed him to the very gates of the city. Two officers are said to have been killed inside the entrenchments of the gateway.
Thus ended the day; and I think you will agree with me that it was a TOLERABLY active one-four distinct battles having been fought and won, and the enemy outnumbering us in each at least three to four times. They acknowledge to have had thirty thousand men in the field on that day; and yet we drove them on every occasion, and, in the end, made more than twenty three hundred prisoners, among them seven of their principal generals, and about forty pieces of cannon. Our loss, I am sorry to say, as may be expected, has been very great. It may possibly reach one thousand killed and wounded-but the returns are not yet in; but enough is known to satisfy us that we have lost many very valuable officers. Among the prisoners taken, I was mortified to see between 50 and 70 deserters from our army, with the Mexican uniform on. A court is in session to try them, and I trust that many of them will be published. It is pretty well known from their position in the battle of San Pablo, that a volley from them killed and wounded sixteen out of the second infantry, including an officer, and leaving one officer (the adjutant of the regiment) standing.
There are many of our friends, I am sorry to say, among the killed and wounded; but I can hardly enumerate them now. Young Captain Hanson, of Washington, was killed. Colonel Butler, of S. Carolina regiment, was killed; Smith, badly wounded in the arm and thigh; hopes are entertained that his arm may be saved. Lieut. Irons shot through the windpipe, slight hopes of his recovery. Captain Philip Kearney lost his arm in the charge towards the gate of the city; he is doing well. There are others, no doubt, which I cannot recollect at this moment; but many that we equally interested in are safe. Hagner and Galt are both safe. [JCS]
Vol 73.055 Sept. 25, 1847 From General Wool's command
From General Wool's command.- We have a series of very interesting letters coming down to the 16th of August. We are unable to give any portion before our next regular issue.
Captain Fairfax, of the Virginia regiment died at Satillo on the 14th ult., of fever.
The steamer Ogden arrived at N. Orleans on the 11th with Brazos dates on the 7th, Gen. Lane's brigade was there, and expected to embark for Vera Cruz on the 8th, to which place Gen. Marshall had also been ordered.
General Cushing and Lieut. Col. Abbott reached Matamoros from Monterey on the 3d. en route for Vera Cruz. Gen. C. is concentrating his brigade as the several detachments come down at El Sabinito, near Palo Alto. Deas' battery, which was to have accompanied General Cushing, has been ordered to remain with General Wool at the express request of the latter. Captain Shover passed down the river with Gen. Cushing on his way to Washington.
Captain Clark, of the 2d. Mississippi rifles, was at Matamoros on the 3d. instant, with a detachment of recruits on his way to his regiment at Buena Vista.
Captain Clinch was at the mouth of the river on the 16th instant, with a detachments of recruits for the 13th infantry, and would leave the next day for Gen. Cushing's camp at Sabmito.
Col. R.E. Temple arrived at Matamoros on the 1 st instant, with four companies of his regiment, the 10th infantry.
The "Flag" says that col. Tibbatts, who was proceeding from Mier to Monterey with six companies of the 16th infantry, escorting a train, was attacked by a large party of Mexicans near Ramos, and succeeded in driving them off, with a loss of two wounded. Col. Tibbatts and his men were under fire for some time, and conducted themselves with great intrepidity. Intelligence was received at Buena Vista on the 20th of August, in a letter from San Luis Potosi, by the way of Parras, that Gen, Scott's column had marched from Puebla, and two days afterwards a rumor reached there of the capitulation of the city of Mexico. This illustrates the rapidity with which intelligence travels in Mexico by verbal report.
The same paper says that Mr. E. B. Lundy and Mons. Monthly, who were taken prisoners some 4 weeks since by Carvajal, have been set at liberty, and arrived at Matamoros on the 3d. instant. They state that they were liberated by representing that they were not Americans. They were taken as far as Tula. Mr. L. says that General Urrea left that place a few days since, with 1,2000 men, for the purpose of taking trains or goods between Camargo and Monterey.
The Union says that letter have been received from the cam of general Taylor, who was then near Monterey. The general had made the necessary arrangements for carrying out his late general order for sending the troops he could spare to Vera Cruz, to join the column of General Scott. In addition to the troops which he kept upon his line of defense, he had detained the light battery of Capt. Deas, to strengthen his line. A mixed force of dragoons and Texans was employed in clearing the country between Camargo and Monterey of the roving guerrillas.
Reports are renewed of the general's intention to visit the United Sates; but he does not yet mention such an intention in his recent dispatches. [KAS]
NRR 73.055 Sept. 25, 1847 a letter from Buena Vista
North Carolina Regiment- A letter from Buena Vista, dated Aug. 19, to the Picayune says: "The mutiny in the North Carolina regiment has been effectually quelled. On the morning after it broke out a number of the officers if the regiment signed a petition to the colonel to resign, which he very properly refused to, but laid it before Generals Cushing and Wool. It was considered by the commanding general that there was a participation in the mutiny and two of the signers were dishonorably discharged from the service. As soon as this was known seventeen officers, I think, tendered their resignation, but after twenty-four hours had elapsed they thought better of it and begged leave to withdraw, expressing all due contrition, and leave was granted. Thus quiet subordination has been restored. The three regiments have all been separated-the North Carolina ordered to the rear, and the Virginians to the front. The solider who was wounded by Colonel Paine at the time he shot at the mutineers, was a Virginian and has been dishonorably discharged from the service."
A letter of the 21 st . says: "Since my last, two companies of the North Carolina regiment have been ordered to the support of Captain Prentiss' battery on the hill above Saltillo. One of these companies, commanded by Capt. Henry, is the crack corps of the regiment, and has been stationed in town ever since their arrival. It had no participation whatever in the late mutinous outbreak. Mr. Buck, formerly adjutant to the regiment, but recently appointed aid de camp to gen. Cushing, has been elected captain in the regiment to fill a vacancy, and will not go to Vera Cruz. The express sent to the reported advance upon this quarter, has not yet returned." [KAS]
NRR 73.056-73.057 September 25, 1847, “Mustang’s” Account of the Battles
Editors Delta-The late brilliant achievement of the arms of the United States over the superior numbers of the enemy, and in front of the capital of the country, cannot but excite the admiration and pride of our people, from one end of the land to the other; but those who were not here to witness and participate in the desperation of the conflict-the great and apparently insurmountable obstacles-the privations and hardships endured-never can properly appreciate the brilliancy of the victory, the gallantry and good conduct, and the scientific attainments of our noble little army. Our comparative loss of those engaged, exceeds that of any battle of which we have any recollection; being about one out of six. To attempt to enumerate, in a proper manner, the individual instances of heroism-of determined and deliberate courage-of the perseverance and interpidity with which great and powerful obstacles were surmounted-would be but commencing an endless task. I trust when the details of these brilliant affairs are given by the respective commanders, that our country will testify its admiration and respect of some substantial reward-a reward that will live in memory and history when the actors in these stirring scenes shall have mouldered in the dust.
About the 15th instant it was determined that we should not attack El Penon, where the enemy had made every preparation to receive us, and where, no doubt, we would have been compelled to sacrifice many more lives than we have already done. Accordingly, the engineers having discovered a road by which we could turn it, we took up our march around Lake Chalco. At this movement the enemy were seriously nonplussed, as they were not aware themselves of any practicable route we could take that would so effectually turn their position, and in order to delay our movement, sent out Gen. Alvarez, the great champion of the south, with his Pintos, (a tribe of Indians spotted by nature), together with a portion of the regular army, amounting in all to about 10,000 men, to attack the rear column under the command of Gen. Twiggs, but it turned out to be a feeble attempt. General Twiggs had scarcely formed his line of battle and opened his line of artillery, under the command of Captain Taylor, before they fled with great precipitancy. A few well-directed shots from this battery made a forcible impression upon their columns, and they retreated, leaving a portion of their dead and wounded to take care of themselves. The whole affair did not detain Gen. Twiggs more than an hour, and he was again on his march. By this time the enemy had discovered the route by which we were moving, and endeavored to obstruct the road; but the sappers and miners, added by the head of Gen. Worth’s column, soon cleared the road at different places, and by the 17th the head of Gen. Worth’s column arrived at San Augustin-the enemy’s skirmishers firing from every hill top and point which favored them on the route, and their cavalry presenting themselves in force several times during the day, but never daring to attack.
On the 18th, Gen. Worth’s column moved down the road in the direction of San Antonio, from which place the enemy fired upon a squadron of dragoons, (killing Captain Thornton and wounding the guide, Jonathan Fitzwater), advanced to protect the engineers in a reconnaissance of the fortifications of San Antonio. Capt. Thornton had been very unwell for some time, and went out in command of his squadron against the advice of his physician and his senior officers; but his energy and gallantry would not allow him to remain inactive when there was the least possibility of meeting the foe. As soon as the dragoons were withdrawn, Col. Danean’s battery and the sappers and miners moved down the road, and took a position that would enable them to operate in any direction, incase of an emergency. Col. Smith’s light battalion was thrown out on the left front, to watch the movements of the enemy, and to hold him in check in case of his advancing his flank. Immediately after Col. Garland’s brigade made a diversion to the right, and took position in line, resting his right at the hacienda of San Juan de Dios, about 400 yards to the right of the road. As soon as this movement was completed, the 24 brigade under Colonel Clarke, moved down the road until the head of his column rested on the left wing of Col. Garland. Once section of the mountain was brought forward, and thus they remained until sundown, when the brigade of cavalry withdrew, leaving the infantry and military on the ground. About 2o’clock a heavy rain came on, which completely drenched the troops, and they were also exposed during the night to a slow drizzling rain without tents or blankets. Gen. Worth, with a part of the 1st brigade, occupied the hacienda of San Juan de Dios during the night, and the enemy amused themselves by firing a few random shot at it about sundown, from San Antonio, but without any other effect than to riddle the house completely with balls, and to besprinkle the officers with the mortar and dust of the old hacienda. During the day Major Graham was sent out from San Augustin, (Gen. Scott’s headquarters), towards Contreras, to protect the engineers in a reconnaissance of the route in that direction, where, during the forenoon, he engaged a force of the enemy’s cavalry and infantry, which he drove back, with a loss of eight killed, two wounded, and five prisoners-Maj. Graham’s command sustaining no loss.
On the 19th, the enemy fired from the works of San Antonio on the hacienda of San Juan de Dios, supposing a part of our forces were still there. About 10 o’clock, the sappers and miners, under Lieutenant Smith, and the section of mounted howitzers, under Lieut. Callender, returned to San Augustin, and joined Gen. Pillow’s division, which was then taking up its march in the direction of Contreras. Gen. Pillow continued his march, opening the road as he went, until he reached a high point, from whence we had the enemy and his fortifications in full view. Between one and two o’clock the division of Gen. Twiggs came up with the advance and moved forward-Gen. Smith’s brigade advancing to the left, and Col. Riley’s to the right. Gen. Pillow placed at the disposal of Gen. Twiggs, Capt. Magruder’s battery, and Lieut. Cadwallader’s howitzers-both of which belonged to the proper division of Gen. Pillow.
With the great difficulty, the two batteries moved forward, having to travel half a mile over a broken and confused mass of lava, apparently impassable even for footmen. The enemy opened his heavy batteries from Contreras, and the advancing troops of General Smith’s brigade hotly engaged the enemy’s infantry which he had thrown out across a deep ravine and creek in front of his fortifications. He appeared determined to maintain his position in front of his fortifications, suing his artillery for a time against the rear brigades of our army as they came up; but he was not able to stand the severity of the conflict, and was compelled to retire with heavy loss. He then concentrated his fire upon the howitzers and Magruder’s battery. These two batteries sustained for more than an hour, the fire of twenty two pieces of artillery; mostly of large caliber, when they were ordered by Gen. Smith to retire from so unequal a conflict: Their loss was very severe, and among others, we have to lament the death of Lieut. Johnson: Lieut. Callender was also severely wounded.
Gen. Pillow had ordered Gen. Pierce’s brigade to the support of Gen. Smith, and Gen. Cadwallader’s to the support of Col. Riley. At this state of the battle, while it was raging with extreme severity, the enemy appeared on the left of the fort at Contreras, and in rear of the village of Ensaldo where Col. Riley had arrived, with a force of 12,000 men, (which we afterwards learned was under the command of Santa Anna himself,) apparently threatening the safety of Col. Riley and Gen. Cadwallader. Gen. Pillow ordered the 15th infantry, under Col. Morgan, to the support of Gen. Cadwallader. Gen. Scott came upon the ground about this time, bringing with Gen. Shields’s brigade of volunteers (South Carolina and New York) whom he advanced to the support of the forces under Gen. Cadwallader.
Gen. Twiggs, finding his command so separated, and that it was utterly impossible, from the nature of the ground, for him to reach the point he intended to occupy, as night approached, fell back with a portion of his staff to the place where Gen. Scott was passing the night, exposed to a severe rain, without shelter or anything more than his usual uniform, to protect him from the inclemency of the weather.
Magruder’s and the howitzer battery being disabled, and it being evident that our left was advancing on a route prepared for us by the enemy-he having cleared away all the brush and other obstacles that obstructed his view, thereby exposing our infantry to a destructive fire as they approached, and it being doubtful whether they could cross the ravine after they reached it, Gen. Smith directed Captain Magruder and the howitzer battery to open, in order to attract the attention of the enemy, while he made a movement to the right, which he had determined on, in order to try one of the enemy’s flanks. Leaving three companies of the 3d infantry to support the battery, and about 20 men of Maj. Dunick’s command to reinforce the loss sustained by the battery, Gen. Smith moved off with the sappers and miners. Lieut. Smith, 1st artillery, Maj. Dunick, and 31 artillery, Capt. Alexander, and as many of the regiments as could be got together, they having been detached during the day as skirmishers, and to cover the engineers in their reconnaissance. After passing over the broken and irregular surface of the land, and crossing the deep ravines, he succeeded in reaching the village of Ensaldo. Gen. Smith being the ranking officer present, Gen. Cadwallader reported to him with four regiments of Gen. Pillow’s division. Col. Riley’s brigade had crossed the ravine, and gone up towards Contreras, after a strong body of the enemy, which he drove off. The enemy was now drawn up into two lines, above the village, on the right of the fort-the front infantry, the rear cavalry. The village of Ensaldo is protected on one side by a deep ravine-on the road between it and the stream is a house and garden, surrounded by a high and rather strong stone wall; the village is intersected by narrow lanes, between high dikes, enclosing gardens full of fruit trees and shrubbery, affording protection and concealment for the men. The church, standing in the centre; also afforded protection, if necessary-Gen. Smith now directed Gen. Cadwallader’s force to be drawn up on the outer edge of the village facing the enemy’s heavy force on the left of the force-formed the 3 d infantry and rifles in column of company, left in front on the right flank, and placed Lieut. Smith’s sappers and miners, and Captain Irwin’s company of the 11th infantry, in the church, and Maj. Dimick’s regiment in the garden on the road, in order to secure that avenue and his rear.
Gen. Smith now determined to attack the large force on the enemy’s right; with Col. Riley on the left, Gen. Cadwallader on the right of the former retired in echelon, but before the movement could be completed night approached and the enemy’s line could be seen-therefore the order was countermanded, and Gen. Cadwallader resumed his position on the edge of the village; Col. Riley’s brigade was formed in a long land inside parallel to it, the rides on his left, and the 3d infantry in the churchyard.-Thus they remained exposed to a severe rain all over without fire of shelter-the officers from generals down sharing the severity of the weather-but perhaps it only whetted their appetites for a more glorious and determined engagement in the morning. -But now imagine the position of this portion of the army, numbering 3500 at the outside, without artillery or cavalry, while the enemy in front and on the left had 19,000 troops-those in the fort said to be the best of Mexico-with 22 pieces of artillery, and among his troops about 7000 cavalry. It was evident that some decisive action had to be taken-and Gen. Smith and Col. Riley, seconded as they were, were just the men competent to the task. An attack on the main work was determined upon, and the movement to take place at three o’clock the following morning. However, here another obstacle presented itself-the force of Gen. Smith was not strong enough to attack the main work and hold the village at the same time, and it was of the utmost importance he should do so-for if he drove the enemy from this main work, and in his retreat he secured possession of the village, he could hold it long enough to allow his troops to get away, and in all probability seriously embarrass any further movements of our army until he was safely fixed somewhere else. It is said that fortune favors the brave-and in this instance it most truly did-for while Gen. Smith was preparing for his attack, Gen. Shields reported his near approach with his brigade of South Carolina and New York volunteers-and here was an exhibition of magnanimity on the part of a high minded soldier to a brother officer. When Gen. S. arrived he was the ranking officer and could have assumed the command, but he was not the man to pluck the bright laurels about to be gathered by a brother soldier in carrying one of the strong works of the enemy-accordingly he moved subject to the command of Gen. Smith, and his brigade was placed in the village of Ensaldo, as circumstances might require, either to cut off the reserve of the enemy in flank, if it should change its front and attempt to attack our force towards Contreras.
At 3 o’clock, on the morning of the 20th, our troops commenced their movement towards the front of attack-the night was so dark that the men could not go out of reach of one another for fear of losing their way. This caused the movement to be slow that day-break approached before the head of Gen. Cadwallader’s brigade commenced descending into the ravine at the village. As soon as Col. Riley got out of the deep ravine, and at a point where it was the head of the column halted and closed-at the same time drawing the loads out of the guns supposed to be wet. Col. Riley then formed his brigades, together w3ith the sappers and miners, under the command of Major Dimick, closed up the rear-leaving Gen. Shields at the village. Col. Riley continued up the ravine bearing a little to his left, and as he raised over the bank he stood fronting the rear of the enemy’s work, but he was protected from the severity of its fire by the favorable position of the ground. As soon as Col. Riley ascended the hill and came in full view of the enemy, they immediately opened a warm fire upon him. Col. Riley threw out his two advanced divisions as skirmishers, and said forward: “Now, boys, give them hell-close in with them, and let the bayouet do its work”-and his command rushed down the slope wit ha desperation and enthusiasm enough to strike terror to the heart of the boldest-while the rear of his command moved steadily forward in solid block with the most mechanical precision.
The sappers and miners, and the rifle regiment, which had been thrown across a ravine intervening between the one they had passed up and under the brow of the slope which Col. Riley came down, from that position poured in a fire which swept in front of Col. Riley’s column, then inclining towards their left, joined in the attack on the troops outside of the left flank of the fort. Gen. Cadwallader followed the route taken by Colonel Riley, and as soon as his troops were formed, moved on to his support. The first brigade, which was bringing up the rear, had been ordered to follow the same route, but while it was on its march by the right flank up the ravine and nearly opposite the fort, General Smith ordered the brigade to face to the left and advance in line to attack the enemy’s force in flank-this movement was executed in less time then it takes me to write it-they met the enemy outside of the fort, just as Col. Riley’s brigade rushed into it-they enemy was completely routed and commenced a precipitate retreat-their cavalry and infantry and been formed to receive the charge, but both were compelled to give way to the bayonet-the rout was mostly complete, and the victory most decided-but while Riley’s brigade took possession of the works and plated their colors upon it, the other force continued the pursuit down the road. The retreating force had to pass near where Gen. Shield’s brigade was placed to intercept them. They however, were not aware of it until they received the well directed fire of S. Carolina regiment, which mowed them down like grass before the scythe.
The enemy had been completely deceived in the reference to the position of Gen. Shield’s brigade and the balance of the force, by the sagacity of the Genera. After General Smith moved off to attack the work, General Shields caused his men to build fires over the ground occupied by the troops during the night, as if the men were preparing their breakfast, which led the enemy to believe our troops still in force in the village; this also led him to believe that we were going to carry into execution the attack we were meditating the night before-accordingly the night before he placed his batteries along his line, and in the morning moved detachments forward to take in flank of the attack he supposed we would make at daylight, and how great his surprise must have been when the first thing he saw in the morning was Col. Riley moving down the slope, having already turned his strong-hold-but all doubts were soon dispelled by the capture of his works and the dispersion of his army-they were met at every point by the skillful management and energy of General Shields, whose command compelled them to fly in every direction-some taking to the broken and craggy rocks-some to the ravine-while others depended apon their heels and made most excellent time in a race across the fields. One of the most sagacious movements made by a Mexican officer was made at this place. After a large portion of the Mexican army had passed through a very narrow pass and our troops after them, he formed a squadron of lancers in the pass, laid down their arms and surrendered, thus effecting the escape of those who had already passed through, those of our troops who were nearest having to take possession of the prisoners and guard them back, and before another force could go in pursuit they were out of reach.
In this fort there were captured 22 pieces of artillery, mostly large size, a great number of packmules, a large quantity of ammunition and munitions of war, and upwards of 1500 prisoners, among them were several officers of high rank. The enemy left dead upon the field, which we have buried, upwards of 700-but his loss was certainly much heavier-is the Mexicans were still burying their friends when I passed over the battleground two days ago; there were many more killed when the rifles engaged on the 19th than we had any idea of-their unerring aim told with powerful effect. The troops in the fort were commanded by Valencia, those outside by Santa Anna.
Among the highest achievements of the morning’s engagement was the re-capture of the two Buena Vista six-pounders, belonging to the Captain Washington’s battery, by one of the light companies of the same regiment. They now stand before the door of General Twiggs, and I hope when he shall meet his old friend General Taylor he will have present these beautiful trophies to claim the congratulations. —All the same arms taken were immediately destroyed.
The arms were secured, and a detachment left to protect the ordinance, ammunition and prisoners; the column formed for the purpose of pursuing the enemy, who had been met by a force from San Angel, when Gen. Twiggs arrived, and ordered a speedy and most vigorous pursuit of the enemy, which was immediately done, Gen. Shields’s brigade to advance, next Gen. Twiggs’s division, and the rear Gen. Pillow’s division, the rifles and sappers and miners in advance as skirmishers. There are now ensued a sort of running flight all the way to San Angel, the enemy endeavoring to make a stand at every point on the road, the unerring fire of the rifle made every place too hot for them, and they were compelled to take refuge in Churubusco.
At San Angel General Pillow arrived and took the command, when the whole column moved down to Cluicon, when Gen. Scott came up, and immediately took the command of the whole.
THE BATTLE OF CHURUBUSCO
As soon as the enemy’s forces perceived that Contreras carried, and that we should be able to turn his position and attack him in reverse, he evacuated the fortifications and fell back on Churubusco with his artillery and whole force. This was also reinforced by the troops from Contreras, and some from the city; they apparently determined to make their final stand at this point.
The work and position were exceedingly strong and completely masked by a high growth of corn and an orchard, which very much precluded our officers getting a proper view of the position of the strength of the work, which proved to be a regular fortification, and had been erected in the incredible short time of 38 hours. The church buildings formed a large square-the lower front, at the north end, was chiefly a wall, scaffolded for infantry; behind it was a higher building, also covered with infantry, and in the rear of this, the church itself was also covered with infantry, and a high steeple on its right flank was filled with infantry; in front of the first wall was a curtain connecting two salient angles, which flanked it, and were continued back to the side walls of the church, garrisoned heavily with infantry, and mounting seven pieces of artillery. This was the point at which General Smith’s brigade opened the action, and soon followed, a little further to the left, by Col. Riley’s brigade-these two composing the Cerro Gordo division, Gen. Twiggs. Captain Taylor’s battery of light artillery also took position near this work, on the right of Gen. Smith’s brigade; it drew up it a heavy fire from the fort, which he sustained for an hour and a half, losing 23 of his company, among who were Lieuts. Martin, Boynton and Sims, and 3 sergeants; he also lost during this time 15 horses. The conduct of Captain Taylor and his company throughout, was such as to excite the admiration of all who witness it, as well as his superior officers.
At the opposite side the work, the breastwork extended across the road from the church, presenting a similar front, excepting the buildings of the church, -the work on the road was also strengthened by a bridge over a creed, behind which was a body of infantry, and the work itself mounting 3 or 4 guns. -General Pillow, with part of his division, was sent round by General Scott to assault this part of the work, but as he, with his command emerged from the mud and mire of the corn fields (having waded, some of them, waist deep) into the road, he met Gen. Worth coming up from San Antonio, with his division; they had a hearty welcome, and one of them proposed that their commands should go hand in hand in carrying the work, which was readily agreed to.
At the same time that the other commands were despatched, General Scott ordered General Shields to attack the enemy’s extreme left, where he was heavily entrenched; at t he same time reinforcing his command with the 9th part of the 12th and 15th infantry, under General Pierce. This movement was executed as soon as the nature of the ground would admit-the whole command having to pass through corn fields of high growth, intercepted by ditches running through them in every direction.
The action now became general, and the severity of the conflict never equalled within the recollection of our oldest soldiers-the enemy was more than three times our number, besides his advantage of artillery and position-added to this, he was stimulated by the fact that is was the last effort of resistance he could make before we could enter the capital-his troops knew that they were fighting for the last remnant of the Republic, and they stood their ground with as much firmness and resolution as any troops could stand, before the army we at present have here. The roar of musketry was so great, that it was almost impossible for the soldiers to hear the orders of their officers. There was no point at which the action did not rage with severity for more than two hours, which is proved by the fact that our loss at this point was nearly 1000 men.
After the contest had lasted about two hours, our troops had got into such a position as to be able to close with them at the point of the bayonet, which decided the affair in our favor-General Pillow and Gen. Worth carrying the work on the road, by an officer of Gen. Pillow’s division taking down on flag, and one of Gen. Worth’s taking down the other, and the 8th infantry planting their colors, Gen. Rineon, together with 104 officers and upwards of 1100 noncommissioned officers and privates, surrendered as prisoners of war. Gen. Shields had his work more to himself, and he fully sustained that high reputation hitherto acquired on the field of battle. When the contest raged highest, and his men falling around h8im in every direction, he preserved that even temperament of mind for which he is so characterisitc-his countenance wearing his bland and affable appearance throughout the whole engagement. His volunteers stood and moved under the fire with the regularity of veteran troops. South Carolina has sustained a heavy loss. Col. Butler was wounded twice before he received the fatal shot. Two color bearers were successively shot down, when Lieut. Colonel Dickinson took the colors, and he was beating the Palmetto proudly amidst the storm, when he also received a severe wound. About the same time that the three division at the fort were enabled to close, General Shields succeeded in driving from their position the large force with which he was contending.
The dragoons were now brought forward, and drove the enemy to the gates of the capital, thus closing, for the present, the most brilliant victory achieved by our arms during the war, and one which will vie with any achievement of our arms in times past.
Louisiana had two brilliant representatives, who participated largely throughout the whole affair, viz: Gen. P.F. Smith, of the first brigade, second division, and Lieutenant Beauuregard, of the engineers; both of which gentlemen signally distinguished themselves, both by their superior military knowledge and their personal courage. The engineer corps throughout has borne a large share of the labors and exposure of the battle.
From intercepted letters which we have in our possession, written on the evening of the battle, we learn the Mexican loss to be five thousand killed and wounded, and by them we also learn, that out of thirty thousand men, they had but between six thousand or eight thousand men left, and they in confusion, without leaders-the balance killed, wounded, prisoners, or totally dispersed.
After the troops had arrived at this place, all the former Texan prisoners who were present assembled just below the National palace, on a fine paved road, made by the labor of their hands, while they remained in this country. On the side of the road stood a beautiful monument, with the following inscriptions-“Erected to the memory of General Santa Anna in consideration of his having constructed this road by the labor of he prisoners of Texas.” It was not long after the assemblage of the crowd, until down came the monument, and not satisfied with tearing it down, they broke the stone into small pieces, and scattered them to the four winds.
On the evening of the 20th, a white flag came out from the city, and on the morning of the 21st, we learned that propositions for an armistice had been made, which were agreed to, and commissioners appointed, who arranged and agreed on the terms. [JCS]
NRR 73.058, Col. 1, Sept. 25, 1847 ARMY OF OCCUPATION: Attack on the Mule Train Near Papagallas
The attack on the mule train near Papagallas, no the 31 st of July, of which mention was wade in the Flag of the 11th instant, was incorrectly reported to us, as we are informed by one of the party present at the time; and we make the following correction from his statement:
The train consisted of thirty eight mules, and one wagon loaded with merchandize belonging to individuals, two of them proceeding with the train-The escort consisted of only four persons-C.R. Bartlett-the three last named later members of Captain Grays disbanded company. In company, at the time of the attack, were Br. Dickenson and two French gentlemen, sent out by the authorities of New Orleans to take the bust of General Taylor the Frenchmen Traveling in an ambulance. About 1 o'clock on the 31 st ult., the day being excessively hot, and the escort wearied, a halt was called at a shady spot near the road, and the party dismounted to refresh themselves. They had remained in this situation a half hour or more, when they were alarmed by the Mexican Bugle Charge sounding from different directions. As soon as the charge was sounded, Mr. Gleason ordered all to mount, and they did so with the exception of Mr. Dickenson, whose horse took fright and ran off. Mr. Gleason, who is an old Texan and one of the Mier Prisoners, immediately ascertained that the attacking party numbered several hundred, and remarking that the only hope was in hight, dashed off into the chaparral, followed by the remainder of the escort. The Frenchman sprang into the ambulance, and the driver put his horses to their speed on the Monterey road. Mr. Dickenson was unable to follow; and before he could secrete himself in the chaparral, the Mexicans were in sight. As soon as he was discovered, they commenced firing and advancing upon him. Having a six shooter, the doctor determined to sell his life as dearly as possible. Allowing four of them to come close up, he was enable to kill two, mortally wound a third, and after a hand-to-hand engagement with the fourth, finally effected his escape.
A few pursued the ambulance, but the main force was drawn towards the train; and as soon as possession of it was obtained, the bugle sounded a recall and the pursuers all returned without having overtaken the ambulance, which had not proceeded far before a train was met coming down from Monterey escorted by a detachment of dragoons.
The two teamsters were killed, one receiving six balls in his body, and
the other had his skull smashed with the butt of a musket, and a sabre
cut across the abdomen nearly severing him in two. All the mules
and packs were captured, also the baggage wagon containing much valuable
clothing, and about $1,500 in money. [DCK]
NRR 73.058 September 25, 1847, Capt. Mirabeau B. Lamar’s expedition
Ex-President and Gen. M. B. Lamar (now Capt. Lamar, commanding a company of Texan rangers) was in Mier a few days ago, with a detachment of his command, on his way from Laredo to General Taylor’s camp. Captain Lamar, we understand, is anxious to be relieved from his post at Laredo, and will apply to General Taylor for this purpose. We are happy to hear that he is in excellent health. [JCS]
NRR 73.058, Col. 2 Sept. 25, 1847 From General Wool's Command: Items from Gen. John Ellis Wool's Command.
We have a series of very interesting letters coming down to the 16th of August. We are unable to giver any portion before our next regular issue.
Captain Fairfax, of the Virginia regiment died at Saltillo on the 14th ult. of fever. The steamer Ogden arrived at N. Orleans on the 11th with Brazos dates to the 7 th, Gen. Lane's brigade was there, and expected to embark for Vera Cruz on the 8th, to which place Gen. Marshall had also been ordered.
General Cushing and Lieut. Col. Abbot reached Matamoros from Monterey on the 3d, en route for Vera Cruz. Gen. C. is concentrating his brigade as the reveral detachments come down at El Sabinito, near Palo Alto. Deas' battery, which was to have accompanied General Cushing, has been ordered to remain with General Wool at the Express request of the latter. Captain shover passed down the river with Gen. Cushing on his way to Washington.
Captain Clark, of the 2d Mississippi rifles was at Matamoros on the 3d instant, with a detachment of recruits on his way to his regiment at Buena Vista.
Captain Clinch was at the mouth of the river on the 16th instant, with a detachment of recruits for the 13th infantry, and would leave the next day for Gen Cushing's camp at Sabinito.
Col. R. E. Temple arrived at Matamoros on the 1 st instant, with four companies of his regiment, the 10th infantry. [DCK]
NRR 73.058, Col. 2 Sept. 25, 1847 Attack on A Train From Mier to Monterey.
The 'Flag' says that Col. Tibbatts, Who was proceeding from Mier to Monterey with six companies of the 16th infantry, escorting a train, was attacked by a large party of Mexicans near Ramos, and suceeded in driving them off, with a loss of two wounded. Col. Tibatts and his men were under fire for some time, and conducted themselves with great intrepidity. Intelligence was received at Buena Vista on the 20th of August, in a letter from San Luis Potosi, by the way of Parras, that Gen. Scott's column had marched from puebla, and tow days afterwards a rumor reached there of the capitulation of the city of Mexico. This Illustrates the rapidity with which intelligence travels in Mexico by verbal report. [DCK]
NRR 73.058, Col. 58 Sept. 25, 1847 Released American Prisoners Arrive at Matamoros
The same paper says that Mr. E. B. Lundy and Moris. Montilly, who were taken prisoners some 4 weeks since by Carvaja, have been set at liberty, and arrived at Matamoros on the 3 d instant. They state that they were liberated by representing that they were not Americans. They were taken as far as Tula. Mr. L. says that General Urrea left that place a few days since, with 1,200 men, for the purpose of taking trains or goods between Camargo and Montery. [DCK]
NRR 73.058, Col. 2 Sept. 25, 1847 Troops leaving Gen. Zachary Taylor for Vera Cruz, his intention to visit the United States.
The Union says that letters have been received from the camp of General Taylor, who was then near Monterey. The general had made the necessary arrangements for carrying out his late general order for sending the troops he could spare to Vera Cruz, to join the column of General Scott. In addition to the troops which he kept upon his line of defence, he had detained the light battery of Capt. Deas, to strengthen his line. A mixed force of dragoons and Texans was employed in cleaning the country between Camargo and Monterey of the roving guerrillas.
Reports are renewed of the general's intention to visit the United States; but he does not yet mention such an intention in his recent despatches. [DCK]
NRR 73.058, Col. 2 Sept. 25, 1847 Account of the Mutiny Among The North Carolina Troops.
North Carolina Regiment.-A letter from Buena Vista, dated Aug. 19, to the Picayunesays: "The mutiny in the North Carolina regiment has been effectually quelled. On the morning after it broke out a number of the officers of the regiment signed a petition to the colonel to resign, which he very properly refused to, but laid it before Generals and Wool. It was considered by the commanding general that there was a participation in the mutiny and two of the signers were dishonorably discharged from the service. As soon as this was known seventeen officers, I think, tendered their resignation, but after twenty four hours had elapsed they thought better of it and begged leave to withdraw, expressing all due contrition, and leave was granted. Thus quiet subordination has been restored. The three regiments have all been separated-the North Carolina ordered to the rear, and the Virginians to the front. The soldier who was wounded by Colonel Paine at the time he shot at the mutineers, was a Virginian and has been dishonorably discharged from the service.
A letter of the 21 st says: "Since my last, two companies of the North Caroline regiment have been ordered to the support of Captain Prentiss' battery on the hill above Saltillo. One of these companies, commanded by Capt Henry, is the crack corps of the regiment and has been stationed in town ever since their arrival. It had no participation whatever in the late mutinous outbreak. Mr. Buck, formerly adjutant to the regiment, but recently appointed aid decamp to Gen. Cuching, has been elected captain in the regiment to fill a vacancy, and will not go to Vera Cruz. The express sent to General Taylor on the morning of the 19th, relative to the reported advancs upon his quarter, has not yet returned." [DCK]
NRR 73.058 Sept. 25, 1847 Yellow fever at New Orleans
The Yellow Fever-At New Orleans, the number of deaths, daily have diminished, owing not to any diminution of virulence in the disease, but to a diminution of subjects in which to act, the city being so nearly deserted. A gentleman writes from thence, that he sat down to dinner at the St. Charles hotel, with but one other person at the table.
During the week ending the 11th September, 402 victims by fever in the city, and 115 in Lafayette.-The previous week 427 in New Orleans and 111 at Lafayette. At the Charity hospital during the week 350 admissions and 100 deaths by fever. During the twenty-four hours ending the 13th, 51 deaths, 21 of them by fever; 15th, 43 deaths, 31 by fever. [KAS]
NRR 73.064 September 25, 1847, arrangements for letters to and from the Army
LETTERS FROM THE ARMY. -A private letter from the seat of war says: - “The only way of sending letters is to hire a Mexican express and pay him one hundred dollars. Fifty officers club together, and each only are allowed to write half a sheet of thin letter paper, so that the express rider can secrete them, to avoid detection, which would be certain death in case he should fall into the hands of the guerrillas.”
The last letter of the army correspondent of the N.O. Delta: - “For the purpose of being always ready with me four horses for my own use and eight extras, and four Mexicans, faithful and good riders, who accompany me and are always on hand to ride expresses.” [JCS]
NRR 73.064 Sept. 25, 1847 letter from Colonel Butler to General Worth
Letter from Colonel Butler to General Worth.
San Augustin, August 19, 1847
Dear general: We are here in tribulation. I can but hope, however, it is but temporary. It is ordered that this division remain as protection to the train. There is gloom on us all: while I am one who believes there will be fighting enough for all. The moral effect is withering. The regiment, though weak in numbers, is up to the full point, and I trust S. Carolina may have a place in the picture. We have been watching you and your division for the last two days with fraternal affection; but the entire voice of the army, where I have been, or heard, is unbounded confidence in "Worth." "So not it be." But I have strayed from the principal point of purpose of my note, which is to say, our friend, Col. Dickinson, more impatient, and not so long a solider as myself, desires a place nearer the flashing of the guns; and with good taste, wishes to get nearer you. If you can make him useful, he will feel much gratified. I am aware you are surrounded with a talented staff, but a little more of a good thing will render it not the less complete or effectual. I am, my dear General, yours sincerely. P.M. BUTLER, S.C.V. General W.J. Worth, comad'g &c. [KAS]
NRR 73.065 October 2, 1847, failure of negotiations for peace, Gen. Winfield Scott accused Gen. Antonio Lopez de Santa Anna, and he accuses Scott, of violating the armistice, hostilities recommended, a battle ensues, contradictory accounts of its result
TERMINATION OF THE ARMISTICE-WAR RENEWED. The Vera Cruz Sun of Anahuac, of the 16th, contains the following letter from their correspondent, which says it “is so interesting to the public that we hasten to give it to our subscribers. It contains all the news that we received yesterday from Mexico.”
As we had already announced, hostilities recommenced on the 8th, in the evening, and Gen. Scott’s troops on that very evening had a brush to the best of the Mexican troops.
This letter came by the way of Orizaba, and was sent there by our “wide awake” correspondent, -through a private friend, who himself addressed us a few lines to tell us that an express had arrived at Mexico, on his way to Oajaca-that the express had been sent by General Leon, of the Mexican army, who commanded the Mexican forces in the action spoken of in the letter which follows:
Puebla, September 11, 1847
My dear San--I did not think that you ever arrived among us, but to my great astonishment I saw you in the hands of your mutual friend W****
I promised you before I left Vera Cruz, two months ago, that I would, from time to time, if I was fortunate enough to get news, to drop you a few words on a sheet of bad paper, and the occasion has never offered itself with more encouragement than at present, and I hope these few lines will be victoriously passed through the chaparral, mosquitoes, &c, and what is worse (through not so bold) the guerrillas of Cerro Gordo, Paente National, and all the Montes and hiding places of these desperate men.****
Letters arrived here from Atlixio, stating that an express arrived there on his way to Oajaca, sent by Gen. Leon, and that the said express had brought letters from Mexico dated the 9th inst.
These letters state that the propositions made by Mr. Trist were rejected, or, at least, one portion of them, and that hostilities had recommenced in the afternoon, and that a battle had been fought on that evening by a few hundred men of Scott’s army against four of the picked out regiments of the Mexican army- (the 11th regiment of the
Mr. Trist then asked 45 days, as he said he was not authorised to accept such a proposition, but the Mexicans replied they would give but five days, and no more.
On the fifth day (the 7th) a letter was written by Santa Anna to Gen. Scott accusing him of breaking the armistice, on some trifling pretext.
Gen. Scott answered making similar charges.
On the 8th, in the afternoon, a body of few hundred men of General Scott’s were sent to attack Chapultepec.
They encountered a large force of the enemy’s best troops there, and a terrible fight ensued, in which the Mexicans got, as usual, a sound thrashing.
Gen. Leon, who commanded the Mexicans, was wounded, and Gen. Balderas, of the National guards, was killed.
The small number of the Americans, who, the Mexican letter say, (to use their own expressions,) “have fought like devils,” retired to Tacubaya, leaving five wagons behind them. Some of these had no wheels, while others no horses.
The loss on the part of the Americans is said to be very small comparatively.
A proclamation (or manifesto, as they call it,) was issued by Gen. Gerrera, governor of the city of Mexico, recommending to the citizens, men, women and children, to collect stones and carry them to the roofs of houses, and from there throw them at the Americans if they entered the city.
---
Since placing the above in type the southern mail has arrived with N. Orleans papers to the 24th, and Mobile to the 25th. At New Orleans they had no late intelligence from the army, - and the above contains all that the Mobile papers afford, except a verbal report, that there had been a revolt at Puebla, and that Gen. Scott’s loss since leaving Puebla was about three thousand men.
It is difficult to comprehend or reconcile the above account of the victory obtained over Gen. Leon, in the attack on Chapultepec, with the statement that the little detachment of Americans that achieved it, instead of occupying Chapultepec, had retired, with the loss of their wagons, to Tacubaya.
---
The Pensacola correspondent of the Mobile Herald says:
It seems that hostilities were renewed on the 8th inst., Santa Anna and Gen. Scott mutuality charging each other with a violation of the armistice, and by the last accounts our troops had possession of two streets, and had driven the principal part of the Mexican force in or towards the plaza.
Our troops had suffered greatly from the fire of the enemy placed in windows and on the roofs of the houses, and Gen. Worth was badly but not mortally wounded. Our loss since leaving Puebla was three thousand men. Mr. Trist’s proposition for a cession of a portion of California, for a consideration of 20,000,000 had been agreed to by the Mexican commissioners-but another proposition, fixing the Rio Grande the boundary on this side, was peremptorily refused. Paredes was said to be on the road between Vera Cruz and Mexico, with a large force of guerrillas.
These accounts are derived from the Sun of Anahuac of the 16th instant, and brought by the Osceola, and verbal communication from Mr. Diamond to the captain, at the moment of leaving. I have no doubt they may be relied upon essentially.
The sun of Anahuac of the 16th says, “Troops have been arriving in great numbers from the Brazos for the last five or six days, and we do not doubt that within five or six days more, there will be from two to three thousand men ready to march to the interior.”
The battle of Churubusco was fought on the 20th of August, and up to the 16th of September no despatches from Gen. Scott had been received at Vera Cruz, nor by the government, up to the 21 of October, since the period of his leaving Puebla for the capital.
Some journals express surprise at the reception of official reports of the battles from Gen. Shields and Maj. Dickinson (inserted in this No) when no reports have been received from the commanding General. This is easily accounted for. The Commander in chief would not be disposed to entrust his official despatches to such hands and chance as it is well known these came through, nor would he be justifiable in so doing, even if they had been prepared, which it is certain they could not have been. The reports received of Gen. S. and Maj. D. are no doubt copies of their reports, he must receive, and carefully examine and collect the whole of the reports from his several officers. This requires time and caution.
An announcement of the general events, and of the state of affairs, generally and properly precedes a detailed report in such cases. It is not at all impossible that such an announcement was forwarded by Gen. Scott, and has been intercepted by the Mexican guerrillas.
Anxiety, instead of being allayed by the intelligence given above, is yet more intensely awakened.
That Gen. Scott had sufficient reasons for proposing an armistice when he did, and for needing to acceding to the terms of that armistice we have no doubts. From all that is known here of the state of affairs at the moment, it would be rank injustice to our commander to judge otherwise. Gen. Taylor was loudly censured for agreeing to an armistice at Monterey, although, that was upon condition of a surrender and evacuation of the place. -Gen. Scott agreed to an armistice without such conditions-and maintained the armistice from the 23d of August to the 8th of Sept, when a renewal of the conflict instead of a treaty of peace was the unhappy result.
So far as we have seen accounts from Pensacola, the 9th is the latest date from the city of Mexico, but an editorial in this morning’s National Intelligencer states, that on the 9th hostilities recommenced and a portion of Gen. Worth’s division encountered and routed a large Mexican force near the city, our loss being comparatively trifling, while that of the Mexicans was very great. On the 10th there was other engagements in all of which our forces proved victories. On the 11th, which is the latest accounts we have, Gen. Scott had got into the city occupying only two streets, which commanded the Plaza, and the two armies were contending for victory.”
Several letters from Vera Cruz, all dated at the moment the Oceola was leaving, (16th of Sept.,) are published, some of which contain brief accounts of affairs pending the negotiations. One of them mentions the loss of the Americans in the battle of the 9th, according to the Mexican account. [JCS]
NRR 73.065, Col. 3 Sept. 25, 1847 Report of a severe battle being fought and part of the capital being in possession of Gen. Winfield Scott
LATEST.-A 'Union' extra, of 12 o'clock to-day, states that information is received of a severey battle in which our loss is estimated at 1000. Santa Anna wounded-Gen. Scott has possession of part of the city of Mexico, and the fight still going on at the last accounts. [DCK]
NRR 73.067, Col. 1 Oct. 2, 1847 Assistant Surgeon Prevost: Tribute to Assistant Surgeon Prevost's Efforts During the Battle of Buena Vista
Camp Buena Vista. General:-In my report of the battle of Buena Vista, 4th March, I intended to report all the surgeons and assistant surgeons, who were on the field of battle during the two eventful days of the 22d and 23d February last. It appears, that I omitted the name of Assist. Surgeon Prevost. I was not personally acquainted with him at the time, and he was, and supposed during the battle, in Saltillo, as he was stationed there. From statements recently received, it appears that Dr. Prevost was not only on the field attending the wounded, but that he rendered me important and gallant services during the battle. Seeing me alone, my staff being absent in endeavoring to rally the flying troops from the field, he came to me, when I made use of him on several occasions to carry my orders to bring up the troops to attack a heavy column of Mexican lancers and infantry, who had succeeded in getting to our left and rear. He also carried my orders to the Mississippi and Indiana regiments to charge the enemy, under the most trying circumstances, a fire in front and a flank fire from the battery on the plain in front of the centre of our position. At this time I supposed he was an officer who had just arrived, and belonged to Gen. Taylor's staff, and without knowing who he was, called him captain. It is, therefore, I would recommend him to the special notice of the secretary of war for his daring courage and gallant bearing at the battle of Buena Vista. I have the honor to be, very respectfully, your obed't. serv't.
JOHN E. WOOL,
Brig. General U.S.A
[DCK]
NRR 73.067, Col. 2 Oct. 2, 1847 Georgia Mounted Battalion and a Battalion of Infantry Forming for Mexico
To Brig. General R. Jones, Adj't General Washington, D.C.
General Mounted Battalion - Monday last the Georgia mounted battalion
passed through our city on their way to the seat of war. The battalion
consists of six companies, about 500 men in all, likely to prove rough
customers in a campaign. They were under command of James S. Calhoun,
who ranks as colonel. There is also a battalion of infantry now being
completed at Columbus, four companies are already enrolled, and the fifth
nearly filled up. The Georgia boys seem determined to have some share
in the fighting. We have no doubt that they will not be found wanting
when the hour of trial comes, and we hope they will come out of every
fight with success, as we know they will with honor.
[Montgomery Flag, Sept. 16] [DCK]
NRR 73.067, Col. 2 Oct. 2, 1847 Movement of Troops: Movements of Troops for Mexico
Movements of Troops-The steamer Alabama left New Orleans for Brazos and Vera Cruz on the 9th instant, carrying $100,00 in specie, for the quarter-masters department at Brazos, and $100,000 for the same department at Vera Cruz. She had also a number of passengers, including several officers of the army, 141 teamsters for the quartermasters department at Vera Cruz. Captain Stapps company of Illinois mounted volunteers of 95 officers and men, and some recruits for the 1s t regiment Louisiana volunteers.
The U.S. steamer Fashion, Capt. Thomas I. Ivy, and the U.S. steam propeller Major Tompkins, left New Orleans on the 9th, for Baton Rouge, there to receive on board Capt. Lawler's company of mounted Illinois volunteers, 115 men and horses to proceed to Vera Cruz. Capt. Leslie Chase, assistant quartermaster U.S.A, went up to Baton Rouge on the Fashion. [DCK]
NRR 73.067, Col. 2 Oct. 2, 1847 Organization of Two New Kentucky Regiments
The two new Kentucky regiments, recently called out by the war department, have been fully organized, and are to rendezvous at Louisville by the 4th of October next. The field officers of one of these regiments, the third, were appointed some weeks since. The officers of the fourth are:-John S. Williams, colonel; William C. Preston, of Louisville, lieutenant colonel, and William T. Ward, major.
Lieut. Irons, aid de-camp of General Cadwallader, and who was wounded in the battles before Mexico, is dead. [dck]
NRR 73.067, Col. 3 Oct. 2, 1847 Midshipman Robert Clay Rogers Escapes from the Mexicans and Reaches American Headquarters
Midshipman Rogers respecting whose fate so much anxiety has been experienced, made his excape from the Mexicans and reached Gen. Scott's headquarters at Puebla on the 2d of Aug. and accompanied the army in their march upon the capital. [DCK]
NRR 73.067 Oct. 2,1847 Naval Journal, yellow fever
Yellow fever-An officer of the U.S. ship Germantown writes to purser W. H. Kennon, of the Mississippi, at Pensacola, dated Anton Lizardo, Aug. 27. "Dr. John A. Kearney, fleet surgeon, died this morning. Dr. Clenahan is sick on the island. You have not the slightest idea of the extension of fever since you left. A sloop has just arrived from Tuspan with the intelligence that every officer on board the Decatur is sick. Several men have died. The Stromboli arrived last night from Huascualco with only six well men; is that not horrid?
The correspondence has just arrived: no news from Alvarado."
Dr. P.B. Delany of the U.S. navy, died at Laguna Yucatan, on the 10th of August of yellow fever. The deceased had recently entered the navy as an assistant surgeon, and died on his first cruise.
The new U.S. steamship Alleghany, has left N. Orleans and anchored off Ship Island. Five cases of yellow fever had occurred on board. [KAS]
NRR 73.071 October 2, 1847, resolutions of the New Jersey Whig convention on annexation of new territory
NEW JERSEY- The “democratic” state convention, assembled at Trenton on the 22d Sept., Gen. Garret Wall, presided.
The first ballot for a candidate for governor stood, for D. HAINES, of Essex, 252; G. Sykes, of Burlington, 73; J. Cassady, of Bergen, 50; scattering 15. -Mr. Haines is therefore the candidate.
The whig state convention, assembled on the 22d and on the first ballot for a candidate for governor P. Robinson, of Warren, 114; J. Rank, of Huntington 37. Mr. Wright is of course the candidate.
The first resolution adopted by the convention, strongly denounced the present national administration for violations of the liberties of the people and interests of the Union, especially in having made war without consulting the people or their representatives, and that too, for party purposes. The second resolution applauded the senate and house of representatives for interposing to prevent the administration from sending Col. Benton “a man who has spent all his life in politics” to supercede the veterans of the army, Scott, Taylor, &c. The third returns thanks to General Taylor for having faithfully and bravely performed, in spite of difficulties, what he has. The following are three last resolutions-
As to additional territory-“That the people of the state of New Jersey, are opposed to the annexation of more territory to for the purpose of giving undue preponderance to the south; that we will abide faithfully by the Union cur fathers made-but that the addition of new southern partners to the firm without our consent, and for the purpose of destroying our weight in it, the calling in of “the unknown and half civilized states of Mexico and the investing them with privileges equal to or superior to our own is an infamous and almost intolerable insult and outrage.
Tariff- “That the people of New Jersey are as much in favor of the whig tariff of 1842 as ever; that the temporary foreign demand for our breadstuffs caused by the European famine has never deceived us; that there is no permanent market for the produce of our farmers but the home market; and that time will soon demonstrate again, as it has often done before, the necessity of the wig tariff policy.
-“That all we ask of the opposite party in respect to the tariff is that, that they will always honestly confess their opposition to it, and never here-after assert, as they did falsely in 1844, that they ware the tariff party and the whigs are not.” [JCS]
NRR 73.073 October 2, 1847, officers noted
GEN. PERSIFER F. SMITH - The heart of every Louisianian will throb with emotions of pride and joy as he reads of the brilliant and conspicuous part which our gallant fellow citizen, Gen. Persifor F. Smith, took in the late severe and bloody battles before the city of Mexico. His cool and masterly maneuvers and intrepid demeanor in action are the them of universal praise.
CAPTAIN SETH B. THRONTON- This intrepid dragoon officer, who was the first to begin this war, was alas! the first to sacrifice his life in the late march of our army from Puebla. The circumstances of his death will be found fully detailed in the letters of our correspondents. Like Col. Butler, he left a bed of sickness to meet the foe, upon who he warmly desired to avenge the treachery by which he had been betrayed in the commencement of this war. He was killed by a cannon ball, in a reconnaissance, several days before the battle.
We knew Seth Thornton well. He was a companion and schoolmate of our early days, and a braver and more warm hearted soul never animated a human frame. He was born in Caroline county, Virginia. Young as he was, his life had been a checkered and eventful one. We doubt whether there is any man now living who has passed safely through so many and such imminent perils and trials as have marked the life of Capt. Thornton.
Some years ago he was a passenger, when quite a youth, on the ill-fated Pulaski; and when that steamer took fire, he was neatly the last to leave her.--When others thought only of saving their own lives, he thought only of saving the lives of the fair women and children on board. When all the passengers had been sent off in boats and on spars, Capt. Thornton, having first securely tied his body to a hen-coop, threw himself into the sea. Whilst in the water, he picked up several men, whom he also succeeded in fastening to the coop, and thus they floated for many a long and weary hour, exposed to a burning sun, and without a particle of food. One by one his companions’ dropped off, and perished in the sea.--with his face to the foe. Peace to his manes-immortality to his memory.
COL. PIERCE M. BUTLER. -The death of this gallant South Carolinian-the representative on the bloody field of Churubusco of as noble a race of heroes as any country has produced-will create a profound and extended sorrow in this country. He has been for a long time a conspicuous and prominent citizen of South Carolina, and was noted for his great resolution and indomitable courage. He possessed military qualities of the highest order, and gave promise of great success and distinction in a career which, alas! terminated at its very commencement. Col. Butler had been very ill for several days previous to the battle; but when we heard that the Palmetto flag was going into the fight, unaccompanied by h9m to whose special charge is had been committed, he broke loose from his physicians, abandoned his sick couch, and, weak, ghastly, and almost fainting, mounted his charger, and placed himself at the head of his regiment. With such an example, men far less ardent and gallant than the South Carolinians would have been prompted to deeds of superhuman daring. But there was no such incitement necessary to impel the sons of the “Hardy Hotspur of the Union,” as Prentiss once styled the gallant Palmetto state, to the most brilliant and conspicuous display of military qualities. Their services are fully noted in another part of our paper. Colonel Butler, though twice badly wounded, and weighed down by faintness and loss of blood, maintained his position until a third wound caused his death.
Lieutenant Colonel Dickinson, who was the first officer wounded at Vera Cruz, also signalized his valor on this occasion, and was again badly wounded.
COL. MORGAN-We notice with much pain that this gallant officer, who lately commanded with so much distinction the 2d regiment of Ohio volunteers, was badly wounded in the late battle. Col. Morgan is quite a young man, but is one of the most fearless and daring men in our army. He was the officer who, in command of a small body of volunteers, last winter, defeated Urra at the head of a large force of Mexican horse. He had great military talents. -He was lately appointed by the president to the command of one of the new ten regiments; and it was at the head of his regiment that he was severely wounded in the last battle.
LIEUT. JONES-This gallant officer, who acted as aid-de-camp of General Cadwallader, died of the wounds received in the engagements of the 19th and 20th of August.
THE CERRO GORDO DIVISION-The heroes of Cerro Gordo, led by their noble old general, the white-haired veteran Twiggs, won fresh laurels in both the battles of Contreros and Churubusco. The never-failing judgement of this experienced and tried officer continued largely to our success on these occasions. The division when he commanded is one of the bravest which ever went into battle, and victory has never failed to perch on it.
CAPT. CHARLES HANSON-Among the gallant officers who fell in the late battles we observe, with deep regret, the name of Captain CHARLES HANSON, of the 7th infantry. At the beginning of the Mexican contest we were favored with several interesting and well written sketches from his hand, but discovering the existence of the army order prohibiting correspondence by officers of the army before it was announced by the secretary, he apprized us of the fact, and with the nice sense of honor and a soldier’s duty, which ever marked the man, laid aside his pen. At the bombardment of Fort Brown his coolness and intrepidity were conspicuous. His gallantry in the storming-division of Worth at Monterey won for him a captaincy. At Vera Cruz, he fully shared the glories and dangers of his brethren in arms; and at Cerro Gordo his daring valor won the highest encomiums from his commanding officers-the colonel stating in his report that he was one of the first who placed his feet within the frowning Gibraltar which rested on the summit of that almost inaccessible mountain. A braver, a truer, and more generous spirit never breathed. In one of his last letters to his relatives, instead of dwelling upon his own participation in the recent battle of Cerro Gordo, his mind seem4ed occupied with the sufferings of his wounded men, and the pleasure which he derived from seeing their happiness at some extra comforts which he had been enabled to provide for them.
Capt. Hanson was one of the most accomplished gentlemen as well as one of the most chivalrous officers in the service; and, better than this, amid the temptations of the camp and the excitement of the field, maintained to the last an exalted christian character, which commanded the love and respect even of those who usually regard religion with aversion and ridicule. Most sincerely do we sympathize with his afflicted father, Mr. I. K. Hanson, of Washington, who has lost in him one of the remaining props of his old age-having already given another gallant son to his country, (Capt. W. K. Hanson,) who died from disease contracted in the glorious career in the Florida war.
Thus pass away, in the morning of their youth, the good, the generous, and the brave. These are the victims of war; these, and broken hearts, and desolated homes, its wretched trophies. [JCS]
NRR 73.073 October 2, 1847, further particulars of the mutiny among the North Carolina troops
THE MUTINY IN THE N.C. REGIMENT. - The Picayune furnishes some particulars of the affair, furnished win a letter from Buena Vista, dated August 16, which says-
Col. Paine, of the N.C. regiment, from the rigid system of discipline which he has pursued, became very unpopular in his own regiment and the Mississippi and Virginia regiments, with which he has been thrown in connexion as officer of the day. Many insults have been offered him by members of the two latter; and this feeling has gradually been ripening, till it came to a head last night. A crowd assembled about different tents of about thirty men-some his own, and some privates of the Virginia regiment-and subsequently stones were thrown at his tent. A number of men also assembled in front of his Lieut. Colonel’s tent, who was sick and vomiting, and indulged in brutal laughter at his illness. These crowds were dispersed, and two men ordered to be taken to the provost guard. The men of one company ordered to perform the duty refused, but were compelled to obedience by the Colonel. One of them, however, refused to take his arms until the Colonel held his sword over him and threatened to cut him down if he refused. That company having evinced a determination not to obey, were ordered to the rear of the Colonel’s tent, and obeyed, contrary to his expectations, and were dismissed after answering to their names. Subsequently, quite late in the evening, another posse assembled in front of the Colonel’s tent; but as he came in sight, they began to disperse in different directions. He ordered them to halt, out they refused. The Colonel then cried that he would fire if they did not halt, and ordered them into the crowd, bringing down two men, wounding one of them mortally. This prompt and decisive step quelled the mutiny, and the Colonel reported to Gen. Cushing and Gen. Wool, who approved of his conduct. They both repaired to the camp, but everything was quiet. I regret to say that the Colonel did not receive any very unanimous support from his officers on the occasion. The man who was so badly shot died last night. [JCS]
NRR 73.073-73.074 October 2, 1847, letter from the Massachusetts regiment in Mexico
THE MASSACHUSETTS REGIMENT.--The Boston Bee, publishes a letter dated “Camp Cerralvo, Mexico, Aug. 8th, 1847,” which says the Mexicans are in great numbers near the roads, are attacking every small party they meet with. The largest portion of company '‘'’were under the arrest, the cause of which is said to be the refusal of the men to wear “regular caps and boots.” The company had bought some palm leaf hats at Matamoros, with Col. Abbott’s consent, and as they are good and comfortable, the men refused the others. Col. Abbott said they had been bought for them, and they should wear them. They still persisted in their refusal. The men were ordered to get their blankets and three and a half days provision ready, and prepare to start for Monterey. The order was obeyed. They were ordered to march without their arms. Col. Abbott is much blamed by the writer. Private Blake, of Company “D” was buried on the 29th of July. [JCS]
NRR 73.074 October 2, 1847, letter from Gen. Franklin Pierce
LETTER FROM GEN. PIERCE, to a friend published in the Boston Post.
Headquarters 1st Brigade, 3d div.
U.S.A.
Mexsoque, Mexico, Aug. 27, 1847.
Since I left Vera Cruz to this hour I have had no means of communicated with the states. Although but a few months in the service,. I know what are fatigue, anxiety, and exposure. Contrary to my expectations, and contrary to my orders from the department at Washington, I was compelled, for the want to the requisite provisions for transportation, to remain for more than three weeks at Vera Cruz, and for more than four in Terra Caliente, (the vomito region, as it is called.) I left the dreaded city on the 10th of July with 2,500 men of all arms, and a train of wagons, which, when closed up, extended more than two miles.
On the 6th of August I reached Puebla, without the loss of a single wagon, with my command in fine condition. My command was attacked six time of the march, but the enemy’s force in each instance was easily dispersed, with trifling loss on our side. The National Bridge afforded the enemy great natural advantages, to which they had added breastworks on a high bluff which commanded the bridge perfectly; across the main bridge they had also thrown a barricade. I soon discovered that there was no way in which his position could be turned, and that my artillery was ineffective from the most commanding point where it could be placed. I determined, of course, to cross under the plunging fire of the enemy’s escopetas. My order to advance was admirably executed. At the moment Lt. Col. Bonham’s battalion rushed forward with a shout the enemy poured down a heavy fire, by which several of my men were severely wounded. Col. Bonham’s’ horse was shot near me, and a ball passed through the run of my hat in very disagreeable proximity to my face. Our men leaped the barricade, followed by Capt. Dueru’s company of cavalry, and in less than ten minutes the enemy were in flight in every direction, and the American flag waved upon the high bluff which they had occupied.
The Mexican force, as they said afterward, consisted of 500 men. Had they possessed courage and skill in the use of arms our loss much have been very great. You can hardly conceive the strength of the natural defences of the road over which we passed. Rumors came to me almost every night that we would be attacked by large forces the next day, but they made no where anything like a brave and stern resistance. The official reports of the great battle of Mexico will probably reach you as soon as this letter, and I shall therefore not attempt to give the minute details. It was fierce and bloody beyond anything that has occurred in this war. The battle differed in many respects from that of Buena Vista. There Gen. Taylor received the enemy in a strong position selected by himself. Our force on the 20th consisted of less than 9,000 men; the Mexican force within supporting distance and engaged, undoubtedly exceeded 30,000. We attacked him in position upon ground of his own selection, admirably fortified. -You will distinguish, so far as numbers are concerned, between the battle of the morning and that of the afternoon, although spoken of in official reports as one engagement under the designation of “the battle of Mexico.” We took, during the day, 35 pieces of artillery-an immense quantity of ammunition-800 mules and horses, and more than 2,000 prisoners-among them eight generals and any number of colonels.
The Mexican loss in killed and wounded must have been immense. Our troops buried 500 Mexicans upon the field of battle commenced in the morning at Contreras, and the loss in the afternoon was much greater. Our loss has been heavy. With this small army we could not afford to purchase many such victories at such a price; one of the regiments of my brigade (the 13th) lost in killed and wounded one third of its entire force. In killed and wounded we number not less than 1,000, and amongst them I lament to say an unusual proportion of valuable officers. My horse at full speed on the evening of the 19th, when leading my brigade through a perfect shower of round shot and shells, fell under me upon a ledge of rocks, by which I sustained a server injury by the shock and bruises, but especially by a sever sprain in my left knee, which came under him.
At first I was not conscious of any serious injury, but soon became exceedingly faint, when Dr. Ritchie, surgeon of the 12th, (a portion of my command,) who was following the advancing columns closely, administered to me as well as he could, under the circumstances. In a few moments I was able to walk with difficulty, and pressed forward to Capt. Magruder’s battery, where I found the horse of poor gallant Lt. Johnson, who had just received a mortal wound, of which he died that evening. I was permitted to take him (my own having been totally disabled,) and helped into the saddle, and continued in it until 11 o’clock that night.
It was exceedingly dark, the rain poured in torrents, and being separated from my servants and baggage, I was without tent or covering; add to this, that during the afternoon of the 19th we have gained no advantages over the enemy, who remained firmly entrenched with 7,000 men opposed to a bout 4,000 on our side, without the possibility of bringing our artillery to bear, and you will readily conceive that our situation was not the most agreeable. The morning of the 20th was, however, as brilliant as the night of the 19th was dark and gloomy. Soon after daylight the enemy’s works were carried with the bayonet, and of their 7,000 men, regular troops, under the command of Valencia, probably 5,000 cannot be found to-day. As we passed this field in pursuit of the fugitives, the scene was awful, the road and adjacent fields every where strewed with mangled bodies of the dead and dying. We continued the pursuit until 1 o’clock, when our front came up with the enemy’s strong works of Churubusco and San Antonio, where the great conflict of the afternoon commenced.
At San Angel, dispositions having been made to attack in reverse the enemy’s works on the San Augustine road, Gen. Scott ordered me to march my brigade in concert with that of the intrepid Gen. Shields, across the open country between Santa Catarina and the above named road, in order to cut off the enemy’s retreat. We gained the position sought, and although the enemy’s line was perfectly formed, and extended as far as the eye could reach in either direction, they were attacked vigorously and successfully. Arriving at a ditch which it was impossible for my horse to leap, I dismounted and hurried forward without thinking of my injury, at the head of my brigade, for 200 or 300 yards, when turning suddenly upon my knee; the cartilage of which had been seriously injured, I fainted and fell upon the bank in the direct rang and within perfect reach of the enemy’s fire. That I escaped seems to me now providential. The rout and overthrow of the whole Mexican force soon became complete, and we could easily have taken the city; but Gen. Scott was met with a proposition for an armistice, (after demanding the surrender of the city,) with a view to open negotiations for peace.
In my judgment the army, full of ardor and confidence, was humanely and wisely restrained. Major Gen. Quitman, Gen. Persifer F. Smith, and myself were appointed commissioners to meet the Mexican commissioners to settle the terms of the armistice. I had not taken off my spurs or slept an hour for two nights, in consequence of my engagements and the pain of my knee. I obeyed the summons, was helped into my saddle, and rode two and a half miles Tacubaya, where the commission assembled at the house of Mr. McIntosh, the British consult general. Our conference commenced late in the afternoon, and at 4 o’clock the next morning, the articles were signed.
That I was thoroughly exhausted you will readily imagine. I slept an hour or two that morning at Gen. Worth’s quarters, and my sprained knee, which was by far my most serious injury, has been daily improving, and to-day I ride without much inconvenience. I have lost several dear friends, although our acquaintance had been of short duration. I visited the hospital yesterday, and saw officers and men with shots in all parts of their persons. Although all who were not really dying seemed cheerful, and many who had lost limbs in high spirits, still I sickened at the sight.
My general health has been good. I have been either in my saddle or on my feet every rod since I left Vera Cruz, which can be said by few officers in my command; for almost all were obliged at some point of the march, in consequence of the change of climate, water, exposure, &c., to avail themselves of corps, accompanied me, and has been uniformly well. He is an excellent, agreeable gentleman, and admirable officer, and I regret that, having been left with Gen. Quitman’s division of San. Augustine, he had no opportunity to participate in the battles of the 19th and 20th.
Now a word with regard to the great object of this war-peace. There is no doubt that Santa Anna is sincerely desirous of peace. Commissioners to treat have been appointed, and met Mr. Trist this afternoon at 4. My belief is that piece will be the result, although no man can speak with confidence. [JCS]
73.075, Col. 1 Oct. 2, 1847 Letter Concerning Gen. Gideon Johnson Pillow at Cerro Gordo
First regiment of Pennsylvania Volunteers. Our readers will recollect that in the publications and letter writing that grew out of the difficulty between Gen. Pillow and the officers of the Tennessee regiment under Col. Haskell, that some severe reflections were made on the conduct of the Pennsylvania regiment under Col. Wynkoop, at the battle of Cerro Gordo.
Duly sensible of the honor of our native state, we wrote Col. W. on the subject, and forwarded him some of the publications alluded to, and now give his reply below.
This letter was left a few days since at our office, during our absence, with the seal violated, the letter foiled, and the contends partially mutilated, and in consequence it have given us some difficulty to decypher it. Some of the words are entirely gone, but these we have supplied to the best of our judgement, in order to complete the sense, and in each instance that we have done so, we have included those words in parentheses.
The letter, it will be perceived, is dated two months back, and ought to have been received some time since. We are unable to ascertain who was thecareful, prompt, and trustworthy messenger to whom Col. Wynkoop intrusted it. We make no comments on the letter, as it speaks for itself in plain, unvarnished statement of facts, and is a full indication of the gallant men under the command of Col. W. The italics are underscored in the original.
Castle of Perote, Mexico, July 6
I perceive through the medium of the numerous papers which you had the
kindness to send me, that an altercation has occurred between Gen. Pillow
and his Tennessee volunteers. (2d regiment,) relative to the battle
of Cerro Gordo, and I regret that the correspondence has made it necessary
to explain my own position, action, and instructions, during that fight.
I have a rooted distaste for this kind of controversy, and am aware that the pen of a commander is not always the best evidence of the chivalry of his command. I commanded the 1 st regiment of Pennsylvania volunteers-a body of men equal, I think, to any in the service, and which possesses at least, the admirable characteristic of always obeying orders.
Upon the field at Cerro Gordo, my men acted strict and steady obedience to every order given by me-consequently, if their conduct was improper, it was through my imbecility or cowardice, or the fault of the officers controlling me.
My orders were received directly from Gen. Pillow, and were given to me in presence of my lieut. Colonel and the general's personal staff. A strict obedience to these orders, brought me before the batteries left in front, and when I arrived in position, I was compelled to about face my party, and maneuvere for the charge by the rear rank.
This, although an error, would not have been fatal to the result, because my men had been drilled to the movement, and did not find themselves embarrassed by it.
I was ordered by Gen. Pillow to take a position designated (to me by) his fingers, and was directed to reach that position by a countermarch from the right flank [which was an error, (as we) came on the ground left in front.*] Two hundred yards before (we reached) the position the fired opened, and we walked through it (and halted) where directed.-Gen. Pillow, when I received these instructions, told me to hold the position until he gave me orders to (move.) The first signal agreed upon was a bugle, but (as that) instrument could not be found, he promised to send me an officer with the order.
The order never came. I sent my adjutant three times to request permission to make the attack, and another officer once. General Pillow could not be found. My command was tanding in full view and at short bearing distance from these batteries, and kept there until a private came to me with instructions from Gen. P. to withdraw my command. I refused to move unless the order was conveyed by an officer, and remained until an officer carried the instructions.
I had twelve men shot down in attained the position, and during the whole of the work my men behaved bravely and steadily. They have since that time given me ample evidence of their quality, and I have never doubted them.
I have merely stated simple facts relative to the conduct and control of my own command. I do not criticise even Gen. Pillow's plans or arrangements, and would not have written thus far had not the correspondence or controversy involved, in some degree, the reputation of my command.
Very Respectfully, your ob't. serv't.,
Francis M. Wynkoop,
Col. 1 st regt. Penn. Vol.
To Wm. L. Hodge, Esq., editor New Orleans Commercial Bulletin.
[DCK]
NRR 73.075, Col. 2 October 2, 1847 Letter From an Officer About the Recent Battles in Mexico
From a private letter, written by a gentleman of the army after the battles near Mexico of the 19th and 20th August, the Missouri Republican has been permitted to make the following interesting extracts. The letter is dated at San Augustine on the 25th of August.
"Our arms are again victorious, but at a fearful cost of life and blood. We have lost one thousand in killed and wounded, and among the killed are the best officers of the army. Capt. Capron and Capt. Burke are with the buried, having been killed dead at the storming of Churubusco, where we lost in three hour seven hundred officers and men.
"On the 19th our division advanced upon the enemy in position at Contreros, their first work, defended by then thousand men, with twenty-two pieces of artillery, and admirably entrenched.
"The advanced guard was commanded by Captain Robers and Capt. Porter and by them the attack was commenced. Capt. Robers deployed in front of their battery, about one thousand yards from their lines, and advanced steadily under the fire of shells, round, grape, and canister shot, driving in all their pickets and skirmishers, and took his position under shelter of a cover of rocks and a deep ravine, about two hundred yards from their first line of batteries and breastworks, where he remained until the rest of the division and Genereal Quitman's supporting command had come up to join the attack. It was found impossible, in consequence of the nature of the ground, considered impassable by the Mexicans, to form the order of battle and assault the works until morning, our men having made a long march, and having labored for hours in making roads and hauling artillery and ammunitions. The whole army took cover within musket range of the enemy, who poured upon us all the time their fire from ten thousand muskets, and slept on our arms during the night.
"At two o'clock in the morning, under cover of darkness and rain, our positions were taken, and at seven the assault was made. The works were all carried by the bayonet in less than an hour, and the ten thousand Mexicans put to perfect route. The scene cannot be described; eight hundred and fifty Mexicans were dead upon the field, between three and four hundred were wounded, and fifteen hundred taken prisoners: and their twenty-two pieces of a artillery, and great quantities ammunition and other material of war, captured. Our loss in killed and wounded here was less than two hundred. Capt. Hanson of the 7th infantry, and Lieut. Johnston of the 1 st artillery, were the only officers killed. We pushed forward to this place in pursuit of the retreating enemy, when the lancers made a stand, and continued to fire upon us through the roads and field up to Churubusco, where the most terrible battle ever fought on this continent took place. This assault by the bayonet has redeemed the impeached valor of the Mexican army Gen. Twiggs', Gen. Worth's, and Gen. Pillow's divisions were all concentrated here, and for two hours and a half every man was brought under the fire of the works. The strength of this position can hardly be conceived. We had but one approach, water surrounding it on all sides but one. This approach was defended by twenty-five thousand men, behind the most approved field works, of great strength, and seemingly impregnable. Of course they were carried, but the field and works, covered with between three and four thousand killed and wounded on both sides, showed the terrible cost. Fifty of our officers were killed and wounded.
"Before Gen. Worth had joined our division in this attack, he had stormed and carried the works at San Antonio, with no little loss. You may well imagine that our division was too much exhausted and cut to pieces to push on further. We had been fighting some eight hours, and had marched nearly eight miles; all were worn out with hunger, thirst and fatigue. As for myself, I had eaten nothing but the half of a hard biscuit for forty-eight hours. Gen. Worth's division, more fresh, pushed on, and stormed and carried another strong fort before dark, within one mile of the city gates. Capt. Phil Kearny lost an arm here, but he is doing well, and is in no danger. He was greatly distinguished, and has covered himself with glory.
"The 20th of August, 1847, will be a day never to be forgotten. Its history is written blond, and the halo of glory that it wreathes upon the arms of our country is too deeply ensanguined with the blood of Americans, to rejoice the army that has covered itself with imperishable renown. Our camp is filled with mourning, and the reflection that the greater grief is yet to be carried to the hearths and homes of those who have fallen is too sad for utterance. What a carnage for a single day! The sun that rose on the 20th shed its glad light upon seven thousand men, full of life and hope, who strewed the battle field with their scattered limbs and corpses when night closed in! The day was tumultuous, revengeful, and bloody: the night gloomy, fearful, and dark-the stillness only broken by the groans of the wounded and dying.
"Of course, all the ordnance of the four positions that were assaulted were captured, and with them ammunition and stores of every kind. We have three thousand prisoners-among them ex-President Annaya-the commanding general of the army, (Rincon,) and ten other general officers. We hardly know what to do with our prisoners and stores. Some forty deserters from our army are among the prisoners, who will be hanged, so soon as we can have a military commission convened for their trial. Several Mexican officers, paroled at Cerro Gordo, are also prisoners-they will swing with the deserters.
"You will now ask, what is to be the result of all this? A question I am not able to answer. The Meixicans agreed to a truce, with a view to appoint commissioners to negotiate a peace. An armistice was yesterday agreed upon for that purpose, and I trust in God that peace will follow immediately. Having destroyed the main approaches and defences of the city, it will be an easy matter to march into it, should hostility be renewed.
"Major Mills was killed, his horse having run off with him and carried him into the enemy's works, where he was lanced after he had surrendered his sword."
Under date of the 27th, it is said: "The prospect of peace brightens; I shall be at home in January, I believe." [DCK]
NRR 73.076 Oct. 2, 1847 letter from Palmetto regiment
Private letter from an officer of the Palmetto regiment to his relatives.
San Augstin, Mexico, Aug. 28, 1847
It is with no small degree of pleasure that I have just learned that a bearer of despatches is to leave to night at 10 o'clock, for the states, and write in haste merely to say that I am alive and well. We arrived here on the 19th, (10 miles from the city of Mexico) and our regiment, with the New York volunteers engaged the enemy on the morning of the 20th, some three miles from this place, killing about 150 and taking 217 prisoners. We had only one man wounded. We again engaged the enemy on the evening of the same day, and would to God I could say that we had been as fortunate as in the morning. In this last engagement we lost our noble, gallant, and much beloved colonel; he was shot through the head, and never breathed after he fell. He was in conversation with me at the time of receiving his death wound. A braver man never lived; and in his death the regiment has lost a father, and I a best friend. There was hardly an officer or man who was not hit in some way or other. I was struck twice without receiving any injury, once on my cap and once on my thigh, cutting a hole in my pants, and leaving the mark of the ball on my thigh. Lt. Col. Dickinson received a severe wound through the ankle-joint, just after the death of Col. Butler. (The command of the regiment, of course, then devolved on Major A.H. Gladden, for the balance of the engagement.) In company H, Captain De Saussure was slightly wounded in two places, his coat receiving evidence of having been in battle without being hurt, all being struck by spent balls. Sergeant Beggs was severely wounded while bearing the regimental colors. James B. Kennerly, Mooney, Corley, Purse, W.S. Johnson, and E. Price, were severely wounded-all doing well. Killed; Tim Kelley and S. Wiggins, on the field. Wm. Devlin since died of this wounds. Of this company 26 were killed and wounded-all but those mentioned were slightly. T. Price, J.P. Cantwell, R. Wadell, J.T. Watts and W. Barkelow have all received flesh wounds, but are doing well. This company went into action with forty-nine, all told. I am proud to say, that the Palmetto regiment behaved nobly and gallantly; they stood for one hour and a half, the most galling fire that was ever poured on troops, and that they never once faltered. Our brigade was engaged with at least nine thousand men. At one time we were nearly surrounded, the enemy firing from the front, right, left, and in the rear, and we had at last to charge, when the Mexicans were made to flee before our bayonets. We went into the fight with two hundred and fifty-two privates and had killed and wounded, officers and men, one hundred and thirty-seven. Carolina may well be proud of the Palmetto boys. Well did they sustain the honor and chivalry of the state. We would have been in the city had it not been that propositions of peace having been made by the Mexicans. The commissioners are now sitting. It is thought that peace will be made. [KAS]
NRR 73.076 October 2, 1847, list of killed and wounded in the Palmetto Regiment
LIST OF KILLED AND WOUNDED IN THE PALMETTO REGIMENT.
We have received from an altogether reliable source, the following list of the killed and wounded of the Palmetto regiment of South Carolina volunteers, in the recent engagements at the gates of the capital of Mexico.
Field and staff -Killed; Col P M Butler, Wounded: Lieutenant Colonel J P Dickinson, severely; Capt J D Blanding, A C S, slightly; Adjutant J Cantey, severely.
Company A -Killed; Corporal E Wilder. Wounded; 2d Lieut S. Sumter, slightly; Corporal W T Norton, severely; privates B Caughman do; J M Smith. do; T Black, do, since dead; C H Moody slightly; E Hunt, do; J Dunn, do.
Company B -Killed; W R Davis. Wounded; T Charles, dangerously, (since dead;) D McHenry, dangerously, (since dead,) J Younge, dangerously, (since dead;) corporal E C Postell, severely; private J Faucette, do; sergeant G W Curtis, slightly; corporal A S Hood, do; privates T Cahill, do; J Connor. do; T O Estes, do; M D Hood, do; T Robbins, do; S Terrill, do.
Company C - Killed; Win R Helton. Wounded; Capt K S Moffatt, slightly; 2d Lieut R G Billings, severely; sergeants J M Gay and G Waters, do; corporals W G Caston, do, (since dead;) S Horton slightly; privates L Bradley, severely; W F Hunter, do; J Villipigue, do; F Ballard, slightly; J G Wooten, do; E Humphries, slightly.
Company D -Killed; 2d Lieut Adams; private T F Tillman. Wounded; 2d Lieut J Abney, severely; corporal W B Brooks, dangerously, privates J Goff, severely; J Whitaker, do; J Addison, do; F Posey, do; R S Key, do; W F Unthank, do; J Lark, slightly; E Simpkins, do; R Solman, slightly.
Company F -Killed; none. Wounded; sergeants J J D Walker and J N Hicks, severely; corporals J F Quinn, slightly; J McCollum, severely; privates J Campson, do; E M Gilbert, do; M Hartman, do; T J Mackey, do; A Murken, do; C H Pratt, do; J Valentine, do; J Weatherby, do: J R Mott, slightly; J H Vannoy, do; J D Wright, do; J C Wagner, slightly.
Company G -Killed; none. Wounded; 1st Lieut J R Clark, dangerously; 2d Lieut J W Steen, slightly, 3d Lieut J R Davis, do; sergeant S T Row; severely; corporals J A McCreight, do; T J Myers, do; J McNeil do; J Cain, do, (since dead;) W Nelson, severely; W B McCreight, do; H Bone, slightly; M B Travis, do; S Camak, do; M B Stanley, do; S Newman, do; R J Barber, do; G W Sanders, do; R J Gladney, do; W M Goodlet, do; S Alexander, do; J Romedy, do-23.
Company H - Killed; privates Timothy Kelley, Shedrick Wiggins. Wounded; Captain W D DeSaussure, slightly; sergeant H Beard, do; T Beggs, severely; S L Percival, slightly; J M Niller, do, privates J B Kennerly, severely; W F Putse, do; Wm Devlin, do, (since dead;) P Price, do; E Price, do; J P Cantwell, do; R Waddell, do; J Y Watts, do; W Barkelow, do; M Brown, slightly; H J Caughman, do; J Campbell, do; J T Lupo, do; E G Randolph, do; J D Stanford, do; D Polock, do-24.
Company K -Killed; 2d Lieut W R Williams; private J Slattery. Wounded; corporal W B Eaves, slightly; private B Creeghan, mortally, (since dead;) private J Braughkam, dangerously.
Company L -Killed; sergeant J Denson. Wounded; corporal J Spears, severely; privates M B O’Neale, do; G H Abney, do; Wm Shepperd, do; C. Wood, do; M Clopton, do; privates V R Gary, slightly; J Warner, do; W R Waldrop, do.
Aggregate in killed and wounded, 137. [JCS]
NRR 73.076, Col. 2, Oct. 2, 1847 Notice of the Difficulties Among the Mexicans in Treating for Terms
The private correspondence of the Diario de la Marina represents that the Mexican government had some difficulty in inducing any one to accept the office of commissioners but the commissioners we have before named. Gen. Herrera, Gen. Mora y Villamil and Senores Couto, and Atristain were engaged on the 28th of August in negotiating. According to some accounts, if Gen. Santa Anna did not obtain fair terms, and such as would save the national honor, the war would be continued.
Others said that peace would be made at all hazards. In regard to this, however, the editor of the Diario says that there are two notable letters from Mexico touching on the matter. One of them declared that congress would not consent to convene in the capital, but offered to meet in Querataro, from which fears were entertained that it was their design to disapprove of any treaty which might be made.
This view of their probable action was confirmed by the face that the executive by his own confession, did not possess the power to make a peace. And furthermore, says the Diario, there were many general officers in Mexico at the last dates who declared that they would resign, or which is the same thing, abandon Santa Anna if a treaty should be concluded.-From all which it would follow that the position of the president was extremely critical.
On the other hand, accounts from Queretaro and other states agree that there is a league among eight of the states to resist to the last extremity; that even should the city of Mexico succumb, not an inch of the territory sought by the United States should be conceded. The editor of the Diario then draws the conclusion from all he can learn that it was altogether probable that even should a peace be concluded it would not put an end to the hostilities, and that Paredes would not fail to sustain hostilities.
However this may be, we are not the less solicitous that Gen. Scott should succeed in forming some kind of treaty with Santa Anna's government, which treaty will be the more valuable should it receive the sanction of congress. Give us but this treaty, and the Mexicans may well be allowed to wrangle among themselves as to the propriety of it. It will be quite an easy matter for the United States to hold their own under it.
The Diario remarks:-Notwithstanding, we do not think it improbable that the commissioners will bring their labors to a successful conclusion, and that for the ratification of their work, and to supply in a measure the absence of their work, and to supply in a measure the absence of congress, that an assembly of notables will be formed in Mexico. At the same time we foresee, by the general tenor of the correspondence from Mexico. That the end of hostilities has not yet arrived, and that assuredly the treaty which may be concluded will not terminate them. [DCK]
NRR 73.076, Col. 2 Oct. 2, 1847, Forces Under Gen. Winfield Scott as He Marched on Mexico City
The amount of effective force under Gen. Scott, before Mexico, is variously stated. Accounts from our officers of the numbers engaged is the late battles estimate them at but little over 7,000 men. Our own calculation was, that he left Puebla with about 10,000 men. The Mexican paper now published in the city of Puebla makes the following staement of Gen. Scott's force.
| Brought by Scott to Puebla | 7,500 | |
| Volunteers arrived with Pillow | 2,000 | |
| Do do Cadwallader | 2,500 | |
| Do do Pierce | 2,500 | |
| Total number arrived | 14,000 | |
| Sick, deserters, &c. | -1,000 | |
| Garrison left in Puebla | -1,000 | |
| [total not accompanying force] | -2,000 | |
| Force which marched upon Mexico | 11,200 |
NRR 73.076 Oct. 2, 1847 Santa Fe, murder of Lieut. Brown; Indian attack, disease
SANTA FE- We learn from a letter from a volunteer, that Major Edmonson, with the companies under the command of Captain Horine, Holloway, McMilan, and McKinney, and three companies of the battalion under command of Major Williack, arrived at Fort Leavenworth on the 11inst. All the troops destined for New Mexico were met between Santa Fe and the Arkansas Bend. Matter appeared to be in a peaceable and settled condition in New Mexico, at the time of the departure of the volunteers from Santa Fe.
Six of the prisoners charged with the murder of Lieut. Brown, Jas. McClenalian, and Chas. Quisenberry, were hung in the 3d. of Aug., under the sentence of drum head court martial.
Major Edmonson is bringing home with him the remains of the late Lieuts. B.F. and G.E. Lackland, for interment in St. Louis county. Capt. Horine has likewise with him the ashes of Charles Quisenberry and James McClenahan.
Captain Smithson, of the third regiment of Missouri volunteers, was attacked on the 1 st of August, near Pawnee Fort, by about four hundred Indians, in which the latter lost some six or eight killed, and as of twenty-four horses which broke loose at the time of the attack. Two of the volunteers had died of the measles, which were very prevalent; their names were Paul Haney and George Nowland. [KAS]
NRR 73.077 October 2, 1847, Gen. Sterling Price’s journey to Fort Leavenworth
ARRIVAL OF THE GEN. PRICE, DR DECAMP. U.S.A., AND OTHER AT FORT LEAVENWORTH-PROGRESS OF THE TROOPS MARCHING TO SANTA FE.
We learn from Fort Leavenworth, that General Price, Dr. De Camp, U. States army, and others, in advance of the volunteers whose term of service in New Mexico had expired, arrived at the post on the 17th from Santa Fe. They left Santa Fe on the 11th of August, proceeding by easy marches to Moro. When they took their departure, all was quiet in New Mexico, which was then held by three companies of U. States dragoons and three companies of volunteers who had re-enlisted under Major Walker.
On the 15th of August they met Lieut. Allen, with Captain McNair’s company of mounted men, and they encamped together on the Moro. Next day, Colonel Easton, with this battalion of infantry, reached the same point; he had with him a large train of government wagons, and a large drove of beef cattle. On the 17th two companies, commanded by Captains Shepard and Jones, passed the camp at the Moro, where Dr. De Camp and others were waiting for the arrival of Col. Price and Mr. Rich, sutler to Price’s regiment. They did not come up on this day. Mr. Rich had his team, wagon, and contents swept away and everything destroyed, by a sudden and terrible mountain storm, while on his way from Santa Fe. He was so fortunate, however, as to recover his trunk, which contained a large amount of gold dust, four miles down the mountain cannon. On the 18th, the company moved the camp three miles, still waiting for the volunteers to arrive, and at night they were robbed of three animals. Next day the volunteers having arrived, they all took up their march for the United States.
On the 20th -we copy from memoranda kept by one of the company-we encountered one of those terrible storms which occasionally visit the plains, and had to half and hold our teams, to keep them from running away. Aug. 21-It rained all night, and we awoke wet and comfortless, with such bleating, braying, and swearing around us, as it seldom heard here, or any where else. Aug. 22-Met Capt. Murphy and Wm. McKnight, traders, with a train of thirty wagons. Aug. 23-Met Capt. Korponay, with his company of mounted men, and forty government wagons.
Aug. 24-Met this morning two companies Missouri mounted men, and I P M, encamped with another, on Rabbit ear creek. August 26-it rained hard all night; the morning is cold and rainy, and duplicate overcoats are absolutely necessary-met one company of mounted men with 60 government wagons. August 26-Met Capt. Hook’s company of Illinois volunteer infantry, with a large wagon train. We almost met Colonel Newby and Lieutenant Col. Boyakin.
August 28-Met Capt. Kinney’s company of Illinois volunteers, at the upper crossing of the Cimarone-a large government train with them. Aug. 29-Met four companies of Illinois volunteers, under command of Major Donaldson, with a government train of wagons, and four hundred government cattle. September 3-Reached the crossing of the Arkansas, after spending a comfortless night in the rain.
Sept. 6-Met Mr. Moldstein, a trader, with his wagons. He informed us, that Col. Ralls, with two companies of mounted volunteers, and a large government rain was on the lower Cook Creek road, a few miles distant. Sept. 7-Col. Price, Maj. Walker and Mr. Rich, with a small escort, turned to the right, to intercept Col. Ralls, for the purpose of getting the mail. The day proved rainy, and they reached our camp late much fatigued.
General Price, Mr. Rich, and Dr. De Camp, and a small escort, left this day, with provisions and blankets only, for Fort Leavenworth, where they arrived on the 17th, having marched more than forty miles a day for more than seven days, and that with tired animals, and at the end of an eight hundred miles journey. [JCS]
NRR 73.077, Col. 3 October 2, 1847 Vera Cruz in Its Palmy Days
Vera Cruz In Its Palmy Days-In these days of capture by another nation of the great commercial port of the enemy, it may not be uninteresting to go back upon its history and note what by general consent has been considered its palmy days. Much of this information was obtained directly from the official records at Havana, which contain a full detail of the commercial transactions of the different dependencies of old Spain. The subjoined sketch of the commerce of Vera Cruz, may be depended upon as authentic, up to the date given-viz. The year 1810.
The exports of specie from Vera Cruz, that year amounted to a total of $46,775,240! Of which $21,774,240 was by individuals and 25,000,000 by the government authorities; and the coinage for the same year amounted to the enormous sum of $26,000,000.
That same year there were on the road between Mexico and Vera Cruz the vast number of over 54,000 mules engaged in the transport of the different products of the country, of which specie formed the principal item. There is one article of export, however, particularly worth of note, viz: that to Havana alone 27,000 barrels of Mexican ground flour found its way, and was there used in preference to that received from the mother country, and it appears that had not the course of trade been changed by the troubles of the two nations, that Cuba to within the last two years would have drawn her main supply of breadstuffs to from Vera Cruz.
The imports for 1810 amounted to the value of $20,430,406 and the exports to 28,277,533. This trade, exclusive of government vessels, was carried on in the arrivals of 291 square rigged craft, and in the clearances of 239 of the same kind. The amount and value of goods entered and cleared on the government arrivals are not included in this statement, but they of course would swell this aggregate to a very considerable degree. [DCK]
NRR 73.080 October 2, 1847, steamers in the Gulf
GULF STEAMERS. A Pensacola letter of the 18th in the Norfolk Beacon, says; “There are five steamers in the Gulf of Mexico at this time. The Scorpion, Spitfire, Vixen, Scourge, and Petrita, besides three sloops of war, three bomb vessels, and of gun-boats and store ships. I know not how many.
The U.S. steamer Mississippi, now at Pensacola has been ordered to the Gosport navy yard for repairs.” [JCS]
NRR 73.082, Col. 2 October 9, 1847 Gen. Winfield Scott and Nicholas Philip Trist Reported on Good Terms
Gen. Scott and Mr. Trist.-The Union says:-"As to Gen. Scott and Mr. Trist, the last letters received represent them, we understand, to be on confiding and confidential terms. [DCK]
NRR 73.082, Col. 2 October 9, 1847 Additional Regiments of Volunteers for American Service
The additional regiments of volunteers, called for by the last requisition of the president, are rapidly organizing and preparing for the service. The west has responded to the call with great spirits. East Tennessee, called on for only five companies, has offered fifteen, and the ten that have not been accepted, asked to formed into a new regiment. In Indiana the requisition had been more than met, and in Kentucky thirty two full companies offered their services to the governor. He had been called upon for twenty companies, and of course had to refuse twelve. Orders have been directed by the governor to the field officers and companies which have been accepted and commissioned to rendezvous at Louisville on Monday, the 4th of October next, to be inspected and mustered into the service of the U. States.
The requisition made just before upon Maryland and the District of Columbia, for an additional battalion has been complied with. The battalion under Col. Hughes are by this time at Vera Cruz.
The Illinois regiment was hardly fairly called for, before we had accounts of their being en route for N. Orleans, from whence they embarked for Vera Cruz. [DCK]
NRR 73.083 October 9, 1847, New Jersey volunteers said for Mexico, riot among them
The New Jersey Battalion of volunteers recently mustered into the service of the United States, by Captain M. Knowlton, United States army, sailed from N. York for Vera Cruz on the 29th Sept., in the ship Senator. It consists of four companies, and an aggregate of 343 men.
The Trenton News says: -“We understand that a portion of the men of the New Jersey battalion, when required to go on board yesterday to sail for the seat of war, mutinied and stoned the officers. -This was owing to the treatment that Captain Napton was received from the Colonel. When our informant left the riot had been quelled.” [JCS]NRR 73.083, Col. 1 October 9, 1847 Court-martial acquits Col. Bennet Riley for His Conduct at Cerro Gordo
Court martial-Cerro Gordo-A court martial was at Puebla, on the 28th July, at the request of Riley, whose conduct in some reports of the battle of Cerro Gordo is represented as improper-the verdict was this-Col. Riley's conduct was deserving of the highest praise, which verdict was appointed by Gen. Scott. [DCK]
NRR 73.083 October 9, 1847, Gen. Sterling Price to return to Santa Fe
Gen. Price -The Jefferson Enquirer says, that General Price intends returning to Santa Fe this fall to resume his command of the forces in New Mexico. [JCS]NRR 73.083, Col. 2 October 9, 1847 Six Companies of Mounted Georgia Troops at Mobile en Route to Mexico
Georgia troops.-Six companies of mounted men, comprising the Georgia battalion of cavalry, under command of Lieut. James S. Calhoun, of Columbia, arrived at Mobile on the 26th alt., en route for Mexico. Four companies of infantry from Georgia were daily expected at Mobile. [DCK]
NRR 73.083 October 9, 1847, the Encarnacion prisoners released
Release of the Incarnation prisoners.
At length we have the pleasure (says the New Orleans Picayune of the 28th ult.) of announcing the release of our brave countrymen who were taken prisoners at Encarnation and other places by the Mexicans. It will be recollected that Col. De Russy, with his command, was dispatched from Tampico some months since to effect the release of American prisoners. Yesterday the United States steamship McKim arrived in the river from Vera Cruz, having on board a number of these men. About thirty five of the released prisoners (teamsters) remained at Tampico in the employ of the United States Quartermaster at that place. [JCS]NNR 73.084 October 9, 1847, the Massachusetts Whig convention on the war with Mexico and annexation of territory
The Massachusetts whig state convention, held a meeting at Springfield on the 29th Sept.-GEORGE ASHMUN, esq., of Springfield was chosen to preside, assisted by vice presidents and four secretaries. The convention being organized, proceeded to ballot.
For candidate for governor -GEO. N. BRIGGS received 571 votes, 22 scattering votes. Mr. B. was then declared to be unanimously selected as the whig candidate.
For lieut. governor -JOHN REED, esq., received 572, the whole of the votes taken and was declared unanimously nominated.
On the motion of Mr. Bell, of Boston, Messrs. Bell, Simmons of Norfolk, Pierce of Essex, Sprague, of Plymouth, Bacon, of Barnstable, Adams, of Bristol, Davenport, of Worchester, Conkey, of Hampshire, Calhoun, of Hampden, Dewey, of Baltimore, and Osborn, of Dukes, were appointed a committee to prepare and report resolutions for the consideration of the convention.
Mr. Phillips, of Salem, moved that it is inexpedient to nominate a candidate for president by this convention. Mr. Curtis, of Boston, moved that the motion be laid upon the table, which was carried. -The convention then took a recess till 2 ½ o’clock.
In the afternoon, Mr. Webster spoke an hour and 20 minutes, and, the Boston Atlas says, made one of the best speeches he ever made.
The following are the resolutions of the committee which were unanimously adopted:
Resolved, That it is matter of heartfelt congratulation to the members of this convention, and to the state at large, that the long established and well known conservative policy of the whigs of Massachusetts has been able hitherto to sustain in healthful action the general industry and varied interests of the old commonwealth, notwithstanding the manifold embarrassments created and the dangers apprehended and realized from the disorganizing tendencies of the leading measures of the national government.
-That whenever the democracy of Massachusetts shall be able to set before us a model of their radial doctrines in actual practice, in any of our sister states, where justice is more fully and more ably administered, where legislation is more pure, and more fairly applied to all interests and classes; where the execution of the laws is more impartial and just; where the equality of persons and the security of their rights are practically greater; and where the acquisition of wealth, of knowledge, and of power is more open to all; where education in all its branches is more fully imparted to all classes, or the institutions of benevolence more fully sustained; where the necessaries, the comforts, and the conveniences of life are more universally and more equally diffused; and where the function of government-leading to these results-have been fulfilled and sustained at less expense than in Massachusetts give heed to their complaints, regard their denunciations, believe in their professions, and trust in the recently selected head and embodiment of their principles.
-That, on a careful examination and review of the administration of George N. Briggs and John Reed, they have eminently fulfilled the requisitions of the constitution, have been distinguished for their zeal and fidelity, uprightness and ability, in the discharge of their duties to the state; that they are, in the judgment of the convention, entitled to the confidence and approbation of their constituents, and are therefore unanimously recommended to the electors of this commonwealth as the whig candidates for re-election to the respective offices of governor and lieutenant governor of the commonwealth.
-That it is a matter of regret that the examination and review of the acts of our national rulers is so much less satisfactory than those of the state. -While the bounties of heaven have been profusely showered over our land, and have enabled us as individuals to become “ministering angels” to the wretchedness and suffering of less favored climes-as a nation, our rulers have been shredding our blood and exhausting our treasures, in carrying the calamities, the desolations, and all the nameless horrors of war, through the length and breadth of the land of our neighbors.
-That the annexation of Texas gave the first strong impulse to the desire the acquisition of foreign lands, and created a national appetite, which, if not seasonably corrected, may lead to the destruction of our most cherished rights and the overthrow of our civil institutions, in the engulfing vortex of military despotism.
-That the war with Mexico-the predicted result, if not the legitimate offspring, of the annexation of Texas-began in a palpable violation of the constitution, and the usurpation of the powers of congress by the president, and carried on in reckless indifference and disregard of the blood and treasure of the nation-can have no object which can be effected but the acquisition of Mexican territory, under the circumstances of the country, unless under adequate securities for the protection of human liberty-can have no other probable result than the ultimate advancement of the sectional supremacy of the slave power.
-That the whigs of Massachusetts are not prepared for this result; they see, therefore, no rational or justifiable objects in the protracted prosecution of the war, and rejoice in every manifestation of the return of peace; for, although sanctioned by a portion of the whigs in its earliest movements, as a measure for the preservation of the army-then no peril by the unauthorized act of the president, yet the war itself, while prosecuted to secure the sectional supremacy of the slave power, or the conquest and dismemberment of the Mexican republic, has never had, and never can have, the sanction and approbation of the whigs of Massachusetts.
-That the great and permanent interests of the American Union as it is, and the highest and brightest hopes of the liberties and the rights of our race on the American continent, require of the great North American republic to stay her hands, already too deeply stained in the blood shed in the unnatural war between the two great republics of this continent, and inscribe on her standard, now waiving victoriously over the halls of the Montezumas, and deeply on the hearts of her ruler, as her well considered and unchangeable purpose, “Peace with Mexico without dismemberment, No addition of Mexican territory to the American Union.”
-That, in the judgment of this convention, this course of policy and action would form a basis on which the whole of the country might honestly rally and securely stand, while it would place our country eminently in the right, and show to the world that we are, as a nation, as invincible in moral principle as in military power, and that we can conquer a peace with Mexico by first conquering in ourselves the raging thirst of military glory and the mad ambition of foreign conquest.
-That if this course of policy shall be rejected, and the war shall be prosecuted to the final subjugation or dismemberment of Mexico, the whigs of Massachusetts now declare, and put this declaration of their purpose on record, that Massachusetts will never consent that Mexican territory, however acquired, shall become a part of the American Union unless on the unalterable condition that “there shall be neither slavery nor involuntary servitude therein, otherwise than in the punishment of crime.”
-That, in making this declaration of her purpose, Massachusetts announces no new principle of action in regard to her sister states, and makes no new application of principles already acknowledged. -She merely states the great American principle embodied in our Declaration of Independence-the political equality of persons in the civil states; the principle adopted in the legislation of the states under the confederation, and sanctioned by the constitution, in the admission of new states formed from the only territory belonging to the Union at the adoption of the constitution-it is, in short, the imperishable principle set forth in the ever memorable ordinance of 1787, which has for more than a century been the fundamental law of human liberty in the great valley of the lakes, the Ohio and Mississippi, with what unparalleled results, let the great and growing states of Ohio, Indiana, Illinois, Michigan, and Wisconsin answer and declare.
-That the whigs of Massachusetts regard the great interests of agriculture, commerce, and manufactures as so inseparably connected that national measures injurious to either are injurious to all; that the increased and rapidly increasing agricultural products of the great west require great and increasing facilities of commercial transport; that the regulation of commerce, both internal and external, is placed by the constitution among the clearly expressed and undoubted powers of congress; and that the improvement of the great lakes and rivers of the west by the construction among the clearly expressed and undoubted powers of congress; and that the improvement of the great lakes and rivers of the west by the construction of harbors on the lakes, and the removal of obstructions from the rivers is among the most obviously just and necessary uses of this important power, and would greatly tend, by the increase of internal trade and commerce to the rapid advancement of these great interests of the country.
-That the veto by the president of the river and harbor bill of the last congress was an act of wanton injury to the great interests, not only of the west but of all interests connected with them, and of unmitigated wrong and insult to the congress that passed it, and ought not to be forgotten until this veto is annihilated by a two thirds vote, or by the election of a president who will execute the constitutional power as it was made to be executed by every president from George Washington down to but not including, James K. Polk
-That the great whig doctrines of protection to American industry, capital, and labors; a sound uniform currency for the people as well as the government, a well regulated system of the internal improvement, especially in reference to the internal commerce of the great lakes and rivers of the west; uncompromising hostility to the subtreasury, to executive usurptions of the powers of congress, and to all wars for conquest; and to all acquisitions of the permanency of the Slave power, are now, as they have been, cardinal principles in the policy of the whigs of Massachusetts, and form, in their judgment, the broad and deep foundations on which rest, and ever must rest, the prospective hopes and the true and enduring interests of the whole country.
-That in a period like the present, when a war of no common character, and to be followed by no common results, actually exists, and is threatening the integrity, if not the existence, of one of the parties, the whigs of Massachusetts, in looking over the catalogue of distinguished names that adorn the ranks of whig statesmen, for the one most competent, under the circumstances, to bear the whig standard, inscribed with their principles, onward to assured victory in the approaching campaign of 1848, see with patriotic pride and pleasure many illustrious statesmen in all sections of our Union, under whose enlightened guidance and discretion success, if not commanded, would at least be deserved; but they can never forget that they have in their midst a statesman who, if he be not “first among equals,” has long been by general acknowledgement, equal to this first in any age or country-a statesman who has ever been found equal to any emergency of the country, who clamed the troubled waters of the Oregon controversy, adjusted the long standing and much vexed questions of the Caroline and the boundary at the northeast, and settled the maritime law of the national flag on principles as durable as the ocean on which it floats-a statesman whose longable, and devoted service in the councils of the nation has rendered his name, his transcendent talents and unequalled attainments in everything that related to the great interests of the country, in peace or in war, at home or abroad, as familiar as household words in every cottage and ham et in the land; and has pointed him out as eminently qualified, whether it shall be brought to a close, to meet the great questions of national policy and constitutional law that may and must arise in its progress and termination; and as most worthy to receive, what the whigs of Massachusetts are most anxious to give, the highest reward which an enlightened and grateful people can ever bestow on their most deserving and most distinguished son.
-That the whigs of Massachusetts earnestly and unanimously recommend Daniel Webster, of Massachusetts, to the favorable consideration of the whig national convention, as a candidate for the office of president of the United States.
Mr. Palfrey introduced an amendment, which was discussed by Messrs. Winthrop, Adams, Sumner, and Dimon, of Boston, Allen, of Worcester, Phillips, of Salem, Dwight, of Springfield, and Palfrey, of Cambridge. It was lost.
At 7 ½ o’clock the convention dissolved. The Atlas says, “it was one of the largest and most respectable conventions every held in this commonwealth.” [JCS]
NRR 73.087-73.088 October 9, 1847, Dr. Cooper and Lt. David Henderson safe
LIEUT. HENDERSON AND DR. COOPER SAFE. -The New Orleans Picayune of the 29th ult. says: -A private letter addressed to us from Vera Cruz, dated 2d instant, says: “I am happy to able to inform you of the safe arrival at the headquarters of Major Lally (at Jalapa) of the detachment of mounted men belonging to Captain Fairchild’s company under Lieut. Henderson, accompanied by Dr. Cooper, of the army, and three mounted Georgians, all of whom were supposed to have been captured at the National Bridge. [JCS]
NRR 73.088 October 9, 1847, deficiency of transports
TRANSPORTS-The New Orleans National publishes a letter dated Brazos Santiago, September 3, in which it is stated that three is not a vessel at that place adapted to the transportation of the troop-ordered from Gen. Taylor’s army to Vera Cruz.
The writer adds-“Of course nobody is to blame for sending troops into camp on a barren desert of burning sand, where there is neither wood nor water; the stormy season at hand, and not even adhesiveness enough in the drifting and patching sands to hold a tent pin or give permanency to a tent pole. The consequence will be alternate parchings and drenchings whilst awaiting transports, which will admirably prepare the troops for the graveyards of Vera Cruz.”
At the last dates from Vera Cruz there were several large vessels discharging cargo with great haste, and as soon as they were unladen they were to be despatched to Brazos Santiago to bring the troops from there ordered to Vera Cruz.
The city was filled with supplies recently sent to the army, and with the goods imported on private account. This accumulation was owing to the long time that has transpired since a train was sent into the interior.
There was still some sickness at Vera Cruz, but it was not increasing.
A large number of troops were in and about Vera Cruz, and the garrison is now larger than it has been since Gen. Scott left.
The wound of Gen. Scott is said to be in the calf of the leg, and slight. [JCS]
NRR 73.088 October 9,
1847, news about Gen. Mariano Paredes y Arillaga in the vicinity of Puebla
NNR 73.088 train to leave
Veracruz under command of Gen. Joseph Lane
73.088 Puebla surrounded, danger to the commands of Col. Thomas Childs
and Maj. Folliot Thornton Lally
PUEBLA-PAREDES. -The New Orleans Patria of the 27th publishes a letter from its correspondent El Jarocha, in which at it is stated that Paredes had been nominated inspector general of the National Guard of Puebla, by the governor of the state. He is said to be with Gen. Rea, on the road between Vera Cruz and Puebla, with 6,000 men, waiting for the train which was supposed to leave the former city, under the command of Gen. Lane, which was to be escorted by 2,500 men, including the troops that were to join at Jalapa. Paredes would not take command of Rea’s troops, alleging as his reason that he came to serve his country, and that he would “not afford a pretext to Santa Anna to denounce him as creating a revolution.
El Jarocha say that it was rumored that General Rea had entered Puebla, and that the American garrison there had capitulated without much resistance. All fudge! He adds that letters from the interior state that the Mexicans were more than ever averse to peace, but if Gen. Scott had 30,000 troops with him their opposition would speedily give way. [JCS]NRR 73.088 October 9, 1847 Capt. Besancon’s Company.
The Picayune of the 29th say: “with the exception of Lieut. John Hawkins
and some fifteen or eighteen men who were left to guard camp inside of
Vera Cruz, had been attacked by guerrillas within about a mile of the
National Bridge, this side, and it was supposed that every man of them
had been killed.”
We have seen two private letters; one dated the 15th
and the other 19th inst., written by a member of Capt. Besancon’s company
from Vera Cruz, the one to his sister and the other to his brother residing
in this city.
In the letter of the 15th the writer says: -- “Sixteen
of our men have come from Jalapa. One man lost- Ralph Depass, of
our city. He was shot through the heed while making a charge on
the National Bridge. He was a brave and good soldier. Mr.
Wilkinson the orderly, was wounded in the leg, but not badly, and Lieutenant
Waters was grazed on the face by a ball. The captain and two lieutenants
are still at Jalapa, and we do not know when they will be here.”
In the letter of the 19th the writer says: “No further
news from the balance of the company than what I stated in my last.”
[WFF]
NRR 73.088 Oct. 9, 1847 Maj. Lally's detachment, death of Lieut. Twiggs, guerrilla attack
Maj. Lally's Detachment- In the Vera Cruz Sun of Anahuac, of the 3d. It is stated that the train under the command of Major Lally had left Jalapa at the latest dates. He sustained but very little loss in the engagements which he had with the enemy, by whom he had been much annoyed all the way through. Lieut. Twiggs was the only officer killed in his command. [KAS]
NRR 73.088 October 9, 1847, account of Sergeant Riley the deserter
SERGEANT RYLEY, the deserter, was well known by many in this community. He was recruiting sergeant for some time and kept the rendezvous next to the corner of Cedar, in Washington street. Ryley was a man of very large frame, more than six feet high. He was formerly a sergeant in the 66th regiment of the British army, stationed in Canada, from which he deserted and came to this city. Shortly after he joined the U. States army, and, being well skilled in his profession, was sent to West Point, where he acted as drill sergeant for some time. [JCS]
NRR 73.088 October 9, 1847 Battle At Mill El Rey, (King's Mill)
From the Boletin extra, of Sept. 9
At half past 5 o'clock this morning (the 8th ) the fire commenced on the two flanks of Chapultepec.- The left was resting on the miss El Rey, close to the forest of Chapultepec. This point was commanded by Gen. Leon, and under his order were the battalion of Mina, whose colonel was the patriotic and gallant Balderas, and the battalions Union and La Patria, of Oajaca, in on of which were included the companies of Puebla, also a body from Queretaro and some others-all composing the National Guard. The right flank rested on the hose of Mata, at the distance of a quarter of a league from Chapultepec, and occupied by 1,5000 of the regular army, commanded by Gen. Perez. The enemy, in two columns, with his usual daring attacked these points-first with artillery, and at a quarter to 6 with a rapid fire of musketry.
Gen. Perez sustained the fire very well for about half an hour, when, for causes at present unknown, he retired with his forces, although he had not lost ten men. The retreat must have been fatal for Mexico, if, fortunately, Gen. Leon and his brigade had not shown prodigies of valor. Twice his repulsed the column that attacked him, and in the second he sallied from his position to recover the artillery Gen. Perez had lost; but then he received a mortal wound, and few moments afterwards the valiant Balderas was also wounded, and died on the field.- They enemy with additional forces again charged and took possession of the mill. Twice he was dislodged, but on his retaking it the third time, it was found impossible to bring our troops to the charge.
In spite of these two advantages which they had gained in their endeavors to attack Chapultepec they could not effect a further advance, which may be owing to there being intimidated by the resistance of our forces and the considerable loss they had suffered. The result was that at 9 o'clock in the morning the fire of small arms had nearly ceased, and they were seen employed in collecting their killed and wounded. At 11 o'clock the enemy announced a retrograde movement, and by 2 in the afternoon he withdrew all forces to Tacubaya, abandoning the two points he had occupied and blowing up the house of Mata, although some say it was set on fire by a bomb fired from Chapultepec. It is believed that Gens. Twiggs and pierce directed the attack, and that they put in motion about 8000 men.
It is certain that the fire was more intense and brisk than at Churubusco. It is impossible to ascertain the loss on either side. Ours does not amount to 100 killed and 250 wounded. There are few missing-nearly all not killed or wounded retiring to Chapultepec. The enemy, according to the confession of an Irishman who came over to us in the evening, carried off 400 dead and 600 to 700 wounded.
We have to lament the loss of Gen. Leon, since dead; that of Col. Balderas, of the valiant Colonels Huerta and Gelati, and of the determined Captain Mateos, of Puebla, who conducted himself like a hero, telling his soldiers, on the point of death, that they must never forget they were Pueblanos, and to fight valiant to the death. We will take care that he shall be buried in the Pantheon, and that his unfortunate widow shall receive a pension.
If the cavalry had taken the position assigned to them at 4 o'clock in the morning, by order of Gen. Santa Anna, and if above all they had made the charge which was ordered at the moment that the enemy attacked the miss of El Rey, instead of flying precipitately, the action would have terminated early and the triumph would have been complete. But they did not take the position to which they were ordered, much less make the charge, because his subordinate officers refused an account of the ground being too uneven and broken for cavalry, as if it were not the same for the cavalry of the enemy.
It is believed that the enemy will renew the attack to-morrow by another route-either by that of La Picdad or by that of San Antonion. May God protect our cause on this occasion!
One of the enemy's guerrillas, who came with Scott, was made a prisoner and shot on the spot. [KAS]
NRR 73.089 October 9, 1847 CHAPULTEPEC TAKEN-BATTLE AT MILL DEL REY
CITY OF MEXICO BOMBARDED-GEN. SCOTT ENTERS THE CITY- OBSTINATE RESISTENCE-PLAZA TAKEN-THE CITADEL AND CATHEDRAL BOMBARDED-MEXICANS TIRE TO GUADALUPE-AND GEN. SCOTT TAKES POSESSION OF THE CAPITAL.
We have been favored with the following translation of a letter from a Spanish Mexican of the city of Mexico to a Spanish house in this city. The letter came via Orizaba, under cover to Mr. Dimond, American collector of the port of Vera Cruz. The news it gives is more full than we have received from any other quarter, but it bears a Mexican face, for which allowance must be made. It however sufficiently proves that Mexico is reduced to the last extremity. [KAS]
NRR 73.090-73.092 October 9, 1847, peace negotiations, description of Chapultepec, negotiations (during the armistice), Nicholas Phillip Trist’s project of treaty, instructions to Mexican commissioners, subsequent instructions of Mexican terms
THE NEGOTIATION.
COMMISSION OF MR. TRIST
James K. Polk, President of the United States of America, to all those to whom these presents may come, greeeting:
Know ye, that, desirous of re-establishing peace, harmony, and good relations between the United States of America and the United Mexican States, and to remove all grounds of complaint, having especial confidence in the integrity, prudence, and talent of Senior Don NICHOLAS P. TRIST, we have named him in the commissioner of the United States to the Mexican republic, and invest him, in the fullest and most complete manner, with ample power and authority, in the name of the United States, to meet and confer with any person or persons who shall have similar authority from the republic of Mexico, and between them to negotiate and conclude an arrangement of the differences which exist between the two countries-a treaty of peace, amity, and lasting boundaries between the United States against the government of that nation, and of all reclamations of that government and its citizens against the United States; and in like manner to determine the limits and boundaries between the United States of America and the United States of Mexico, and all other matters and things suitable for negotiation, and bearing up the interests of both nations, transmitting and delivering said convention, when it shall be concluded, for ratification, to the President of the United States, by and with the advice and consent of the senate.
In testimony whereof, this document is sealed with the seal of the United States.
Done and executed under my hand, in the city of Washington, on this fifteenth day of April, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and forty-seven, and in the seventy-first year of the independence of the United States.
JAMES K. POLK, President of the U. States.
JAMES BUCHANAN, secretary of state.
THE AMERICAN PROJECT OF A TREATY
Project of a treaty presented by the American commissioner, on the 27th of Alzcopozalco.
Art. 1. There shall be a firm and universal peace between the United States of America and the United Mexican States and between their respective countries, territories, cities, towns, and villages, without exception of places or persons. All hostilities by sea and land shall definitively cease as soon as the ratifications of this treaty shall be made and exchanged by both parties.
Art. 2. All the prisoners of war made by both parties, as well by sea as land, shall be returned as soon as practicable after the exchange of the ratifications of this treaty. And, further, if there be at present any Mexican citizens held captive by the Camanches or any other savage tribe of Indians within the limits of the United States, as the same are defined by this treaty, the government of the United States will require the restoration of such captives, and their liberty to return to their homes in Mexico.
Art. 3. So soon as this treaty shall have been duly ratified by the United Mexican States, it shall be made known with the least delay to the commanders of the forces by sea and by land, of both parties; and in consequence there shall be a suspension of hostilities as well by seas as by land, as well on the part of the military and naval forces of the United States as on those of the United Mexican States; and the said suspension of hostilities shall be inviolably observed by both parties. Immediately after the exchange of ratification of the present treaty, all the forts, territories, places, and possessions, whatsoever they may be, which have been taken by the United States from the United Mexican States during the war, except much as are comprehended within the limits of the United States, as the same remain defined by article 4 of this treaty, shall be returned without delay and without causing any destruction or extraction or artillery, or of any public property whatever, originally captured in said forts or places, and which remain in them when said forts or places, and which remain in them when the ratification or this treaty shall be exchanged; and in the same manner all the forts, territories, &c.
Art. 4: The dividing line between the two republics will commence in the Gulf of Mexico, three leagues from land in front of the mouth of the Rio Grande; thence along the middle of said river to a point where it touches the southern line of New Mexico, to the southwest angle of the same; thence northward along the western line of New Mexico to where the same is cut by the first branch of the river Gila; if it be not cut by any branch and of the said river, then to a point in said line nearest the said branch; and thence in a direct line to the same, and downward by the middle of said branch of the said river Gila, until lit empties into the Rio Colorado and by the middle of the Gulf of California to the Pacific Ocean.
Art 5: In consideration of the extension of the limits of the United States, as they are defined by the preceding article, and by the stipulations which are further contained in article 8, the United States abandon forever against the United Mexican States all reclamation on account of the costs of this war; and, besides, agree to pay to the United Mexican States, in the city of Mexico, the sum-.
Art. 6: In full consideration of the stipulations contained in article 4 and 8 of this treaty, the U. States agree to assume and pay all sums at present due to claimants, and those which may be hereafter established, according to the convention concluded between the two republics in the city of Mexico, on the 30th January, 1843, to provide for the payment of what shall be decided, to an amount not exceeding three million dollars, which have arisen prior to the 13th of May, 1846, and which shall be adjudged to be due by a commission established by the government of the United States, whose decisions shall be definitive and conclusive; provided always, that in deciding on the validity of the said demands, the commission shall be guided and governed by the principles and rules prescribed by the first and firth articles of the ungratified convention, , concluded in the city of Mexico on the 20th of November, 1843, and in no case shall they give judgment in favor of any claim not embraced by those principles and rules. And the United States for the present and the future exonerate the Mexican States from any of the said demands whatsoever, which may be admitted or rejected by said board of commissioners.
Art. 7: If, in the opinion of the said board of commissioners, or of the claimants, it shall be considered necessary for the decision of any of the said claims that any books, registers, or documents which may be in the possession or power of the United Mexican States should be examined, the commissioners or claimants shall make, within a period to be fixed by congress, a petition to that effect to the Mexican secretary of foreign affairs, which shall be forwarded to him by the secretary of state of the United States; and the Mexican government agrees to remit, with as little delay as possible after the receipt of said petition, whatever of the said books, registers, or documents may be in its possession or power, which any have been asked for from said secretary of state, who shall immediately lay them before said board of commissioners: Provided, always, That when said petition shall be made by any of the claimants, the facts which they expect to prove by such books, registers, or documents shall have been stated under oath or affirmation.
Art. 8: The government of the United Mexican States hereby forever concedes and guaranties to the government and citizens of the United States the right to transport across the Isthmus of Tehuantepec, from sea to sea, by whatever means of communication may at the time exist, whether by land or by water, free from all tolls or charge, all articles whatsoever the natural produces of the United States, or the products of its manufactures, or the products and manufactures of any country wherever belonging to the government or citizens of the United States, as well as the free right of passage to all citizens of the United States. The government of the United Mexican States equally concedes and guaranties to the government and citizens of the United States the same right of passage for their merchandise and the articles aforesaid, as it grant to its own citizens, by any railroad or canal which may hereafter be constructed across said Isthmus, whether by the government of the United Mexican States, or by its authorization, paying only such tolls as may be established; and no other or more onerous tolls shall be imposed or collected upon the articles or merchandise mentioned belonging to the government and citizens of the United States, or on the persons of said citizens, for passage over said railroad or canal, than shall be charged or collected for the same articles and merchandise belonging to the government or citizens of Mexico, or whatsoever foreign country, or the persons of its citizens. None of the said articles, be they what they may, which may pass over said isthmus from sea to sea, in either direction, where by the present communications or by any railroad or canal which may hereafter be made, with the object of being transported to any port of the United States, or of any foreign country, shall be subject to the payment of any duty whatever, whether of importation or exportation. The two governments by this article promise, wit has little delay as possible, mutually to agree upon and establish such regulations as may be deemed necessary to avoid fraud and smuggling in consequence of the right of way hereby granted and perpetually guarantied to the government and citizens of the United States.
Art 9: All the effects, commodities, or merchandise which have been introduced during the war, by whatsoever port or place of either party, by the citizens of either party, or by the citizens or subjects of any neutral power, while the same has been in the military occupation of the other, shall be permitted to remain free from confiscation or any charge or duty which there may be on the sale or exchange of them, or on the exportation of the said property from the country; and the properties are hereby permitted to see or dispose of said property in the same manner in every respect as if they importation of the same had been made in time of peace, and had paid the duties according to the laws of each country respectively.
Art. 10: The treaty of friendship, commerce, and navigation, concluded in the city of Mexico, on the 4th of April, in the year of our Lord 1831, between the United States of America and the United Mexican States, and each of its articles, with the exception of the additional articles, are hereby renewed for the term of eight years, from the day of exchange of the ratifications of this treaty, with the same effect and virtue as if the formed part thereof; being understood that each of the contracting parties reserves to itself the right, at any time after the mid term of eight years, to terminate the same, giving one year’s prevision notice to the other party.
Art.11: This treaty shall be approved and ratified by the President of the United States of America, with the approbation and consent of the senate, and by the President of the Mexican States, with the previous approbation of the general congress; and the ratification shall be exchanged in the city of Washington within the period of-months from the date of the signing of the same, or sooner if practicable.
STATEMENT OF THE MEXICAN PRESIDENT.
Statement of the most excellent president in a ministerial council“AUSGUST 25, 1847. The armistice which the general of the enemy asked being agreed to, and it being necessary to appoint upon the part of the Mexican government commissioners of the United States might wish to make in the name of his government, Don Joe Baquin de Herrara, deputy general; D. Antonio Honjardin, magistrate of the supreme court, and D. Antonio Garay, were appointed; sending them at the same time the notification of their appointment, in which they were notified to meet to-morrow at 11 o’clock at the ministry of relations, to proceed with the minister to the residence of the president, in order to receive their instructions agreed to in ministerial council.
“The minister of relations will form a memorandum, which the commissioners will take with them, and which the president will place in their hands. They shall be restricted to their true mission; which, for the present, is no other than to hear the oppositions of peace which the government of the United States pretend to make to the Mexican government, immediately making known to it (the Mexican government) the contents of the propositions, that they may be duly examined, and that the president and his ministers may set upon them. The governments will reserve to itself to give the commissioners sufficient instructions to enter upon the preliminaries of the negotiation, consulting the minister of relations as far as may be necessary to the discharge of their commission, and certainly not agreeing to anything without the previous approbation of the government.”
INSTRUCTIONS OF THE MINISTERIAL COUNCIL TO THE MEXICAN COMMISSIONERS.
Conditions (or points) on which the commissioner of the United States ought to be negotiated with, and which should serve as a basis to those of Mexico, proposed to the most excellent president by the minister of foreign relations, and approved by his excellency in a council of ministers :
Provided, That the place of conference ought to be intermediate between the two armies.
Provided, equally, That, before entering up negotiations, the American commissioner should acknowledge the right of deliberation on the part of Mexico-that is, whether the intention of the United States has been to aggrandize is territory-why they not remain contented with that which they already occupy? If that which he has come to seek in the capital is our consent and sanction to their demands, they ought to desist from what cannot be conceded. In any other event, they can proceed as they have begun, and the war will continue.
1. The independence of Texas shall be acknowledged upon consideration of an indemnification.
2. It is understood by Texas that territory known by this name after the treaties of 1819, and when it formed part of the states of Coahuila and Texas; and by no means the territory comprehended between the Nueces and Bravo rivers, which the congress of the pretended Texas declared belong to it.
3. The evacuation of all the Mexican republic of which they are in occupation, and the raising the blockade, leaving free our ports, shall be a condition of treating upon any other position of territory.
4. Upper California can be a subject of negotiation.
5. In no event shall the parallel of 26º be made the boundary, which would cause the republic to lose all New Mexico, almost all of Durango, all of Sonora, part of Sinaloa, and almost all of Upper California; the concession of a part, should it be San Francisco, shall be yielded as a factory, never as a boundary.
6. A settled indemnification for the apart of San Francisco, and a way of communication to Oregon.
7. The same for the injurious prejudices, and extraordinary expenses of this war, made in the territory of the republic, as it is that for which they come to negotiate, and which has brought them to the capital.
8. The same for that which the families of Matamoros, Monterey, Vera Cruz, and other cities, towns, and villages of the republic have suffered in consequence of the war.
9. The same for the depredations committed by their troops
10. The same for those committed by their bands of foragers, whose licentious conduct has violated the laws of nations.
11. There shall be presented for payment as well the cost of liquidation as that of the reclamations which have been made.
12. The United States shall recognise the legitimacy of the titles of owners of lands in Texas, under g rants given anterior to its declaration of independence, as well by the general government as by that of the state, and shall leave to them their free use and profit.
13. The United States shall engage not to permit slavery in any part of the territory acquired from Mexico.
14. The negotiations shall be upon the basis of reciprocity, and due regard shall be paid to the respective conditions of the people of the two nations.
15. Less than a year for carrying into effect the definitive treaty cannot be agreed to.
16. The guaranty of its observance must by agreement be sought in a European power or in a continental congress.
17. The basis of this will be the republican system upon the whole continent, excepting Brazil and French Guinea.
18. The treaty which may be formed shall not prejudice in any manner the principle of “the most favored nations,” which the republic has conceded to the most of the nations with which it has treated.
19. The restoration of the foreign prisoners shall be demanded, and none for the American army shall enter the city.
20. The return of the ships and trophies.
21. And, as a general basis, to treat of peace as if we have triumphed, and as if the war could be prosecuted with advantages.
ANTONIO LOPEZ DE SANTA ANNA,
J. R. PACHECO,
V. ROMERO,
ALCORTA.
HONDERO.
Mexico, August 24, 1847.
MR. TRIST’S project of a treaty having been submitted to the council of ministers, they issue on the 29th of August another set of instructions to the commissioners, which are in general a repetition of those already given, except the two following articles:
“7. In relation to the privileges solicited by the government of the United States to navigate the river of Tehuantepec, or to traffic by whatever road or way that may be established between the two seas, the Mexican government refused absolutely all concession in this particular, and in the last resort can offer, at most, that the Mexican government will take into consideration the friendly relations which may be maintained by the United States with the Mexican governemnt; and, with reference to the confidence which its conduct may inspire, it ought not to doubt of the reciprocity of the Mexicans on the same terms as other nations.
“8. The Mexican government can in no manner consent to except from the payment of duties all the effects introduced into its ports proceeding from the United States or any other nation since the occupation of the said ports by the said United States; and it shall be a necessary condition to their transportation into the interior that the duties be paid according to the actual tariffs of the nation. In case the United States are compromised with the importers, the United States shall pay all the duties of importation according to the tariff, and the merchants those of internal transport, consumption, &c.”
These additional instructions, on being transmitted to the commissioners, with instructions that in no case were they to treat contrary to their express tenor, they returned the following answer:
To the Minister of Foreign AffairsExcellent sir: Having examined the bases and instructions transmitted to us by your excellency on the morning of to-day, for the purpose of prosecuting the negotiation which has been opened with the minister of the United States, we deem it our duty to manifest to the supreme government, with the frankness of honest men, that upon those bases and instructions it is impossible to take upon ourselves the negotiation, and we shall find ourselves without the capacity to discharge the duty as we ought.
We beg, the, that the supreme government will hold as not accepted on our part the powers with which its favor wold honor us. God and liberty!
Mexico, August 31, 1847.
JOSE J. HERRERA,
BERNARDO COUTO,
IGNACIO DE MORA Y VILLAMIL,
MIGUEL ALRISTAIN,
JOSE MIGUEL ARROYO, secretary.
[JCS]
NRR 73.092 October 9, 1847, Gen. Gabriel Valencia’s proclamation as governor of the city of Mexico
GABRIEL VALENCIA’S PROCLAMATION TO THE CITIZENS OF MEXICO.
We publish, on the side of our paper printed in Spanish, the whole proclamation of Valencia; but it is of so little interest to he public that it indeed does not deserve translation. IF anyone has read Santa Anna’s proclamation, he already knows the contents of Valencia’s. It amounts to he same thing, except that, instead of taking any blame to himself, he accuses Santa Anna. He says that on the first day he was victorious, but was left destitute of all that was necessary to continue his course; that he disobeyed cause Santa Anna had ordered him to leave a position which protected the city; and that, if the latter had join him, victory was certain fore the Mexicans; that Santa Anna was only four miles from him, but that he remained still; that, if he had left the position which he had taken, the only alternative left to the Mexican army would have been to retreat on the capital.
On the morning of the 19th, Valencia says that he left San Angle, and march to Padierna, where he too, a strong position, and waited for the American forces, who arrived in front of him at 12 o’clock that he immediately sent on of his adjutants to General Santa Anna to advice him of it; at one o’clock the Americans advanced in front of his ambuscades, and the action commenced. He then sent an express to General Francisco Peres, who was at a short distance from his position with 4,000 men, and who had been instructed to come and his assistance when needed, but he was answered by G. P. that he could not act with Santa Anna’s order. The action was now vigorous in front, (continues he,) and we succeeded in repulsing the enemy from an entrenchment which was in their power, immediately in front of our works.
The action was now well engaged, and the enemy commenced moving towards our rear, taking at the same time Tiplan, the ranche of Anzaldo, and the small town of San Geronimo. I immediately directed a battery of six pieces of artillery in that direction; the 1st battalion was also directed to harass them in flank. I again sent another adjutant (Don Leandro Mosso) to Santa Anna; but he, like the adjutants I had before despatched, (Rodriguez Miranda and Arrietta,) could not return, because the enemy had taken the town of San Geronimo and the ranche of Anzaldo.
Valencia then says that he ordered General Torrejon to charge the Americans, with three regiments of cavalry and four pieces of artillery, but so desperate was the fire of the American infantry that the Mexican were obliged to retreat, leaving Gen. Frontera dead on the field. That at four o’clock, Santa Anna was 6,000 men made his appearance in the rear of the Americans. That thinking this general would attack the enemy in the rear, he ordered General Torrejon to attack them in front with one piece of artillery and 400 cavalry, accompanied by Colonel Gerro with one battalion; but it seems that this extraordinary movements was not crowned with the success which Valencia expected it would be, and this he again says was Santa Anna’s fault, because if he had attack the Americans, the Mexican arms would certainly have been triumphant, and the extermination of the 8,000 men who attacked him necessarily followed.
He further adds that, instead of doing what patriotism and honor ought to have dictated to his heart, Santa Anna remained a cold spectator to the destruction of his valiant army of the north. Night then came on, and Santa Anna retired from the mountain where he had taken a position, and sent adjutant Ramico to him (Valencia) to advise him of Santa Anna’s wish to hold a conference with him. But his answer was that no conference could be held until Santa Anna had attacked the Americans, as he ought to do, in the rear. At 9 o’clock the same night another adjutant from Santa Anna arrived, bringing an order from him (Santa Anna) to retreat during the night, and abandon the artillery, (said he) the Mexican army would be certainly defeated the next day if the order was not obeyed. During that night Valencia continued receiving information that reinforcements were coming to the aid of the Americans, by roads almost impracticable; and he says that Santa Anna remained instead of retiring to San Angel, he would certainly have cut the enemy to pieces; that after consulting with other generals, he (Valencia) came to the conclusion to remain where he was, as, even if defeated, it would be more honorable to him than to retreat; and, in the first case, the responsibility and ignominy would fall upon the general who had been so cold a spectator of his ruin, and of the defeat of his countrymen.
On the morning of thee 20th of August, which, according to Valencia, ought to have been one of the most glorious to the Mexican arms, the American columns were seen moving in several directions, so as to attack him on all sides. He sent General Mendoza, with a strong force, to stop their progress; but he was repulsed, and then rejoined the main body. -The whole line was then attacked, and so much loss sustained that he was obliged to order a retreat; but to effect this it was necessary to pass through San Geronimo and Anzaldo, which he did, but with immense loss. He the remained at a distance with Generals Salas, Torrejon, Blanco, and Jauregui, to protect the fugitives. The latter general was wounded in the head. He then retired to join the majority of his forces, who had now joined those of Santa Anna; and, while passing near these forces, he states that he can have the satisfaction of saying that two regiments received him with loud cheers; but, wishing to avoid a disagreeable interview with Santa Anna, he went to Cuatimalpa, where he found this battalion of Guanajuato and that of San Luis, under the command of Gen. Romero. He says it was his wish that these two battalions would go to the city of Mexico; but only one (that of Guanajuato) marched to that place, as the other refused to be commanded by Santa Anna.
He then concludes by stating that what he has said can be proved by the testimony of the adjutants whom he sent to Santa Anna, and that or more than twenty thousand friends and enemies. [JCS]
NRR 73.092 October 9, 1847, protest of Mexicans against any treaty made under the guns of invaders, proclamation of the governors of the states of Mexico and Puebla same effect
Protest from the representatives of the States of Mexico, Jalisco, and Zacatecas to this excellency the president ad interim of the republic.
Most excellent Sir: The deputies who assembled on the 10th of this month had agreed to suspend their meeting in the capital. Under these circumstances, the undersigned have to day learned that the minister of foreign affairs yesterday summoned the deputies for the purpose of discussing an arrangement with the invading army, and that there was a meeting, but not enough to constitute a quorum.
The undersigned deem it their duty to declare that existing circumstances in the city of Mexico would not allow the legislative body the necessary freedom in it discussions and deliberations if it should assemble in that city; and that it would not comport with the dignity of their republic that its representatives should deliberate there on this matter. This opinion existing under less pressing circumstances, it passed a decree for removing its sessions to Queretaro-a decree which was not fulfilled in its other provisions owing to unlawful proceedings, which are not a secret, and which resulted in a determination not to repair that city.
But as it is absolutely beyond doubt that any arrangement which may be made with regard to external relations, without the ratification of congress, will, besides being indecent under existing circumstance, be entirely null, as being unconstitutional, and will bring him by whom it may be made without the case of treason declared by article 5th of the law of April; the undersigned are willing to repair to the city of Queretaro as soon as your excellency shall issue the necessary summons to them for that place.
The undersigned protest before the whole nation, and particularly before the states of Mexico, Jalisco, and Zacatecas, their constituents, that resolution on their part, which, as the proceedings of congress referred to show, is concurred in by a majority of their fellow deputies, does not now exist in the federal city, and of saving the republic from the ignominy which would inevitably attach to a treaty concluded and ratified under the guns of the enemy, and on the day succeeding unlooked for reverses.
All which we have the honor to communicate to your excellency, availing ourselves to the occasion to offer the assurances of our respect and consideration.
God, Liberty, and Federation. [JCS]
VALENTIN GOMEZ FARIAS,
JOSE MARIA DE LACUNZA,
LUIS DE LA ROSA,
PASCUAL GONZALEZ FUENTES,
MARIANO OTERO,
COSME TORRES,
MANUEL ROBREDO,
JOAQUIN NORRIEGA.
NRR 73.096 October 9, 1847, drain of specie to pay for the Army in Mexico
SPECIE. -The amount imported into Boston during the month of Sept. 1847, was $322,712: exported $11,585.
The amount brought by the Hibernia, so far ascertained, does not exceed $12,000.
A letter from N. Orleans published in the Nat. Int. says: “The steamer New Orleans took out to Vera Cruz $400,000 in gold for the arm; $200,000 more went last week; and now that the flow of specie has ceased from Europe this contents drain of specie for the army will be seriously felt. The above, with previous shipments make $1,800,000 that the public prints have announced as having been sent from this port since 1st of last month, exclusive of a large amount of bills drawn on Mexico by the quartermaster here.” [JCS]
NRR 73.098, Col. 2 October 16, 1847 Ship Empire Sails From New York City for Charleston and Vera Cruz with Recruits
Movement of troops.-The ship empire sailed from N. York on the 12th with about 400 recruits for the 3d Reg. Of infantry, and was to call at Charleston for some 500 men, and will proceed to Vera Cruz from thence. [DCK]
NRR 73.099, Col. 1 October 16, 1847 Letter About Thomas Corwin's Views on the Acquisition of Territory and the Extension of Slavery
Letter From Senator Corwin.
Presentation corrected-New territory-Wilmot proviso.
Lebanon, 23d September, 1847.
To the editor of the Cincinnati Atlas-
Dear Sir:The various and contradictory versions published by the papers of Cincinnati, of my remarks at touching the Wilmot proviso and another related topics, oblige me to state distinctly what I think on those subjects on the occasion referred to. I am represented, by some, as having opposed the proposition of the Wilmot proviso to any territory that may be ceded to the United States by Mexico. This not true. I state more than once, that I am opposed to any further extension of our territory limits at this time; but if territory should be added, either by conquest or treaty, thenslavery should be forever prohibited in such territory-or, in other words, the Wilmot proviso should be extended to it. I gave my reasons for this at length, I think cannot fail to be remembered by every one who chose to give the slightest attention to what I then said.
I did urge the propriety of rejecting all territory at this time; as this was, in my judgement, a ground on which the various sections of the Union would be more likely to unite, than on the Wilmot proviso. I did pronounce the Wilmot proviso a dangerous question, and as emphatically as I was able, I did also declare the father acquisition of territory at this time dangerous to the peace of the Union. The reasons for these positions were given at the time. In the event of a cession of territory by Mexico to the United States, the question of the farther extension of slavery must arise in a form which would necessarily array the north and south against each other. All question having this tendency I consider, in a certain sense, dangerous, since they weaken the bonds of union which bind together the several parts of the republic, and, if pushed to extremes, will lead to dissolution. It was in this view, only, that I pronounced the Wilmot proviso a dangerous question. On the contrary, I stated, again and again, that if, contrary to my judgement of true policy, terrotiry should be forced upon us, that then the Wilmot proviso must be applied to it.
I did prefer the ground of "no territory," because, among other reasons for that preference, I thought on that ground we might succeed, and if we relied on the Wilmot proviso alone, in the senate at least, as now constituted we must fail. I think I referred to the vote on Mr. Uphmu's motion in the senate, at the last session, to introduce the Wilmot proviso into the "three million" bill. The vote stood-for the proviso,21; against it, 31. I voted for the proviso then. I shall vote for it again whenever it can be made applicable to territory hereafter acquired, whether it come by compact or the sword. These, I understand to be the doctrines of the people of Ohio of all parties: the same in substance embodied in resolutions of instruction which passed both branches of the Ohio legislature with unexampled unanimity at its last session.
I should not now trouble you with this communication, had the papers of
your city given an undue importance to the subject by connecting my remarks
with the whig party in Ohio, and drawing inferences, from what I said,
equally unjust to them and myself.
Your obedient servant,
Thos. Corwin
[DCK]
NNR 73.101-73.102 16 OCT 1847 Col. James Simmons McIntosh's official report concerning the battle of August 20
The Battle of Contreras and Churubusco
Official Reports
The following reports from officers of the 5th United S. infantry are taken for the Milwaukee Sentinel and Gazette.
Col. McIntosh’s Official Report.
Headquarters 5th infantry
Tacubaya, August 22, 1847.
Sir: In obedience to your orders I have the honor to submit the following report of the operations of the 5th regiment of infantry, under my command, during the 20th inst.
About 10 o’clock, A.M. on the morning of the 20th, the 5th infantry on the right of our brigade, conducted by Capt. Mason, engineers, proceeded by the right flank, through the craggy and broken ground to the left of San Antonio, to turn that flank of the enemy’s works, get in their rear, and cut off their retreat towards Mexico.
When the advance of the regiment came in view of San Antonio, the road was seen to be filled with masses of the retreating enemy, who were abandoning their works and retreating towards their next for in rear. The regiment was rapidly pushed forward and engaged the enemy- a heavy fire was kept up for about ten minutes when the enemy broke and dispersed in every direction closely pursued. Many dead bodies of the enemy were left on the field, including on lieutenant colonel, and many more were wounded. A number of prisoners were taken, among whom were Brevet Brig. Gen. Perdigon Garay, commanding the rear guard, and one lieutenant captured by Lieut. C.S. Hamilton-one lieutenant colonel and one lieutenant captured by Lt. N.B. Rossell- three other officers captured by the command.
The main purpose of the regiment then passed along the causeway towards San Antonio in close pursuit of the enemy; driving them from the sand-bag breast-work thrown across the road, and also from the fortified hacienda. Another portion, under the command of Capt. D. Ruggles, with Adjt. P. Lugenbeel and Lieut. Strong, with the regimental colors, becoming separated from the main body passed along the causeway towards Mexico. After advancing up this road some distance, a small body of the enemy were perceived attempting to spike a 24 pounder iron gun. Capt. Ruggies ordered the command to advance, drove them off and captured the piece, passed on and occupied the village and bridge of Sotopingo, in the front of the fort an Puente del Rosario, when the fire of the enemy cause him to hait and wait the arrival of more troops. After pursuing the enemy for some distance, the main body of the regiment was halted and then advanced along the main causeway towards the fort at Puente del Rosario. When about to advance into the cornfield in front to storm the work, the command of the regiment devolved on Brevet Lt. Col. M. Scott in consequence of my being ordered to assume command of the brigade-the wound you there received having temporarily disabled you from command. My thanks are due to Brevet Lieut. Col. M. Scott, second in command for his valuable assistance, cheerfully tendered me on all occasions. His gallantry is too well known to need commendation from me. My staff, Lieut. and Adjt. P. Eugenbeel and Lt. S.H. Fowler, acting regimental quartermaster, will accept my thanks for their gallantry, activity, and good conduct. Assist. Surg. Wm. Roberts accompanied the regiment during the march. His talents and zeal were not only confined to his profession, but were displayed in a more military capacity in aiding, assisting, and urging on the men to the contest.
Capts. M.E. Merrill and D. Ruggles with their companies, were with the advance and the first to be came engaged with the enemy. I noticed with great pleasure the activity displayed by Capt. Merrill at all times. Capt. Wm. Chapman was slightly wounded early in the action, while gallantly doing his duty, which deprived me of his services for a short time. Captain McPhail, Lieut. Rossell, Rosencrants, and Hamilton, commanding companies, displayed coolness, courage, and activity worthy of their profession. Lieuts. Dent. Strong, and J.P. Smith manifested equal zeal, promptness and bravery.
I cannot speak too highly o the gallantry and activity of Capt. James L. Mason, of the corps of engineers, who conducted the regiment into action, and by his skill and knowledge of the country materially lessened our loss. My attention has been called by their company commanders to their gallantry displayed by Sergt. John Gollinger, of “A”; Sergts. Dudley Johnson, and Augustus Whitman, Corporal George Wootten, and privates Walter Slingeland, Daniel Mahony, Michael McGarvey, and James Boyle of “B” ; private Isaac Jacobsen, of “C;” Segt. James O’Brian, Corporal Francis Smith, privates Thos. Hardy, Jas. Cox, and Walter Crawford, of “E;” and Corporal Geo. Morley and privates Walter McCormick and George Scott, of “I.” Companies 4th infantry. The regiment went into action with 14 officers and 337 non-commissioned officers and privates.
Our total loss during the day was Capt. Wm. Chapman and first Lieut. and Adjuct. P. Lugenbeel sightly wounded, six privates killed, forty one non-commissioned officers and privates wounded, and two privates missing. Respectfully submitted,
J.S. McIntosh,
Bvt. Col. U.S.A
Col. N.S. Clarke, commanding 2d brig. 1st civ. U.S.A. [ MDT]
NNR 73.102 16 OCT 1847 Lt. Col. Martin Scott's official report
Lieut. Col. Scott’s Official Report
Tacubaya, (Mexico), August 22, 1847.
Sir: On the afternoon of the 20th of August, while in pursuit of the retreating enemy, in the village of Sotopingo, Brevet Col. McIntosh, being ordered to take command of the 2nd brigade, 1st division, in consequence of Colonel N.S. Clark, commanding of the 5th infantry devolved on myself.
In obediance to orders received from Major General Worth, I immediately ordered the regiment into the cornfields on the right of the road and directly in front of the fort at Puente del Rosario, passed rapidly towards the works of the enemy, and with a portion of the regiment was among the first to storm them, and drive the enemy’s troops towards the city. Brevet Major George Wright, with a small portion of the 8th infantry, gained the works before me.
In consequence of the thickness of the corn and difficulty of crossing the intervening ditches, Capt. Merrill and Lieuts. Rosencrants and Hamilton, in command of companies K, F, and I, were separated from the regiment and passes more towards the right, where they also became warmly engaged.
It affords me great satisfaction to speak of the gallantry and coolness of Lieut. N.B. Rossell, commanding company E, who was brought under my immediate observation during the whole of this affair, and who was among the first at the fort. Captain D. H. McPhail, in command of company B. came also under my immediate notice, and assisted in bringing one of the captured guns to bear on the enemy. Lieut. (and Adjt.) P Lugenbeel passed with me far into the cornfields in front of the fort, and it gives me great pleasure to testify to his zeal, gallantry, and good conduct during the whole affair. In conveying orders to the regiment from me he received a slight wound in the shoulder. In the hottest of the fire I met Capt. Martin Burk, of 3rd and Lieut. Shakelford, of the 2nd artillery, gallantly doing their duty.
I would recommend to your notice the gallant and soldier like conduct of Sergeant Samual Archer, of H company, 5th infantry, who, I am told, was the first man to enter the enemy’s works. Respectfully submitted:
MARTIN SCOTT
Brevet Lieut. Col. U.S.A.
NNR 73.102 16 OCT 1847 Gen. Jose Mariano de Salas' official report about the fighting at Contreras
Official Report of the Mexican General Salas
Department of War and Navy—Section of Operations.
Army of the North.—Second General-in-chief.
Most excellent sir: On the 19th inst., about 12 or 1 o’clock, p.m., the enemy appeared as if with the intention of attacking the position occupied by this army on the heights of Contreras. In the moment we began a very steady fire of artillery and musketry, successfully, as the enemy presented himself in the various points sustained by our troops, and we succeeded in stopping him in several places, until night put an end to the fighting; in which all the classes of this army gave proofs of their gallantry and the decision with which they sacrificed their lives in the defense of our nationality; but on the morning of the 20th –thanks to the bad position we occupied, and the carelessness paid the movements of the enemy to surround us-we were routed in all directions by more than 6,000 men- the 3000 infantry, being placed in one point, which was surrounded-When we observed the dispersion of our forces, I tried all I could to stop it, and, crying “Victory for Mexico,” at he same time that the bugle sounded for slaughter, I succeeded in stopping it for a moment, and ordered General Don Anastasio Torrejon to charge with his command; but this chief, instead of obeying my order, trampled on the infantry, and contributed to the complete rout of it.
It would appear ridiculous to make any recommendation of those who have been present in an unfortunate battle; however, I cannot help mentioning to your excellency that I am perfectly satisfied of the gallantry and tenacity with which the chiefs and officers of the several corps tried, even in the midst of disorder, to reunite their forces to resist the enemy, who was hotly pursuing us. This conduct, observed by them, preferring to be made prisoners before abandoning their soldiers, will always do them honor; and for this, I think they are entitled to the consideration of the supreme government, and the gratitude of their fellow citizens.
His excellency the commander-in-chief, Don Gabriel Valencia disappeared from amongst us at he commencement of the action of the 20th ; and I, not knowing his whereabouts have thought it my duty to address your excellency, accompanying a list of the chiefs and officers who are prisoners in this city; another of those who were wounded in San Angel, and of those known to have been killed; another list of those made prisoners in the action of Churubusco;-all of which I have the honor of manifesting to your excellency for your intelligence, praying that, on communicating the above to is excellency the president, you will please manifest to him the total indigence in which the prisoners find themselves, as having given orders that they be maintained by the inhabitants of this city, which is destroyed, they must perish in misery, if their government does not supply them with what they are entitled to, and which their actual situation and the well-deserving conduct that has distinguished them, energetically claim.
I reiterated to your Excellency my respects and particular esteem. God and liberty.
Jose Mariano Salas.
Tlalpam, August 23, 1847.
To his Excellency the Minister of War.
It is a copy.-Mexico. 24th August, 1847.
MAN’L. MARIA DE SANDOVAL
[MDT]
NNR 73.103 16 OCT 1847 Maj. Folliot Thornton Lally's official report from Jalapa, the line of communication, Mexicans take Puebla, Gen. Antonio Lopez de Santa Anna's address on resuming hostilities, tone of the Mexican press
Maj. Lally’s Train
A letter from Maj. Lally, rated Jalapa, ……, says that all is quiet there. The wound that he received in the neck came near killing him, but he was then doing well.
We see no very late accounts from this detachment. They at the last dates were at Jalapa, preparing to march for Perota. The Washington Union publishes an official report of Maj. L. as follows:
Headquarters, Jalapa, Aug. 26, 1847.
To Gov. Wilson, Vera Cruz:
My command reached this place on the morning of the 20th isnt. We have fought our way triumphantly every inch of the route, but have had severe contests-nay battles-with the guerrillas: on the 10th at Paso Overjas, ( as before reported) on the 12th August at the National Bridge, on the 15th of August at Cerro Gordo, and on the 19th at Las Animas, only a mile and a half from this city. Not a wagon has fallen into the hands of the enemy.
We have been opposed by atleast 1200 or 1500 guerrillas on these occasions- perhaps less at the last, for they were badly whipped at Cerro Gordo, where their loss was so large that they could not reorganize. Father Jarauta commanded them. Our loss is great. During the entire march-7 officers wounded;12 of rank and file killed; 5 mortally wounded; 66 wounded. OF this number, 4 killed and 4 wounded were at places elsewhere than the four actions named above.
I regret to say, that at the National Bridge Mr. Geo. D Twiggs (expecting a commission and to be A.D.C. of G.T.) was killed while gallantly serving in my staff; Capt. J.H. Calwell, of yoltigeurs, and Capt. A.C. Cummings, 11th infantry were wounded on the 10th, (as before reported,) but are doing well now.-At National Bridge, Lieut. James A. Winner, of vultigeurs, and Lieut. George A Adams of marine corps, were dangerously wounded, also on the same day, Capt. W.J. Clark, 12th infantry, in the thigh; 2nd Lieut. Charles M. Crearor, 12th infantry, not severely, in the leg.
At Las Animas, on the 19th, Major F.T. Lilly, 9th infantry, commanding officer, was wounded in the neck, not severely; but has, for a few days, been disabled from command. A large number of sick have accumulated, besides our wounded, and we shall be compelled to remain here many days to recruit. I cannot too much praise the gallantry of the officers-the men, raw and uninstructed, have gradually acquired confidence. Col. Wynkoop arrived from Perote on the 24th, having heard we were in danger at Cerro Gordo.
We waited three days for your reinforcement. And hearing of it at Plan del Rio sent back a body of dragoons to the National Bridge, who, finding it in possession of the enemy, we concluded that it was repulsed. I am pained at the rumor we heard of the loss of some of its wagons. Dr. Cooper and 13 wagons reached us.
I cannot too earnestly recommend that you assume the authority to order the re-occupation of this city. Even if Gen. Scott was not before the city of Mexico, and beyond the reach of reinforcements, you perceive that trains are constantly endangered by guerrillas, and I am satisfied that this city has been their headquarters, and that their chief supplies have been forwarded from here. Their spirits have been raised by the absence of the troops. I am certain that Gen. Scott, on the spot, would order its re-occupation. Col. Wynkoop concurs in its importance. Very truly yours,
F.T. Lilly
Major 9th Infantry, commanding. [MDT]
Opening The Line of Communication Between Vera Cruz and Gen’l Scott.-We learn that the views of Major Lilly, respecting the re-occupation of Jalapa, have been long since anticipated by the war department. And that, as early as August 12, instructions were dispatched by the adjuctant general to Col. Wilson, commanding at Vera Cruz, to organize and send forward, with all expedition, a competent force for the re-occupation of that city. The instructions also suggested the holding of the National Bridge and Cerro Gordo. The measures thus taken by the war department to open the communication from this end of the line, will, we have no doubt, prove successful. (As has been already stated, a letter has been received from Lieut. Col. Hughes, stating that he has occupied the National Bridge)
It was reported that the yellow fever had made its appearance in General Lane’s command;that there was some scarcity of provisions, and that the guerrillas had fortified Cerro Gordo.
Colonel Wilson reports that a sufficient force left Vera Cruz, September 6, to take possession of San Juan and the National Bridge, and that other forces would soon follow to open the remainder of the line to Jalapa. The taking and holding these points are the first points necessary to keep open the communication with our army in Mexico Union [MDT]
Of Puebla, we have two or three reports. La Patria has it that “General Rea has got full possession of Puebla, but that the Americans were pouring a deadly fire upon his troops from the surrounding heights containing the town.”
Address of Santa Anna on Resuming Hostilities After the Armistice Terminated:
The president provisional of the republic and commander in chief of the army to the nation
Countrymen-The enemy, availing himself of idle pretexts, has determined to commence hostilities upon your beautiful city. Presuming us to be dis-heartened and humiliated by the reverses of fortune, he expected that I should subscribe a treaty by which the territory of the republic would have been essentially reduced and the republic covered with shame nd ignominy. Mexicans do not deserve a ….so ignominious, and having been called upon spontaneously to direct their destiness, I have felt it my duty to respond with loyalty to go signal a mark of confidence, preserving those precious rights which cannot be alienated, and thus affording an example of energy and firmness which are the glory of nations.
The enemy had proclaimed that they would propose to us a peace honorable for both nations, and it became our duty to listen to them, that their treachery might be made known. Their propositions and the sequel of the negotiations are to be published, so that the civilized world may see that we were ready to sacrifice all that our honor would permit us to sacrifice; and that on the other hand our enemies st up measureless pretensions, which would have destroyed the republic and converted it into a miserable colony of the United States. TO such audacity we could oppose nothing but our firmness and our valor.
Mexicans! You will find me, as ever, leadingin your detence, striving to free you from a heavy yoke, and to preserve your altars from infamous violation, and your daughters and your wives from the extremity of insult. The enemy raises the sword to wound your noble fronts; do you draw it likewise to chastise the rancorous pride of the invader.
Mexicans! Forever live the independence of the country.
ANTONIO LOPEZ DE SANTA ANNA.
Mexico, September 7th, 1847
The Mexican papers are filled with articles written in the most earnest spirit. The following is a translation of the leader in the Diario del Gobierno after the battle of the King’s mill.
Questions for Scott, for Polk, for that part of the people of the United States in favor of the war, for all that nation and for the world.
What is the cause, what the impelling motive that the United States of America have brought pillage, desolation and death upon the Mexican republic?
What offences has this republic committed?
What reasonable or just aim does that government enterlain, to gain which it has adopted measures so barbarous and unworthy of Christian and civilized people?
Does it suppose that by such conduct, worthy of freebooters and savage, it can vindicate right which can only be legally asserted by means of pacific negotiations?
From the conduct pursued by the American Government, what can possibly ensue but a war at once interminable and of extermination, inasmuch as the Mexican republic is determined to disappear from the catalogue of nations, rather than consent to humiliation and disgrace?
From the state of Jalisco, the tone is to the same effect. The official proclamations, which were issued upon the receipt of the news of the battle of Churubusco, or San Angel as the Mexicans term it, breathe war to the knife. They must never lay down their arms so long as a single American pollutes the soil of the country; their remains must be consigned to the same earth in which repose the vietims of Palo Alto, Resaca, Monterey, Augostura, Cerro Cordo and San Angel. Providence has reserved for Ialistco the honor of humiliating the American pride. Let us says the governor give the world occasion to say, “Jalasco was the cradle of the liberty of the Mexcian republic, and the tomb of the conquerors of the north.” But in case the issue of the struggle should be unpropitious, it only remains for the Jaliscans to find a common grave with their enemies, and an admiring posterity will exclaim “ Jalisco lost her independence, but linked her honor with her tomb.”
From Tamaulipas, too, we have addresses of the same character, encouraging the citizens to rally once more to the contest and make another desperate effort.
From no part of the country are we able to find any unwavering on the part of the Mexicans, no indications of a desire to treat upon the terms which have been offered.
A supplementary number of the Diario del Gobierno of the 10th alt., has an address of the Mexican people without any signature, but evidently partaking of an official character. It will be read of course as a Mexican production.
Mexicans! Among the European volunteers whom the American army has hired to kill us, there are many unfortunate men who are convinced of the injustice of this war, who profess the same Roman Catholic religion which we profess, but who being harassed by the misery which prevails in Europe from the want of employment and the failure of crops, have consented to enlist. Some of these men, abjuring their errors and following the noble impulses of their hearts, have passed over to our army to defend our just causes. From these, his excellency the president formed the foreign legion, known under the name of the company of St. Patrick. At La Angostura and at Churubusco they bore themselves with the highest intrepidity, and after the enemy had gained possession of this last point, which was only after its defenders had exhausted their last cartridges, they were made prisoners.
The generals of the American army, who cannot count upon their soldiers in a war so iniquitous save though the influence of acts of ferocity, were determined to shoot these Irishmen. Scarcely was this known of the city, before every breast was filled with horror at the thought. His excellency, the minister of relations, in a touching letter to the English consul, the estimable lady of her Britanic majesty’s minister, various private individuals, both Mexicans and foreigners, we ourselves, and even the ladies of families residing at Tacubaya, interceded for these brave men; and we expected that if they could not be pardoned, they would at least be spared capital punishment.
It would have been deemed base and repugnant in the laws of [. . . ] modern wars, offer the bloody spectacle of the execution of these men, which to defense of Churubusco; but they had no share whatever in the slaughter which was made the day before yesterday upon the heights of the King’s mill. Well, then, will you believe it, my countrymen? This day, in cold blood, these Caribs, from an impulse of superstition, and after the manner of savages and as practiced in the days of Homer, have hung up these men as a holocaust- they have themselves said it- to the manes of the general or generals who there fell! And in what manner did they hand them?- Noosing them by the neck as they stood upon the ground, and so suspending them that they died “ by inches,” strangled by their own weight, the mode adopted being such that their horrible agony lasted more than one hour. A spectacle worthy of such men, or rather of demony escaped from hell! This they did with eighteen of these unhappy men, and among them the brave Captain Reilli, whose head they stuck upon a pike and planted at Churubusco. To six others, who proved that they had not volunteered but been impressed, they gave two hundred lashes each, and compelled them to dig the graves of their companion.
Mexicans: These are the same men who call us barbarians and say they come to civilize us: these are the men who have plundered the houses of the surrounding villages, who have stolen children from their families, who have slept in the niches devoted to the sacred dead, who have, with blasphemous revelry, clothed themselves in the ornaments of the altars, who have thrown upon the ground the body of Jesus Christ and have made themselves drunk in drinking out of the sacred vessels. Accursed may they be of all Christians, as they are of God!
Countrymen! The supreme government commanded its commissioners, as you have seen it already published, that they should inquire of their commissioners first of all, why they had brought war upon our republic with blood and fire? What injuries we have done to them that they should thus seek to revenge themselves? Their mode of concealing their confusion at not being able to reply to these inquiries and of satisfying their displeasure because we would not consent to an ignominious peace, has been to light up anew the flames of war, to send us from the King’s mill day before yesterday our assassinated countrymen who had in no manner offended them, and to glut their diabolical range upon the defenseless men whom they had in their power.
Mexicans: The supreme government
conjures us in the name of the honor of our race, in the name of our
dignity as men and of God himself, that we should all unite by one unanimous
and continued effort to revenge these great outrages, to yeild never
to dismay and to wage this war without truce and without relenting. May
remorse seize upon every selfish or cowardly Mexican who cannot say to
himself that he has fulfilled every duty as a public officer and a good
citizen; who has not contributed by every means in his power towards the
war-with his person, with the influence of his position, with a part of
his fortune, with his labor, by maintaining a number of soldiers, by
aiding every way those who fight, and who has not so employed the means
which God has given him for his service and that of the country in which
God has placed him, that His images shall not be cast down, nor His holy
name blasphemed.
Mexico,
September 10, 1846.
[MDT]
NNR 73.104-73.106 16 OCT 1847 Daniel Webster on the war
Speech of Daniel Webster,
Delivered at the Wing Convention at Boston, Sept. 29, 1847.
With others who have the honor of representing this commonwealth in the congress of the United States, I have come here today, solely at the request of the whig state committee. I need hardly say, sir, that it gives me great pleasure, as on former occasions, so on this, to meet so large and respectable a representation of the whigs of Massachussets.
In the more especial duty assigned to the convention of selecting candidates for the great offices of the state, I had no original duty assigned to me. I may venture, however, sir, to express my gratification at the great unanimity which has marked the proceedings of the convention, in presenting to the people of Massachusetts again, persons so well known for their principles, so well know for their opinions, so well known for the fidelity with which they adhere to priciple and opinion.
I suppose, Mr. President, that so far those of us who belong to congress were expected to take any part in the deliberations of this assembly, it was only looked at that we might express our opinions upon the present state of national affairs in the crisis, (I think somewhat of an imminent one,) to which we have arrived. I could have desired, sir, that some of my colleagues, of better health and more ability, had chosen to precede me in submitting remarks to the meeting; but as it is, sir, apparently called upon, I am here, ready to express my opinions, humble as they are, frankly on any subject and every subject that is interesting to the people of this commonwealth. There is nothing I wish to put forward; thank God, there is nothing I shrink from.
We are, in my opinion, in a most unnecessary and therefore most unjustifiable war. I hope we are near the close of it. I attend carefully and anxiously to every rumor and every breeze that brings to us any report that the effusion of blood, caused, in my judgment, by a rash and unjustifiable proceeding on the part of the government, may cease. In this state of public affairs, in this state of excitement of public feeling, which we know, upon this subject of war, pervades all classes and all ranks, I have first to say, sir, that any counseling which this body would receive from me, will not entrench upon the loyalty which we owe to the constitution of the country, and the obedience which we are bound to pay to the laws.
We are bound, sir, to consider the nature of the government under which we live. There must be in every government some supreme power, some ultimate will, from which there is no peaceable appeal. In mixed monarchies, like that of England, the sovereign will resides with the king and the parliament. In despotic governments it responses in the breast of the sovereign, as in Russia, Austria, and elsewhere. But with us, under our free republican and representative government, this public will, which we all agree must in the end prevail, unless from peace we resort to force, consists in the expressed opinion of the majority, ascertained according to the principles of the constitution. Within the limits prescribed by the constitution and pronounced agreeably to its forms, we must submit to this, or we give up all government and surrender ourselves to a state of anarchy. The law of majority, according to our forms, a majority ascertained in agreement with the principles of the constitution, is the law which you and I and all of us are bound to obey.
Sir, I should hardly advert to this, if I did not see afloat in the community, signs somewhat of a dangerous tendency. I agree that all powers may be so abused as to require resistance, whether it be the power of an autocrat, of a king and parliament, or of a majority; for all power in human hands may be so far abused, may make so flagrant a case as to render it necessary in the quorum of conscience to resist its demands. That is not the exercise of our political rights under the constitution of our country, and not in the exercise of our national rights against the constitution. Sir, there is not one of us here who has had the honor of bearing any office, high or low, in the United States government or in the state government, who has not sworn that he will support the constitution of the United States. There is no man ignorant of the fact that the constitution of the United States confers on congress the power of making war, and therefore there is no man so ignorant as not to know that when that power has been exercised according to the forms of the constitution, the will of congress expressed, is the law of the lang; and it is binding upon every man’s conscience, in my humble opinion.
While in the course of debate we may oppose the action of congress, and I hope I have not been behind in that respect; but when those councils assume the form of law we may not disregard it. We are not called upon to supply any voluntary aid, succor or support; our duties as good citizens terminate in conformity to the law.
I think, therefore, that the present crisis call once not only for the most serious and energetic, but for the most constitutional and considerate action of all whigs over the whole country. There are those who think that violence is strength. That I hold to be a great mistake. Violent counsels are weak counsels; violent conduct is weak conduct, and violent language is always weak language. Our highest purpose, I may say, our boldest resolves, then, most recommend themselves to the acceptance of the community, when they are announced, certainly with clearness and force, but also with decorum and dignity, with a just respect for others. The great dramatist instructs those who would excel in the power of moving men, not always to be ready to tear a passion to rags and tatters, but in the torrent and whirlwind of their emotions to observe a just temporance- that sobriety of sentiment, that sobriety of language which proves men in earnest. Allow me to say it is not the noisiest water that are generally the deepest; no has it always been found that spirit which is most inclined to vapor when danger and disaster are at a distance, is the firmest in breasting them on their near approach.
With these remarks, sir, upon the tone and temper, which in my opinion, belongs to all constitutional whigs, here and elsewhere. I shall proceed to make a few remarks upon the topics of the day.
I have said, sir, that we are engaged in a war, in my opinion unnecessary, and therefore unjustifiable. I hold it to be a war unconstitutional in its origin-I hold it to be a war founded upon pretexts. Sir, the law of nations, embodying the general sense of mankind, instructs us that the motives of war are good or vicious. Where they are founded in conviction of necessity. In a sole desire to promote the public good and defend the national interest, it is a good motive. Where they are founded in any oblique purpose, or any unjust purpose, when war is waged for conquest, for acquisition, for gain, for renown, for the purpose of gratifying private ambition, or for party purposes the motive is vicious. An sir, they go further, and maintain this distinction, that there may be causes for a war which would justify the war so far as the opposity nation is concerred, and yet not furnish a good motive for a war, because good motives for a war, require always a good cause for a war, require something else. They require that the war should not be waged excepting from necessity, and for its utility to the interests of the country.
Now, sir, the law of nations instructs us that there are wars of pretext. The history of the world proves that there have been, and we are not without proof that there are, wars waged on pretext, that is, on pretenses where the cause assigned is not the true cause. That I believe, it to be a war of pretext, a war in which the true motive is not distinctly avowed, but in which pretenses, afterthoughts, evasions, and other methods are employed to put a case before the community which is not the true case.
I upon think sir there are three pretexts, all unfounded, upon which this war has been justified, in various modes and on various occasions. The president of the united States in his war message of May, 1846, puts the war upon the fact that the Mexican government have invaded the territory of the United States and shed American blood upon American soil. Now in my judgment, this is not the case. The president of the United States as early as January, 1846, to move beyond what Mexico acknowledged to be the boundary of Texas and place itself upon the Rio Grande. Arrived there, blood was shed upon the left bank of the Rio Grande. Was that American soil? That was soil claimed by the United States, but which congress had never recognized. It was territory claimed by Mexico itself, and was, at the time, in the actual possession of Mexico. The most favorable presentment, therefore is this: that we, having a claim to territory of which the other party was in possession, marched an army into it to take possession. Is not that war upon our side? I am of opinion, therefore, that the declaration in the message of the 11th of May 1846, upon which the act of congress, of the 13th, was based, the declaration that war existed “by the act of Mexico,” cannot be made out correctly by any evidence in point of fact. If so it was a pretext.
Then again, although this was the main point upon which the recognition of war was placed by the president, no sooner was the war declared, than other causes were resorted to. One was the refusal of the Mexican government to receive our minister, but where was that ever made a cause of war, and especially of Executive war? Because the government chooses not to have intercourse with us, it is for the president to say that that is just cause for war? It is no just cause of war, and even where it just and proper, it is no sudden emergency authorizing the executive to plunge the government into a war, and especially when congress is in session, ready, at any moment, to receive advices, and to act upon them. I look upon it, therefore, that is this ground is a pretext.
Well, then comes another. Mexico, it is said, had declined to pay the debts, due to U.S. citizens from their citizens. I believe that is true, but that was not put forth as the cause of war in the message of the president on the 11th of May, 1846; it is not, in the act of congress of the 13th of May. It is not, therefore, the cause put upon record or the act of the government. It is an afterthought. And here again, this matter of debts and claims of citizens of the United States upon Mexico is a matter of long standing. The condition of Mexico is a matter of long standing. The condition of Mexico was as reprehensible six months before as it was on that day; but there was manifested no disposition to make it a cause of war. To say, therefore, that this war was founded upon the refusal of Mexico to pay her debt, is a pretext, and nothing but a pretext.
Well then, sir, what was the object of this war? So far as we can now scrutinize the motives of men, so far as we can look into the objects and designs of our rulers, what was the motive, the purpose, the impulses of the heart, which led to the measures that brought on this war? Why sir, I have a very poor opinion of my own sagacity, I do not pretend to see so far into such matters as other men, but to me it is as plain as a turnpike, as visible as the sun that now shines upon us.
Sir, an eminent person belonging to the party in administration, most eminent ceratainly of all that do belong to it, so eminent that it strikes one rather oddly that the administration should not belong to him rather than he to it, I mean Mr. Calhoun, one of the most practical politicians and debaters in this country-a gentleman that is not apt to concede away his case, declared, in the last session of congress that if there had been annexation of Texas, there would have been no war; and he went further and said that the immediate cause of war was the order for the march of our officers from Corpus Cristi to the Rio Grande.
But how did the war grow out of annexation? This is a case in which we must adopt proper distinctions and follow the light of ascertained facts. Mr. P. I am not now, nor at any time, an apologist for Mexico. I have a very poor opinion of her government in all its states, and at all times. I pity the people of Mexico from my heart, and I should pity them more if they appeared to me to have sense enough to understand the misery of their own position. I believe it to be very worst government in the world pretending to regard the rights of the people. This republic, which, by the way, is no republic at all, but a military anarchy, has been, I am sorry to say, for years and years the prey of every miserable military upstart that could find money enough to sustain a miserable army. I have no sympathy, therefore, with any form of government, or any of the men connected with the government of Mexico, for the last twenty years. And I go further; I say that in my judgment, that after the events of 1836, and the battle of San Jancinto, Mexico had no reason to regard Texas as one of her provinces. She had no power in Texas, but it was entirely at the disposition of those whose who lived in it. They made a government for themselves. This country acknowledged that government; and I think, in fairness, and honesty, we must admit that in 1840, 41, 42 and 43, Texas was an independent state among the states of the union. I do not admit, therefore, that it was any just ground of complaint on the part of Mexico, that the United States annexed Texas to themselves.
But then, sir, the fact was, that Mexico did take offense at the annexation of Texas. Long as Texas had been independent, notorious as was the fact, that the governments of Europe, as well as our own, had admitted the nationality of Texas, Mexico persisted in saying that it was her province, and she would not live on terms of amity with the United States, although she did not go to war. Her minister, Almonte, went home; she would not receive our minister, she remained gloomy and discontented; and that was the condition of things immediately after the annexation of Texas, and at the commencement of Mr. Polk’s administration.
I think that the object of the war was simply this: Mr. Polk became president of the United States in March, 1845. In June, 1845, Santa Anna was banished from Mexico to Cuba, on what is called half pay. HE seems to have been discontented with his situation at Cuba, and I am strongly suspicious that his half pay was never paid. Through 1845, the condition of things between us and Mexico was thus angry and unsatisfactory.
Not to trouble you, sir, with many dates, allow me to approach a period of some interest. It was in January, 1846, that the army of the United States, which, the summer preceding, had been ordered to take a position at Corpus Cristi, was now ordered to advance to the Rio Grande. The reason given by Mr. Buchanan, among other things, was, that it might be at hand, in case Mr. Slidell was rejected by Mexico, to act as congress should authorize. Now, there had been an opinion I believe very far back, from the time of Santa Anna’s release from imprisonment, that he was rather more favorable to the knowlegment of Texan independence than other ministers in Mexico. At any rate, after his banishment by Paredes, there cam a sentiment, that he was more favorable to peace with the United states than the government then existing.
The president of the United States, sent his war message to congress on the 11th day of May, 1846, placing the existence of the war upon the fact that Mexico had invaded our territory and shed the blood of our people. On that very day he dispatched orders to Commodore Conner at Vera Cruz that if Mr. Santa Anna came that way, he should let him in. How came it into Mr. Polk’s head that Santa Anna was likely to come that way? At about the same time, the brother of our minister to Mexico, was dispatched to Cuba. It appears from the correspondence that the United States had an agent in Cuba.
Its notorious that it was a matter of public conversation in Cuba, that Santa Anna was to return to Mexico upon the invitation of the president of the United States. Mark the coincidence of time and purpose. The president said in his communication at he opening of the session of the last congress, that he did not see any prospect of putting an end to our difficulties while Paredes was in power. What were our differences? Our chief difficulty was that Mexico would not assent to the annexation of Texas.
Now sir, I draw the attention of this meeting to a matter well enough known, but which, it seems to me, has not received the weight, the scrutiny, which it deserves. I again repeat that the war message of the 11th of May, placed the war upon the ground of actual invasion by Mexican troops, and the murder of American citizens upon American ground. Before the 1st of June a proclamation was drawn up, which on the 6th of June was dispatched to Gen. Taylor, to be by him distributed through all Mexico, and that purported to set forth to the people of Mexico the causes of the war.
I have it, and I hope the gentlemen of the press will publish it. What did that declaration say to them? Anything about invasion of American territory and murder of American troops? Now a word like it-not one word. The proclamation goes upon the old matter of the debts, and upon the refusal to receive Mr. Slidell as our minister, and upon a supposed declaration by Perades, which I cannot find anywhere, that war did actually exist. But the fact alleged in the war message of May 11th, and the fact enacted, if a fact can be enacted by legislative power, that war existed by Mexican invasion, is not alluded to, stated, or intimidated in the proclamation to the Mexican people. On the contrary, the proclamation, speaking from the mouth of Gen. Taylor, says, “ we come as friends. WE have great causes of complaint, but we come to relieve you from the tyranny of your own government. We come to put down that despotism which lords it over you.” Well, what was that tyranny, that despotism? Why, it was Perades, a military chieftain, who had succeeded Santa Anna, another military chieftain, according to the order of Mexican succession for the last twenty years. IT is to put down those tyrants, and to put down those who would establish a monarchy over you.
Where was Santa Anna at this time? Why, he was in Cuba. At some time in June he left Cuba and made his way to Vera Cruz, and was there admitted by Com. Conner according to order. Before he reached Mexico he had sent his proclamation to be distributed there, He had, by a pronunciamento, set forth his purpose, to put down the tyrants and to prevent the establishment of a monarchy. Either Santa Anna borrowed from our executive or they from him, or it was the jumping judgment of two great geniuses, I don’t know which; but the sentiments were the same, they were pronounced at the same time, and when General Taylor was invading Mexico at the North, Santa Anna’s agents were possessed of his plan of pronouncement to the same effect, with the same ideas, and in the same language. This terminated in July or August in deposing Parades.
Now then, the president of the United States acknowledges, and he could not deny it, in his elaborate commentary on these transactions in the message of last year, that he did wish to overthrow the government of Paredes, and saw no other way of getting rid of our difficulty with Mexico. I confess, sir, that when I first read that message, I was struck with equal mortification and astonishment. We, of the United States, citizens living together under this constitution, an twenty millions of us, while we have a just cause of war against Mexico, cannot get rid of the difficulty without attempting to subvert the temporary existing government of that miserable nation! Aside from the want of dignity, which it appeared to me almost covered the country with some degree of disgrace, in formatting a revolution in the country of an enemy, it appears to me to have been extremely weak, ill judged and inexpedient.
Santa Anna got to Mexico. Gen. Taylor distributed his proclamation. The president admits in the message of last December that he hoped for councils more peaceful to the United States from the authority of Santa Anna, than from the authority of Paredes. How far he has been disappointed the events will tell. How far this military chieftain entered into an agreement, I am not to say; that there was a general understanding is evident; whether he was unable or unwilling to carry out that understanding, or whether he found the sentiment of the nation too strong him, I leave you to judge; but the fact is, we find him, soon after, at the head of an army, and in direful and bloody conflicts with the army of the United States. He had put himself at the head of the Mexican armies; but instead of moving towards peace, he moved only towards war, and conflict and battle. Whatever else may be said of the circumstances, ordinary or extraordinary, that have attended the elevation of the fortunes of the president of the U. States, it will be admitted that atleast in one respect his case is somewhat singular. He has seen armies of vast numbers and amount, fighting various battles in tented fields, and it so happens that he has had the selection of commanders on both sides!
The precise object of this war is proved by facts and circumstances, sufficient, I think to satisfy any reasonable man. The precise object of this was to establish a government in Mexico, by the restoration of Santa Anna, which should yield the question of Texan independence and give us no more trouble on that account. How grievously that calculation has been disappointed, let subsequent even’s show. This then is the real ground and origin of the war, and all the rest, so far as appears to me, is more pretext; and I hope those whose business it is to spread information upon these important subjects will look at that proclamation of the 6th of May, will compare what the President said in his message of the 11th of May, and what congress enacted in conformity with that message, the hypothesis that war arose from invasion by the Mexican forces of our soil, and the murder of our citizens.
Sir, I have alluded to the declaration of Mr. Calhoun that if there had been no annexation of Texas, there would have been no war. I now choose to say sir, that I agree in your sentiment, expressed in your own forcible way in your place in the house of representatives, that the direct consequences of the act of iniquity in the annexation of Texas, is the war in which we are now engaged. I have endeavored to show that it was to avoid this consequence, to pacify Mexico, or subdue the spirit of resistance by changing her government, that these operations, military and diplomatic, were undertaken by the present government of the United States. Now sir, the proposition is too plain that this war grows out of annexation. MR. Calhoun is right. IF there had been no annexation, there would have been no war. Does any one suppose that we should have gone to war with Mexico, depopulated her, and exhausted her resources to collect our debts? Or that we should have gone to war with Mexico, because she did not choose to receive, either as a commissioner, or as an envoy extraordinary, Mr. Slidell? Would congress have declared a war upon any such pretences? Never. It did grow out of annexation, and as you see was not an unnatural consequence. But what is remarkable, sir, is that the grievence is one the part of Mexico and we make the war. She has the prominent complaint and we strike the first blow.
Sir, nothing in the history of a person, no more important than I am, can be of any great consequence to this great people. But it is of some consequence to myself, and it is among m consolations, that from the very first intimation of any design or desire to annex Texas to this country, I have opposed it with all my ability, in all places and at all times. It is now ten years, sir, since at a meeting of our political friends in New York, where that question was one upon which the opinions of those friends were a good deal divided, in which I received many admonitious not to commit myself, I did commit myself; and there it stands, and I am thankful for it. I was then, and I have been at all times since, down to the period when the bill had its last reading and my vote was against it, thoroughly, out and out, under all circumstances, against it. And my opposition was founded upon this ground: that I never would and never should, and I say now I never will and never shall, vote any further annexation to this country with a slave representation.
We hear a great deal, now-a-days about a new panacea, called the Wimot proviso, a very just sentiment but not a sentiment certainly to form any new party or sect of a party upon. For allow me to say that there is not a man in this assembly who does not hold to the sentiment of the Wilmot proviso as firmly as myself, or any other man in this assembly. It is not an opinion upon which Massachusetts whiges differ. Sir, I feel something of a political interest in this. I take the sentiment of the Wilmot proviso to be that there shall be no annexation of slave territory to this union. Did not I commit myself upon that in the year 1838, fully, entirely? And have I ever departed from it in the slightest degree? I must be permitted, sir, to say that I do not now consent that more recent discoverers should take out a patent for the discovery. I do not quite consent that they should undertake to appropriate to themselves al the benefit and honor of it. I deny the priority of their invention. Allow me to say sir, it is not their thunder.
Mr. President, even if new acquired territory should be free territory, I should deprecate any great extension of our dominions. I think we have a very large and ample domain. I think that thus far we have a sort of identity or similarity of character, that holds us together pretty well, from the Penobscot to the Gulf of Mexico. I do not know how far we can preserve that feeling of common country, if we extend it to California and for aught I know the south pole. I apprehend that in a republican government you must have a great similarity of character. It may not be so w