NNR 71.145 Gen. Stephen Watts Kearny's expedition to Tonie
NNR 71.145 the Union discredits the report that additional volunteers will be called for, remarks thereon
NNR 71.146 Army journal, two companies of troops depart Charleston for Point Isabel
NNR 71.146 Army journal, recruits
NNR 71.146 Army journal, company of 95 sappers
NNR 71.146 legal proceedings against Col. John D. Stevenson
NNR 71.150 congressional nomination in Boston in opposition to Robert Charles Winthrop because of his votes for supplies for the war
NNR 71.151 Gen. Zachary Taylor's congratulatory orders on the capture of Monterey
NNR 71.152 letter about the cause for losses at Monterey, skepticism about results of the armistice, notice of arrival of dispatches from Washington
NNR 71.152 letter from a correspondent of the Boston "Courier" about the advance of Gen. John Ellis Wool toward Presidio Rio Grande and Chihuahua
NNR 71.152-71.153 Gen. John Ellis Wool's division advancing on Monclova, for Chihuahua, letters giving details, list of his officers
NNR 71.153 experience of the Louisville Legion at Monterey
NNR 71.153 Gen. William Orlando Butler's letter detailing affair at Monterey
NNR 71.153 Kentucky mounted volunteers leave San Antonio for Port Lavaca and Camargo
NNR 71.153-71.154 letters of S. D. Allis about the assault on Monterey
NNR 71.154-71.157 letters from Lt. Henry Little and other officers at Monterey
NNR 71.157 list of killed and wounded at Monterey
NNR 71.160 Col. John Charles Fremont's affair in California
NNR 71.160 letter from Col. William Bowen Campbell describing the actions of the Tennessee regiment in the assault on Monterey
NNR 71.164 Union discredits notion that volunteers are to be called, signifies that Gen. Zachary Taylor has not been ordered to advance on San Luis Potosi, &c. , reconciled to his remaining for the present where he is, impression that a peace is about to be effected
NNR 71.164-71.165 letter on the campaign against Mexico
NNR 71.165 brisk trade at Matamoros, order of Gen. Robert Patterson concerning persons trading on the Rio Grande
NNR 71.165 arrival of the company of sappers and miners at Matamoros
NNR 71.165 Mexicans evacuate Saltillo
NNR 71.165 Gen. Zachary Taylor ordered to advance on San Luis, difficulty of so doing
NNR 71.165 correspondence between
Gen. Zachary Taylor and Gen. Francisco P. de Morales respecting conduct
of volunteers
71.165 correspondence relative to supplies of provisions
NNR 71.165-71.166 express mail with dispatches taken by Mexicans
NNR 71.166 Texas volunteers disbanded at Monterey, their return to Texas
NNR 71.166 Gen. John Ellis Wool crosses Rio Grande en route for Monclova
NNR 71.166 Maj. Lear expected to recover from his horrible wound
NNR 71.166 death of Lt. Richard H. Graham
NNR 71.166 Gen. William Orlando Butler recovering from wound
NNR 71.166 letter reporting that the Mexicans had evacuated Saltillo to stand at San Luis Potosi
NNR 71.166 Gen. Pedro Ampudia and the authorities of Saltillo, his official announcement of the surrender of Monterey
NNR 71.166 Gen. Jose Mariano de Salas' announcement of the loss of Monterey, and calling on Mexicans to rally
NNR 71.167-71.168 Maj. Luther Giddings' account of Monterey and its capture
NNR 71.168-71.169 Col. John B. Weller's report of the actions of the Ohio regiment in the action at Monterey
NNR 71.169 John Wise's project for reducing the fortress of San Juan de Ulloa
NNR 71.173-71.174 letter concerning
Capt. John Charles Fremont's operations in California
NNR 71.174-175 Lt. Emory's
Journal
NNR 71.176 spirited Mexican exertions for defense
NNR 71.176 Gen. Stephen Watts Kearny's proclamation appointing officers of government for New Mexico, leaves Santa Fe for California
NNR 71.176 Col. Alexander William Doniphan's regiment to proceed from Santa Fe for Chihuahua
NNR 71.177 British press on the Monterey victory
NNR 71.178 advice to government and estimates of force requisite to take the city of Mexico, by correspondent of New Orleans Tropic
NNR 71.178 orders relating to recruiting
NNR 71.179 copy of Secretary of War William Learned Marcy's reply to inquiry from Delaware, saying no more volunteers would be required, requisition upon states for nine regiments of volunteers, rendezvous assigned them, speculation of the public press as to reasons for the sudden change, letter from Camp Crocket, Texas, remarks on letter writing
NNR 71.180 "affairs at Monterey" by "An Actor"
NNR 71.180-71.181 Gen. William Jenkins Worth's general orders after the Battle of Monterey
NNR 71.181 no token of submission on the part of the Mexicans
NNR 71.181 Gen. Antonio Lopez de Santa Anna's letter on his arrival at San Luis de Potosi, his seizure of a conducta of specie
NNR 71.181 Gen. Antonio Lopez de Santa Anna's letter after the disaster at Monterey, his intentions
NNR 71.181 fruits of the Mexican seizure of correspondence between Secretary of War William Learned Marcy and Gen. Zachary Taylor
NNR 71.181 Gen. Pedro Ampudia's assertion that the "generals of the enemy" had suggested the armistice
NNR 71.181 Mexican accounts of the Battle of Monterey, praise for the valor of our troops, Gen. Pedro Ampudia's demand for an investigation of his conduct
NNR 71.181 Gen. Romulo Diaz de la Vega exchanged for Capt. Edward William Carpender of the brig Truxton, &c.
NNR 71.181-71.182 Mexican movements, their account of the Monterey affair, disputes over control of the reins of government, &c.
NNR 71.182 circular of Minister Manuel Crecenio Rejon about resisting the enemies of the existing order
NNR 71.182 resignations of Senor Cortina and Minister Manuel Crecenio Rejon
NNR 71.182 Mexicans perfectly apprised of sickness at Matamoros, their movements in defense of Veracruz
NNR 71.182 enthusiasm among Mexicans for the successful defense of Alvarado
NNR 71.182 Mexican troops from Puebla for Veracruz
NNR 71.182 Yucatan re-incorporated in the Mexican confederacy
NNR 71.182 Mexican troops sent to the defense of Veracruz
NNR 71.182 description of the fortress and defenses of Monterey
NNR 71.182 munitions captured at Monterey
NNR 71.182-184 list of the killed and wounded at Monterey
NNR 71.182-71.184 second attack on Alvarado
NNR 71.185 movement against Tabasco
NNR 71.185 movements on the Pacific coast, expedition against San Diego, Com. Robert Field Stockton takes San Pedro, California ports occupied
NNR 71.185-71.186 arrival
of the prize bark Coosa at New Orleans
71.186 the captured Mexican schooner Telegraph brought up to the fleet
NNR 71.186-71.187, 71.194 Daniel Webster's speech at Faneuil Hall (November 6, 1846)
NNR 71.187-71.191 Capt. John Charles Fremont's operations in Upper California, correspondence among Fremont, Jose Castro, Manuel Castro, and Thomas O. Larkin
NNR 71.192 Col. Richard B. Mason dispatched to the Pacific via Panama to supersede Col. John D. Stevenson in command of the California expedition
NNR 71.192, 71.196 rumor that Gen. Pedro Ampudia has not evacuated Saltillo but had marched toward Monclova, rumor contradicted
NNR 71.193 The Americanizing of Santa Fe
NNR 71.193 Com. Robert Field Stockton's proclamation to the people of California
NNR 71.194 general orders regarding preparation of returns and transfer of officers
NNR 71.195 the war assuming
a very grave aspect, and promises to continue, review and reflections
71.195 an agent of Mexico and Secretary of State James Buchanan
NNR 71.195-71.196 Mexican
operations, Antonio Lopez de Santa Anna's finances
NNR 71.196 English offer of mediation to Mexico
NNR 71.196 agent sent to Europe to negotiate a loan for Mexico
NNR 71.196 Gen. Antonio Lopez de Santa Anna concentrating his forces
at San Luis Potosi
NNR 71.196 Gen. Gabriel Valencia selected as second in command to Gen.
Antonio Lopez de Santa Anna
NNR 71.196 Mexican reinforcement of Veracruz
NNR 71.196 disputes in Yucatan over re-incorporation into Mexico
NNR 71.196 Alvarado made a city
NNR 71.196 Yucatan ships warned off Mexican ports
NNR 71.196-71.197 disease in our Army, letters describing state of affairs
NNR 71.197 "Jersey Blues" in the conflict with Mexico
NNR 71.197 account of the interview between Gen. Pedro Ampudia and Gen. Zachary Taylor at Monterey
NNR 71.197 Gen. Stephen
Watts Kearny orders part of his force back to Santa Fe and proceeds for
California with only 200 men
NNR 71.197 apprehensions about winter forage at Santa Fe, large number
of men left unemployed there
NNR 71.198 second attack on Alvarado
NNR 71.199-71.200 Com. Matthew Calbraith Perry's operations at Tabasco
NNR 71.200 vessels captured at Tabasco
NNR 71.200-71.201 Gen. Zachary Taylor's official account of taking of Monterey
NNR 71.201-71.202 Jack Hays and his men
NNR 71.208 naval expedition against Tampico
NNR 71.208 Gen. John Ellis Wool's address to his Army on reaching the Rio Grande, dispatches from him
NNR 71.209 review of the
condition of affairs
NNR 71.209 Californias occupied, Mexican ports in possession, position
of the armies, Gen. Winfield Scott and Com. Charles Stewart to assume command
and Veracruz the next point of attack, move-making with that view
NNR 71.209 condensed table of killed and wounded at Monterey
NNR 71.209 Capt John Gross Barnard to supervise fortifications at Tampico
NNR 71.209 Gen. Stephen Watts Kearny's movements toward California
NNR 71.209 concern about subsistence at Santa Fe
NNR 71.209 naval movements against Tampico
NNR 71.210 march of the Army of the Center from San Antonio de Bexar to the Rio Grande
NNR 71.210-71.211 Gen. Pedro Ampudia's proclamation on the fall of Monterey
NNR 71.218 Com. Matthew Calbraith Perry's official account of affair at Tabasco
NNR 71.218 addition to the official report of the affair at Tabasco
NNR 71.219-71.220 Gen. William Orlando Butler's report on the Battle of Monterey
NNR 71.220 Gen. Thomas Lyon Hamer's report on the Battle of Monterey
NNR 71.220-71.221 Gen. John Anthony Quitman's report on the Battle of Monterey
NNR 71.221 Gen. David Emanuel Twiggs' report on the Battle of Monterey
NNR 71.221-71.223 Gen. William Jenkins Worth's report on the Battle of Monterey
NNR 71.223 Gen. James Pinckney Henderson's report on the Texas volunteers at Monterey
NNR 71.224 traders to Santa Fe proceeding to Chihuahua
NNR 71.225 report of Mexican privateers fitting at Cuba
NNR 71.226 arrest of Mark H. Parkenson at New Orleans for holding intercourse with the Mexican government
NNR 71.226 news of Gen.
Stephen Watts Kearny on his way from Santa Fe to California
71.226 Col. Alexander William Doniphan detained for want of provisions,
no money, treasury draughts at heavy discounts, predictions, provisions
on the way to Santa Fe
71.226 Col. Philip Saint George Cooke, with the regiment of Mormon infantry,
leaves Santa Fe for California
NNR 71.226 designation
of New York volunteers for Mexico
71.226 letters from the secretary of war declining additional volunteers
NNR 71.240 Panuca captured
71.240 troops arrive at Tampico
71.240 Saltillo occupied by Gen. William Jenkins Worth
71.240 Gen. Antonio Lopez de Santa Anna's movements
NNR 71.240 Gen. John Ellis Wool's reception at Monclova, which he occupies, proceeds for Saltillo
NNR 71.241 speculation as to
the disposition of the new Mexican Congress and as to Gen. Antonio Lopez
de Santa Anna's designs, &c.
71.241 urgent appeals to the Mexican Congress to make Gen. Antonio Lopez
de Santa Anna dictator
NNR 71.241 correspondence between Gen. Zachary Taylor and Gen. Antonio Lopez de Santa Anna
NNR 71.241 Gen. Zachary
Taylor visits Saltillo
71.241 Gen. Winfield Scott's purposes
NNR 71.241 more volunteers called into service
NNR 71.241 state of affairs at Santa Fe
NNR 71.242 Mexican account
of affairs at Monterey
71.242 skirmish between Georgia volunteers and Mexicans
NNR 71.242 storming the Bishop's Palace at Monterey, touching incident
NNR 71.243 Com. Robert Field Stockton's proclamation organizing a government in California
NNR 71.243 burning the Mexican brig Creole
NNR 71.256 accurate table
of killed and wounded in Battle of Monterey unavailable
NNR 71.256 fifteen hundred volunteers said to be buried on the Rio Grande
NNR 71.256 diminution of the Baltimore battalion
NNR 71.257 loss of the United States sloop of war Boston, capture of Panuca
NNR 71.258 estimate of the prize money from the Tabasco and Tampico captures
NNR 71.258 praise for Midshipman Simpson's gunnery
NNR 71.259 exposed state of the Indian frontier because of withdrawal of troops for the war with Mexico
NNR 71.262 rumors relative to superseding the commanding generals by appointing a lieutenant general, Gen. Robert Armstrong or Thomas Hart Benton considered for post, Com. Charles Stewart's appointment as commander of the Gulf Squadron also being reconsidered, review of results of the campaign, glimpse at the future
NNR 71.262 affair at Angelos, Mexican finances, ordnance at San Luis, Campeche identified with Mexico, Capt. G. T. M. Davis' account of route of Gen. John Ellis Wool's division
NNR 71.263 Wool abandons original object, Chihuahua, marches to Monclova, and thence to Saltillo; letter from "a volunteer" describing the country, condition of the troops, objects, &c.
NNR 71.264 Gen. John Ellis Wool ordered to occupy Parras
NNR 71.264 wounded from Monterey, change of the direction of the Army, Gen. Zachary Taylor proposes to march for Victoria
NNR 71.264 Gen. Robert Patterson's command retiring to the mouth of the Rio Grande en route for Tampico
NNR 71.264 Gen. William Orlando Butler
NNR 71.264 Gen. Gideon Johnson Pillow
NNR 71.264 rumor of Gen. Antonio Canales having taken sixty baggage wagons
NRR 71.264 directions of the different corps
NNR 71.265 letter of "Gomez"
from Monterey
71.264 rumors respecting Gen. Antonio Lopez de Santa Anna's movements
NNR 71.270 letter of Consul John Black to Secretary of State James Buchanan transmitting correspondence of Gen. Antonio Lopez de Santa Anna
NNR 71.270-71.271 plans of Gen. Antonio Lopez de Santa Anna
NNR 71.272 Mexicans determined to defend their country
NNR 71.272 formidable Mexican force assembled at San Luis
NNR 71.272 Gen. Antonio Lopez de Santa Anna at a grand review of the troops
NNR 71.272 defense of the Mexican withdrawal from Tampico
NNR 71.272 accounts of the burning of the Mexican vessel Creole at San Juan de Ulloa
NNR 71.272 prizes taken at Tabasco are wrecked
NNR 71.272 American blockade of Mexican ports
NNR 71.272 Cyane blockading Guaymas
NNR 71.272 American traders arrested at Chihuahua
NNR 71.272 Gen. John Ellis Wool occupies Parras, Gen. William Jenkins Worth at Saltillo
NNR 71.272 Mexican destruction of water tanks between Saltillo and San Luis Potosi
NNR 71.272 Gens. Zachary Taylor and Gideon Johnson Pillow march for Victoria
NNR 71.272 volunteers embark from Rio Grande for Tampico
NNR 71.272 Gen. Winfield Scott arrives in New Orleans on his way to the seat of the war
NNR 71.272 military appointments, &c.
NNR 71.272 Mexicans at El Paso del Norte
NNR 71.272 Mexican levy on the church and clergy to finance the war, shipments of specie to Europe
NNR 71.272 steamer Gopher breaks her chains and is lost in heavy winds, other ships sunk in gale
NNR 71.145 November 7, 1846 Gen. Stephen Watts Kearney’s expedition to Tonie
GENERAL KEARNEY’S EXPEDITION TO TONIE
Santa Fe, Sept. 13, 1846
Messrs. Editors: On the 2d instant, General Kearney, with about eight hundred
men, left this town on an excursion south. We went to a village
called Tonie, about one hundred miles distant. We struck the Rio
Grande twenty seven miles from this place, at a village called San Domingo,
inhabited by the Puebla Indians. Our reception at this village was
quite a grand affair; the principal men and braves met us six miles from
the town, and escorted us in; the braves were mounted on their best horses,
and dressed in the most gaudy apparel, and armed and equipped in the same
manner as when they go out for the purpose of fighting. When the
general passed the head of their columns, they fired off their guns, and
then one file on each side of our companies proceeded to the rear, and
then wheeled and came down to close our line at the top of the speed of
their horses, yelling and going through all the maneuvers of a regular
charge; they met again at the head of our columns, fired at each other
with their pistols, made passes with their lances, and then filed off, and
returned to the head of our companies. This was repeated several
times, to the great admiration and astonishment to all who witnessed it.
I have never seen better horsemen anywhere, and from what I could discover,
I should take them to be formidable in battle, if properly armed.
They are fine looking men, and much superior in every respect to the Mexican
population. They have a very fine village, most splendid vineyards,
and appear to be much more comfortable, in every respect than the Mexicans.
When we got into the village, we were invited to the priest’s house, where
a most sumptuous repast was set out consisting of the best grapes I ever
saw, melons, apples, cakes, and with liquor sufficient to wash them down.
There is at this town quite an extensive church, to which is attached
the priest’s house, where he keeps his wives, or concubines. The
priest at this place has four-two of them are quite good looking.
After our repast, the general made a speech to the citizens, who appeared
quite well pleased. They then escorted us out of town, and we went
on our way rejoicing, with full stomachs, and every man with just liquor
enough in him to make him feel patriotic. This was the only Indian
village we visited.
After we left San Domingo, we passed through villages every eight or ten miles, until we reached the village of Tonie. Most of them, however, were quite small and the inhabitants, with exception of two or three men in each, are a poor miserable set.
The only villages on the Rio Grande, that we visited worthy of note, are
San Domingo, San Phillippe, Albuquerque, and Tonie. Albuquerque was
the residence of Armijo. We halted a short time at the place, going
and returning. Gen, Kearney called on the late governor’s wife,
and passed an hour or two, as he told me, very pleasantly. She is
said to be an intelligent woman, and deported herself with much propriety.
Her husband, (Armijo,) it is said, has gone to the Passo, and it is supposed
will continue on to the city of Mexico. The people near the town
of Tonie, and the inhabitants of the different villages, have heard of
our intended visit, and the general so arranged our marches as to bring
us to this town the evening before the anniversary of our patron Saint
– a great day with the inhabitants of that region of the country; and
I assure you it was a great day not only with them, but to all who were
present. There was an immense concourse of people, men, women, and
children, Mexicans, Indians, and White folks. They had prepared
fire-works, which were gotten up in a very good style, the town was illuminated,
they had a theatre- that is, a play in the open yard, which appeared to
be well received by the inhabitants. They also had a fandango, which
was not only crowded, nut jammed and crowded to overflowing. The
beauty and fashion were there, and, to my astonishment, I found some of
the women quite handsome. During the day there was mass said, and
the Virgin Mary was paraded down the streets followed by the principal
men of the town, and also Gen. Kearney and his staff, with lighted candles
in their hands.
The priest at Tonie joined in the waltz, and appeared as jovial and
as much disposed to participate in all the amusements as anyone else.
The country south of this place, (Santa Fe,) along the Rio Grande, is
much better than any portion of the province I have yet visited; yet in
my judgment, no Missourian would ever think of locating anywhere here
for the purpose of cultivating the soil. The province has been overrated,
and our government has been grossly imposed upon and deceived, as to
its resources, commerce, &c. I have not seen anything since
my arrival here that would excite the least desire for me to reside here.
To sum up the whole in a few words, the Mexicans are physically, mentally,
and morally, an inferior and “low flung” race.
Yesterday an order was read, assigning the five companies of dragoons
for the California expedition; there has not as yet been any place designated
for my winter quarters; it is however believed that my company will be
attached to Maj. Clark’s battalion, and stationed at this place.
I hope such may be the case, unless I can induce the general to let me
go south, to the Passo del Norte. I saw the general last night,
and requested that he would not assign me to Doniphan’s command-he said
he would not.
I have found the officers of the army very agreeable companions, and thus far, all has gone on very well.—Our mail will not leave before next Thursday. Should anything occur before the departure of the mail, I will write you again.
September 15, 1846.—Since writing the foregoing, an order was made, assigning my company to do duty with Maj. Clark’s battalion, and stationing us at this place for the winter.The five companies of dragoons, will, it is said, march on the 25th instant for California. We have had no news in relation to Price’s regiment, nor of Captain Allen’s command of Mormons. We do not know how to account for the non-arrival of Price, nor the delay of Allen.[MJK]
NNR 71.145 November 7, 1846 the “Union” discredits the report that additional volunteers will be called for, remarks thereon
The Washington Union contradicts the report that additional volunteers have been called for. That paper of the 4th inst. says: “The moment ‘new troops’ are wanting, in addition to the regulars and the volunteers now in service, we presume they will be called for. When, it does not become us to say,; still less to what point any of our troops may be sent-whether to Saltillo, (to which the Inquirer undertakes to say Gen. Taylor has been ordered to advance,’ without any discretion,) or to Tampico, or to Vera Cruz, and the castle of San Juan de Ulloa, as other essayists have urged, or to any other point of the compass. We avoid touching upon these points. It is not within our province. The impartial press will excuse us for saying that, even if any friend of the administration were to be acquainted with the plan of the campaign, or even to suspect it, it would scarcely be his duty to go to the house tops and proclaim it in the ears of our enemies.”The Baltimore American, of yesterday, quoting the above, replies: “Not withstanding the strict reserve which the Union here professes, it did intimate some time ago, with distinctness enough that an expedition was contemplated against Tampico, and that the men to compose it were to be taken, a portion at least, from the Rio Grande.
With such a disclosure as this, and with the further knowledge that Gen. Taylor had peremptory order to terminate the armistice, with a view, as we are told, of a vigorous prosecution of the war, the public anxiety becomes naturally excited at the apprehension that Taylor’s support is to be withdrawn from his base line of operations at the very moment that he is directed to advance into the enemies country. It is not from a disposition to indulge in idle speculation that the newspapers in various parts of the country dwell upon this subject. Great fears are felt that the gallant army in Mexico, which has covered itself with glory, may, by some blunder of the administration, be left in jeopardy. We say that such fears are felt-and sensitively too. The country looks with anxiety towards Gen. Taylor, watching every step; and while it has great confidence in him and his brave soldiers it has not a great deal of confidence in the competency of the administration. This, we believe, is the chief secret of the extreme solicitude which possesses the public mind in reference to affairs in Mexico, and concerning the manifestations of which in the public prints the official paper gives indirect lectured on propriety.”A report has become very general, and was certainly authorized by the highest authority that the President had determined to call for additional volunteers. At the same time a report prevailed that a formidable diversion was to be made either upon Tampico or Vera Cruz. It is probable that the two reports were dependant upon each other. If an invasion of Mexico, at one of these ports was to be attempted, the call would be made, and not otherwise.
We refer to details from the several divisions of the army, for the latest intelligence from each.
The official reports and particulars of the late engagements, and list of the killed and wounded, have not reached Washington. [MJK]
NNR 71.146-11/7/1846 Army Journal/Company Movement
Two companies of the U. S. army embarked from Charleston, S. C., on the 27th ult. in the ship South Carolina, for Pont Isabel. The following are the names of the officers--
Company H--E. J. Steptoe, lieut. Command'g the detachment; Lieuts. H. . B. Judd, L. D. Welch. Company D--Lieut. F. O. Wyse, Lieut. E. G. Beckwith, Lieut. G. P. Andrews. John M. Cuyler, assisstant surgeon. [SCM]
NNR 71.146-11/7/1846 Army Journal/ Recruits
Recruits. - The officers of the army were detached by Gen'l Taylor after the battles of the 8th and 9th May for recruits are now returning with the recruits they have obtained to join the army.A detachment of fifty German recruits, under the command of Lieut. H. Browne, embarked from N. York on the 29th ultimo in the brig Ellen and Clara, for Fort Brooke, Tampa bay, Florida. [SCM]
NNR 71.146- 11/7/1846 Army Journal/Company of Ninety-five Sappers
The company of ninety-five Sappers and Miners reached N. Orleans on the 24th ultimo in the ship Clinton, from New York.The ship John Holland, arrived at Brazoson the 17th with troops.The steamer Florida, with a number of the wounded soldiers from Monterey, had been aground on the bar off Brazos, but got off, and proceeded for New Orleans.Cat. Ruggles, in command of a detachment of the 5th infantry, about 175 men, accompanied by Lieuts. Tyler and Gibson, the latter in command of a detachment of artillery recruits, embarked from New York on the 30th ult., in the ship Corsair for Brazos Santiago. Capt. Ruggles was in the battles of Palo Alto and Reseca do le Palma.Wm. W. Tompkins, esq., formerly captain of the 2d dragoons, U. S. army, and who served in the Florida war until the close of the year 1838, is making vigorous efforts to organize in New York a corps of volunteers for the Mexican war [SCM]
NNR 71.146 November 7, 1846 legal proceedings against Col. John D. Stevenson
Col. STEPHENSON.—Commander of the California expedition.— In the suit of Ellingwood vs. Jonathan D. Stephenson, colonel, &c. United States army, his honor said the motion to set aside the writ of ne exeat must be denied, and the motion to open the default, and the motion for an attachment against the colonel must be granted. [N.Y. Gaz & Times. [MJK]
NNR 71.150 November 7, 1846 congressional nomination in Boston in opposition to Robert Charles Winthrop because of his votes for supplies for the war
At a public meeting held in Boston on Thursday evening, Charles Sumner, Esq., was nominated as an independent candidate for congress, in opposition to the regularly nominated whig candidate, Mr. Winthrop. Hon. C.F. Adams (son of the ex-president) presided, and such men as Dr. S. G. Howe, Dr. Channing, Dr. Bowditch, &c., who are opposed to the Mexican war, were concerned in the measure. They oppose Mr. Winthrop because he voted for supplies. Whig journals say the true whigs of Boston will be inspired by the result of this meeting to make extra exertions in favor of their candidate.—Four parties are in the field arrayed against them. [MJK]
NNR 71.151 November 7, 1846 Gen. Zachary Taylor’s congratulatory orders on the capture of Monterey
“ARMY OF OCCUPATION.”
CAPTURE OF MONTEREY
From Matamoras “American Flag” of October 10
ORDERS-No. 123
Headquarters, Army of Occupation,
Camp near Monterey, Sept. 27 1846.
The Commanding General has the satisfaction to congratulate the Army under his command upon another signal triumph over the Mexican forces.—Superior to us in numbers, strongly fortified, and with an immense preponderance or artillery, they have yet been driven from point to point until forced to sue for terms of capitulation. Such terms have been granted as were considered do to the gallant defense of the town and to the liberal policy of our own government.
The General begs to return his thanks to his commanders and to all his officers and men, both the regulars and the volunteer forces, for the skill, the courage and the perseverance with which they have overcome manifold difficulties, and finally achieved a victory shedding luster upon the American arms.
A great result has been obtained, but not without the loss of many gallant and accomplished officers and brave men. The Army and the country will deeply sympathise with the families and friends of those who have thus sealed their devotion with their lives.
By order of Maj. Gen. TAYLOR:
(Signed)
W.W.S. Bliss
Official: Ass’t. Adj’t. General.
Geo. A McCall, ass’t Adj’t. Gen.
[MJK]
71.152 November 7, 1846 letter about the cause for losses at Monterey, skepticism about the results of the armistice, notice of arrival of dispatches from Washington.
Another correspondent over the signature of L. writing from Matamoras, under the date of October 5t, says:- It is generally believed that our great loss was occasioned by a “fool hardy valor” pushing men up in the face of danger, when the exercise of a little military skill would have enabled our troops to have taken the enemy at great advantage. Our troops are as brave as any in the world, and our regulars act upon the principle—“No nice distinction a true soldier knows, But bid him go to h—l, to h—l he goes.” And under this military axiom would push through death and surrounding dangers-whenever ordered.-But it was wise to place our brave men to be sacrificed to the want of skill on the part of chefs de batallion or of division either? Certainly not; and the taking of Monterey and its consequences, have demonstrated if any demonstration were needed, that cool courage, skill, and tact do more, with less loss, than impetuous valor without arrangement-whose line of march is marked but by his own dead-however great was the goal at the final end of the bloody trail.
In relation to the armistice, and prospects of permanent peace, I place no confidence in the benefits to flow from the former, knowing, as I do, that before the fall of Monterey, the Mexican government had, with commendable foresight, called for a draft of 30,000 men, who will, I’m of opinion, be assembled at Saltillo, and fortify the mountain passes before the expiration of the stipulated two months; and as to peace, I conceive the time of its consummation with Mexico far distant. Heaven grant I may be mistaken. But it behooves our government to reinforce Gen. Taylor by at least fifteen or twenty thousand men; and if it consult the best interests of the nation, it will dispatch Gen. Scott immediately to the seat of war. His skill and judgment would give regularity and order, and insure a peace in the shortest possible time.
October 6th.—Last night a special messenger arrived from Washington, bearer of dispatches to General Taylor- we are ignorant of their import. If in consideration of overtures for peace from Mexico, distrust them, as Paredes is again getting up, and may be, before long, once more in the ascendancy; and as to Santa Anna, who but an idiot would trust him, even under the most solemn obligation. I tell you, that unless we send reinforcements here, the termination of the armistice will find General Taylor hemmed in Monterey-mark that! San Luis Potosi has pronounced against Santa Anna, and in favor of Paredes-this after the taking of Monterey. [MJK]
NNR 71.152 November 7, 1846 letter from a correspondent of the Boston Courier about the advance of Gen. John Ellis Wool toward Presidio Rio Grande and Chihuahua
ARMY OF THE CENTRE
–GEN. WOOL.
Letter from a correspondent of the Boston Courier, dated:
Army of Chihuahua,
San Antonio de Bexar, Oct. 2, 1846.
I avail myself of a short respite from my arduous duties to give you some little information in regard to the movement and operations of this division of the invading army. I arrived here on the 20th Sept. from La Baca, after a somewhat fatiguing journey. On the 26th ultimo the advance of this army left for Presidio Rio Grande, consisting of the following troops, viz: company B, 4th light artillery, under captain Washington: two company 2d dragoons, under brevet major Beall; three companies 6th infantry, and one company Kentucky volunteers, under major Bonneville, United States army; six companies Arkansas cavalry, under colonel Yell; four companies of Illinois volunteers, under captains Webb and Morgan; corps of pioneers, artificers, &c. under command of captain Lee, of the engineers U. States army; a train of one hundred and eighteen wagons, loaded with subsistence, ammunition and quartermasters stores, boats and lumber, for making a flying bridge across the Rio Grande-the train under charge of captain O. Cross, assistant quartermaster United States army. The entire force under command of Col. Wm S. Harney, 2d dragoons, amounting to fourteen hundred effective men.
On the morning of the 29th ultimo, gen. Wool, with a portion of his staff, and escorted by two companies of the first dragoons, left here to overtake the advance.
Col. Churchill, inspector general is left in command of the rear division, to follow with the remainder of the forces as soon as sufficient number of wagons (now en route for this pace) shall arrive from La Baca. Major Thomas, chief of the quartermaster’s department, also remains for the purpose of hastening the forwarding of supplies, &c. and will be here in about five days, with col. Churchill and the remainder of the forces, to join gen. Wool at the Presidio, under command of col. J. J. Hardin, with a train of twenty four wagons and two pieces of cannon.
The wagons with supplies and stores, are rapidly arriving; one train of fifteen wagons came in on the 30th ultimo, and one to-day of the twenty one wagons.
<>p> It is almost impossible to imagine the difficulties encountered by the quartermasters department towards fitting out and preparing the “trains” for transporting supplies. In the first place the mules have to be broken to work in harness. There is a scarcity of teamsters, and inefficient wagon-masters are sent from New Orleans, where they are picked up and sent out upon their representing that they are first rate teamsters--the greater part of whom scarcely know how to harness a mule, not to speak of their driving a five mule team.Too much praise cannot be awarded to Major. Thomas for his untiring exertions and unceasing vigilance in organizing the department, and protecting the interests of the service from the depredations of those who are constantly devising means to cheat the government. It was really amusing to see coming into La Baca with old wagons and broken down oxen to sell to the government, for which the most exorbitant prices were asked. Six hundred dollars has been asked for a wagon and five yolk of oxen, for which three hundred dollars might be a great price. Individuals must have an idea that the government must purchase from them at any price, and that government officers are bound to believe what they say, without examination. However, they found major Thomas an officer possessing too much practical knowledge to be taken in by them. Consequently he is abused in the newspapers in the most outrageous manner, and why? For the simple reason that they cannot deceive him and rob the government. [MJK]
NNR 71.152-71.153 November 7, 1846 Gen. John Ellis Wool’s division advancing on Monclova, for Chihuahua, letters giving details, list of officers
nbsp; The New Orleans Delta, of the 27th has the following:
THE ARMY OF CHIHUAHUA.
From major M. C. M. Hammond, U.S. army, who arrived a day or two since Port Lavaca and San Antonio, Texas, we obtain the following information:
One half of gen. Wool’s army left San Antonio for the Presidio on the Rio Grande on the 26th of September. The general went in person on the 29th. The remainder, consisting of sixteen companies of Illinois infantry and four companies of Arkansas cavalry, were under command col. Churchill, inspector general United States army. Between the 5th and 8th of October eight of these companies marched, commanded by Col. Hardin; and colonel Churchill was to have conducted the remainder on the 14th, leaving one or two companies in garrison at Bexar, to protect supplies and furnish escorts.
Gen. W. expected to reach Presidio in twelve days. He established a depot at that point, until it was ascertained whether steamers can ascend the Rio Grande to a position more suitable to his operations. His army will cross the river on a flying bridge, boats for which were constructed at San Antonio, under the direction of capt. Fraser, engineer, and were transported in wagons.
As soon as supplies are received to enable him to advance, gen. Wool will press on to Chihuahua, taking Santa Rosa and Monclava in his route. The former town is garrisoned with regular troops and said to be capable of strong resistance. This line of operations is longer than might be selected, but it has the advantage of turning the mountain passes-of abundance of water and some provisions-and runs within seventy or eighty miles of gen. Taylor’s when co-operation can be readily effected if necessary.
If it is found impossible to transport supplies by water to the Presidio or other point on the Rio Grande whence to furnish the army, it will be necessary to haul all their provisions from Port Lavaca by way of San Antonio, a distance to Chihuahua of nearly 800 miles, and through a country in a rainy seasons almost impassable for heavy wagons.
It will be seen that this enterprise is gigantic and its accomplishment will be an achievement more arduous and more creditable than a brilliant victory. The health of the troops had very much improved. The sick were left at Bexar under the care of Dr. Glen, U. States army.
The command consists of the following officers and troops:
STAFF
Col. Churchill,
inspector gen. Unites States army; captain Prentissm assistant adjt. General;
lieuts. McDowell and Bryan, aids-de-camp.
Captains
Lee and Frazer, corps engineers.
Captain
Hughes and Lieut. Sitgreaves and Franklin, topographical engineers.
Lieut.
Kingsbury, ordinance corps.
Major Thomas,
quartermaster; Captains Cross, Will, Chapman, and Chilton, assist quartermasters.
Dr. Hitchcock,
medical director; Drs. Simpson, Levely, and several volunteer surgeons
. 1 company light artillery; 2 do. 1st dragoons; 2 do 2d dragoons; 1 regiment Arkansas Cavalry;3 companies 6th regular infantry, 1 do. Kentucky infantry; 2 regiments Illinois infantry.
The Kentucky regiment of cavalry left Lavacca on the 13th inst. for Matamoras. About 40 of them had died, fifty to seventy had been discharged, and one hundred sick had been sent to Matamoras by water. At one time it was said that 300 men were on sick report. The Tennessee cavalry followed the Kentucky regiment on the 16th. [MJK]
NNR 71.153-11/7/1846 The Louisville Legion
An officer of the legion writes to the editor of the Louisville Courier:
-“The situation of the Louisville Legion was a very silent, but at the same time a very chafing one. We were obliged to stand the fire from a well directed battery of twelve pounders from the Castle, which were directed at the howitzer and mortar, before mentioned as being immediately in front. Their pieces were very troublesome. Their cavalry formed in front of the Castle frequently, for the purpose, it is supposed, of making an attack upon us, but a bomb thrown in their midst soon dispersed them. The Legion was formed in squares every hour or so for the purposes of receiving their expected attack on our battery. This is the reason why we were not actively engaged. Gen. Butler ordered us into the city at one time, but Major Munroe, who had charge of the pieces, remonstrated in the strongest terms, and said that the mortar battery would be taken by the Mexicans in half an hour after we left, and that the pieces we were protecting were then doing more damage to the enemy than we could possibly do in the city. Upon this, General Butler then countermanded the order.” [SCM]
NNR 71.153 November 7, 1846, Gen. William Orlando Butler’s letter detailing affair at Monterey
GENERAL BUTLER.
—The following letter from General Butler to a near relative near Louisville is from a Louisville newspaper:
Monterey, Sept. 25, 1846.
Monterey is ours, but not without a heavy loss, and my division has probably sustained more that one half of it. I am myself wounded, but not badly. I was struck by a musket all below the knee; it entered in front, grazed the bones without injuring them, ranged round through the flesh, and came out on the opposite side.
I became faint from loss of blood, and was compelled to leave the field after having been in it under a heavy fire of grape and musketry for three hours.—I have been required by my surgeon to keep perfectly still, ever since the battle.
I was in the act of leading the Ohio Regiment to storm two of the most formidable batteries un the town, flanked by a stone wall, ten feet high, with a deep ditch in front and covered by a strong musketry force in the rear, under complete shelter. There were two other batteries of grape shot discharged, that swept the ground continually.
Col. Mitchell, who commanded the regiment of Ohio volunteers, was wounded about the same time that I was, and we then prudently abandoned the enterprise, as we became convinced that our loss would have probably been at least one hundred more men, had we persevered.
I hope you will not think I acted rashly. I know that I am often rash where I involve myself alone, not so, however, when the fates of other are at stake.
The condition in which we were placed fully justified, if it did not positively require us to make the attempt. The peculiarity of our situation I cannot now explain without going into greater detail than I am able to.
The battle commenced about 9 o’clock, A.M., and continued without intermission, with various degrees of intensity for eight hours.
I had almost 1,000 men in the battle (the Louisville Legion having been left to guard our mortars and of that number we lost in killed and wounded about 250).
We took one battery and a house fitted up as a fortification, and assisted the regulars in taking a second. Gen. Worth, with great gallantry and equal success, and with far less loss. Carried on his operations on the opposite side of town.
Under all the circumstances, the terms of capitulation are favorable to us. There are still several forts in the hands of the enemy, which we would have been compelled to take by regular approaches with heavy losses. The plaza is of itself an enormous fortification of continuous houses, with thick stone walls, and all the streets leading into it strongly fortified and filled with guns.
They admit that they will have at least 8,000 fighting men, whilst our part we cannot muster 5,000 for duty, and have only a few heavy guns, and them we took from them.
Never, I believe, did troops, both volunteers and regulars, behave with more calmness and intrepidity, and I do not believe that for downright, straightforward, hard fighting, the battle of Monterey has ever been surpassed. [MJK]
NNR 71.153 November 7, 1846 Kentucky mounted volunteers leave San Antonio for Port Lavaca and Camargo
THE KENTUCKY MOUNTED VOLUNTEERS.
Perhaps a more splendid or spirited regiment of men, officers, and horses never paraded in any country, then composed the Kentucky volunteers that repaired so promptly to the frontier- and were ordered to join the division of the army under general Wool. They had no sooner reached his headquarters, then they were ordered thence to Port Lavaca en route to Camargo, to join general Taylor. The following letter from an officer of the regiment is from the Observer and Reporter.
Camp near Port Lavaca, Texas Sept. 23, 1846.
Dear sir- the departure of the steam ship Galveston affords another opportunity to write to you, and more and more at large than I was able to do the other day. We are somewhat rested from the fatigue of our long and hard march. The equinoctial gales are in full blast, and the fresh breeze from the sea brings healing on its wings to the sick I our hospitals. I told you in my last, that Col. Marshall chafed much under the order of brig. gen. Wool directing him to repair with his regiment to this place. His reasons seemed sound at the time, and subsequent events verify their correctness. He said that a halt and quiet at a moment just preceding a change in seasons, when the sickness carried in the atmosphere would develop disease lurking in or passing through the system, because the indolence of a stationary camp would aid, where as continual action would enable the system to resist or ward off the attack of disease. He was anxious to press forward to Camargo without halting and to rest on the Rio Grande after the season changed, which they do generally after the equinoctial storms. Disease has increased in our camp alarmingly since our arrival here. Yesterday the surgeon reported 160 new cases in the hospital. Many of our boys look chap fallen at this sudden reverse of our condition, but the commander and the surgeon seem to recognize the change as one they had expected, and to fear no great degree of fear as a result. I have no doubt the letters from the regiment will be gloomy enough by this mail, but the writers don’t understand the diagnosis of our malady. We are sick of an order from a general who don’t know what he is about, and which brings death in its train that could have easily been avoided. Col. M. sent an express to gen. Taylor the other day, immediately arriving here, remonstrating against the order delaying him here, and predicting just what has occurred. He also spoke freely to officers on their way to gen. Wool’s camp, and wrote gen. Wool himself. General Wool sent down an order day before yesterday to Col. M. authorizing him to move forward to Camargo whenever he chose to do so. The troops expected that col. Marshall would be off directly, and he did make one “revolution,” as they say, but his train wanted repairs and on applications from the shops at Lavaca, he found them employed from gen. Wool’s train, and that the same mail which authorized him to proceed, imperatively directed the quartermaster to confide the shops exclusively to work on wagons destined for San Antonio de Bexar, which cut off all chance of a speedy departure, unless we go without a train. The col. did talk a little of cold meat, but he abandoned that notion, and now I suppose we may be considered as firmly aground. Indeed, the news by the Galveston that Mexico had rejected the overtures of our government for peace, on the ground that the Mexican congress alone had power over that object opens a new chance for a contest and seems to have produced a desire on the part of col. Marshall to recruit his men more effectively than he seemed disposed for when he thought there was a slim chance of getting there on time. I hope by the next letter I write to give you accounts of improving health in the regiment. You ought to see the boys. Their condition is a reproach to the government. They are barefooted, and some of them literally without breeches, many without hats and coats, but they stand up as proud as if they were dressed I imperial purple. The government is indebted to this regiment this day $75,000- it has received no pay whatever, and though paymasters pass and repass, it hath seen no signs of payment.—
Young men of education and intelligence, used to the luxuries of life, are by this neglect absolutely turned naked in a wild country, and exposed to the climate and suffering from the weather, without any care for their condition on the part of the government they serve. They would raise a row pretty quickly, but that they respect to highly the feelings of their own officers to place them in an awkward position, by drawing down on them the displeasure of the was department.We shall go to Camargo, and I think we shall leave here between the 1st and 5th of October. In the meantime we shall drill and be recruited. The distance to Camargo from our camp is 236 miles. Col. Marshall has already every creek, spring, pond, bayou, Ranche, sandy piece on the way, and I am indebted to his politeness for information as to the gross distance. He says he shall march it in 14 days.The arming of our regiment in two different ways attracted originally, some comment, and alarmed the pride of our commanding officer. He had a correspondence with the war department as to the meaning of this movement, but the secretary repelled the idea that any undue advantage was to be taken of the volunteer officers. The apprehensions of col. Marshall are beginning to be realized. For instance, the advanced guard of Wool’s division is made up of thus:
4 companies United States infantry – 1 company Kentucky infantry- capt. Williams. 2 companies Illinois infantry –Hardin’s regiment. 3 companies Illinois infantry – Sissell’s regiment.
No volunteer colonel or lieut. Colonel obtains the command, but the command is conferred on brevet major Bonneville, of the regular army. He-a mere major by brevet-it to be placed in command of a full regiment, while superior officers who are volunteers are not noticed at all. He is forsooth to have ten companies under his charge, while Hardin and Bissell are reduced to seven or eight each by the operation!A similar operation is opening on our regiment.
Gen. Wool has ordered major John P. Gaines to detach C. M. Clay’s and
Pennington’s companies from Marshall’s regiment, one company from the
Tennessee and one from the Arkansas cavalry, to form a battalion which he
now says should be under Gaines’s command. This robbery of our regiment
is to [?]ure to the benefit of Archie Yell, colonel of the Arkansas regiment
who will have command of more than a regiment by the operation! I
don’t know what our col. Means to do with these orders. I see he
is moody and clouded to-day, and not disposed to say much about it.
He had a Mexican rider in camp to day and started him to Camargo.
It is supposed he bears dispatches touching on this order to major gen.
Wm O. Butler. I see no preparations making for the departure of our
companies, and should not be surprised if this business closes with our
colonel in arrest, for if he determines to permit the separation of the
regiment into minute detachments for the use and advantage of other officers,
he will maintain his position at the cost of his commission. He
has trouble ahead of him I fear, and it is suspected that there had been
some intrigue, as the order designates the companies to be detached.
By my next we shall have a development, of which I will apprise you.
J.J.
[MJK]
NNR 71.153-71.154 November 7, 1846 letters of S.D. Allis about the assault on Monterey
The following letters are copied from the N. Orleans Picayune, and were written by S.D. Allis, who was formerly a clerk with the Picayune office, and was known as “the tall Yankee clerk.” The letters were written for private perusal by his family, but on that account are the more full of those personal details which always interest and enlighten the reader:
- Monterey, Sept. 24, 1846
Uncle:- I once more have an opportunity to write you, and it would be difficult for me to express the sensations of pleasure I feel in being able to do so, after having participated in many hard fights with the enemy to get possession of this beautiful place. Yes, Monterey is ours. After four days’ hard fighting the Mexicans have capitulated. I have heard and read of battles, but never had an idea what a battle was before. The whistling of bullets, grape and canister- 6, 12, and 18 pound balls-the roar of cannon and bursting of shells- have become as familiar and common to me during the fight as the alphabet. Our company has done honor to Louisiana, and our division, under Gen. Worth, all agree, has done its duty. I was with our company at the storming of three batteries, located on hills so high that you might call them mountains, and so steep that a slip of the foot would have thrown us hundreds of feet below. The Louisiana boys made the attack on the castle, and lay five hours by themselves within 200 yards of it, picking off those that exposed themselves, and all the time the enemy pouring in showers of musket balls and grape; but they flew over our heads. Finally they sallied forth and charged on us. The 7th infantry, in reserve all this time came up and rushed on the castle, and raised the stars and stripes. We fired on the Mexicans as they left the breastworks and the castle, and captured four pieced of artillery. Our division has done the work; although our loss is small, we have done more to conquer Monterey than the whole of the two divisions who made the attack of the front. I would give you a description of the fight on our side, but Haile and Kendall, who were there, can do it better than I can. I will say, however, that the first five shells thrown by the Mexicans in the rear, where we made the attack, fell almost in the midst of your company, and burst without doing any harm. This was the opening of this side of the town, on Monday, the 21st inst. Yesterday, three divisions of Mexican troops marched out of town, and to-day 3,000 more. The balance have four more days to leave in. There were troops enough here , had they been Americans to keep of 50,000 good men. Every house is a fort, and every resident, even the little boys, had muskets and fired them upon the rooftops; but we finally went from house to house until we had taken one half the city, when a flag of truce was sent in by General Ampudia, and the terms of surrender agreed upon. We are in a most splendid house, near the center of town; but will be removed to the Government barracks as soon as the Mexicans have all left. The two Nichols have behaved nobly during all the fights, indeed exposing themselves more than necessary. The old gentlemen may well be proud of such boys as they are. We are now anticipating a speedy return, for we think that affairs will soon be settled, and that this dose will be enough for the Mexicans. The taking possession of the big fort was an interesting ceremony. The Mexicans fired a salute and marched out – we fired one and marched in, then raised the star spangled banner and gave three cheers, while our band played the appropriate air.—We marched in the tune of Yankee Doodle, but it would be hard to tell what tune was played by the Mexican band. Our company has had two killed and four wounded. Many of them have the marks of balls in their clothes and caps, and it would seem that a Divine Province had interfered to preserve the lives of our little band.
Monterey, Mexico Sept. 28, 1846
Dear Uncle:
I am sergeant to the guard to-night, and have concluded to write out a description of my own experience and what I saw at the storming of this place during the three days’ hard fighting, for your amusement and for the benefit of those who left me here in particular—who tried to persuade me to go home, saying that we would never see a Mexican with a musket that would pull a trigger at us. You, who returned, don’t you wish you had stayed here-that you had come along as far as Monterey and taken a hand in a battle that will be remembered as the United States remains a nation, and perhaps longer? To thrash these yellow skins in their own forts, cities, and their own mountains-to see the stars and stripes raised in triumph on the ramparts of their fortifications by the boys that can do it handsomely! Ah, I pity you from the bottom of my heart! You came a long ways to get a fight and were disappointed-
I came a little further and was in a glorious one. It would have done you good to have seen what these long understandings of mine have been to me in climbing up the Mexican mountains. But I must commence more formally.
Saturday morning, Sept 19th.
–The 1st division under Gen. Twiggs took the head at daybreak, and soon ours (the 2d) one hour latter, and the third one soon after us. About 10 o’clock, we first heard the cannon of the Mexicans in this place, which had been fired at a body of Texas Rangers, who had been reconnoitering and trying to coax out the Mexican lancers, and, oh, with what pleasure did we here it rebound around the fort! Cheers rent the air for miles- the whole army. Exhausted as the men were, all appeared to double their speed, anxious to be brought to the scene of action. But it was not the intention of Gen. Taylor to bring us into action until Monday, so we came to a halt at the walnut springs, distant four miles from town, a beautiful place in a small valley and surrounded by large timber. The water is cold and delicious, and the springs afford water enough for 50,000 men, if they could all get to it. The body of water running out of one spring alone is at least a half barrel.
Sunday, Sept. 20th.
-Our division, under the command of Gen. Worth, and composed of the 5th and 7th infantry, eleven companies of artillery with muskets, the 8th infantry, the Louisiana volunteers and 150 rangers, and two batteries of four guns each, was ordered to march at 12 o’clock and take up a position in the rear of the city and co-operate with the army that made the attack in front.We opened our way around the town at a distance, through fields of corn, sugar cane, and pea fields, without being disturbed until sun down, when a few shots were exchanged at a distance between advance of the enemy and our own, but no harm was done. At dark we bivouacked for the night, which was quite cold, and no blankets or tents to cover us from the occasional showers of rain; at the point of rain we started again, but had not gone more than two miles before we found ourselves directly under a Mexican battery so high that it was out of reach of our cannon. They opened lively upon us with shell, the first fire of which appeared to be directed at our company, although they burst without doing the least harm. But the grand fandango soon commended in front, the lancers and Texas Rangers aided by three regular companies, came to loggerheads, and had a pretty sharp skirmish, killing fifteen Mexicans and wounding several more. We had two wounded on our side, and the lancers too French leave. We soon saw that there were two more batteries in front beside the castle of Monterey, off to the left- indeed, it seemed as if the place could never be taken. We had not gone far before opened us with a 9 pounder, killing one captain and one private of the 8th infantry. We waited, under their fire, until our train had passed around the hill and up the valley out of reach of their fire, and we all soon followed them to make preparations for the attack. In the meantime, company was ordered to defend a pass in the mountains I our rear in case the enemy should advance in that direction.
About 12 o’clock, the enemy commenced firing down the second hill with muskets, and occasionally a load of grape and canister. From where I was I had a most splendid view of the fight as it proved to be, but thus far a one sided one, for not a single shot had been sent forth from below for nearly an hour after the first attack. Ah! There goes the volley of muskets; I can occasionally get a peep at our boys, who are climbing the mountain as fast as they can, keeping as much as possible under every nook, bush and rock. Volley after volley are exchanged on both sides, our boys gain the top and the Mexicans run off on the other side. The stars and stripes are raised with cheers, which are responded to in the valley below. It is now our turn. Another battery still further on, built of stone and on a very steep and high hill, is next to be stormed. “On the right fire, close intervals!” When we all ran in the double quicktime. The 5th infantry comprising about 200 men and Louisiana for the next. It was with good cheer that we marched onto the attack, our company so stationed as to be in advance. We had hardly reached the roof oh the hill when down came a shower of grape and canister in our midst, but it appeared as if Mexican iron and copper was not made to kill Yankees. On we went through the showers of musket balls, and soon had climbed the mountain high enough to reach them with our musket balls. On we went, loading and forming as we advanced, until within fifty yards, when we rushed up as fast as our legs would carry us, driving the Mexican down the other side and taking a 9-pounder brass cannon, ready loaded with grape, but the load intended for us was turned lose on them.
The first hill taken was directly opposite the hill that opened on us in the morning with shell, and the hill taken by us directly in front of the castle, an ugly customer well fixed to kill Yankees, mounting four 9-pounders and two mortars. They soon opened on us with shell, which burst all around us without doing any harm. Dark soon put an end to all cannonading, and we lay down to rest anticipating hot work in the morning. Occasional showers of rain, and no blankets with us, kept up awake during most of the night. About one hour before the day we heard muskets on the opposite hill, and soon we knew that the 8th infantry, which had not yet had a turn at the enemy, had climbed to the fort and made an attack. By sunrise they drove the Mexicans out, but they were smart enough to take the canon with them this time and broke for the castle, we cannot climb its walls, nor can we batter it down. We may drive them out with shells, and kill all those who expose themselves, with out muskets. Perhaps we can coax them into a bit of a fight outside. But take it we must. At 7 o’clock, A.M. we were ordered across to the last place taken. In the course of an hour we found ourselves at the top of our last prize. We seated ourselves on the rocks to rest, while I took a glorious nap on an hour. I heard the alarm, that the enemy were advancing on us around the side of the mountain. Our company, the immortal “phoenix.” Was ordered out alone to hold them in check; but it was only a small body who were trying to coax us out under the guns of the first, and within reach of about 500 lancers who were at a halt about a half mile off.
Balls began to fly thick as we advance; every bush has a Mexican in it; they upon us from the castle; the lancers move off. We get under cover of nooks, bushes, and low places, and whenever we get a good shot at a fellow in or near the castle, cut loose. Volley after volley is fired at us, but we lay low and they shoot high. They are coming out of the castle, about 500 strong, to make an attack on us. One of out 12-pound howitzers has been hoisted on the hill in the rear, and the shells commence whizzing over our heads. Everyone tells, bursting on and in the castle. They advance on us; we are ordered to close at the right on the top of the hill, and fall back into a ravine one hundred yards distant. We did so in great order, firing several times as we retreated. The Mexicans came at us with a yell; the battle grew hot. The word charge was given when the regulars in reserve came to our aid, and on we rushed, sweeping them and the castle at the same time; and, as usual when we entered the door of the castle, which we had stove, they ran out at the other; but we chased them to the edge of the town, pouring in a deadly fire upon them. We do not know the number of dead on the Mexican side, but counted 21 in lot. We lost one noble fellow, as good and brave a spirit that ever moved in the army. We also had three wounded in this mornings fight. The day before our company lost one and had four others slightly wounded. Some have caps, some jackets, and others guns marked with balls. Of the Wednesdays fight and capture of the town, I will tell you when I see you again. This latter was a battle on the house tops.
Over 9000 Mexican regulars have already left town, and God only knows how many are in line to leave tomorrow. Including citizens who turned out to fight, they must have had two men to our one, and perhaps more.
I saw Haile several times during the fight, riding about quite indifferent to the balls which fell around him. Although he did not run into danger, he did not appear to try to avoid it when it visited him.
We are in a splendid house near the plaza, and have a plenty to eat; thousands of oranges, apples, and other fine fruit. I forgot to tell you that our brigade marched up to receive the big Mexican fort, with six guns, and raised the big American flag on it, fired salutes, marched out about 2,000 yellow skins, and gave cheers for the star spangled banner. Had 2,000 Americans been in this fort, half of Mexico could not have wiped us out of it. We took a mortar in town the next day after taking the castle, and fired one of our shells into the square from it, killing and wounding over thirty Mexicans. Most of the Mexican soldiers or half of them nearly are married men and have their wives with them. Between 800 and 1,000 went out with a division of 1800 soldiers yesterday. It looks bad to see the Mexican army marching off in this way, ready to give us a fight another time, but I believe Gen. T. acted wisely, and has saved a thousand lives which would have sacrificed in the taking of the rest of the fortifications and town. [MJK]
NNR 71.154-71.157 November 7, 1846 letters from Lt. Henry Little and other officers at Monterey
The following is an extract of a letter from Lieutenant Henry Little, of the U.S. Infantry, (son of the late Col. Peter Little, who so long represented the District in Congress.) The letter of Lieut. L. was written to his family in this city, of course not for publication, but as everything in relation to the brilliant affair at Monterey is of grossing interest, the letter has, at our request, been furnished to us, and from it we make the following extracts:
Monterey, (Mexico,) September 29th, 1846.
I wrote you a letter from our camp at Seralvo, and I believe I mentioned that it was pretty generally thought there would be no fighting here. After leaving Seralvo we took upon our line of march through the mountain passes, surrounded by some of the most beautiful scenery in the world. On encamping the second night, the mail reached us and brought me -----‘s letter, dated I think in August, (for I destroyed it going into battle.) The next day we reached a town called Marin, which was deserted by a body of the enemy’s troops on the advance of ours. We remained there all day for the whole army to concentrate.—
From the belfry of the church we could see Monterey, about 22 miles distant. The rising and setting of the sun in the mountains exceeded anything I have ever seen, and by lovers of the beauties of nature, was indeed hailed with delight. One will no doubt read descriptions of our march in the papers from abler pens than mine, as several contributors to different newspapers accompany the march. On the second days march from Marin, and about 6 or 8 miles from here, our ears were saluted by the firing of artillery. It afterwards proved to be the town firing upon General Taylor with the advance guard, who were reconnoitering the place. This of course settled all doubts with regard to a fight. The town was evidently fortified, and strongly too. As proved on closer observation. The strength of the enemy’ forces could not of course be known, but supposed to be large or they would not make a stand. The army encamped that night about three mile from the town, on a little stream called the Walnut springs. The army had been previously divided into three divisions, the 1st under General Twiggs, the 2d under Gen. Worth, the 3rd under Gen. Butler. On Sunday the 20th inst. the 2d division consisting of the artillery battalion, 8th infantry, 5th and 7th infantry, one company of Louisiana volunteers, two battalions of light artillery, and some Texas Rangers marched out of camp to take position in the rear of the town, preparatory to storming the fortified hills and Bishop’s palace the next morning. We marched until near night when very heavy rain commenced and drenched us all to the skin; soon after we halted for the night, and lay on the ground shivering with cold. I was fortunate enough to get my cloak, a brother officer and myself contrived to cover ourselves with it, and with a stone for a pillow, and the broad canopy of heaven over us, endeavored to get some rest. At daylight we again commenced our march and soon being in range of the enemy’s guns, they commenced throwing round shot and shells at us, but for some time did no damage.—Soon the head of our column came up with a body of Mexican troops, consisting of lancers and infantry. After a slight resistance and some loss, they fled, and with some delay we still continued our march. The road was directly under fire, and they took pretty good advantage of it; their shot fell around us, and one officer (Captain McKeavet, 8th infantry) was killed and several men wounded. We were then moved out of reach of their fire and soon after two hills from which they had been firing at us were stormed and taken-thus ended the operations on our side of the town the first day. Our loss was very trifling indeed. On the other side of the town our loss was very great-some nine or ten officers of the regular army wre killed and I do not know how many volunteers. A great number of wounded also.-The loss among the men was also very great; I have not heard the exact number.
That night I was on guard on the road leading into the town. It was as dark as a pitch, rained nearly all night; I was cold, hungry, fatigued, and wet through, not allowed to have a fire, and I thought I never spent so miserable a night in my life – not even my coat to cover me. The next day another hill and the Bishop’s palace were taken, and the next day (Wednesday) the town was attacked; the streets were barricaded and fortified, the tops of the houses leading to the main plaza covered by their soldiers. The roofs of the houses are flat, with a wall of masonry around them, which makes a capital breast work.—And here we fought them, driving them from street to street and house to house- the cannon on both sides were raking the streets with grape shot. We had nearly driven them into the main plaza when night came on. The next morning early the firing recommenced, but lasted a very short time, when the enemy sent in a white flag offering to surrender on certain conditions, After much consultation, lasting nearly all day, the terms of surrender were settled.
-------- I have ever been very brief in my account of the foregoing actions, as I know you will see a full account of them in the papers. It has been another glorious achievement of our arms, of which every American will feel proud. The Mexican soldiers have all gone, and my regiment is encamped in the grand plaza. We have pretty comfortable rooms assigned to us, and after so long living in the streets, I assure you I feel quite comfortable with a table, chair, and bed. I am told the Mexican forces amounted to about 8000 regular and 3000 irregular troops, with about 40 pieces of cannon of different sizes. This is indeed a most beautiful place, and some of the gardens almost come up to my idea of Eastern magnificence. They abound in delicious fruits, and we revel in oranges, pomegranates, grapes, &c. The view from on of the hills is one of the finest things I ever saw. The valley in which this town is built extends for nearly thirty of forty miles, and looks like a beautiful garden.
SIEGE OF MONTEREY.
The Baltimore Battalion
Extracts of letters of officers belonging to the battalion to our friends.
The following we take from the Patriot.
Camp near Monterey, September 25, 1846.
We arrived here on the 20th inst. and when within three miles of the city we were saluted by a brisk cannonading from the enemies batteries-they fired upon our advance guard and general staff. We of course countermarched, and encamped within sight of the city. On Sunday we went out, and returned with out doing anything, the enemy fired upon us—not a shot returned. Early on Monday the troops were assembled in battle array. I cannot picture the horrors of the day to your mind, and am thankful that al All –wise Providenee has spared me the fate that many a noble has met with. Four officers belonging to the army fell near to me, among them Col. Watson, for whom a nation might mourn. He is no more.
In a desperate charge against one of the Mexican forts he fell mortally wounded. He handed his sword to lieut. Bowie, and died with a smile on his face, that indicated more than the tongue could tell. He died a brave and gallant soldier. The last words which he uttered were: “Men, your general leads you- who would not follow?” These were uttered seeing an officer pass who, it is presumed, he, in the expiring agony of death, took for gen. Taylor.
I deeply regret that Col. Watson was not spared to enjoy the victory with us. Poor fellow he is gone, and I hope his country will take care of his wife and children. It will be great loss to them. So hot was the battle, that we were unable to take the body of our lamented colonel from the street, till nearly 48 hours had elapsed. We buried whim in a brick house within about 400 yards from where he made a charge with the battalion. A very singular circumstance occurred while the act was in the act of preparing the grave: a ball came and took his head off; and instead of burying one, we had to have another dirge for the poor soldier. Such is war.
We have lost a number of men, but nothing appears so horrible to me as those men who have their arms and legs taken off. I never before imagined what a battlefield was-never thought it like this.—We have some noble fellows in our battalion- instead of being privates they should be generals.-They charged three forts and succeeded in taking them, but many who were foremost are now numbered with the dead. We passed the forts on Monday and got into the city. I left my tent determined to surmount every obstacle. I knew we had eyes looking upon us that had jealousy in them, and we determined to lead the leaders.
You would not suppose that any one could live in this lane or street which we were fighting. Three batteries were constantly playing upon us. Muskets, rifles, and every weapon that could be brought to play was bearing upon us. The lanes became so dense with dead men and horses, that we had to tread upon them in passing. The Mexican lancers, not satisfied by seeing the poor fellows wounded upon the ground, must revenge themselves by thrusting their lances into their bodies. Many of the lancers, however, in turn were made to bite dust.
Every one thought I was killed. My horse was found with blood upon him and brought to camp, and finally they sent out to find me, when I discovered sergeant major Day holding my charger near the fort. I called out and told him to tie the horse to a bush and take care of himself, three forts all the time throwing grape shots at us. I finally managed to get charge of twenty three prisoners, which our men found had retreated from the fort to the tan yard.- Among them were three officers. You may be sure we had to run for it, regardless of the lives of the prisoners. All the forts opened upon us, and such a dodging of balls you’ve never heard of. I had often heard of getting out of the way of balls, but never believed it before. Every time while we were running to the camp with our prisoners, as we saw the flash of the old twelve-pounder, down all would go upon the road, get up again and run forward. At every flash the Mexicans would fall as flat as flounders.
It is thought that our enemy had some French artillerists among them, as they fired with great skill. Yesterday they fired at a single Texas Ranger, struck his horse and broke the poor man’s leg, so that it had to be taken off this morning.
On Tuesday gen. Wool, I understand, wished a suspension of hostilities until he could bury the dead, which was actually refused by the Mexicans, although the truce asked for was only for two hours. It soon came our time to refuse. They wanted, as they said, to remove the women and children out of the city. This was refused. They were told, if they continued hostilities we would remove the men.—They, however, came to terms last night.
The slightest wound here, I might say is worse than a mortal one, for the wound is soon filled with worms, and in spite of all physicians can do, the wound cannot be kept clean of them. They abound in great abundance and of almost every imaginable species.
I am heartily tired of Mexico, and but for the duty I owe to my country, would be the bearer of this letter. You can get nothing without great difficulty.
Our fare has been exceedingly bad. The provisions which the government allows to soldiers are anything but good. Contracts are given to political men, and they put such trash upon our troops as Negroes would not eat it in the south- the pork is fat that lean is considered a great rarity;-flour and crackers without worms, are so scarce. In fact the only thing relishable I am able to get is corn, occasionally. On the march through this country, I sometimes get a hold of an old hen, and it seemed old enough to be mother to the chickens that crowed in the days of Hamlet’s father. I have just been informed that on of the Ohio men who received a wound in the arm, and which I bound up with my handkerchief during the battle, was stabbed by one of the infernal lancers while resting himself on the chaparral, whither he had gone to get out of the way of the shot.
The Mexicans have fought hard-very hard. No city could have been better forfeited than Monterey, and none but Americans have fought as we have. Nothing but the principle of “never give up” and our go-ahead business that makes us a people defying nations in quiet arms. From what I have seen from observation to day, there is no place so well calculated, in regard to power of defiance as this. In natural advantages I am confident, it has no equal.—Here the Spanish and French forces were separately defeated, and once the combined forces of the two nations.
You can tell Mr. Rodgers that Seth is well. We left William Hickman at Camargo with Dr. Miles and about thirty of our men. Hickman was not in the battle owing to his sickness. Tell Mr. Boyd that his son is well and makes a first rate soldier.
A lancer got after Henry Norris- he ran until he came to a fence, and then leveled his musket and dropped the gentleman from his horse. He was struck so hard that he never knew what hurt him. Mr. N. is a great boy. He says he was never more frightened and that he thought he was a “goner.”
Please say to John Glenn, esp. that capt. Kenly is well and one of the foremost in the battle-that he was far ahead of his company in the charge.
A poor old soldier named Kelley, who says he is acquainted in Baltimore, has had his ankle broken by a cannon ball, and will probably lose the leg. Remember me to all your friends and believe me,
Yours.
A Baltimorean
Monterey 26th Sep., 1846
My dear sir: The American arms are once more victorious after one of the most glorious contests on record. The enemy fought us five days and surrendered yesterday The city of Monterey, with all its public buildings and records; its cathedral, armed to the dome; its plaza, a complete net work of masonry, in some places eight feet thick; its distilleries and tan yards, all turned into forts, and in our hands, impregnable; besides five regularly built forts of the strongest kind-all are ours- 42 pieces cannon, mortars, howitzers and 18-pounders; small arms and ammunition innumerable, together with a large number of prisoners are also ours. Monterey, the place where has heretofore been invulnerable- the spot where she once defeated the combined forces of Old Spain and France, 17,000 strong, has fallen into our hands. The regular and volunteer infantry fought like lions charging in several instances right up to the fort walls, six foot thick; jumping and wading the dykes and ditches; climbing the walls and shooting the cannonries at their guns, without any support from artillery whatsoever. Such a thing was never heard of before. Our battalion charged upon the city with three forts pouring a continuous cross fire on us, while every roof, window, and door sent forth one uninterrupted stream of musket and rifle balls; bomb shell, 18, 24-pounders, grape, canister, and round shot of all sizes fell around us and passed over us in millions and many a gallant heart that beat high on the glorious 21 September [?] around and within the city of Monterey. Honored be their memory. The brave and chivalrous Col. Watson, after making two different charges on the city, after the 3d infantry regiment of regulars and flying artillery had retreated as ordered, on his return to the eastern section of the city, and while again charging on a fort, tannery, and distillery, fell mortally wounded with a musket ball through his neck and separating the jugular vein. He never spoke, but died in three minutes and lies buried in a grave with officers of the army, 40 feet from the upper fort. It was reported that our gallant captain, now Colonel Stewart had fallen early in the action, but I found him twice downtown in the thickest of the fight, while death was claiming many around him, ultimately leading and urging is own men and others (for we were all huddled together) to another charge, or directing and pointing out the best shelter a mud hole, hedge, fence, or sapling would afford. He made a gallant stand after we were ordered to retreat, killing with his own hand an officer and driving back, with a few more, a larger body of lancers who were charging among the volunteers.—
He succeeds to the command of the battalion by seniority, and with, I may say, the universal approval of the officers and men, and Gov. Pratt would do great injustice to the son of an old defender, to a brave and cool officer and warm hearted gentleman, were he to entertain for moment the idea of commissioning any other person as colonel. Captain Boyd of the Chesapeakes was also reported to have fallen early in action, but I saw him soon afterwards bravely leading his men up the cannon’s mouth, followed by volunteers from others regiments. Capt. Kenly, bore himself gallantly in the fight, also pressing into the very thickest of the fray; and capts. Pipers and Waters both behaved well. Capt. Bronaugh’s were on the guard and not in action. The 1st sergeant in Capt. Waters’ company, (Orderly Trescott, a man about 42 years of age,) and whose place is at my elbow in line, had his head blown about 40 feet in the air by a 12 pound shot. There are eight men in my mess. William P. Alexander, one of them, has not been recognized since the action of the 21st. The lancers killed all the wounded and I fear he had been buried without being recognized.—Robert Caples, another, was mortally wounded, I fear in the groin- the ball was taken out of the back.
Malcolm Wilson, another, was wounded in the arm by musket ball. Three out of eight killed or wounded; besides, W. G. H. , another, was in the first fort taken all night, and R. W. R., another, after charging on the fort once and down town twice, was cut off, and taken prisoner, but succeeded, two hours after the Americans had retreated , by the aid of a Mexican officer, in making his escape, running the gauntlet of three batteries without receiving a scratch. After being forced into the little shelter which a small hole in an open field, raked by three forts, afforded, raising my head a few moments after, I found forty lancers with one hundred yards of my right, and 5 or 600 hundred between me and the American army. Knowing that their mode of warfare is to show no quarter, and cut the throats of the wounded, you may know I did not feel comfortable, and was glad to see Gold and Freburger, the only two of our company on the field. I feel grateful God that my life was spared in such hope less circumstances, and a general feeling of gratitude to the Almighty God of battles pervade our men. We had to run three miles in making the different charges. Poor Watson said to me a few moments before he fell, “Who will now dare say that American volunteers cannot be depended upon in any fight.” They were the last words I heard him utter, being separated from him when wounded. Albert Hart, our color sergeant, has lost an arm, and the flag staff of banner presented to the brave Stewart, by the ladies of Baltimore, through the Old Defenders, has a wound upon it, from the same ball. That flag was the first and only that floated gallantly I n the breeze yesterday from the first fort taken from the enemy. Joseph Files has lost an arm, and William Lee was wounded slightly in the abdomen. I merely mention the killed and wounded within our company, knowing that you will see an official list. General Worth, with two brigades, was led around by a secret pass behind the town, (by a Mexican to save his neck,) and coming into Saltillo road, cut off the enemies supplies and utterly surprised him by a brisk cannonading and bombardment in his rear. Unfading laurels are due to Worth for his scientific, soldierlike and highly praiseworthy part in the bloody battle of Monterey. The fight commenced, on our part, Monday morning early and ended late Wednesday night. They had fired upon us, however, for three days before, but with little success. Our glorious little battalion has covered itself with honor and with the exception of a very few, who will be duly reported, every individual seemed to think the result depended on him. All in Captain Stewart’s company not here mentioned as wounded, escaped unhurt and are well. An armistice had taken place for eight weeks, and we hold this whole country as security for the expenses of the war. It is said the enemy were 14,000 strong at least, and our forces in the field were less than 6,000. I had forty odd wounded Mexicans placed under my charge by Col. Stewart night before last. Miserable objects of compassion some of them are, and they and the stench of the dead lying around the damp, the dirt, and the want of food for almost eighteen hours, almost overcame me. Monterey is the strangest place naturally I ever saw with the eye or in print. There is an open plain, three to four miles long or four or five miles wide in front, except a little range hills, about forty feet high, behind which the town lies. In the rear, and on the right and left, the mountains back right up to it, and rise several hundred feet high abruptly and almost perpendicularly, while the only pass is through a mountain gorge directly in its center. I was within ten feet of Gen. Taylor, in the town, on the 21st. He was as cool as a cucumber, and ordered us to pass into the city and break open the houses. God knows how any of us got out.
R.
THE BALTIMORE BATTALION IN THE BATTLE OF MONTEREY
Letter from a Baltimorean commanding one of the companies of the Baltimore volunteers:
Monterey, Sept. 27, 1846.
I should like to give you a full account of the operations of our Army from the time we reached this town until it was forced to capitulate, but have neither the time nor space to devote to it. I shall therefore only speak to the part that our battalion played, including the actions, thoughts and reflections of one of its members, your old friend and humble servant. On Monday last, the 21st, (after having been under arms a portion of the previous night exposed to a heavy rain,) at 7 o’clock, A.M., we marched for camp with two companies of the 1st Infantry, and after an hours hard marching, we issued from a cornfield directly in front of a battery, or rather fort, of some six or seven pieces of artillery, and crowded with infantry, which opened on us the moment the head of our column made its appearance. We were within point blank range, and I, for the first time, heard the whistling of shot. Our battalion was immediately formed in line of battle under this fire, and we were ordered to charge. Forward I went, cheering and waving my sword, and the men came after me gallantly. When within a hundred yards of the trenches I looked back to see who was following, being anxious to know the men. Judge of my astonishment when I beheld the four companies of regulars marching by a flank to the right. I saw Col. Watson shouting, but as to hearing a command, that was an impossibility, owing to the deafening roar of the cannon and musketry. I saw the head of our line changing its direction, and I knew at once that the point of attacked had changed, and ran at the head of the company to intercept the head of the column. I reached just as Col. Watson was dismounting from his horse, which the next moment fell from a shot. The colonel cried to the men—“Shelter yourselves, men, the best way you can.” At this time the Battalion was scattered over a space of about an acre, and the men were lying down, the shot in most instances flying over our heads; but the guns were soon depressed, and the shot began to take effect.
I was lying close to Colonel Watson, alongside of a hedge, when he jumped up and cried out “Now’s that time boys, follow me.” I was up and after him in a second, my men following me. We were now in a street or lane with a few houses on either side, and within a hundred yards of three batteries which completely ranked, in addition to which two twelve pound guns were planted in the Castle on the right, and completely infiladed the whole distance we had to make. Add to this the thousand musketeers on the housetops and in the barricades at the head of the street up which we advanced, and at every cross street, and you may form some idea of the deluge of balls poured on us. (Bear in mind that the four companies of regulars were now with us, the one intermingled with the other.) Onward we went, men and horses falling at every step. Sheers, shrieks, groans of words of command added to the dim, whilst the roar of the gen. was absolutely deafening.
We advanced up the street under this awful and fatal fire nearly two hundred yards, when we reached a cross street at the corner of which all who had succeeded in getting this far alive halted, ad if by mutual consent. I was shaking Col. Watson by the hand, whilst he was complimenting me, when a shower of grape, round and canister shot came from the corner above, and five officers, fell, and I do not know how many privates. Each man sought some place of apparent shelter.
I sat down on the ground with my back to the wall of a house. On my left two men torn nearly to pieces. One of them was lying flat on his back with his legs extending farther in the street than mine. Crash came another shower of grape, which tore one of his wounded legs nearly off. He reared up and shrieked and fell back a corpse. I never moved for I was satisfied that one place was as good as another. Directly opposite to me was a Brevet 2nd Lieut. Aisquith; on the right hand corner was Lieut. Bowie, also of my company; and close to me sat Colonel Watson, and Adj’t . Schaefer. In a few minutes I saw our color sergeant, Old Hart, come past with his right arm shattered (it has since been amputated) and in a few minutes came our Battalion Flag, borne by one of the other color guards, our glorious stars and stripes; and note this, that it was the first American flag in the city of Monterey-an honor which we know belong to our battalion.
When I saw the flag, not withstanding the novelty of the scene around me, a thrill of pleasure shot through me and I felt as if I could die, for I had made up my mind to die, and no man there ever thought for a moment that he would get out alive, and most of them did not. The firing still continued without the slightest intermission whilst we remained at the memorable corner, which was perhaps for fifteen minutes. When we were ordered to charge up the street a slight hesitation was manifested by both regulars and volunteers, but the officers sprang to the front in double file, I being along side of Colonel Watson.
We advanced, suppose, fifty yards when Col. Garland, of the Army, ordered us to retire. —We still advanced, and he again ordered us to retire, adding this time, in good order. I now became separated from Col. Watson, and never saw him again. He took the left hand side of the street and I the right hand, and when I reached the open field where he had first ordered us to lay down, I was joined by Lieut. Aisquith, who, to my inquiry, answered that he had just left the Colonel, and supposed that he would soon be with us. Seeing no other officer around me, I rallied the Battalion (remember that the firing was just as hot and incessant now as it had been at the firt) and led them down to make another attack on the fort, having made up my mind or take it or die in the attempt.
Imagine my surprise-a most agreeable one, I confess, to find the fort in our possession, it having been captured by the Mississippi and Tennessee regiments when it turned its fire on us as we charged into the town. I have not the slightest doubt that it was the charge made by the 1st infantry and our Battalion into the city which made the Mexicans retreat the Fort.
I was ordered to shelter my men from the fire, and await further orders, I took them in the ditch and than clambered over the ramparts to take a look at what was going on. My appearance was greeted with a dozen or so of musket balls, which accelerated greatly a retrograde movement, and I sat down quietly in 10 feet of dirt between me and the enemy’s shot. This was the first spot I had been in which I was out of fire for more than two hours, and I was nearly exhausted. One of my men now came up to me and reported the death of poor Col. Watson, whom he had seen fall from a musket shot through the neck.
As well as I can learn, the Colonel, in retiring from the city, inclined a good deal to the left, and became separated from the main body of the battalion; that in company with Lieut. Bowie, who remained with him, he met another column advancing to the attack, joined them with a few men he had with them, and fell a few minutes afterwards. He met with a gallant soldiers death-his face to the foe. His loss is deplored by all who knew his generosity of heart and chivalry of character. His loss to me, individually, is great, but to the battalion it is irreparable.—I know not how we will get along without him.—We have much, very much to contend against, and have ever since we left home. But of all this more anon.
We had been in the ditch for about a quarter of an hour whe Capt. Ridgely’s battery came up, also for shelter; but his appearance was the signal for the castle to open before us, which killed one of his horses on the very first shot, and wounded one of my men. We were now ordered to support Captain Bragg’s battery which had taken position to cut off the lancers who had sallied out to intercept what they thought was our retreat. We killed 5 or 6 of them, and the rest fled back to the city.
We were again ordered to the Fort to be ready for another attack on the city. Again the Castle opened on us and every shot told, and I never was s glad in my life as when I got into the old ditch. But it was a short lived gratification, for a regiment of Mexican Infantry were firing on Captain Webster’s battery, and their balls raked the whole fort, ditch and all. We were then ordered to join the Ohio, Kentucky and Tennessee troops which were forming on the plain for another attack on the city.
The attack was not made, although I was burning to have revenge, and from the time I last left the ditch until we were ordered back to the camp by General Twiggs, we were constantly under fire being in open view and fair range of the artillery in the gray castle. I was under first one General and then another, until I became completely worn out, as well as my command, which had remained so faithful with me. I returned to camp as night approached, wearied in body and mind, but thankful to God for preserving my life through the perils of the day.
Thus terminated, as far as our battalion was concerned, one of the longest bloodiest battles ever fought on this continent, and strange to say, our battalion only lost six killed and twenty wounded. I had about thirty-eight men of my company in the fight, and two were killed and three wounded; yet every one of those that escaped has told me he did not expect to live through the day, and most of them had, their clothes struck by balls.
I cannot realize that my loss was so small, so completely were my ranked raked by shot. Above, below, alongside, between legs and arms, everywhere the balls whistles and howled. The air seemed cut to pieces by the quantity the that the artillery hurled at us, and it would be childish to tell you how close they came to me, and what and how many escapes I had. Others will hereafter tell you of the first days fight at Monterey, and now I tell you that I was in that fight and exposed to shot for nine hours.
I have thus given you a hasty and ill digested account of my doings on the 21st. I could fill fifty pages if I were to give you a detail of the whole week’s work which resulted in the capture of this important town; but I will stop short, for my back aches now from writing this on my knees. Of my own company I cannot say enough. I love them. They stuck to me through every phase of fortune, and one of them, as he was dying, told me to write to his father and tell him, “he died like a true patriot.”
[Balt. American
The following letter we copy from the Washington Union:
-Camp near Monterey 27th September, 1846.
To the editors of the Union:
You have, no doubt, had official information some days ago relating to the battles of the 21st, 22d, and 23d instant; and, without attempting to say anymore of the bloody conflict, I consider it due to Lieut. Taylor, or company B, under the command of Captain Piper, of the Baltimore volunteers to say that his conduct, during the three days fight, was brave and gallant, and that the is the gentlemen the recovered the dead body of our brave Lt. Col. Watson, under the heavy fire of the enemy. To-day General Twiggs met the officers of our battalion, and conferred the honor of colonel commanding the battalion on Capt. James E. Stewart, of Baltimore city it being due to him as the senior captain; as also a reward of merit for his conduct during the struggle. Gen. Twiggs also stated, in our presence, that the Baltimore Battalion through out had acted as brave and noble a part in three days’ struggle as any troops in the American army.
I am, dear sir, your very respectfully
K. Bronaugh, Capitan Comp. C.
[MJK]
NNR 71.157--11/7/1846 List of Killed and Wounded
List of Killed and Wounded.
A Washington correspondent of the Baltimore Sun furnishes the following extract of a letter from Captain Piper, of the Baltimore volunteers, to his brother Dr. Piper:“Col. Wm. H. Watson's body was brought into camp by Lieut. Taylor, assisted by privates Hyde and Simpson, who risked their lives under a heavy cannonade to rescue it from where it fell.“
The loss in our batallion during the battle is six killed and fifteen wounded, as follows:“Company A-Captain Stewart's- Joseph Files, wounded in the left arm, since amputated; Albert Hart, color sergeant, wounded in right arm, since amputated; Robert Caples, in the abdomen; William Lee, in the groin; Malcolm Wilson, in the left arm; and Wm. Alexander, in the leg.“
Company B-Captain Piper's- Patrick O'Brien, left killed; Wm. F. Powelson, 1st sergeant, wounded in the left wrist; and George Harold, in the right arm badly.
“Company D-Captain Waters of Washington--1st sergeant Truscott, killed by a cannon ball; Charles Yerst, wounded in the leg; A Parris, in the side slightly.“Company E-Captain Kenly- Alexander Ramsay, killed; Joseph Wharry, killed; James Henry, wounded in the left arm; Henry Elslen, in the thigh slightly.“
Company F-Capt. Boyd's- George A. Herring, son of Henry Herring, Esq., of Baltimore killed; Henry Clifford, wounded in the left arm; William Kelly, in the right foot, slightly; George Pearson, of Co. F, died on Monday morning, having been sick for 10 to 12 days.”
The Sun says-
"The above is evidently a full and authentic list of the killed and wounded, for which we are much indebted. It will be seen there is no reference made to Company C, commanded by Capt. Bronaugh, which was on camp duty during the battle." [SCM]
NNR 71.160 November 7, 1846 Col. John Charles Fremont’s affair in California
NNR 71.160- 11/7/1846 Letter of Col. W. B. Campbell
THE TENNESEE VOLUNTEERSLetter of Col. W. B. Campbell
Camp near Monterey, Mexico, September 25,1846Dear Sir: I have not time, as the express leaves very shortly, to write you a letter, but only to let you know that an attack was made by Gen Taylor's army on Monterey on the 21st, which succeeded in part by taking one fortress and portion of the town on that day; and on the 22d and 23d, two other forts fell into our hands, and on the 24thGen. Ampudia sent in a white flag proposing terms. A conference was held yesterday which resulted in an armistice for eight weeks, and an agreement that the Mexican general should march off his hole army with their arms and six pieces of artillery. The stores to be given up to the Americans, and to-day at 10 o'clock, the main fortress is to be delivered up.For all this Tennessee has suffered most severely- my regiment went early into action on the morning of the 21st September, and was ordered to sustain some regulars who were said to be attacking a fort at one end of the city. When I arrived with them within point blank musket shot of the fort, no regulars were visible- they had filed to the right and taken shelter behind houses, and had got into the outskirts of town, so that my command was left exposed to the most severe discharge of artillery and musketry that was ever poured upon a line of volunteers- They bore the fire with wonderful courage, and were brought to charge in a few minutes, and rushed upon the fort and took it at the point of bayonet. It was most gallantly done. The Mississippi regiment sustained my regiment most gallantly in the charge, and came into the fight like valiant soldiers. We passed through the fort and into the town, but other well fortified places put a stop to our progress, and we had to keep up the fight from behind wallfences and houses all day.
The fort which we took has been in our possession ever since. Two other efforts were abandoned by the enemy on the 22d, and taken possession of by our men. On the morning of the 21st September, I marched to the attack on Monterey with my regiment, numbering 379, including officers, non commissioned officers and privates; and my loss during the day was 26 killed, 77 wounded, and 2 missing, supposed now certainly to be dead. This will show you whether we stood the fire, as our march all the time was inward or stationary upon the ground we had taken.I sent you a list of the killed and wounded in the action, that you may publish. I regretted that Capt. Whitfield's company could not have been with us, but one company was to be left, and he had the day before been on hard duty with his company, and was properly the one to be left behind. Myself, Lieut. Col. Anderson, Major Alexander, and Lieut. Adjutant Heiman, were on horseback, and I can say, that never did men act more promptly and gallantly than did Lieut. Col. Anderson, and Adjutant Heiman, and Major Alexander, until the last fell wounded, early in the action. The whole command acted nobly and bravely.
W. B. CAMPBELL
I am yours,
Allen A. Hall, ESQ.
[SCM]
NNR 71.164 November 14, 1846 “Union” discredits notion that volunteers are to be called, signified that Gen. Zachary Taylor has not been ordered to advance on San Luis Potosi, &c., reconcile to his remaining for the present where he is, impression that a peace is about to be effected
For some weeks
past the public have been from time to time apprized by publications in
the official journal, as well as from other sources of the highest authority,
that the war was to be prosecuted with ore vigor and means of, “conquering
a peace” speedily. With this view it was, that the instant information
was received of the conclusion of an armistice, order were forwarded by
express from Washington to General Taylor to terminate at once, to push
on with the army under his command. The States, it was said, were
to be called upon for the residue of the 50, 000 volunteers. Mexico
was to be invaded at some point nearer to the capital than that prescribed
as the route from the Rio Grande. Tampico was to be attacked by the
squadron-the most imposing front was to be assumed in every direction, and
effective, striking demonstrations given to Mexico, that nothing but a speedy
peace could save her national existence.
Suddenly, however, if any confidence is
to be placed in letters from Washington, a very different course has been
concluded upon. The “Union,” without contradicting that orders to terminate
the armistice and advance with the army beyond Monterey, now indicated that
general Taylor has discretionary powers in the premises and appears reconciled
to his so exercising that discretion as to remain for the present where
he is. The department of War, in reply to a tender of volunteers from
Delaware, officially announces that no more volunteers are to be ordered
out at present. Preparations for another descent upon the coast of
Mexico would seem at least to be differed for the present.
There are various conjectures as to the
cause of this sudden change. Some attributed it to a renewed prospect
of negotiating with Santa Anna or the approaching Congress of Mexico, since
they have been beaten out of Monterey, and have lost California.
Others think it impossible that remonstrance’s at an attempt to conquer
and dismember Mexico, may have arrived from some of the powers of Europe,
since the rejection of offers to mediate a peace. Others attribute
the change to the ascertained expense of the war and the financial difficulties
already experienced by the treasurer in providing funds- and others again
refer it to the result of recent elections and that probability that an
opposition majority will be elected to the next house of representatives. Quite
possibly all these conjectures may be erroneous. [MJK]
NNR 71.164-71.165 November 14, 1846 letter on the campaign against Mexico
NNR 71.165 November 14, 1846 brisk trade at Matamoras, order of Gen. Patterson concerning persons trading on the Rio Grande
The Rio Grande is now quite low but its navigation is still good-in fact, it is much easier as the current is not more than half as strong as when it overflowed the banks.
Merchants apprise us that the trade has been quite brisk for the last few days and continues to increase, Traders have been arriving from Monterey and neighborhood in considerable numbers, and they speak of many others on the way and preparing to come.—They purchase pretty freely.
In relation to the order issued by General Patterson, concerning persons trading on the Rio Grande, which was interpreted by many as being intended to prohibit the importation of goods, the Flag says General Patterson did not desire that it should be so understood and adds:
“The order was intended for the government of masters and steamboats in receiving and carrying freight and passengers, and to render more positive and concise the prohibition against receiving on board any spirituous liquors. As far up as this place, all legitimate freight can be brought without an order, but before sending it higher it is necessary to obtain the consent and an order to the effect from the commander at this post. The object in thus making it incumbent on persons in order to proceed higher up with goods, to obtain the consent of the commander or quartermaster here, is to prevent individuals from following the army, and hanging around military posts who have no specific business.” [MJK]
NNR 71.165 November 14, 1846 arrival of sappers and miners at Matamoras
The company of sappers and miners from New York, under command of Captain Swift of the topographical Engineers, arrived at Matamoras on the 23rd. [MJK]
NNR 71.165 November 14, 1846 Mexicans evacuate Saltillo
“ARMY OF OCCUPATION”
By the arrival of the steamship Galveston at New Orleans on the 2d instant, we have Galveston updates to the 30th ult. The news of that date says-
From Col. Davis we learn that the Mexicans have totally evacuated the whole country this side of San Luis Potosi. The information has been derived from so many sources that there is now no doubt of this fact. They left behind some forty dragoons to destroy fortifications that had been constructed at Los Muertos, a naturally strong and difficult pass on the road to Saltillo, and about five or six miles beyond the Rinconada. They have also dismantled Saltillo, destroying whatever might be of use to our army, and which they could not take away. Thus there is nothing left for General Taylor to conquer, but a barren region of rugged mountains and thirsty plains, affording neither water nor provisions for the sustenance for man or beast, over a distance of two or three hundred miles, to San Luis Potosi.[MJK]
NNR 71.165 November 14, 1846 Gen. Zachary Taylor ordered to advance on San Luis, difficulty doing so
If, as has been said, General Taylor has orders to march upon San Luis Potosi, so as to reach that city by the end of November, the question arises how he is to traverse such a country as he will have to do, by a forced march at the rate of 15 or 20 miles per day?
The only water on this route is in the Mexican tanks, which will doubtless be all broken up as the enemy retires. To carry water sufficient to save his army and teams from suffering would probably require more horses, mules and oxen that are now in the army, all of which are required for the transportation of the necessary stores and munitions. In making this retreat the enemy has doubtless adopted a wise policy, leaving behind them a far more formidable enemy for Gen. Taylor to encounter, (viz: this march) than he could ever find in their own arms and fortified towns.
This policy has doubtless been dictated by the sagacity of Santa Anna. It is stated on good authority that he sent orders to Ampudia to evacuate Monterey and all other places this side of the mountains, but that those orders were not received till after the battle.
After leaving the troops necessary to garrison Monterey, Saltillo and other town, Gen. Taylor will only have an army of about 5000 men with which to penetrate into the heart of the enemy’s country, and far beyond the reach of any reserve upon which he might fall back in support, in case of necessity.- Such, we believe, is an account of the present position and prospect of our army, as derived from good authority. Gen. Ampudia has been superceded in command, but the name of his successor is not remembered.[MJK]
NNR 71.165 November 7, 1846 correspondence between Gen. Zachary Taylor and Gen. Francisco P. de Morales respecting conduct of volunteers; Correspondence relative to supplies of provisions
The Matamoros paper, the American Flag, of the 24th ult., says:
Although several persons have called at our office within the last two days, direct from Monterey and intermediate posts, yet not one word of news do they bring not before published, except that preparations for future hostile operations on our side are rapidly progressing. By the time the armistice shall have expired, everything will have completed to ensure success in future engagements or movements.—Of the doings of the Mexicans we can learn nothing accurate. If any belief could be attached to the to the trading parties of Mexicans coming here from Monterey and vicinity, all their troops have been withdrawn from Saltillo and are concentrating at San Luis Potosi, where Santa Anna is stated to arrived. A Mexican who arrived in town yesterday, states that there is no preparations making at the pass of Rinconada to dispute the passage of our army to Saltillo, and that Saltillo will not be defended. It is but fair to presume that he knows no more in regard to the intentions of the Mexican Generals, than we do to the intentions of our own Generals. It would take more than his assurance to make us believe that the passes through the mountains will be left undefended.
Every thing has remained quiet and peaceable since the battle, both at Monterey and on the road. The trains were going up without molestation. The full extent of the American loss in killed and wounded was 480. The climate favors the healing of the wounds, and many are recovering. The general health of the troops is good. Preparations are going forward actively for a renewal of hostilities after the expiration of the armistice- no belief was entertained in Monterey that the Mexicans designed to break it. If they did, General Taylor was prepared for them.
The flag contains a translation of a correspondence which tool place after the capitulation of Monterey between General Taylor and Governor Morales, in regard to certain charges made by the latter against the volunteers quartered in the city, of having murdered several Mexicans, and being generally disorderly in their conduct; and also concerning the furnishing of supplies for the American army.—After the capitulation, General Taylor had a conversation with Morales on the last mentioned subject, and subsequently Col. Whiting, Quartermaster General addressed the following to the Governor:-
“General Taylor orders me to address your Excellency upon various subjects in reference to the conversation had with you the other morning when visiting his camp.
He desires, in particular, that you will order the inhabitants of this province to furnish mules for burden between this place and Camargo. Though we have a good number now employed, yet many more are needed.
He also charges me particularly to say to your Excellency, that you will request or command the inhabitants to bring in their corn and deposit the same to a considerable amount in the city. It is necessary that this corn should be brought in, and it must be, by your Excellency’s order of by force. If procured by the first means, it will be paid for at the same price the Mexican government allowed; if by second the owners may look to their own government for redress.
You will please to inform me officially; (we wish a speedy reply,) what the current prices of transporting each mule load from Camargo to this city, and the prices which the Mexican government have been paying for corn at this season.”
To this note of Col. Whiting, Governor Morales replies as follows.
“Since this government had the pleasure of conferring with Gen. Taylor upon various subjects of importance, they have taken due measures to accomplish your desires, relative to the accumulation of corn and removal of effects from Camargo belonging to the American army. I have to inform you that corn will be furnished, (as much as can be gathered) at five dollars per mule load, and also mules for burden, as soon as they arrive from the interior, where they have been sent on business, but ordered to return forthwith-with the understanding that the current prices for freight from this city to Cervalo is two dollars and fifty cents per mule load-to Camargo five dollars- to Cadereita one dollar and fifty cents- the same to the estates of Dolores and Conception, which are below Cadereita.
Such being the case you will signify the same to General Taylor, adding at the same time that it will not be necessary to use force in procuring the object indicated, for there is no lack of desire to serve.
With this motive I offer you my consideration and esteem. God and Liberty.
Monterey, Sept. 30th, 1846.
Francisco P. Morales
Col. Whiting consented to receiving the supplies on these terms. The flag says the prices are double those paid by the Mexican government.
The following is what Governor Morales says in relation to the volunteers, in a note dated the 29th of September:
“Multitudes of complaints have been made to this Government against excesses committed upon persons and property against Mexicans daily by the volunteers, in the service of the United States, and I am this moment informed that three of our citizens have been killed by them, without pity or any reasonable motive. Only because they possess the power to do so. Under such circumstances, it is impossible that society can remain in much security, as the most essential guarantees are wanting. I have the honor of making this known to your Excellency, hoping that measures will be adopted to put an end to such atrocities in the future, and to carry into the effect the assurances given to the protection of the people.
Repeating my esteem and consideration for your Excellency, I am, &c. &c.
“ On the 1st of October, General Taylor wrote in reply:
“The communication of your Excellency, dated 29th ult., relative to excessive committed by volunteers in Monterey, was duly delivered. Some delay has occurred in answering it, in order that I might communicate with the commandant of that post.
It is with sentiments of regret I learn your just cause of complaint, founded upon the grounds stated by your Excellency. Your Excellency must be aware that it is no easy task to keep such men in subjection, and although my great desire is to maintain good order, yet excesses have been committed, but I believe, none of grave character.
The volunteers now in the city, will be removed in a few days, and by their absence, I hope all cause of further complaints will cease. In the meantime, Brig. Gen. Worth will use all efficacious measures to maintain order in the city. He is now invested with orders to this effect. Your Excellency must be aware that my desire is to comply with the guarantees I have given, in the name of my government, relative to the security of persons and property.”
In order to arrive with a better understanding with General Taylor, while his correspondence was going on, Morales, understanding that General Taylor had a knowledge of the French language, requested that correspondence be carried on in that language. The old hero, however, determined to stick to the vernacular, and at the conclusion of the last of the above notes, he says:-
“I take the liberty, at the same time, to add, that your Excellency has been misinformed in regard to my possessing a knowledge of the French idiom, and in consequence, you will please hereafter, as heretofore, receive my communications in English.”[MJK]
NNR 71.165-71.166 November 14, 1846 express mail with dispatches taken by Mexicans
ORRESPONDENCE OF THE N. O. PICAYUNE.
Monterey, Mexico, Oct. 12, 1846
GENTLEMEN: We have received new from New Orleans up to the 25 ult. It seems that there is no probability of peace being established for some time to come. Lieut. Armistead, of the 6th infantry, has just arrived from Washington with dispatches for Gen. Taylor, but the instructions sent him are not known in the army.
A mail which was sent from Camargo by a Mexican express rider for the army, about the 21st ult., and which, it is believed, contained important dispatches for Gen. Taylor, besides many private letters was taken by the enemy and conveyed to Ampudia, who received it on the day of the capitulation. Whether the Mexican mail rider was killed, as is pretended, or carried the mail of his own accord to Ampudia, is not known; but certain is it that the mail is in the possession of the enemy. After the Mexican army had retired to Saltillo, Gen. Taylor, hearing the loss of the mail, sent a messenger to Ampudia and requested him to return the private correspondence. The self-appointed postmaster of our army replied, through a Mr. Faullac, that a mail had been taken and received by him, but that he had forwarded the bag to Santa Anna! Mr. Faullac, however, hoped soon to have the pleasure either of sending back the private correspondence or bringing it in person. This accounts for the many persons in the army not receiving intelligence from home when they knew it was due. For instance, I have not received a letter from my family of a later date than six weeks ago. It is hoped that to Ampudia and all his officers and wives and concubines and Santa Anna shall have read these letters, they will be returned to us. The ladies who have husbands or lovers in the army will have the satisfaction of knowing that their letters have been read by the illustrious Ampudia. It is hoped that our wives have written us very becoming letters, and that they have been mum on family secrets.—Happily for their feelings of delicacy on this subject, however, neither Mexican men or women can understand or appreciate the devotion which has been breathed forth in their letters to those who are dear to them here. I know that I have at least a half a dozen letters in that mail, none of which will assist the Mexican government in the least in the war with us. I would write to Pedro de Ampudia and ask him to do me the special favor to return them to me, only this, “corresponding with the enemy” is a shooting affair. You may ask how the mail be entrusted to a Mexican, or to one man, to be carried a distance of one hundred and eighty miles through a country filled with rancheros, and particularly at a time when General Taylor was anxiously expecting instructions from Washington. I will answer this, if not to your satisfaction, atleast to the best of my knowledge and understanding. The economical quarter master at Camargo was enabled to hire the Mexican to run the gauntlet for fifteen dollars, where as if any escort had been sent up with it, the expense would have amounted to, just nothing at all. No American citizen could be hired to take the mail through alone for $100, but it should be obvious to any one that it is very important to risk a mail with such a chance.[MJK]
71.166 November 14, 1846 Texas volunteers disbanded at Monterey, their return to Texas
The first part of this statement is not to be relied on. There were no such accounts at Monterey on the 17th instant. There is no such place as Labradores near Monterey, unless it be a small rancho—Governor Liano, it is known, was not there, because his whereabouts had been ascertained a few days before. Salinas is much further than San Luis Potosi than Monterey and that part of the story is but the extension of the report current at the latter place ten days before the time mentioned. As to the killing of the Texans at Lampasos, it is not improbable. The troops from that state were disbanded at Monterey, and a number set off on the road to Salinas, Lampasos, &c., to Loredo on the Rio Grande. They were without provisions for themselves, or food for their horses, a certain sum being allowed for each days expenses. Their organizations was broken up, and they went off in parties, many without other arms but pistols and knives. It is very probable they levied contributions on the people, and they got into difficulty. At first, all the public arms were taken away, and it was not until General Henderson sent Colonel Hays to General Taylor, that the arms were restored to be delivered up to Bexar, in Texas, Many men would not go to get them.[MJK]
NNR 71.166 November 14, 1846 General John Ellis Wool crosses Rio Grande en Route for Monclava
CORRESPONDENCE OF THE NEW ORLEANS PICAYUNE
Monterey, Mexico, Oct. 16, 1846
A chance offers to send a line, which I must write in haste, as the gentleman who takes it will be off in a few moments. Gen. Wool crossed the Rio Grande thirteen days ago on his way to Monclava. A train of fifteen hundred mules arrived from Camargo a day or two since, with provisions. Two thousand mules have been hired at this place for the use of the army at 37 ½ cents per day each.
Lieut. Graham’s remains were followed to the grave three day’s since, by Gen. Taylor and nearly all the officers.
No news yet from the first mail that was captured by the enemy. Another large mail started from Camargo a few days ago (the 5th Inst.) which shared the fate of the first. This makes two important mails that have been captured from us within a month.—The last was taken out of the mule train.[MJK]
NNR 71.166 November 14, 1846 Major Lear expected to recover from his horrible wound
The wounded are doing well, better than what was at first anticipated. Major Lear who was so horribly wounded through the mouth, the ball coming out at the back of the neck, shattering the jawbone and palate, will, it is hoped, recover. His son, a young gentleman o twenty, is fortunately with him.[MJK]
71.166 November 14, 1846 death of Lt. Richard H Graham
Lieut. H Graham, of the 4th infantry, died of his wounds last night[MJK]
NNR 71.166 November 14, 1846 Gen. William Orlando Butler recovering from wound
General Butler, who was shot through the leg, is recovering fast, and begins to attempt, in his impatience to be on his legs again, to hobble about the floor.
General Taylor keeps his own counsel respecting the nature of the instructions received from Washington. The Washington letter writers probably know more about the it than a majority of the officers under General Taylor at the moment. Something is brewing, however, and I can see that some movement is soon to be made, though none has yet been ordered. [MJK]
NNR 71.166 November 14, 1846 Letter reporting that the Mexicans had evacuated Saltillo to stand at San Luis Potosi
The following letter from the Commercial Times, states, as a fact, that the Mexicans had evacuated Saltillo, and intended to make their stand, if they stood again, at San Luis Potosi:
Camargo, Mexico, Oct.22, 1846
Gentlemen: In my last letter I intimated you that the evening was very quiet about Monterey, and the indications were in favor of a continuance of the calm until the terms of capitulation, or the return of Capt. Eaton, the aid of Gen. Taylor, from Washington city. Up to the time of my departure on the 16th, nothing indicated any change in the state of things. The discharge of the Texas troops and their departure caused the town to be more tranquil than ever. Not many of the Mexicans had returned to the place, as they are yet afraid; but that will not continue much longer.
Before my departure, the account of the departure of General Ampudia from Saltillo with the army was fully confirmed. He proposed to fortify that town and make another stand: therefore he called on the citizens to assist him. They held a meeting, and the answer to his call was, Monterey was a town naturally easier of defense than Saltillo, that it was well fortified, and he had been driven out of it, therefore they would not expose their families and property to certain injury and danger.—The general then left, taking the road towards San Luis Potosi. [MJK]
NNR 71.166 November 14, 1846 Gen. Pedro Ampudia and the authorities of Saltillo, his official announcement of the surrender of Monterey
MEXICO.The Washington Union states that dispatched have been received from the U.S. squadron off Vera Cruz. Before the battle of Monterey, Ampudia boasted that the American army should be defeated, and that not one of our troops would be left to taste the waters of the Rio Grande. And since the Mexicans were driven from Monterey, they are misrepresenting everything-making our loss to be 1500-and some say near 3000-and stating that they left behind them only about 6 pieces of artillery, not fit for use. Private letters from Vera Cruz, however, appreciate the depth of the blow they have sustained-Monterey being considered one of the strongest places in the world. A few numbers of the Locomotor of Vera Cruz, to the 8th of October, inclusive, have been received at the Navy Department. The intelligence of the capture of Monterey is copied from other papers, with few comments.
OFFICIAL DESPATCH OF GENERAL AMPUDIA TO THE MEXICAN SECRETARY OF WAR, ANNOUNCING THE SURRENDER OF MONTEREY:
Most Excellent Sir:
After a brilliant defense, in the course of which the enemy was repulsed, with the loss of fifteen hundred men, from various posts, he succeeded in possessing himself of the heights commanding the Bishop’s palace, and another to the south of it, and likewise a detached breastwork, called the Teneria, and continuing his attacks through the houses, which he pierced in a direction towards the center of the city, he succeeded in posting himself within a half gun-shot of the principal square, where the troops were posted, who suffered much from the hollow shot.
Under these circumstances, I was requested by various principal officers to come to such terms that would diminish our losses: for to open our way with the bayonet, surrounded as we were by entrenched enemies, would have resulted in the dispersal of the troops, and nothing of the material would have been saved. These considerations having been weighed by me, I also took into view what the city suffered, and would suffer, from the attacks by the piercing of the houses, as well as the destruction by the bombs; the scarcity of ammunition, which was beginning to be felt; the provisions which we were losing, as the enemies lines approached the center; the distance from our supplies, and finally that to protract this state of things for two or three days, even if it were possible to do so, could not end in a triumph, and I consented to open propositions, which resulted in the annexed terms of capitulation.
Your excellency will perceive that the preserve the honor of the nation and that of the army; and it is to be observed that, if they do not grant us as much as was perhaps expected, that of itself proves the superiority of the enemy, not in valor, which he displayed in most of the combats but in his position within the squares of pierced masonry, which surrounded the square and cut off any supplies of provisions, wood, or other articles necessary to subsistence.
With the greatest regret, the army withdraws from their capital, abundantly watered with its blood, leaving under the guarantee of the promises of the American generals the severely wounded and the neighboring population of the state, whose civil authorities will continue in the exercise of the of their functions. Tomorrow I shall continue my march to Saltillo, where I will await the orders of the supreme government. And in communicating this to you, I have the honor of reiterating the assurances of my highest respect.
PEDRO DE AMPUDIA
God and Liberty!
Headquarters in Monterey, September 25, 1846.
NNR 71.166 Gen. Jose Mariano de Salas’ announcement of the loss of Monterey, and calling on Mexicans to rally
PROCLOMATION OF GENERAL SALAS, THE ACTING PRESIDENT, TO THE PEOPLE OF MEXICO, ANNOUNCING THE LOSS OF MONTEREY:
Mexicans! A government established against the will of the nation is interested in concealing from it events which are disastrous to it; above all, when the responsibility of their occurrences must fall upon the government. A government whose sentiments and interest are no other than those of the nation, and which has emanated from the movement by which it threw off its oppressors, has no need to conceal anything from it, for the nation itself must combat for its preservation and for its honor.
Mexicans! Monterey has fallen. It was not enough to defy death, as our valiant fellow-countrymen did for four days; it was necessary to do more, to defy want in every shape, and the insufficiency of means of resistance. The intention of the enemy to occupy the whole republic is manifest; but the government is determined to triumph or parish with the republic. Partial disasters are of no importance; the Spanish nation suffered much more in the space of six years, and the results of her heroic efforts, and the co-operation of all her sons, was that the bones of a half million unjust invaders whiten the fields of the peninsula. Shall we become unworthy of independence, by not showing ourselves sons worth y of out fathers? The independence was achieved by us alone, only after ten years of constancy; and it is not possible that an organized nation should show less strength than its oppressed sons, such as our first leaders were.
Mexicans! The time to act has come. Will you suffer your population to be decimated, sending it to perish by the handfuls on the frontier, one to-day, another to-morrow, and to perish less by the enemies’ balls then by neglect? The government will exert all its power in the defence of its rights; but it has a right to expect that the indifference or inactive contemplation shall not be the recompense of its plan of operation; for the nation will prefer that that not one stone will be left on another, rather than behold its sovereignty, its right and its temples trampled under foot. The invincible general called by it to place himself at the head of the troops is resolved not to survive the dishonors of the country.
Will it be less so? No. Our blood and our property will be the sacrifice that we offer up; and when you are in the full enjoyment of the rights which you claimed, I do not doubt of your co-operation, and with it we will snatch from fortune a complete victory, which in the end will ensure to us existence and honor.
JOSE MARIANO DE SALAS
Mexico, September 30, 1846.
NNR 71.167-71.168 November 14, 1846 Maj. Luther Giddings’ account of Monterey and its capture
No mention is made in those papers of Santa Anna. Except that he has been ill with a severe constipation, from which he had recovered; and that, after he learned of the capture of Monterey, he wrote several letters to his friends reminding them of his advice to the government to withdraw the troops from Monterey.
It is mentions in one of the papers, as some indication of public spirit, that the dealers in pulque (a kind of beer) in the city of Mexico, had requested the government to double the tax on that article, which would yield in an increase in revenue, in the capital, of a thousand dollars a day.
The most exaggerated statements are made of the loss sustained by our troops at Monterey, one account estimating it to be three thousand.
LETTER FROM MAJOR GIDDINGS.
We publish to-day a long and interesting letter from Major Giddings, giving the most intelligible description we have yet seen, of the city of Monterey, its topography, its defences, and fortifications, the storming the place and its capitulation. Lieut. Egry resigned a few days after the battle, and reached home last night in good health, but most heartily sick of the war! He pronounces it a humbug, alike in its origin, design, and conduct. Gen. Taylor, in his opinion, is really a great man, but in danger of being sacrificed by the feeble and inefficient conduct of the government at Washington.
We have a private letter from an officer of the 1st Ohio regiment, which speaks highly of the coolness and gallantry of Lieut. Egry. The Lieutenant gives a good report of the conduct of the Dayton companies-who stood for hours together exposed to the enemy’s fire, suffering a loss in killed equal to all the other companies of the regiment. But not a man faltered or blenched at the death- shot that rained thick and fast around and among them. Maj. Giddings was much exposed during the action, and won “golden opinions” from men and officers by his cool courage and self possession throughout.
Colonel Mitchell being badly wounded, and Lieut. Col. Weller being sick of a fever, Major Giddings has the principal command of the 1st regiment, and will be promoted to the coloneley, in case of Mitchell’s resignation. [Dayton Jour.
-Camp near Monterey, Mexico,
Thursday, Oct. 1, 1845.
Messers. Comly-Gentlemen: In my last letter from Comargo, I informed you that our army was about moving upon Monterey, at which place we expected to meet the Mexican forces. We left Comargo on Sunday, Sept. 6.halted three days at Seralvo, and encamped before the walls of Monterey on Saturday, 19th Sept. The first days of the march were void on interest; the road passing through a wilderness of thorns, broken up in places by immense chasms, hundreds of feet deep. In these ravines alone, often mile apart, the heated and toil-worn soldiers found water offensive to every sense. At Mier, the town so celebrated in the History of Texas border warfare-we caught the first glimpse of the distant mountains, and the following day, encamped on a pure, transparent mountain stream, called the Arroya Mier, the murmuring of whose waters made every heart bound with delight. As we approached the mountains the country improved, and our camps were usually upon the banks of pleasant streams and amid groves of olive trees, whose branches were loaded with both flowers and fruit. The whole of the vast region between the gulf and the mountains, seems to be thinly populated. On some days of the march we did not pass a rancho or see a ranchero, (farmer,) the only visible traces of man and his religion, being the cross, which was erected upon almost every hill, and in every valley. Upon many of these holy emblems were inscriptions in Spanish, requesting the prayers of the clergy for him who died or was murdered there.
At Marin-two days’ march from Monterey-our army was concentrated, it having hitherto marched by divisions. Here several handbills, printed in English, were scattered through the camp, signed Pedro de Ampudia, inviting us all to desert, and accept places in the Mexican army, or a free passport to the interior. Our men, after reading the extra, concluded to visit Gen. Ampudia in a body, and accordingly we marched the next day to San Francisco, a small village about 10 miles from Monterey, and which all those through which we had previously passed, was deserted by all its inhabitants, who were not too poor to move away.
The following day (Saturday, Sept. 19th) was the last march which many of our brave men performed. Our regiment was on the rear upon that day, and ere we had fairly left San Francisco, we heard the report of heavy artillery in the direction of Monterey. Supposing that the advance guard was engaged with the enemy the shout was-“Quick time! Forward!” and for six miles the men ran, quickening the pace at every report, until we met a dragoon going to the rear, who informed us that the firing was from the town upon the mounted Texans, who had ventured within range of the enemy’s guns. The American army of invasion, about 6,000 strong-horse, foot, and artillery-encamped that morning in a beautiful grove of live oaks, about 3 miles from the city;- a more suitable spot for a picnic could not be found in the vicinity of our own Dayton. I am informed that this camp ground of the invaders (and from which I now write) is a place much resorted to by the elite of Monterey.
The afternoon of the day of our arrival, and morning of the day of the following, were spent by our engineers in the reconnoitering of the defences of the city, which they reported to be splendidly fortified. Almost everyone seemed to be disappointed in the strength of the place.
In order that you may better understand the character of the conflict, which I shall presently attempt to describe, and appreciate the indomitable courage and resolution of our little army, as displayed in the “storming of Monterey,” it is proper that you should first learn of the position of the parties at issue.
Monterey contains about 15,000 inhabitants, and is situated at the base of a lofty range of rugged mountains, called the Sierra Madre. A branch of San Juan River divides the city in unequal parts, the larger and better proportion being between the river and the base of the mountain. A gently ascending slope, covered in places with chaparral-with here and there a field of corn or sugar cane, spreads itself before the town. The road by which our army approached, descends over this plain into the center of the city. Standing upon the elevated grounds, midway between our camp and town, but little of the latter can be seen. It is embowered in trees-a spire or white wall being, in some places, all that is visible through their branches.
In front of the city, and about one fourth of a mile out, upon the plain, stands, solitary and alone, an immense fort, covering 3 or 4 acres of ground. It s built of solid masonry, with bastions, ditches, &c.- and is one of those strong holds which, in the opinion of our military engineers, can only be taken by what they call regular approaches. This fort is pierced for 32 guns, and commands every avenue to the city, over the plain upon the east. It throws both shots and shells from its walls; and it was this fort (named afterwards by our boys-“The Old Colored Gentleman”-from its dingy appearance) that fired upon our advanced division on the day of our arrival.
In the rear, or west of the city, rises, ridge after ridge, and peak after peak, the lofty Sierra Madre. On the north of the city is a deep gorge in the mountains, through which is the road to Saltillo and Mexico. This pass and the approaches to Monterey upon the side, are defended by a series of batteries placed upon peaks jutting out of the sides of the great Sierra, and by a strong and elevated fortress, located about halfway between the pass and the town- known as “the Bishop’s palace.” It was through this pass alone, that the Mexican army could receive reinforcements or retreat with safety. The city was protected on the south, by a chain of small forts, (six I think the number,) extending from the foot of the mountain out to the plain.
In addition to these immense exterior defenses, almost every street and square of the city was barricaded, and raked by field pieces, and every house (being built in the old Mexican style, with thick walls and stone roofs) was a fortress. These fortifications of Monterey (the position and strength of which we learned by cruel experience) were occupied by at least 10,000 regular Mexican troops, and defended by forty or fifty pieces of heavy artillery. It will thus be seen that Monterey is one of the strongest places on the continent.
When it is recollected that the assailants of such places should (other things being equal) be much more numerous than the besieged, you will perceive how great was the work to be achieved by our arms. Indeed the Mexicans had the advantage in everything but the character of our troops. The Anglo-Saxon race cannot be beaten by any other on the face of the earth. The Mexicans having felt the power of our arms at Palo Alto and Reseca, had wisely retreated to one of their strong holds in the interior, knowing well that if we should be unsuccessful there, our army would be utterly destroyed: for had we failed it would have been impossible for us to retreat though the wilderness without provisions:- the first step backwards, would be our ruin. Every ranchero between the mountains and the coast would have been encouraged to take up arms in defence of his bleeding country, and assist in driving back the bold invaders.
Such was the position of affairs on the 19th of September. We all felt that our safety could only be secured, by wresting Monterey from the Mexicans; and as our army was provided with a siege train, or heavy artillery for battering, the city was to be won by downright fighting and good luck; -the place must be carried by storm, and that too without delay, as every hour strengthened the Mexicans and weakened us.
Accordingly on Sunday, the 20th of September, Gen’l Worth with his division 2,000 strong and the flower of the army, marched out of camp to secure possessions of the Saltillo pass and the heights on the north of the town. In order to attract attention from Worth’s movements, General Hamer’s brigade made a feint upon the town, which was, however, unsuccessful, as the Mexicans sent out a body of lancers to the north to watch the movements of Gen. Worth’s division. These lancers were driven back after some skirmishing-by the Texas Rangers, and the division bivouacked that night at the mouth of the pass and within range of the enemy’s guns, prepared to commence the conflict with the dawn of the morrow.
On the following morning, Monday, Sept. 21, the drums in camp beat to arms, and the regiments were quickly formed. The wagons were packed and one company from each regiment left to guard them.
The 1st division of regulars under Gen’l Twiggs and Gen’l Butler’s division of volunteers (four regiments) were marched halfway down to the city and formed in line of battle behind the crest of the hill, which as before remarked slopes down to the walls of the town;-the regulars on the left an volunteers on the right. A mortar (the only one with our army) had been planted here the night previous, and was engaged in sending bombs against the huge fort that communicated with the approach to the city from our side, the east. They fell short, however, whilst the guns of “the old colored gentleman” were throwing round shot clear over our heads, and almost into our camp. Duncan’s battery having accompanied Worth’s division, our three remaining batteries of field pieces (Bragg’s, Ridglely’s and Webster’s) took up position to engage the Mexican forts upon the south of the town.
The battle commenced with a brisk cannonading on both sides, in which the enemy had much the advantage-our guns not being large enough to be effective in battering; their men were also concealed behind stone walls, whilst our men were in range of their smallest pieces. The Mexicans excel in the exercise of artillery and indeed the battle was fought on their side, mainly with that strong arm of war.- For about one hour, our division remained in line, anxiously watching a scene so novel to volunteers, their hearts beating with wild enthusiasm, as they beheld the great superiority of the Mexican artillery. Yes-tell it not at West Point, publish it not in the streets of Washington-the volunteers demanded to be led where veteran troops have often quailed—to the cannon’s mouth. In the meantime, the first division of regulars had moved off from our left and became engaged with the defenders of the chain of forts on the south of the city. They drove in a body of Mexican infantry, and in the heat of the pursuit were drawn in between two batteries which poured down upon them a shower of grape and canister, making sad havoc in their ranks, and cutting down thus early in the action, several of the most gallant officers in the service. At this juncture, our division was put in motion. Gen. Quitman’s Brigade, composed of the Tennessee and Mississippi regiments, hastened to the left to support the first division of the regulars. One regiment of Gen. Hamer’s brigade, the Louisville Legion, being left to guard the mortar on the hill, either fortunately or unfortunately, did not get into action at all; whilst the other (1st Ohio regiment) faced to the left flank, and with a loud huzza, rushed down alone upon the center of the town to support Bragg’s battery, which had already been weakened by the loss of seventeen horses, and being in that quarter of the suburbs, was in danger of being captured. For at least a mile, our regiment advanced under fire of the guns of “the old colored gentleman,” and entered the suburbs of the city, only to find itself raked on all sides, by batteries of whose location we were ignorant, and escopette balls from the tops of the houses, whose occupants were perfectly safe, as we could neither burn nor batter down their stout walls. But notwithstanding the discouraging and disagreeable position (that of being fired at by an unseen enemy) in which our regiment found itself, the men grouped their way on cheering at every volley that descended upon them. On we scrambled through the gardens and yards, until we finally reached a ditch and stone wall a few feet beyond and parallel to it, behind which we saw for the first time, some of the black rascals loading and firing off old rusty muskets at us. This party rapidly retreated with some loss to a battery that was about a hundred yards in their rear, and which immediately commenced sending over and around us a perfect hail storm of grape shot. Our men waded the ditch, and taking up a position along the wall, began to pick off the Mexicans, whenever their heads would appear above the batteries, or they would expose themselves in working their guns. We held this position for some time, a few of our men being killed and wounded by the iron showers that were poured over and through some breaches in the wall. Among the wounded here, were General Butler and Colonel Mitchell.
At this period the scene must have been “grand and gloomy;” it was certainly very peculiar. Gen’l Worth’s division was engaged in contending for the heights on the north of the city;- the first division of regulars with the Tennessee and Mississippi volunteers were storming the forts upon the south side, whilst our little regiment (we took about 400 men into action) stood alone in the center, clouds of dense smoke rolled over and through the streets of the town,-through which might be seen the flashes of the musketry, and the redder flames of the deep toned artillery. In the meantime our people had succeeded in carrying two of the forts upon the left and the Mexicans retreating from that quarter, came up to the support of their center, and bringing around with them a field piece, commenced a raking fire upon our flank. Our regiment having secured the object of its attack, viz: the safety of captain Bragg’s battery, was ordered to retire. Our forces having gained a foothold on both ends of the city, the battle was from that time continued by us from those quarters alone.
Our companies having become very much scattered by this species of Indian fighting in the suburbs, and the order to retire not being generally known, the regiment presented a very ragged and unmilitary front when it emerged upon the plain; so much so, as to embolden a squadron of lancers to charge it.—They it seems were concealed behind the large fort which continued to send us in quick succession its ugly and unmusical iron messengers. It being impossible to form a square in time to resist this charge as officers had lost their companies and men their officers and the stragglers of other regiments both regulars and volunteers having joined our ranks,-our broken column was hastily formed in line, behind a brush fence which happened as a Paddy remarked-“to be very convanient.”
On came the lancers dashing over the plain, spearing as they passed at full gallop, the wounded Americans who had been struck down by their deadly artillery, and were strewed like leaved over the field. Had it not been for this dastardly conduct, I could have almost of imagined that the days of Spanish chivalry were revived, so much did these murderers with their lances and pennants and flowing parti-colored blankets, resemble the knights of olden times. A single volley from our line emptied several saddles, and put them to flight. The remainder of the afternoon our regiments remained in position, supporting the battery of Capt. Bragg, a target for the enemy’s artillery without being able to fire a musket in return.
After hard days work, the settling sun saw us in possession off two of the forts upon the south side of the town, whilst during the day Gen. Worth had won all the heights and batteries on the north, except the Bishop’s palace. At dark we returned to camp, weary and hungry, to prepare for battle the next morning. Our men had not eaten anything since daylight, and many of them were so exhausted as scarcely to be able to drag themselves from the field. As it was many of the companies came home only to sleep in the mud, without blankets or tents, the treacherous muleteers having lost their baggage somewhere upon the march. The result of that day’s conflict was very unsatisfactory to our regiment. It had been dreadfully exposed to the enemy’ fire, without being able to return it.
The evening breeze swept up the mountain side-the clouds of smoke that hung over that beautiful city, and the silence which followed the darkness was almost as appalling as the thunders that heralded the morning. That night was a gloomy one in our camp. How great was the contrast between the evening before and then after the battle! The surgeons were busy amputating limbs, extracting balls, dressing wounds; and all who had walked unmoved through the carnage of the field, then found time to weep for the groaning sufferers. The loss of our regiment was 15 killed and 39 wounded. Of the number killed, the company known in Dayton as the “Dayton Riflemen,” lost 5,-being one third of the whole number killed in the regiment. Lieutenants Motter and M’Carter, of that company, were also wounded-but I am happy to inform their friends, they are fast recovering. In Capt. Hormell’s company there were three killed.
At daylight, on Tuesday morning, the battle was renewed by the occupants of the forts and batteries won on Monday. Early in the day, another fort and some squares of the southern end of the town were wrested from the Mexicans, who fought with desperation over their hearth stones, and being acquainted with all the streets and the alleys of the city, had always much the advantage in position. For 12 hours more our men sustained most gallantly this unequal contest, calling upon the “yellow villains” to come out from their stone walls, and give us a fair and decent fight.
General Worth having been taken in succession all the batteries of the enemy, on the northern side of the city, and secured the Saltillo road, was seen in the afternoon to advance upon the Bishop’s palace or castle, which fortress was all that remained to the Mexicans in that quarter. It was gratifying to see how quickly this strong hold was taken. I have not yet learned the manner in which it was won, but to us who were looking on from the other side of the town, it appeared as if the Mexicans made a sortie, either to drive back our men, or to effect their own escape; but being met almost at the threshold by Worth’s column, were forced back, and Mexicans and Americans entered pell mell into the castle over the battlement of which soon floated the American flag.
Thus the evening of the third day saw us in possession of all the strong holds of the enemy, on both sides of the city. The “old colored gentlemen,” in front of, and the many interior defences of the town, yet remained to be taken.
On Wednesday morning, Sept. 23d, Gen. Hamer’s brigade marched down to relieve the brigade of Gen. Quitman, which had been holding the position won from the Mexicans on the south side. The battle raged with great fury during the most of this-the third day. The Texan Rangers, having dismounted, entered the extremities of the city, now in our possession, and with their axes and rifles cut and fought their way from house to house, shooting, with unerring aim, every Mexican who ventured from their cover. One of them told me that in one room he found 11 Mexicans, all shot through the head.
The Mexicans were thus driven by inches toward the center of the city. In the afternoon of that day Gen. Worth’s division descended from the Bishop’s castle upon the town. In a few moments after, Duncan’s artillery was heard thundering in the streets of that quarter, advancing half a square at every discharge, driving the Mexicans towards their church and into the large plaza, which they had barricaded for a final and desperate resistance.
During that day there occurred a few intervals of deathlike silence, in which some exhausted men sunk down and slept, whilst other untiring, reckless fellows, between their work, sang in concert popular negro melodies.
Thus for three days the work of death had progressed in and around the beautiful city, whose groves of orange and pomegranate were stained with the blood of contending mortals. That (Wednesday) night, our regiment slept, or rather watched in the forts. The air was tainted by the dead bodies, that were scattered over the plain and in the streets and which were stripped in the darkness by the prowling rancheros.
Early on Thursday morning and before it was light enough to renew the attack, a white flag was borne out to our fort, and a proposition to surrender sent to General Taylor in camp. You will have learned ere this; the terms of the capitulation. I scarcely know what to say of them. It was important that we should get possession of Monterey upon any terms, but it is now certain that after another day we could have got it upon our own terms, and made prisoners of war of Gen. Ampudia and his army. We had him in what is often termed a “tight place.” The rangers, (of whom I should like to write more,) were much incensed at the capitulation; for as they said, “they had just gotten possession of all the high houses,” and could have slaughtered the Mexicans ad libitum.
It is to be hoped that these terms were not given to Ampudia in pursuit of the wretched policy of conciliation. If our government wishes to conciliate Mexico, our cause is a bad one. If its object is conquest, then have the volunteers been much deceived. They came here to punish Mexico in the most summary manner, for her aggressions and wrongs committed upon our people, and not by pursuing this sneaking policy of conciliation-this unpleasant mixture of war and peace, to plunder her of her territory. It is true we have got possession of thirty or forty pieces of artillery, some tons of ammunition, and a lot of good Spanish cigars, which our idle soldiers are now smoking, but they have cost us in killed and wounded about 500 brave men. The Mexican army and most of the citizens have left Monterey, whose streets are almost as silent and deserted as are ours at midnight. Our army is still in camp-the wounded alone being removed to the city.
Whilst the days are still exceedingly hot, the night have been exceedingly cold in this climate, and there is much suffering among many of our men who are without tents and blankets. Indeed there are but few of them who would not be pleased to return home, as they say they have seen quite enough of the elephant. I have neither the time nor inclination to describe any of the scenes of the battle field, -besides my letter as already grown to a tedious length. It would however afford me pleasure to give you some account of a tour which a fellow Daytonian, (Mr. McC****) and myself made through Monterey on yesterday.—to tell you of the magnificence of the church, the beauty of the paintings, (to obtain one of which, I would willingly serve Uncle Sam a year,) and the splendor of Arista’s bath and palace gardens.
It is reported here to-day that Gen. Ampudia
has gone on with his army to San Luis Potosi, to assist Santa Anna in quelling
a rebellion in that province. In the meantime we shall await here the
news from Washington,-peace or war! If war, we shall fight another
battle at Saltillo about Christmas. Of this our government may be assured,
we can hold Monterey and the country between it and the coast, if desired-against
all Mexico combined.
Yours, &c.
G.
[MJK]
NNR 71.168-71.169 November 14, 1846 Col. Weller’s report of the actions of the Ohio regiment in the action at Monterey
COL. WELLER’S REPORT.I have the honor to report that the first regiment of Ohio volunteers, now under my command, was led by its commanding officer, Col. A. M. Mitchell, unto the attack made on Monterey in the 21st instant.- Notwithstanding the galling fire to which they were exposed for many hours from the batteries of the enemy, the loss has been much less than anticipated. The whole force brought into action, exclusive of commissioned officers, was, as near as can be ascertained, three hundred and seventy.<
Soon after the column reached the city, and near one of the enemy’s batteries, my immediate commander, then at its head leading the charge, received a severe wound in the leg, compelling him to retire from the field.
The battalion remained some time exposed to a galling fire in front and upon each flank from the enemy’s batteries, the locations of which could not be ascertained until immediately among them, and apparently increasing in number at every fire, we were ordered to retire from the streets into an open ground, giving us a position less exposed, and with a better opportunity of obtaining a knowledge of the enemies actual position.
The extent of our impression upon the batteries of the enemy, though severe, cannot be precisely known; a continued fire was kept up by our troops, who exhibited the coolest intrepidity and bravery, though exposed to batteries beyond their reach and by an almost invisible foe.
When the troops were in position upon the plain, a large body of lancers were seen in the distance advancing with great speed. We immediately took position under cover of a brush fence, and arranged in line. Our fire upon them, with the aid of a shell from our mortar at a distance, drove them with precipitation and some confusion into the fort; not, however, until they had speared several of our wounded, as they lay helpless on the ground.
Our battalion was again remarched to the streets of the small town to sustain our own batteries, and after remaining in this position till near night, were marched from the field into camp, having been exposed to cross fires of four or five batteries for five or six hours. The men, wore down and exhausted from the day’s fatigue, were ordered to remain in camp the whole of the 22d. On the morning of the 23d we again took the field, and were ordered in position to sustain Capt. Webber’s batteries, and subsequently into the fort which fell into our hands upon the first day, and which itself was exposed to the range of several of the enemy’s batteries and forts. We kept possession of the fort until the succeeding day, (24th,) when we were again relieved, and ordered into camp.
Too much credit cannot be given to the officers and men under my command for the gallant and chivalric manner in which they acquitted themselves during the engagement. They proved satisfactorily that in their hands the reputation of Ohio will never be tarnished, and that whenever an opportunity is presented they will be found ready and willing to maintain it. I regret to say that in the battle of the 21st., Adj’t A. W. Armstrong was severely wounded in the leg, making an amputation of the limb necessary; 1st Lieut. Hett, of company H, was killed, 1st Lieut. Niles, of company E, was severely wounded, and Capt. George, of the 2d rifle, and Lieut. Motear, of company B, slightly wounded. The total killed, wounded, and missing is fifty-two; a detailed statement of which I herewith send you. It is proper that company F, under Lieut. Beargrand, had been detailed as a guard for the camp, and of course was not in actions.
I am, sir, very respectfully, your obedient servant,
John B. Weller.
Lieutenant Colonel 1st regiment O. V.
Brevet Brigadier General Hamer. 1st Field Brigade of Volunteers. [MJK]
NNR 71.169 November 14, 1846 John Wise’s project for reducing the fortress of San Juan de Ulloa
EASY METHOD OF CAPTURING THE CASTLE OF SAN JUAN D’ULLOA, AT VERA CRUZ.—
Mr. Wise the Aeronaut, has become before the public, in the columns of the Lancaster (Pa.) Republican, with a plan of taking the business out of the hands of the Generals Taylor, Worth, and Patterson, and doing up the Mexicans at a short notice. We do not think our readers would be satisfied with less than the whole article:
Mr. D. S. Kieffer:- The present condition of the war with Mexico, will require our forces to reduce Vera Cruz. And it is acknowledged on all sides to be an extraordinarily well fortified point of defence, almost impregnable to the common mode of warfare; and at best cannot be taken in that way, without a great sacrifice of life and ammunition. I will suggest a plan to our War Department, that will render the capture of the castle of San Juan D’Ulloa as feasible and easy as the launching of a frigate.
Although the plan I shell propose may seem novel to many, still a brief detail of it, I think, will satisfy the most incredulous of its efficacy. In the first place, it will require the construction of a balloon of common twilled muslin, of about one hundred feet diameter. This machine, properly coated with varnish, will retain its buoyancy for many days or weeks. It will be capable, when inflated, to raise over 30,000 pounds-say, 20,000 of its own weight, net work, car and cable. It can be inflated in a day, or less time, if necessary.
The process of inflation may be accomplished on land, board of a man of war at sea, as circumstances may require-the car to be loaded with percussioned bomb shells and torpedoes to the amount of 18,000 pounds, which will leave 2000 pounds for ballast and men. Thus it will be ready to be placed in a position for deadly action, in a very short time. The cable by which it is to be maneuvered, may be at least 5 mile long, so that the balloon, at a mile of elevation, would leave the vessel, or land position, which act as the retaining point, out of reach of the castle guns, and under the cover of our own batteries. The man of war balloon, hovering a mile above the castle like a cloud of destruction, would be entirely out of danger of the enemies guns, since they could not be made to bear at an object immediately above them. The position of the balloon as to the heighth and distance above the retaining point, could be easily maintained by keeping a proper eye to its ballasting. As it would become lightened by the discharge of shells and torpedoes, an adequate quantity of gas can also be discharged.
If a gun from the castle could ever be made to bear upon the war balloon, it would soon be silenced by the rapidity, precision, and certainty, with which the deadly missiles could be showered down upon them.
With this aerial warship hanging a mile above the fort, supplies with a thousand percussion bomb shells, the castle of Vera Cruz could be taken without the loss of a single life to the army, and at an expense that would be comparatively nothing to what it would be to take it by the common mode of attack.
Through the medium of your journal, I would most respectively suggest this plan to our government, and will tender my services for its construction, and when constructed, will, if necessary, most cheerfully undertake its directorship into actual service, at a moments warning.
Very respectfully, your friend and fellow-citizen,
J. Wise
Lancaster, Oct. 22, 1846
NNR 71.173-71.174 November 14, 1846 Letter concerning Capt. John Charles Fremont’s operations in California
LETTER FROM SENATOR BENTON TO THE PRESIDENT.
Sir: In the absence of official information on the subject of Lieutenant Colonel (then Captain) Fremont’s operation in Upper California, I deem it my duty to lay before you the private letters which I have received from that officer, for the purpose of showing you his actual position at the latest dates; the unwilling manner in which he became involved in the hostilities with the Mexican authorities of that province, before he had heard of the war with Mexico; and especially to disprove the accusation, officially against him by governor Castro, of having come into California with a body of United States troops, under the pretext of a scientific expedition, but in reality to excite the Americans settled in that province to an insurrection against the Mexican government. The accusation is of the greatest character, most seriously implicating the good faith and honor of our government, and officially made by Governor Castro, in a dispatch to the minister of war and marine, under date of the first of April last, and published in El Monitor Republicano, in the City of Mexico, by the order of the Mexican government, on the 10th of May last. A copy of this paper was sent to Mrs. Fremont, my daughter, by the Hon. Mr. Slidell, and an English translation of it herewith presented.
When Captain Fremont left the United States to complete his scientific labors beyond the Rocky Mountains, it was with full knowledge of the Political, as well as personal difficulties of the enterprise. He knew that the relations of the United States were critical with both Great Britain and Mexico—that he was going through the territories of one, and among the settlements of another-that jealousy would attach to his movements, and all his acts be referred to his government;-and he was perfectly determined to use the utmost circumspection in all his conduct, confining himself wholly to his scientific pursuits, and carefully avoiding as well the appearance as the reality of either a political or military mission. With this view, and after having traversed the desert, and crossed the great Basin which lies between the Rocky Mountains and the Sierra Nevada of the Alta California, he left his men upon the frontier, an hundred miles from Monterey, and went alone to that city to explain his object and wishes in person to Governor Castro. He did this in the most formal and official manner, in company with the United States consul, Mr. O’Larkin, (at whose house he stopped;) and conforming to the whole detail of the Spanish ceremonial, he not only called on the Governor, but also on the prefect and the alcalde. The interview was entirely satisfactory. To the governor’s remark that he was bringing a considerable body of United States troops with him Captain F. answered that it was not so-that he had no troops at all-only a few hired men for security against Indians and Killing game, that he was not even an officer of the line, but of topographical engineers-and that he was seeking a new route (among other objects of science) to the mouth of the Columbia, upon a line further south than the present traveling route, and which had brought him though the unsettled parts of Upper California; and that he now wished to winter in the valley of the San Joaquin, where there was game for his men, and grass, for his horses. To this the governor agreed, and Captain Fremont left Monterey to bring his men to the beautiful valley which he explored in his previous exploration, and to which both himself and his men looked forward as to a paradise of repose and refreshment, after their toilsome and perilous march of three thousand miles among savage tribes, and through wilderness and desert countries.
Scarcely had he arrived in this valley, when information began to reach him from all quarters that the governor was raising the province against him, and coming upon him with troops of all arms-cavalry, artillery, and infantry- and that his situation was most critical and dangerous. The consul sent a special messenger to warn him of his danger; the American settlers below offered to join him; but he utterly refused their assistance, because he would not compromise them. But he did what honor and self–preservation required, and what the courage and fidelity of his men enthusiastically seconded; he took a position, and he awaited the approach of the assailants; and that position was nearer to them, on the summit of the Sierra, overlooking Monterey, at thirty miles distance, and whence, with their glasses, they could plainly see the troops, with their artillery, which had crossed the bay (of Monterey) to San Juan, on their way to attack him. The governor, with these troops, and with all his threats, after coming towards the camp on Sierra, did not come to it; and Captain Fremont, faithful to his design to avoid collision, if possible, finding himself not attacked, determined to retire, and to proceed to Oregon, on his intended route to the valley of the Sacramento, the Tlamath Lake, and the valley of the Wahlahmath river. Accordingly, about the 10th of March, he left his position on the Sierra, descended to the valley of San Joaquin, and commenced his march by slow and easy stages, of four and six miles a day, towards Oregon.
It is of this encampment on the Sierra that governor Castro makes particular complaint in his dispatch to the minister of War and Marine, as evidence of hostile intentions, and where the American flag was raised, a fortification built, and the American settlers called in for defense. Unhappily we have no letter from Captain Fremont detailing the events of these days; but the want of such a letter is well supplied by the official communications from the American consul at Monterey to our secretary of state, and by Captain Fremont’s brief note to the consul, (written in pencil) while expecting the attack of Governor Castro, and which has been heretofore published in our papers. Mr. Buchanan furnished us, as soon as they were received, with copies of these dispatches, which are herewith laid before you, and from which it will be seen that Governor Castro’s accusations against Captain Fremont are entirely unfounded-that so far from having excited the Americans to revolt, he absolutely refused to receive those who offered to join him! And, more, that when after leaving his position, and granting discharges to five or sic of his men, he refused to fill their places with men in the country! So determined was he to avoid as well as in appearance, as in fact, the smallest fact offensive or injurious to the Mexican authorities. The same correspondence shows the entire falsehood of all the superlative gasconade which Governor Castro put into his official report about the spoils of the camp-the dispersion of Fremont and his men-their flight into the brushes, and through the desert, his suffocation in the cradle of a dangerous conspiracy, &c., with all which imaginary exploits his official despatch was filled, while Fremont, with sixty-two men and two hundred horses, were slowly retiring in a body, almost in his view, and utterly abstaining from any act of offense to the province or its authorities. It was no doubt this false report to his government, and the ridicule he incurred by it in California, that led to his subsequent operations in May to exterminate Fremont’s party, and all the American settlers on the Sacramento.
On return from the evacuated camp on the Sierra, the governor also put forth a proclamation, in the vein of his report, and even worse, styling Fremont and his men a band of highway robbers, plundering the people, &c., which accusation of plundering, the consul took the trouble to investigate, and found to be a very trivial offense of manners (not of law or morals) which the injured party valued at five dollars, and for which Captain Fremont gave ten. For the rest, the consul, after all this, declares the inhabitants of the country to be well pleased with Capt. Fremont. And that he might walk the streets of Monterey the next day alone, if he chose. The only truth in Governor Castro’s dispatch is, that Captain Fremont took a military position, entrenched it, and raised the American flag; but these events were the consequence and not the cause of Governor Castro’s movement against him; and this is fully known in that brief, heroic note, written in pencil in answer to the consul’s warning, in which Captain Fremont, after refusing the aid of the American settlers, declared for himself and his sixty-two men that they had done nothing wrong to the authorities or the people of the country-that if attacked they would defend themselves, and die to last man under the flag of their country, and leave it to their country to avenge their deaths. All they did was in self defence. The flag was raised, not as a standard of insurrection, or as a sign of contempt for the Mexican government, but as the American symbol of honor and patriotism, which was entitled to respect from others-to defence from them- and which they had displayed in that hour of danger as a warning to the approaching assailants-as a bond of union and devotion among themselves-and as an appeal and invocation (if they should be destroyed) of the avenging spirit of their far distant country.—To my mind, this entrenching on the mountain, and raising the national flag, was entirely justifiable under the circumstances of the case; and the noble resolution which they took (refusing the aid of their countrymen) to die if attacked under the flag of their country, four thousand miles distant from their homes, was an act of highest heroism, worthy to be recorded by Xenophon, and reflecting equal honor upon the brave young officer who commanded and the heroic sixty-two by whom he was supported.
The first letter that we received from Captain Fremont after his withdrawal from the Sierra, and from the valley of the San Juan, is dated the first day of April, in latitude 40, on the Sacramento river; and though written merely to inform Mrs. Fremont of his personal concerns, becomes important in a public point of view on account of the subsequent events in June and July, by showing that on the first of April he was on his way to Oregon-that he had abandoned all intention of returning through any part of California-would cross the Rocky Mountains through the Northern Pass on the line between the Upper, or Kettle Falls of the Columbia, and the Great Falls of the Missouri, and be in the United States in September. This shows that he had, at that time, no idea of the events in which he was subsequently involved, and that he had abandoned the cherished field of his intended scientific researches for the express purpose of avoiding all offence to the Mexican authorities. Of the events in the valley of the San Joaquin [?] he speaks in few words, without detail but descriptive of his condition, characteristic of his prudence in not compromising his country, and worthy to be repeated in his own language. He says. “The Spaniards were somewhat rude and inhospitable below, and ordered me out of the country after giving me permission to winter there. My sense of duty did not permit me to fight them, but we were retired slowly and growingly before a force of three or four hundred men, and three pieces of artillery. Without the shadow of a cause the governor suddenly raised the whole country against me, issuing a false and scandalous proclamation. Of course I did not dare compromise the United States against which appearances would have been strong; but although it was in my power to increase my party by Americans, I refrained from committing a solitary act of hostility of impropriety.”
His next letter is dated the 14th of May, and informs me that, in his progress to Oregon, he found himself and party unexpectedly attacked by the Tlamath Indians-the most warlike of that quarter- had lost five men in killed and wounded-and still expected to be in the United States by September.
This was the last letter received from Captain Fremont until the one of July 26th, from Monterey, of the Pacific Ocean, and brought in by Com. Sloat. The events which have brought him back you have learnt from that commodore; but the causes which led to these events are necessary to be known for the justification of Captain Fremont; for, although actually justified by the existence of the war with Mexico, yet he knew nothing of the war when these events took place; and, though knowing of it when he wrote, yet he would not avail himself of the subsequent knowledge to justify his previous acts, and there fore he chose to justify everything on the state of facts, as he saw them, when he resolved and acted. These causes, and the events to which they led, are rapidly sketched by him in this, his last letter; and while the whole letter is herewith submitted to you, yet for you convenience, I collect its substance into the smallest compass and lay it before you. The substance is this: At the middle of May, capt. Fremont, in the process of his design reached Oregon, and returned by the Columbia and Missouri through the Northern Pass in the Rocky Mountains, had arrved at the Tlamath Lake, in the edge of the Oregon territory, when he found his further progress completely barred by the double obstacle of hostile Indians, which Castro had excited against him, and the lofty mountains, covered with deep and fallen snows, which made the middle of May in that elevated region, the same as the middle of winter.—These were the difficulties and dangers in front. Behind and in the North bank of the San Francisco bay, at the military post of Sonoma, was General Castro, assembling troops with the [?] of attacking [?] Fremont’s party, and at the American settlements, against whom the Indians had already been excited. Thus, his passage barred in front by impassable snows and mountains- hemmed to by savage Indians, who were thinning the ranks of his little party-menaced by a general ahead with a tenfold force with full arms-the American settlers marked out for destruction on a false accusation of meditating a revolt under his instigation-his men and horses suffering from fatigue, cold, and famine and after the most anxious deliberation upon all the dangers of his position, and upon all the responsibilities under his command, captain Fremont determined to turn upon his pursuers, and fight them instantly, without regard to numbers, who seek scarcely for his party and the American settlers, by overturning the Mexican government in California. It was on the 6th day of June that he came to his determination; and the resolution being once taken, all halfway measures were discarded, and a rapid execution of the plan was commenced. On the 11th of June a supply of two hundred horses for Castro’s troops, on the way to his camp, conducted by an officer and fourteen men, were surprised at daylight, and the whole captured- the men and officers being released, and the horses retamed for American use. On the 15th, at daybreak, the military post at Sonoma, (the point of rendezvous, and the intended headquarters), was surprised and taken with nine pieces of brass cannon, two hundred and fifty stand of musket, other arms and ammunition, with several superior officers, general Vallejo, (Val-ya-ho), his brother captain Vallejo, colonel Greuxdon, and others; all of whom were detained and confined as prisoners. Captain Fremont repaired to the American settlements on the Rio de le Americanos to obtain some assistance: and receiving an express from his little garrison of fourteen in Sonoma that gen. Castro was preparing to cross the bay of San Francisco and attack them with a large force, he sat out on the afternoon of the 23d of June with ninety mounted riflemen, and traveling day and night, arrived at 2 o’clock the next morning of the 25th at Sonoma-eighty miles distance. The vanguard of Castro’s forces had crossed the bay- a squadron of seventy dragoons, commanded by de le Torre-which was attacked and defended by twenty Americans, with the loss of two killed and some wounded on the part of the Mexicans, and no injury to themselves—de le Torre barely escaping with the loss of his transport boats, and spiking six pieces of artillery. In the meantime, two of Captain Fremont’s men, going as an express, were captured by de le Torre’s men, and, being bound to trees, were cut to pieces alive with knives! In return for which, three of de le Torre’s men, being taken, were instantly shot. The north side of the bay of San Francisco was now cleared of the enemy, and on the fourth day of July, capt. Fremont called all the Americans together at Sonoma, addressed them upon the dangers of their situation, and recommended a declaration of independence, and war upon Castro and his troops, as the only means of safety. The independence was immediately declared, and war proclaimed. A few days afterwards, an officer from commodore Sloat brought intelligence that the American flag was hoisted at Monterey- an example that was immediately followed wherever the news flew. The pursuit and defeat of Castro was the only remaining enterprise. He had fled south towards the numerous Mexican settlements beyond Monterey with his four or five hundred men; and, captain Fremont, leaving some fifty men garrisons, set out with one hundred and sixty riflemen in the pursuit, when he received instructions from commodore Sloat to march upon Monterey. He did so, and found commodore Stockton in command, approving the pursuit of Castro, and aiding by all the means in his power.—The sloop-of-war Cyane was put at his service.- Capt. Fremont, with one hundred and sixty American riflemen and seventy marines, embarked on that vessel, and sailed down the coast on the 26th of July, to San Diego, four hundred miles south of Monterey, and one hundred south of Puebla de Los Angelos where Castro was understood to be, with an increasing force of five hundred men. The descent of the coast as far as San Diego was to get ahead of Castro, and to be in position to either intercept him if he fled south to Mexico or to Lower California, or to run back upon him if he remained in Puebla de Los Angelos, or any of the numerous towns in its neighborhood. In either event, the enterprise will probably had its conclusion in early August, and official details may now be looked for by the first arrivals from the North Pacific Ocean. In the meantime I hope the information I am able to give, though all of a private character, written solely for the information of friends, and never expected to go before the public, may be sufficient to relieve any anxieties, to disprove the accusations of g.v. Castro, and to justify the actions of captain Fremont. I make this communication to you, sir, upon the responsibilities of an American senator, addressing the president of the United States, and with the sole view of vindicating the American government, and its officer, from the foul imputation of exciting insurrection in the provinces of a neighboring power, with whom we were at peace. I could add much more to prove that captain Fremont’s private views and feelings were in unison with his ostensible mission-that the passion of his soul was the pursuit of science- and that he looked with dread and aversion upon every possible collision either with Indians, Mexicans, or British, that could turn him aside from that cherished pursuit. A more formal occasion for the exhibition of these further and other proofs may soon occur; but the exigency of their circumstances seemed to me to require that no time should be lost in communicating the truth to the public mind, both at home and abroad, in a case so seriously affecting the national character, and in which uncorrected error, for even a short time, would do great mischief.
Very respectfully, sir, your friend and fellow citizen,
THOMAS H. BENTON.
Washington, Nov. 9, 1846.
[MJK]
NNR 71.174-175, 14 November 1846 Lt.
Emory's Journal
The last mail from General Kearney’s command brought a continuation
of Lt. Emory’s journal, from Santa Fe, which we have now the opportunity
of laying before our readers:
September 1.—The day passed away in preparing for tomorrow’s march,
and listening to the thousand rumors about the force we are to encounter,
not a word of which do I believe.
September 2.—Marched at 9 o’clock out of Santa Fe, taking no one of
my party but Mr. Bestor. We descended the valley of the Santa Fe river
nearly west for five miles, when we left the river, which is here dry,
and struck across a plain intersected by arroyas, (creeks,) in a southwesterly
course. Twenty-three miles brought us to Galistea creek, which at the
time was barely running. The bed is sand and pebbles of primitive rock,
and lies between steep cliffs of clay and limestone, traversed occasionally
by trap dykes, which in one place are so regular as to resemble walls
pierced with windows. From this place to its mouth there is scarcely a
sign of vegetation. At its dry mouth, and directly, on the Rio del Norte,
is the town of Santo Domingo.
September4.—This was a great day. The general received some days since
an invitation from the Pueblos to visit their town of Santa Fe. From
height to height as we advanced we could see horsemen disappearing at
full speed. As we arrived abreast of the town, the general was told by
a guide posted there for the purpose, that this was the road for Santo
Domingo.
He sent the chief part of his command and the wagon train along the
highway, and with his staff and Capt. Bargwin’s squadron of dragoons,
wended his way along the middle path nearly due west to the town. We
had not proceeded far before we met ten or fifteen sachemy looking old
Indians, well mounted, two of them carrying gold headed canes with tassels,
the emblem of the office of New Mexico, that no dandy, nor even an alcalde,
or other magistrate, dare sport.
Salutations through, we jogged along, and in the course of conversation,
the alcalde, a grave and majestic looking old Indian, said casually,
we shall soon meet some Indians mounted. They are young men of my town,
friends, come to receive you, and I wish you to caution your men not
to fire upon them when they ride towards them.
Sure enough, within a few miles of the town, we saw a cloud of dust
rapidly advancing, and soon a terrible yell; the real Florida war whoop
over again.
The first thing that caught my eye through the column of dust, was a
fierce pair of Buffalo horns overlapped with long shaggy hair. As they
approached, the sturdy form of a naked Indian revealed itself beneath the
horns, with shield and lance, dashing at full speed on a white horse, which,
like his own naked body, was painted all the colors of the rainbow, and
then, one by one, his followers came on painted to the eyes, their heads
and their horses covered with all the hideous looking things that the
brute creation could afford, in the way of horns, sculls, feathers, and
claws.
As they passed us one rank on each side, they fired a volley under our
horse bellies from the right and from the left. My horse, a fresh one,
had never before smelt gunpowder, and long will my friend, Dr. Decamp.
Recollect that fact, for he jumped against him, and the end of my pistol
struck his knee, right on what the children call the singing bone. A
pure American "God d---n," came, perhaps for the first time from the
doctors lips. I muttered some apology, but it was lost in the house that
was made to the right and to the left of the passing Indians.
Our well trained dragoons sat motionless on their horses, who went along
without pricking an ear or showing any signs of excitement.
Arrived in the rear, the Indian circled round and dropped into a walk
o our flanks, until their horses recovered breath, when off they went
at full speed, passing to our front, and when there, the opposite ranks
met, and each man selected his adversary, and kept up a running fight
with masked lances, and bows and arrows. Sometimes a fellow would stoop
almost to the earth to shoot under his horse’s belly at full speed, or
shield himself from an impending blow. So they continued to pass and repass,
all the way to the steep cliffs which overhang the town. Here they filed
out on each side of the road, which at this place descended through a
deep canon, and halted on the peaks of the cliff. Their motionless figures
projected against the clear blue sky above, formed studies for an artist.
In the canon we were joined by a priest, a hearty looking old white man,
with the idea of the locality, occasioned several of us to say, well,
this is really a canonical meeting. We were taken first to the padre’s of
course, for here, as everywhere in New Mexico, the padre’s are most intelligent,
and the best to do in the world; and when the good people wish to put
the best foot foremost, the padre’s wines, beds, and meats have to suffer.
The entrance to the portal was lined with the women of the place, all
dressed alike, and ranged in simple flies. They looked rather fat and
uninteresting.
We were shown into his reverence’s parlor, tapestried with curtains
stamped with the likenesses of all the Presidents of the United States
up to this time.
The cushions were of spotless damask, and the couch of the luxuriant
old saint, covered with a white Navahoe blanket worked in richly colored
flowers.
The air was redolent with the perfume of grapes and melons, and every
crack of door and window was glistening with the bright eyes of the women
of the casilla. The old priest was busily talking to the general in a
corner, and little did he know of the game of sighs and signs the young
fellows were carrying on with the fair people of his house. We had our
gayest array of young men out to-day, and the women seemed to me to drop
the usual subdued look and timid motion of the eyelash for good hearty
twinkles and signs of unaffected and cordial welcome. Signs in this group
was the only conversation, as neither party could speak the language of
the other.
This little exchange of artillery of the eyes amused me a good deal;
but I was very glad to see the padre put a stop to it, by advancing towards
the grapes, melons, and wines. We were as thirsty as dust and heat could
make us, and whatever was the quality of the wine, we relished it highly.
The sponge cake was irreproachable, and would have done honor to Mrs.
Bonlkendorff, on Pennsylvania Avenue. Indeed whenever we have been feasted,
we found the sponge cake in profusion and of this best quality.
The general now went forward on the portal, and delivered a speech to
the assembled people of the town, which was interpreted into Spanish,
and then into Puebla. He was very happy to-day in what he said, and almost
every sentence was responded to by grunts of satisfaction. I will not
report the speech, as I am not sure that it would be proper, or expected
of me to do so.
The population of the town was impossible to arrive, but I should judge
it to be 1,000; and the quantity of ground under tillage, for their support,
about 500 acres.
The valley of the "Del Norte" is here quite narrow, and the soil sandy.
The river itself was viewed, by me for the first time, with strange interest.—The
hardships, trials, and perseverance of the gallant Pike, and the adventures
of the pious and brave soldiers of the cross-the monks and early adventurers-came
to my mind; and as I kneeled down to drink its waters, my thoughts were
of them.—The little episode, too, in my own dog-trot life, in relation
to this river, was not forgotten. Being stationed at Washington when
the annexation of Texas was determined on, I was ordered to compile a
map of that country. Instead of going to the hasty compilers, and romantic
voyagers of the day, I went back to the original explorers themselves.
I pleased neither party, and was roundly scolded in both houses of congress,
until Colonel Benton, that able statesmen who is the best informed man
in congress in history and geography took the matter in hand, and justified
all I had written and done.
Leaving Santo Domingo, we struck the highway in about four miles, and
two miles more brought us to the pretty village of San Filippe, overhung
by a sleep craggy precipice; upon the summit of which are the ruins of
a Roman Catholic church, presenting in the landscape the appearance of
the pictures we see of the castles of the Rhine.
Between San Felippe and the Augusturas, 6 miles below, the valley of
the river is very narrow, affording no interval for agriculture. On the
west side the banks are steep basaltic walls, crowned by table lands the
west are rolling sand hills, covered with large round pebbles, terminating
at the base of high mountains, running north and south.
The little town of Angosturas, the valley of the river opens into a
plain, varying from two to six miles in width, generally low and level
to admit the water of the river to be carried over it for purposes of
irrigation; but the soil is very sandy, and better adapted to Indian
corn than wheat. Of this last, we saw but few stubbles, the ground being
chiefly in corn.
News now began to arrive which left but little doubt that the reports
which caused our movements down the river, were exaggerated, if not without
foundation. People had passed down the river, as was reported to the
general, but in no great numbers. A messenger came in, too, from the
alcalde of Topie, with an official note, stating that Armijo had left
with him 100 mules, pressed into service by him, to meet us at the canon,
and that Armijo had also notified him that 100 more would be left at the
Passo del Norte. These belonged to citizens of New Mexico, and had been
taken from them without their consent. It was his practice, in peace or
in war, to seize the person or property of any who fell under his displeasure.
The town of Bernallillo is small, but one of the best built in the territory.
We were here invited to the house of a very wealthy man, named Pasilla,
to take some refreshment. We were led into an oblong room, furnished
like that of every Mexican who is well to do in this world. A banquet
runs entirely around the room, except where the "couch" goes. It is covered
with cushions, carpets, and pillows, upon which the visitor sits or reclines.
The dirt floor is usually covered a third or half with a common looking
carpet. On the uncovered part is the table, freighted with grapes, sponge
cake, and the wine o f the country. The walls are hung with miserable
pictures of the saints, crosses innumerable, and common Yankee mirrors
without number. These last are hung entirely out of reach, and if one
wishes to shave, or adjust his shirt, he must do it with out a mirror,
be there ever so many in the chamber.
Mr. Pasilla was hospitable, but very uncommunicative. He evidently had
not yet the news from below, of the retreat of Ugarte and Armijo. We
passed on to the house of his wealthy son, where we were invited to dine.
Here we found another table of refreshments, and, after waiting some
hours, dinner was announced. It was a queer jumble of refinement and
barbarism, the first predominating in everything, except in the mode
of serving, which was chiefly done by the master, his Mexican guests,
and a few female serfs.
The plates, forks, and spoons, were of solid silver clumsily worked
in the country. The middle of the table was strewed with the finest white
bread, cut into pieces and within the reach of every plate.—At close
intervals were glass decanters, of Pittsburg manufacture, filled with
wine made on the plantation. The dishes came of separately: the first
was soup meager, then followed roast chicken, stuffed with onions, then
mutton boiled with onions, and various others, all stuffed with the everlasting
onion, and the whole terminated by chile- the glory of New Mexico. This
dish, which the Mexicans consider the chef d’oeupre of the cuisine, they
seem really to revel in; but the first mouthful brought the tears trickling
down my cheeks, very much to the amusement of the leather throated spectators.
It was red pepper stuffed with mince meat.
From Bernallillo the valley opens but narrows again at Sandina, an Indian
town, on a sandbank, at the base of a high mountain of the same name,
said to contain the precious metals. Here they were treading wheat, which
is done by making a circular enclosure, on level ground, of clay. Upon
this floor they scatter the wheat, turn in a dozen or so of mules, and
one or two Indians, who, with whoops, yells and blows, keep the affrighted
brutes constantly in motion. To separate the wheat from the chaff, both
Indians and Mexicans use a simple hand barrow, with bottom of raw bull’s
hide, pierced with holes. I should think it took an hour to winnow one
bushel.
After dining sumptuously at Sandiral’s, we went to our camp in the Allabovo.
Here the valley is wide, and well cultivated. The people of the surrounding
country flocked in with grapes, melons, and eggs. Several very pretty
women were clustered around the general’s tent; and, as night approached,
he asked them if they were not afraid to venture amongst the strangers
at that dangerous hour. "No," said one, "what have we to fear when our
general is here?"
Swarms of wild geese and sand cranes passed over camp. They frequent
the river; and are undisturbed, save when some American levels his rifle.
September 5.—Encamped last night on very indifferent grass. Breakfasted
with Don Jose Chavis, at Pardilla. When sitting, the table was as high
as our chins. There were five or six courses, ending with coffee. Before
breakfast we were summoned to mass in a private chapel of Don Jose, where
officiated the eccentric dandy we met yesterday at dinner. Priest and
dandy were curiously combined in this person. Proud of his pure white
hands, he flourished them incessantly, sometimes running his fingers through
his hair, to give an air of elegant intelligence; and ever and anon, looking
into one of the many looking glasses with which they decorate their churches.
After mass, to our surprise, he delivered a course-eulogizing the grandeur,
magnanimity, power and justice of the United States. When we visited
his chapel at the town of Isoletta, near by, some of the gentlemen of the
staff stumbled into the refreshment room before it was intended and surprised
two or three pretty women aiding in the arrangements.
Mass was anything but an appetizer before breakfast. The church was
crowded with women of all conditions; and the horrid reboso, which the
poor use for shawls, bonnet, handkerchief, and spit-box, sent out an
odor which the incense from the alter failed to stifle.
One thing struck me as singular-in all the houses of the better class,
that we visited, the ladies never made their appearance; but here we
caught, in the act of running across the court, the very pretty and gay
widow of Mr. Chavis, who was killed for his gold, near the western borders
of Missouri, a year or two since.
At Isoletta I became tired of the show, and seeing my servant talking,
at the door of one of his acquaintances, I took the liberty of asking
an introduction, with the intention of taking a quiet siesta, but this
was out of the question. The good woman overwhelmed me with a thousand
questions about the United States. I could only stop her by asking questions
myself. She denounced Armijo as a coward, and said, with a true Castillian
flash of the eye. "I do not see how any man, wearing those things," (pointing
to my shoulder straps,) "could run away." "he had a good army to back
him, and could have driven you all back to the United States."
The valley suddenly contracts below Perdilla.—Between Isoletta and Peralta,
on the east side of the river, there is deep sand, and the country perfectly
barren.
September 7.—Last night was the most beautiful, light, and scene; the
air of the natural temperature of the body, occasionally varied by a
gentle breeze from the mountains, wafting along the perfumes of the vineyards.
Observed for time and latitude; the last unsatisfactorily, in consequence
of the brightness of the moon dimming the southern stars. About 11 o’clock
the whole character of the night was changed by an east wind, that came
rustling down from the mountains, and driving the sand before it. Nearly
the whole distanced traveled to-day and yesterday, and indeed the day
before, was over deep sand, with only occasional patches of deep soil.
Although up late, I rose early; and after dispatching ( by order) a note
to Colonel Ruff, requiring him to move at 9 o’clock, I walked over the
town of Paralta, which is dotted with cotton wood trees, growing in nearly
the regular order of an apple orchard. Having seen all, I repaired to
headquarters, at the Palace of Mr. Hortera, a spacious edifice, nearly
five hundred feet front. I found the general up, and waiting for the slow
coming breakfast.—This was announced about ten; and as I had already breakfasted,
I stretched myself on the luxurious ottoman that surrounded the whole
room, and napped away, well knowing the length of a Mexican dejune. This
over, we waited till the rear of the army passed, and escorted the general
to Mr. Hortera, senior.
Here ends all my journal that could be copied in time to go to the mail.
I wish I could go on, and describe our visit to Tome, the fete, the religious
jubilee in honor of the conception, the fandango at night, and the dramatic
performance of David and Absaloin. But this must be left for another
opportunity.
We ascertained that the reports were all unfounded in reference to Armijo’s
rallying the people in the south to resistance; that when near Col. Ugarte,
who was marching towards us with a regular force he sent word to him
that Kearney was in possession of Santa Fe. Upon this Ugarte left 12
dragoons for Armijo, turned short round, and trotted towards Chihuahua
with his whole force.
We returned here on the 12th, and immediately retrieved orders to march
for California on the 25th. 1,000 miles, a great portion of which is
desert. I am constantly employed in examining guides, trappers, &c.,
in reference to it.
I studiously avoid giving any general notions of this country. I reserve
that till I see all that is to be seen.
Peck and Abert are still too weak to accompany me to California, but
both are fast recovering.
I will close this, as we are directed to hand in our official papers
at 9 o’clock, and I intend it to go through the bureau. I will write further
by this same mail, directed to you in person.
The more I think of the matter, the more I think of this journal, the
preceding part of which as already been sent—the more I am satisfied
it is unfit for official use in its present state. Therefore let it be
considered as an unofficial record of passing, and often even trivial
events.[MJK]
NNR 71.176 November 14, 1846 spirited Mexican exertions of defense
MEXICO-Latest. The New Orleans Times of the 7th, has a letter from Vera Cruz of the 7th ult. The news of the fall of Monterey seems only to have inspired the Mexicans with a sense of necessity of more spirited exertions of defense. Santa Anna had reached San Luis Potosi and was concentrating an imposing force, at least, according to his own account. [MJK]
NNR 71.176 November 14, 1846 Gen. Stephen Watts Kearney’s proclamation appointing offers for the government of New Mexico, leaves Santa Fe for California
SANTA FE. General Kearny, by proclamation dated the 23d September, 1846, announces that, being duly authorized by the president of the United States, he appoints the Governor and administrative officers of the Territory of New Mexico. He names as governor Charles Bent; secretary of treasury, Don Aduciano Vigil; marshal, Richard Dalain; U.S. District Attorney, Francis P. Blair; treasurer, Charles Blummer; auditor, Eugene Leitensdorfer; Joab Houghton, Antonia Jose Otero, and Chas. Baubie, judges of the supreme court. [MJK]
NNR 71.176 November 14, 1846 Col. Alexander William Doniphan’s regiment to proceed from Santa Fe for Chihuahua
Col. Doniphan’s regiment proceeds forthwith towards Chihuahua, which they believe to be in possession of gen. Wool. Indeed such a movement was necessary, as, owing to some mismanagement, provision were vary scarce, the army being obliged to subsist from Bent’s Fort, (some time in July), up to the last in September, without sugar or coffee, and on half rations of flour, (ground wheat.)
On the 25th General Kearney left Santa Fe for California, with a detachment of 400 U.S. dragoons; mounted on mules. They take the route known as “copper mine route,”-down the Rio Grande, to Socorro, 900 miles south of Santa Fe, thence west to Gila, (Heela), thence the head of the Gulf of California and thence N. W. to Monterey. The route of this small command was considered by many of the oldest and most experienced mountain traders, as one of great hardship and suffering, if not absolutely impracticable. [MJK]
NNR 71.177 November 21, 1846 British press on the Monterey victory
THE MONTEREY VICTORY.- The Hibernia arrived at Liverpool on the 30th, with intelligence of the storming and seizure of Monterey. The London papers of the 30th, devoted a large portion of their columns to the details of the news, which created a marked sensation there. The London journals had not found time or disposition to comment upon the event at any considerable length. The Times publishes the news without a word of comment. The herald simply calls attention to the fact, and the chronicle of the 30th, barely alludes to the intelligence as ‘of considerable interest.’
The Daily News states that “the Mexicans have redeemed their character as soldiers, and maintained to the full the modern reputation of the Spanish race for stubborn valor in defensive war. Their courage, indeed, has not been crowned with success; they have not been able to repulse from Monterey the well-appointed Anglo-American army, consisting of a force almost as numerous as their own, but they baffled the American general for five days, behind crumbling and inefficient fortifications, disputing each position, inch by inch, and even at the last, when driven by the cannon of the enemy to a mere entrenchment in the public square, and to a church as their chief stronghold; even in this position, the attitude of the Mexican general and his troops, compelled the American commander to grant him not only the most honorable terms that a soldier could require, but top make concessions, which would seem to prove the conquering army to have been completely paralyzed by its very success.
Creditable as the defense of Monterey is to the Mexicans and Ampudia, it casts not slur on the valor of the Mexican troops or the skill of their commander. The satisfaction to be derived from it consists not in the incompleteness or the dear purchase of American victory, but in the unexpected assurance that the Mexicans are still possessed of the force and the courage to assert their independence, and compel its being respected even by their formidable neighbors.”
The Chronicle, of the 31st, recurs to the subject, and speaks of the capture of Monterey as having afforded a stimulus to those who loved war and panted for conquest, and as having excited the dislike of those who began to see that the war was likely to prove long, difficult, expensive, and of doubtful issue. The American government, moreover, it adds, undoubtedly counted on the treachery of Santa Anna, and is doomed to disappointment. The Chronicle concludes thus—“It is really a matter of doubt whether the American successes at Monterey have brought the war one step nearer to its termination. They have exhibited an obstinacy of defence beyond what was expected; they have inflicted no irreparable injury upon the Mexicans; and they have weakened the influence of the peace party both in Mexico and the United States.” [MJK]
NNR 71.178 November 21, 1846 advice to government and estimates of force requisite to take the city of Mexico, by correspondent of New Orleans “Tropic”
A writer in the New Orleans Tropic, of the 9th instant, states that he has visited and examined thoroughly the entire territory of Mexico; that he is well acquainted with the institutions, its people, its resources, policy, and topography; and therefore he considers himself qualified to offer to the government some useful advice as to the proper mode of prosecuting the war with Mexico. The conquest of Mexico, (which he seems to take for granted to be the object of this administration,) through an invasion by land, he says, may be deemed extremely problematical. He then makes the following suggestions:
“That, to take the city of Mexico in virtue of his arrangements, the president will require an army of 50,000 men, and $50,000,000 of cash, and half of the above 50,000 men, and if he really entertains a serious desire to effectively conquer the country, he is advised to put the navy forthwith into motion; take possession of, garrison, and hold all the Mexican Atlantic ports as well as those of the Yucatan. In this way he will not only speedily conquer the country, but at once throw open to our commerce the gates of a benighted territory, the resources of which have been hitherto underdeveloped.
“As to the ports on the Pacific, they have nothing to do with the conquest of Mexico; they are out of the question. Our ships of war had better all be recalled from there, to act on the Atlantic board, where they would be of some service. A garrison left in California would be sufficient to maintain it in possession of the United States.” [MJK]
NNR 71.178 November 21, 1846 orders related to recruiting
OFFICIAL.-Premium for Recruits.
War Department Nov. 3 1846. With a view to expediting the recruiting service, the officers on that duty are hereby authorized to allow to any citizen, non-commissioned officer or soldier, two dollars each for able bodied men he may bring to the Rendezvous, and who shall be accepted for the public service. Signed,
W. L. Marcy Secretary of War.
[MJK]
NNR 71.179 November 21, 1846 copy of Secretary of War William Learned Marcy’s reply to inquiry from Delaware, saying no more volunteers would be required, requisition among states for nine regiments of volunteers, rendezvous assigned them, speculation of the public press as to the reasons for the sudden change, letter from Camp Crocket, Texas, remarks on letter writing
When our last number went to press, we were fully under the persuasion that the administration had abandoned their intention of calling upon the States at present for any additional volunteers for the army. Such was not only the general expression of the public press, hardly excepting the “Union” itself, but also of the head of the Department of war, as will be seen by the following letter, published in the Wilmington (Del.) Gazette, of the 6th Nov.
War Department, October 15, 1846.
Sir: in reply to your letter of the 12th instant, I have the honor to inform you that it is not contemplated to make any further call on the Executive of your State for any volunteer or militia force, with a view to the existing war with Mexico. A sufficient amount of force for the prosecution of that war has, it is believed, been already called into service.
I have the honor to be, respectfully, your obedient servant,
W. L. MARCY, Secretary of War.
Mr. Willard Saulsbury,
Georgetown, Sussex county, Delaware.
It was under the impression derived from the foregoing, that the introductory remarks in our last, were predicated. This change from the course which the Union had previously indicated as about to be pursued seemed so sudden, so contradictory, that nothing short of official authority would have induced us to credit it.
We had but just time to get the announcement that no more volunteers were to be called for shortly, into the mail, before the Washington Union reached us, with the counter announcement, that requisitions have been sent out from the War Department, calling into service of the United States nine additional regiments of volunteers to serve during the war with Mexico, unless sooner discharged. They are asked for from the following States:
One regiment of infantry from Massachusetts; One regiment of infantry from the State of New York; One regiment of infantry from Pennsylvania; One regiment of infantry from Virginia; One regiment of infantry from North Carolina; One regiment of infantry from South Carolina; One regiment of infantry from Louisiana, One regiment of infantry from Mississippi; and One regiment of mounted men from Texas.:
In allusion to the foregoing announcement the Union says—“We have no time, at the late hour at which we receive the above interesting intelligence, to dwell upon the subject. It shows,” adds the official paper, “ how little force there is in such suggestions as are thrown out in a Baltimore paper, that “it is believed that nothing decisive will be undertaken, either by our Army or Navy, before the next meeting of Congress.”:
The Union of the 17th, designates the rendezvous for the above regiments. The Massachusetts regiment, Boston; New York regiment, City of N. York; Pennsylvania, Pittsburg; Virginia, Guyandotte; N. Carolina, Wilmington; South Carolina, Charleston; Louisiana, New Orleans; Mississippi, Vicksburg.-- The regiment from Texas the Governor of that State will designate the rendezvous and report to General Taylor.
Whether the cabinet had actually abandoned the purpose of calling for more volunteers, or not, the Union refrains from saying, and leaves us also to conjecture why the reaction so suddenly succeeded if they did. The Washington correspondent of the New York Commercial Advisor, who seems to be generally well informed on those subjects intimates that a Cabinet Council was convened on receiving the intelligence from Mexico which will be found under our Mexican head, reaching Wilmington, and that the result of their deliberations was, to forward requisitions upon the States designated above, from a regiment of volunteers each.
The direction for which this additional force is designated, of course is not announced.
We notice that the leading opposition journals, the National Intelligencer, Baltimore American, and others, are prompt in approving this measure of the Executive.
ARMY OF THE CENTRE.
The correspondent of the St. Louis Republican of the 12th November writes:
Camp Crocket, (Texas.) Oct. 10.
“As we are about to leave the United States post office in our rear, you will hear from us only at irregular intervals. The last detachment of Gen. Wool’s command will march from hence to the Presidio in a day or two, and it is estimated that the effective force with which he will cross the Rio Grande will not exceed three thousand men; from the Presidio it is expected we will proceed to Chihuahua or Monclova, which you will perceive by the map is as near to Monterey as Matamoras is; though in case we shall diverge thence towards Chihuahua, you will behold this striking picture: A force of three thousand men, without the possibility of early reinforcement, on a march of invasion hundreds of miles into the interior of the enemy’s country, and a country too 9,000,000 of people, accustomed to arms, and of a stubborn military pride, with standing armies, and a wealthy religious establishment.
At the latest accounts there were 12,000 troops assembled at San Luis Potosi, and a large force at Zucatecas. If, then, Durango will give her proportion for the western defenses, while Gen. Taylor is attended to by the cities east of the capital, I would enquire what are they of a Fabian character, or more in the line of precedent of Charles XII?
Whatever may be said of the poverty of the Mexican treasury, and however poor she may be on paper, it is nevertheless now a matter of history that her dominant priesthood holds the coffers, and with the military name and character of her politicians, these coffers once freely opened, could not Mexico defend herself, creditably, among her mountain passes, against an equal foe invading?
And when the Northern Saxon comes down with his regiments in battle array, will the priesthood be blind enough to see that its dynasty is to receive a shock from the electric influence of American institutions?—Will not, then, the gold and silver of the mines be turned for a time into a channel, by the ruling power of Mexico, for its own necessary self-protection?
If these questions are to be answered in the affirmative, then three thousand men entering the central dominions of that country will run no ordinary hazard, and most be considered the most fortunate of men, if they ever return.
This is the position and prospect of our little army; the timid and the tired have already left us, and we now leave them in security in their own homes, and hope the colors of our country will not be stained with dishonor by anything we may do or suffer in our campaign.
We wage no war of plunder, we disturb no religion; and if a religious zeal shall be infused into the Mexican lines by her wily hierarchy, we believe it only will be done to excite sufficient patriotism in her sons for a proper defense of the country which pays its tribute so generously to the tax-gathering hero of the Crozier and Mitre.
Our days here are still a little too hot for fair marches, yet we are drawing near the season of active military operations in this climate, and will soon be winding round the hills in the department of Chihuahua, from whence you will get but once in a great while, any tidings of our situation; but this you will know, that we are not reveling in the halls of the Montezumas, though traveling in the hills of the Turantulas.
Gn. Wool, with the first detachment of our force, is erecting fortifications at the Presidio-Col. Harney waiting there in breathless eagerness to try our fortunes on some bloody field-while Col. Churchill is hurrying on with his portion of the troops, thirteen companies, to share these fortunes. And in passing, I will remark, that the old colonel, without knowing it himself, has the name among our raw soldiery, of being a very cross, ill contrived old fellow, while in fact he is one of the most amiable and best natured men in the army. He takes hold of a gun on inspection, he scolds the soldier, then his captain, then the colonel, and looks very thunder at all times; but it you will scrutinize, you will perceive a good natured smile hiding itself in the dimples of his fine face, which seems ready to leap forth and say, you did not see me, but I was surely there. He is an excellent officer, and has a large share of strong logical mind, with sufficient experience, knowledge of tactics, and military pride, to inspire confidence among the soldiers in his usefulness on the field.
Your paper have not reached us yet in this camp, with the exception of one which strayed in from stray mail bag, though it bore an ancient date; and we do not now expect to hear from you till the north star shall become our marching guide.” Yours, P.L. [MJK]
NNR 71.180 November 21, 1846 ‘affairs from Monterey” by “An Actor”
From the Charleston Mercury.
AFFAIRS AT MONTEREY.
Monterey, (Mexico.) Oct. 11, 1846
Monterey has fallen, five thousand men have seen nine thousand file past them with humbled mien and downcast looks; have gazed proudly on two fortified mountain fastnesses they had escaled; upon a castle of enormous strength bristling with cannon, and upon our formidable forts they had stormed; upon a impregnable citadel, thirty-five pieces of ordinance, countless munitions of war and the loveliest city in the world, with its stately palaces, sparkling streams and fountains, its magnificent gardens and fragrant groves of orange and pomegranate, which their gallantry had won. Ensconced among the dizzy cliffs of the Sierra de la Madre, circled on three sides by a buttressed wall in many places thirty feet high, the houses built of stone with flat and parapeted roofs for sharp-shooters, with barricades of solid masonry twelve feet thick crossing in all directions,-every house a castle and every street a fortress, defended to by ten thousand veteran troops, the pride of the Mexican soldiery, the city of the Royal Mountain seemed to scoff from her lofty seat at the puny force that lay encamped below. But in three days this despised band had entered the proud city, defeated an army twice their numbers, one thousand of whom lay stretched on the field of battle, and without ladders, fascines, siege guns, or battering train, had made themselves masters of more than thirty fortifications on which the heaviest artillery could have produced no impression by a six months uninterrupted cannonade.
Wonderful as is the achievement, the actors know that there will be deep dissatisfaction in the United States. It was thought a light matter to crush an imbecile people, and thousands of gallant spirits, burning with patriotism and covetous of distinction, had rushed to their country’s standard in the fond belief that in a few months they would be reveling in more than Oriental pomp and luxury in the gorgeous palaces of the capitol of Mexico. How keenly must be felt the rebuke to the arrogant presumption with which the war begun,-this baffling our arms for three days, and arresting our progress for eight weeks, on the very borders of the country that was to be overrun in six months! How mortifying too must be the fact that our proud banner would have trailed in the dust, but for the much despised “mercenaries” under Gen. Worth, aided by three hundred ragged Texans almost as much reviled as they.
No one here pretends to deny that everything was effected by Gen. Worth’s division of regulars, with the assistance of Col. Hays’ little regiment of Rangers acting as light troops. The other two divisions did nothing whatever but waste their blood like water and inspire the enemy with confidence. High functionaries of the government had made invidious distinction between the few ‘hirelings’ and that fearful host of “citizen soldiery” so eager to fight for their country. It was unfortunate for such distinction, that but little more than two thousand of that “fearful host” were here, when tower, castle, citadel, fort, and redoubt sent forth their sheets of flame, and that not a few even of these showed more relish for shelter than danger. Most of the 1st and 3d divisions; however, fought bravely, and, that the few “hirelings,” among them earned their wages, the havoc made in their ranks but too plainly shows. One fragment of a regiment, (the 3d infantry,) entered the field with fourteen officers, and returned with seven,- five being killed in the battle and two desperately wounded. The failure of these divisions is mainly attributable to the rashness of their commanders. Heavy dragoons on clumsy horses were ordered to charge through the streets barricaded with such wall as the boldest English sportsman, light clad, full of wine and mounted on his finest hunter, would shudder to think of leaping. Six pounders were sent to batter down fortifications that twenty four would played upon harmless as a child’s bow and arrows. But it is, and must ever be, a proud reflection to the friends of the army, that one of the strongest cities in the world was captured, and a well-appointed force ten thousand strong, defeated, by fifteen hundred regulars poorly provided, and assisted by three hundred Rangers.
Gen. Worth volunteered his division to perform what was considered by far the most difficult and dangerous task,-the storming of the castle and the craggy heights that commanded the city and guarded the Saltillo road,-the only avenue for escape or reinforcement to the Mexican troops. So perilous did this enterprise seem to the rest of the army, that his command as they marched out of General Taylor’s camp, were regarded as doomed men, -a forlorn hope of the most desperate character. Little was it thought that they were destined, with incredibly small loss, to be captures of this city of stone, while the two other divisions were to be cut to pieces and to achieve nothing. But every measure of the 2d division was planned by an able general and carried out by his troops with skill, boldness, promptitude, and energy.
The storming in mid-day, by Captain Smith with three hundred and fifty men, of the rugged, precipitous height of San Pedro, defended by five hundred men and two twelve pounders; the successful night attack upon the strong fastness of the Obispada; the assault and capture of a power castle; the advance of more than a mile into the city of fortresses, where incessant volleys of grape and canister like hurricanes swept every street, and torrents of musket, rifle, and escopette balls poured from every door, window, embasure, and parapet; all these seem rather the fabulous exploits of Paladin and Knight, or the dreams of military enthusiasts, than the sober realities of the times. The morning of the 24th found the 2d division with but one barricade to storm and but one short street to traverse, to reach La Plaza Grande, in which the masses of the enemy were so crowded as to be helpless as sheep in a fold. A captured eighteen-pound howitzer was looking down at point blank distance from the roof of a high building, upon the cathedral in the Plaza, full to overflowing with arms and ammunition. In one hour it would have been blown to atoms and the fragments of Ampudia’s shattered army would have been unconditional prisoners of war. It was with deep dissatisfaction and indignation even, that the division heard of the capitulation so favorable to the enemy. From the highest officer to the humblest private, all felt that a great folly had been committed, and that the same army must be fought again under the most adverse circumstances, which would have been here crushed with scarce an effort. Still, no one blamed Gen. Taylor, for it was universally believed that he was influenced by political reasons and controlled by orders from the war department.
The folly from which the country suffered so much during the war, of directing the operations of a distant army from a parlor in Washington, it is feared, will be repeated again and again, until our arms are defeated and our country disgraced. The president distinguished secretary of war seems never to have doubted that with the aid of ridiculously inaccurate maps and ignorant advisors he could plan a campaign with the skill of a Wellington, and thus from the moment our army landed on the shelly shore of the Corpus Christi till now, he has taken upon him to manage every thing,- at one time restraining the general from the performance of possibilities, on another goading him on to impossibilities.—The “Man of Iron,” whom our secretary regards as a brother in arms, would doubtless be filled with astonishment, if not admiration, at some of his performances. He sent an army of invasion in to the field without a single piece of artillery. He ordered the same army to encamp under the heavy gun of a fortified city, although entirely destitute of siege train and all the ordinary entrenching elements. To show that a battle could be fought earlier then Gen. Scott predicted, he urged on Gen. Taylor to the attack of an almost impregnable city, although the general’s weightiest was two twenty-four pound howitzers, whose shot fell back like pebbles from the solid fortifications of Monterey. And to crown the whole, when every obstacle had been overcome, and the Mexican forces were completely in our power, the secretary’s order determined that it was better to fight them again behind other entrenchments, then to crush them on the spot. It is supposed here that he is ambitious to occupy a page in Dr. Frost’s Wonders of History, and that to ensure so desirable an end, he will next order us to take San Luis Potosi with slings and pop-guns.
We are sorry to say, at the close of this rambling letter, that the general of this victorious division, apparently for the sake of popularity, sullied his fair fame by neglecting for some time after the capitulation, to restrain the passions of the volunteers. The guards were prohibited from sending out patrols to preserve order and quiet in the city; as a matter of course the foul spirit of mischief was no longer in showing itself. As at Matamoras, murder, robbery, and rape were committed in the broad light of day, and as if desirous to signalize themselves at Monterey by some new act of atrocity, they burned many of the hatched huts of the poor peasants. It is thought that one hundred of the inhabitants were murdered in cold blood, and one Mexican soldier, with Gen. Worth’s passport in his pocket, was hot dead at noon-day in the main street of the city by a ruffian from Texas. But for the moral influence and the finally exerted physical force of the “hirelings of the government,” the dark deeds of Badajoz would have been repeated at Monterey. Guards of “mercenaries” are now placed in every street and over every valuable building in the city to prevent depredations being committed by those who came here from devotion to “the land of the free and the home of the brave.”
We do not care so much for the disregard of authority among the volunteers, -their frays and feuds among themselves, and the unsoldiery scenes between the officers and privates, such as the chasing of a dignified commander through his own camp. All these are private matters of their own, affecting but indirectly the issue of the campaign.—But outrages on the helpless and unoffending Mexicans, on the contrary, have a direct and palpable bearing on the successful termination of the war.—The Mexicans themselves admit that before the arrival of the volunteers upon the Rio Grande, all eastern Mexico was ripe for revolt and annexation to the United States. Now there is no portion of the country so bitterly hostile to us and to our institutions. We have before us at Monterey paper of July, which reminds the disaffected of the atrocities committed at Matamoras, and adds that “the volunteers, the most unprincipled and ungovernable class at home, have been let loose like blood-hounds upon Mexico.” We fear that very soon there will be kindled a burning hatred towards us, which will make the timid Mexicans rally from every city, village, and rancho around the banner of their country, and fight with a courage and constancy worthy of the descendents of those renowned hero’s who conquered the fairest portion of America.
AN ACTOR
[MJK]
NNR 71.180-71.181 November 21, 1846 Gen. William Jenkins Worth’s general orders after the Battle of Monterey
“ARMY OF CAPITULATION.”
GEN. WORTH”S GENERAL ORDER.
The following order was issued by the general to the officers and soldiers under his commander after the battle of Monterey.
Headquarters second division,
Monterey, September 28, 1846.
The commanding general of divisions seizes the first instant of leisure to tender to the officers and soldiers of his command the expression of his thanks and admiration. During the three days’ operations, and down to the final capitulation of this important position, until after they have seen nearly twice their numbers defile before them in retreat-whether on the fatiguing march, in combat, in the valley, or on mountains, on the house-tops or in the streets, this noble division has given an exhibition of courage, constancy, and discipline above all praise, and generous and mainly forbearance towards fallen and humiliated foes, which bear comparison with the proudest achievements that grace the annals of their country.
The general feels assured that every individual in the command unites with him in admiration of the distinguished gallantry and conduct of Col. Hays and his noble band of Texan volunteers. Hereafter they and we are brothers, and we can desire no better guarantee of success than by their association.
To Brig. General Smith, commanding 2d brigade; Lieut. Col. Stanford, 1st brigade; Lieut. Col. Childs, artillery battalion; Major Scott, 5th infantry; Capt. Miles, 7th infantry; Captain Smith, 2d artillery; commanding light troop; Captain Scriven, 8th infantry; to Captain Blanchard, Louisiana volunteers; Lieut. Col. Duncan and Lieut. Mackall he tenders all his thanks and respect. To the gentlemen of the staff, Major Monroe, chief of the artillery; Captain Saunders, military engineer; Lieut. Deas, division quarter master; Lieut. Daniels, division commissariat; Lieut. Meade, topographical engineers; Lieuts. Pemberton and Woods, Aids de-Camp, his special thanks are due, for the alacrity, zeal and gallantry with which they have performed every service. To Col. Peyton, Louisiana volunteers, who did him the honor to tender his very acceptable services as Aid de-Camp, he feels under special obligations for his valuable counsel and splendid exhibition of courage.
To the general himself, the highest and proudest gratification is, that such fortunate results have been attained with comparatively so small sacrifice of the precious blood of the soldier.
By order of Brig. Gen. Worth:
J. C. Pemberton,
1st. Lieutenant and Aid de-Camp.
[MJK]
NNR 71.181 November 21, 1846 no token of submission on the part of the Mexicans
MEXICO.
By the same correspondence which brought Com. Connor’s official account of his second attempt upon Alvarado, the New Orleans Picayune received Vera Cruz nates to the 22d October.
That paper says- In the first place we say in general terms, that in no paper which we have opened do we find any token of submission on the part of the Mexicans in their conflict with this country. Every paragraphs breaths threats of vengeance. Their losses are enumerated in detail, to found theirupon more urgent appeals to the patriotism of their citizens to give up everything for the support of the war. It is not too much for us to say that there is the warmest enthusiasm apparent in all that we read whether in editorial remarks or the military addresses with which the papers are crowded. The spirit all is, “war to the knife.” But this shows the surface of affairs only. We shall have occasion to notice incidents, which lead us to suspect the country is by no means so united as the crisis in her affairs would seem to demand. [MJK]
NNR 71.181 November 21, 1846 Gen. Antonio Lopez de Santa Anna’s letter on arrival at San Luis de Potosi, his seizure of a conducta of specie
The news of Santa Anna’s arrival at San Luis de Potosi. He did not reach there until the 8th of Oct. As every thing in regard to his movement is sought after, we annex his letter announcing his arrival:
Liberating army of the republic,
Headquarters, San Luis, Oct. 10, 1846.
Most Excellent Sir-On the evening of the 8th inst. I arrived at this capital, accompanied by my staff, and established therein the headquarters of the army of operations, destined to repel the unjust invasion made upon the republic by the army of the United States on the North.
I have the pleasure of saying to your excellency that my entrance into this state was made amidst the congratulations of a magnanimous people who have not ceased to bestow upon me profuse marks of consideration, and the same remark will apply to the authorities and public functionaries of all classes.
Oblige me by communicating these facts to
his excellency, the general charged with the supreme executive power, and
accept assurances of my consideration and esteem. God and Liberty.
ANTONIO LOPEZ DE SANTA ANNA
To the secretary of war.
One of the first acts of the wily generalissimo was to supply himself with funds. This he did very effectually by seizing upon a conducta of specie thereby getting a hold of two millions of dollars. His pretext was that it was unsafe to forward this large amount of money to the sea coast in the present state of affairs. He gave receipts for the money and his individual bonds for its restoration. It must be confessed that this mode of supplying his coffers is infinitely more expeditious than advertising for a loan, and more acceptable to the people at large than a forced loan from the clergy. The accounts we give of this great financial stroke, we do not derive from Mexican papers, but have entire faith in the facts.—We trust they will be satisfactory to English merchants, and be acceptable as earnest of the security of the money they loaned Mexico on the mortgage of the Californias. We find Santa Anna’s letter, of the 10th ult. In the last paper before us. We regret to say that the papers give us no clue to his plan of operations. [MJK]
NNR 71.181 Gen. Antonio Lopez de Santa Anna’s letter after the disaster at Monterey, his intentions
But while Santa Anna was on his way to San Luis he wrote back from Quertaro on the 3d of October, as follows: “the disaster which we encountered at Monterey is not so great as I at first thought. Our troops have left for Saltillo and have already occupied principal points of the Sierra. So far from the troops having become demoralized, I am assured that great enthusiasm prevails among them. Their success has cost the enemy, according to uncontestable evidence, more than fifteen hundred men. Our artillery was well managed and it is said that the enemy believe it was served by French officers.—
**** I am now about to unfold all my character, with the energy which is habitual to me, and the Americans will very soon succumb, or I shall cease to exist.” Upon copying this effusion of Santa Anna, the Diario breaks forth: “May Heaven crown with the most brilliant results the patriotism of this illustrious child of his country, whom we ardently desire to see return to the capital covered with glory.” [MJK]
NNR 71.181 November 21, 1846 fruits of the Mexican seizure of correspondence between Secretary of War William Learned Marcy and Gen. Zachary Taylor
We now for the first time learn what the fruits of the Mexican derived from the seizure of our mails near Marin, intended for Gen. Taylor at Monterey. Among the multitude of papers forwarded by Ampudia to Santa Anna and the government, we find a letter from our secretary of war, Mr. Marcy, to General Taylor, revealing the design upon Tampico and San Luis Potosi. This letter is dated Washington, Sept. 2d, and though our account of the letter will be an old story at Washington, we may say here that the design of the secretary’s letter is to obtain general Taylor’s opinion, rather than dictate a line of proceeding from him. He is told what the government has thought of doing, and asks what he thinks about it. The government refers to him for information on various points-as to the difficulties of hi own advance-whether he deems it advisable to continue his march upon San Luis de Potosi, and various kindred topics. The letter pursues its inquiries in the most respectful terms, deferring it to the better judgment of Gen. Taylor; but of course discloses our plans, the number of troops intended to be used at Tampico, and some other general particulars. The letter of general Ampudia covering Mr. Marcy’s dispatch, contains a singular paragraph, if in our haste we rightly apprehend it. It is to the following effect:-“Every moment which passes, confirms my idea of the immense advantages we have gained from fighting four consecutive days at Monterey, since the enemy entertains great respect for the Mexican soldier, and the American blood flowed with such profusion that from the generals of the enemy came the suggestion of an armistice of eight weeks, which disarms, as it were, a great part of his regular troops.” [MJK]
NNR 71.181 November 21, 1846 Gen. Pedro Ampudia’s assertion the “generals of the enemy” had suggested the armistice
Since writing the above we have seen another positive ascertain made on the authority of Ampudia, that the idea of the armistice was suggested by the American officers, and the Mexicans were led to presume it was suggested by them because the greater part of our regulars were cut to pieces at Monterey. [MJK]
NNR 71.181 November 21, 1846 Mexican accounts of the battle of Monterey, praise for the valor of our troops, Gen. Ampudia’s demand for an investigation of his conduct
The Mexican accounts of the battle of Monterey are more numerous than have been published in the United States. As a matter of necessity they praise very highly the valor of their troops, and they insist upon the obstinacy and gallantry of the defense. The movement of Gen. Worth on the west side of the town are described as very brilliant. One fort taken by Gen. Worth is said to have been taken and retaken three several times-once by Gen. Mejia at the point of the bayonet, capturing at the same time 300 Americans and eight pieces of artillery. Some of their first accounts declare that Gen. Worth was killed. From Saltillo Gen. Ampudia wrote to his government demanding an investigation of his conduct, both before and after Gen. Taylor presented himself at Monterey. He courts scrutiny, alleging that, “as laws of honor and the good of his country are the only elements of his existence, his mind cannot be tranquil until the secretary of war, the supreme government, and the republic are satisfied with his conduct.” The humble letter does not save him from the letter writers. They charge him with the grossest cowardice and incompetency. But we have neither time nor space to-day to enter further in the Mexican accounts of the battles. One thing we must note, however. Almost all their accounts say they refused to capitulate until we agreed to salute their flag. Before the two months’ armistice expires, the Mexicans count confidently that Santa Anna will have an army around him which will prevent ant further advance of Gen. Taylor.
The Mexican papers are full of the orders of Gen. Salas made through his secretaries, providing resources for the war. We have various circulars of Almonte, one of which is the nature of a manifesto and written with marked ability. [MJK]
NNR 71.181 November 21, 1846 Gen. Romulo Diaz de le Vega exchanged for Capt. Edward William Carpenter of the brig Truxton, &c.
EXCHANGE OF PRISONERS. Col. T. F. Hunt, U.S. army on Saturday, the 7th, notified officially to Gen. Vega and other Mexican officers, prisoners in N. Orleans, that they had been exchanged for Captain Carpender and the crew of the brig Truxton. They were informed that they could proceed to Pensecola as soon as possible, when they would be taken on board one of the U.S. men-of-war to Vera Cruz. It was, however, left to the discretion of General Vega and the other gentlemen to return to their country by way of the Havana. The communication containing this information was dated Washington the 28th ultimo, and signed by Gen. Winfield Scott.
[New Orleans Times. [MJK]
NNR 71.181-182 November 21, 1846 Mexican movements, their account of the Monterey affair, disputes over control of the reins of government, &c.
On the morning of the 14th of Oct. a rumor was circulated in the city of Mexico that some battalion of the National Guard designed to issue a pronunciamento, the object of which was to wrest the reins of government from Gen. Salas, on the ground that he was aiming to perpetuate his power and intended to seize upon the property of the commercial classes. This rumor was followed by another of dissensions in the cabinet, threatening the stability of the government. The multitude assembled in crowds about the palace, and at last Gen. Salas, accompanied by Senior Gomez Farias, appeared and addressed the people, endeavoring to soothe and quiet them. The general was received, says the government organ, with enthusiasm of the liveliest kind.
The excitement subsequently took a new turn.—Senor Cortina, the governor of the federal district of Mexico, was said to have given notice to the merchants that he could no longer guarantee the security of their property, The warehouses of the merchants were in fact closed in some quarters, and the owners, it was said, were arming themselves in order to protect their property. This led again to the assemblage of throngs of people deeply anxious to learn the facts, and Gen. Salas and Senior Ferrias again sallied forth and addressed the people, and succeeded in dispersing them quietly. All this commotion is attributed by the papers in favor of the government to the intrigues of the monarchists. The church is roundly berated for favoring the designs of the monarchists. The motives of the clergy were of course their dread lest the government should seize upon their revenue to carry the war against the United States. We find unequivocal indications in the papers that such a seizure would be a very natural and justifiable measure on the part of the government.
An express arrived at Vera Cruz on the 21st ult., which announced that during the night of the 18th there was another alarm in the capital, similar to that of the 14th, which was quieted, however, like that of the 14th, after some moments of convulsion. We bitterly regret these commotions, says El Indication, because if they are continued, they will infallibly produce our ruin. Our enemy is already in the heart of the country, and nothing but the union of our entire strength can save us. The government is unable to discharge its weighty obligations toward a foreign enemy, when confidence is thus shaken by unfounded alarms and the time of the government is wasted in preventing and dispelling them. [MJK]
NNR 71.182 November 21, 1846 circular of Minister Manuel Crecenio Rejon about resisting the enemies of the existing order
We annex a circular from the state department in regard to the last attempt made in the capital. It is the best mode of giving an insight into the internal affairs of the republic:
CIRCULAR
Ministry of Internal and Foreign Relations
SIR: The enemies of the existing orders of affairs, who are equally enemies of the public repose, have aimed this day to disturb the peaceable inhabitants of this city, by circulating alarming reports, pretending that private property was threatened and the citizens composing the National Guard were divied in opinion-all this being done with the corrupt purpose of perpetuating discord and preventing the assembling of that congress which is to organize the republic. Conduct do perilous at a moment of extreme peril for the independence of the country, is calculated to affect most deeply every true patriot and the people who eagerly sought to learn the origin of the alarm, and to place themselves around the supreme government. But the government, supported by public opinion, dictated the most effacious precautionary measures, thanks to which, calm was reestablished, without a necessity of resort to force or any other arms than those of persuasion; and this people, which has been atrociously calumniated, afforded one more proof of the prudence, good sense, and moderation which it has so often given.
In the supplement of the Diario of this day, of which I send you copies, you will find the proclamation, issued is the circumstances by his excellency charged with the supreme executive power. Firm in his principles, he is determined to carry out the programme of the revolution commenced at Jalisco and seconded in the citadel of this capital. Standing upon this basis, he directs me to recommend to your excellency that you provide, with the most solicitous that in your state no foothold is found for the suggestions of the enemies of the plan of the citadel, who aim at nothing less than the destruction of the government. But on the contrary you are directed assiduously to provide for the security of public order and liberty, as well as rendering the assistance indispensable for the prosecution of the war in which the country is compromised.
I reiterate to you assurances of my regard.
God and Liberty. REJON.
[MJK]
NNR 71.182 November 21, 1846 resignations of Senor Cortina and Minister Manuel Crecenio Rejon
Mexico, 14th October, 1846.
Circular to the governors of the state, and the political chief of territories.
Subsequently to this latter difficulty Senor Cortina sent in his resignation of his post. His letter is dated the 17th of October. He says that his services can be no longer useful to the government, as his views and wishes have been misrepresented; and he takes advantage of the order and tranquility which prevails in the capital to lay down his authority. The newspapers promise that he will follow up his resignation with an expose of his motives in taken a step which was regarded a very critical in the then existing state of affairs. The subject of these commotions in the capital is touched upon by the papers as a very grave one, and we cannot doubt it is so considered by the government, or the above circular would not have been issued. We have, however, the papers upon one side only, and are therefore unable to fathom the secret causes of the difficulty. The promoters of it are stigmatized in general terms as disorganizers, monarchists, and enemies of the country.
We may as well mention in this connection that Rejon, the author of the above circular, subsequently resigned his portfolio. We do not know his motives, but it indicated farther dissatisfaction. [MJK]
NNR 71.182 November 21, 1846 Mexicans perfectly apprised of sickness at Matamoras, their movements in defense of Vera Cruz
The Mexicans appear to be perfectly apprised of the state of things in Matamoras. Their accounts of the sickness which prevails there are quite minute. [MJK]
NNR 71.182 November 21, 1846 enthusiasm among Mexicans for the successful defense of Alvarado
The Mexicans have received intelligence that our government was about to send vessels of a large class against Vera Cruz. This led to an immediate call upon the troops in the interior to move to the defense of the city and fortress. From Jalapa we have the address of Col. Sayago to his battalion of National Guards. It is full of enthusiasm and alludes to the success obtained by the inhabitants of Alvarado over our forces, as but the prelude to other victories which await them. We find numerous military addresses of this kind, all alluding to Alvarado. [MJK]
NNR 71.182 November 21, 1846 Mexican troops from Puebla for Vera Cruz
In Jalapa volunteers are urged to come forward and be organized as light somewhat on the plan of “minute men” – to be ready at any moment to march to any point which may be assailed. The enemy evidently are [?] and are organizing [?]. [MJK]
NNR 71.182 November 21, 1846 Yucatan re-incorporated in the Mexican confederacy
El Indicator of the 22d October has an article eulogizing Gen. Basadre for his skill, tact, and judgment in bringing the reincorporation of Yucatan in the confederacy, notwithstanding the formidable obstacles which he encountered. [MJK]
NNR 71.182 November 21, 1846 Mexican troops sent to the defense of Vera Cruz
Domingo Ibarra writes to the secretary from Puebla on the 18th of October that a battlion of troops styled “Libres de Puebla,” a part of the National Guard, would leave that city on the following morning, on their way to Vera Cruz, in conformity of the orders of the war department. From other points, too, troops have gone to the same destination. [MJK]
NNR 71.182--11/21/1846 Siege of Monterey
The correspondence of the N, O. Picayune, furnishes a brief description of the principal redoubts of the enemy in the east and the north of the town, which will convey some idea of the difficulties that had to be overcome.
1 st. A strong redoubt of masonry of four faces, with an open gorge of ten feet, prepared for four guns, overlooked and commanded by a large stone house in rear: prepared with sand-bags and loop holes for infantry.
2d. Strong redoubt of four faces, open gorge of twenty feet, prepared for three guns.
3d. Fleches of masonry for infantry.
4th. Tete de pont, in front of the bridge of the Purisina, a strong work of masonry for three guns.
5th. Strong redoubt for one gun, not occupied by the enemy.
6th. A strong redoubt of masonry for three guns overlooking the approaches from Cadereita, and commanding the gorge of No. 2.
7th. A strong redoubt of masonry for three guns, overlooked and commanded by a large stone house prepared for infantry with loop-holes and sand-bags. Nos. 2,3,4,5,6, and 7 were connected by breast works of earth and brush for infantry, thus forming a complete line of defence from 4 to 7. Barricades of masonry, twelve feet thick, with embrasures for guns, were met with in every direction. The house tops and garden walls (reader will remember the peculiar construction of the house) were loop-holed throughout the city, and prepared with sand-bags for infantry defence.
8th. Fort Independence, or Citadel. - A large rectangular stone building, walls only standing, surrounding by an enclosed work of solid masonry, of four bastioned fronts, and prepared for thirty-one guns. A continued fire of artillery from this place was kept up during the 20th, 21st, 22d, and 23d. From No. 7 along the southern edge of the town, astone wall four feet thick, and prepared with embrasures for guns and banquettes for infantry, extended beyond the plaza.
9th. Cathedral in main plaza, principle magazine of the enemy. [SCM]
NRR 71.182 11/21/46 Munitions Captured at Monterey
MUNITIONS CAPTURED AT MONTEREY Park or Artillery. - Division of the North.
Invoices of Artillery, Arms, ammunitions, and other munitions of War, given in virtue of the articles of capitulation, signed Sept. 24, 1846.
Pieces of Artillery with Equipments and Sets of Arms.
2 - 4-pounders, culverine, mounted. 5 - 4-pounders. 4 - 7-inch howitzers.
1 - 12-pounder, dismounted. 1 - 6-pounder, mounted. 1 - 8-pounder, mounted
1 - 4-pounder, dismounted, conical. 1 - 3-pounder, dismounted. 1 - iron
howitzer, unservicable. 6 - rampart guns, (bronzed. ) Arms for Infantry
and Cavalry
149 - English muskets
102 - carbines
122 - bayonets
305 - gun barrels, (loose)
100 - carbine barrels, (loose)
43 - lances.
Munitions for Infantry and Artillery
882 - 18-pound balls, (in pile)
320 - 12-pound balls, do. 18 - boxes blank 12-pound cartridges--12 in
each. 19 - boxes 8-pound canister shot, do. 40 - rounds 8-pound canister
shot, (loose. )
3 - boxes 8-pound blank cartridges. 17 - boxes 6-pound ball cartridges-fixed:
15 and 18 in each box. 59 - boxes 4- pound ball cartridges-fixed; 18
and 24 in each box
2 - boxes 4-pound black cartridges-100 in both together
123 - rounds 3-poud ball cartridges
1 1/2 - boxes 7-inch howitzer blank cartridges
1/2 box 5 ¼ inch do. do. 15 - boxes 6-pound canister certridges--10
and 12 each
14 - boxes 4-pound canister cartridges- 12 and 16 each
40 - 8-pound balls
17 - boxes 12-pound canister cartridges
70 - rounds do. do. 12 - rounds 8-pound do. 28 - rounds do. do. 15 -
boxes 7-inch howitzer canister cartridges. 70 - rounds 7-inch do. (loose)
253 - pound cartridges. 27 - boxes loaded grenades, 7-inch howitzer,
4 in each box
20 - boxes loaded grenades, 5 ¾-inch howitzer, 4 in each box.
350 - loose grenades, (part loaded)
248 - boxes musket-ball cartridges- (double ball. ) 1200 in each
83 - boxes cannon powder, (good) ---12,450lbs nett. 35 - boxes cannon
powder, (damaged)--- 5,250lbs. Nett not examined probably good
7 - boxes musket powder, (damaged)--1200lbs nett. 3 - boxes rifle powder,
(fine) 300lbs. Nett. 680 - pounds slow match. 71 - quintals lead, in
balls. (The reader can calculate this)
101 - quintals lead, in bar. 10 - dozen signal rockets.
[Here follows a long list of tools &c] Park of Artillery. --Post of
the Citadel. Statement of Ordnance and Ordnance Stores which are at this
post on the 24thSept. , 1846. 60,000 - musket cartridges with
ball
494 - 12-pound blank cartridges
334 - 8-pound do. 723 - 8-pound cartridges with ball. 294 - 6- pound
do. 201 - 7-inch howitzer blank cartridges. 72 - 6-pound cartridges with
grape. 171 - 12-pound canister shot. 390 - 8-pound
50 - 6-pound
102 - 7-inch howitzer canister shot. 112 - do. do. loaded shells. 218
- 12-pound balls
710 - 12-pound priming tubes, (paper)
1200 - 8-pound do. do. 160 - 6-pound do. do. 300 - do. do. 6 arobas
slow-match, (150lbs)
4 - 8- pounders
2 - 6-pounders
2 - 7-inch howitzers
The special correspondent of the Picayune (who furnishes the above) says "Capt. Ramsay, of the Ordnance Department, who has all these things in charge, informs me that an immense quantity of musket cartridges have been fortified concealed in the city since the property named in the foregoing invoices was turned over by the enemy; also many othre articles in the shape of arms and munitions. Much property no doubt remains yet concealed, As for provisions, enough was found in the city to subsit our army and the citizens a month, and it is known that the enemy carried off large quantities of ammunition and provisions during the attack." An officer of our Army writes, in relation to that part of Gen. Ampudia's proclamation which stated that the Mexicans were short of ammunition and provisions,-"that more ammunition was captured and surrendered than has been sent from the U. States for the use of the army of occupation since the was began, and that the provisions found in the city have mainly subsisted the citizens and entire American forces ever since the capitulation, now more than two weeks, to say nothing of the amount permitted to be carried off by the Mexican army." [SCM]
NNR 71.182-184 November 21, 1846 list of the killed and wounded at Monterey
GENERAL TWIGGS DIVISION.
| Names. | Rank. | Regiment | Company | Remarks |
| Killed. | ||||
| Wm. H. Watson, | Lieut. Col. | Balt. Vol. | ||
| L. N. Morris, | captain | 3d inf. | ||
| G. P. Field, | do | do | ||
| P. N. Barbour | brev. maj. | do | ||
| C. Hoskins | 1st lt. & ad. | 4th inf . | ||
| J. C. Terrett | 1st lieut. | 1st inf. | ||
| D. S. Irwin | 1st lt. & ad. | 3d inf. | ||
| R. Haslett | 2d lieut. | do | ||
| J. S. Woods | bvt. 1st. lt. | 2d inf. | ||
| Geo. Waitman, | 1st serg’t | 3d art. E | ||
| John Eagle | private | do | E | |
| Lovell Gregory | do | do | E | |
| Henry Snower | do | do | E | |
| T. J. Babb | sergeant | 3d inf. | D | |
| W. Patrick | private | do | D | |
| J. Newman | do | do | D | |
| C. Torskay | do | do | D | |
| J. Young | do | do | D | |
| Wm Brown | sergeant | do | F | |
| Wm Mickle | private | do | F | |
| J Harper | do | do | F | |
| C K Brown | do | do | H | |
| J Stubert | do | do | H | |
| Edgar Lavalette | do | do | I | |
| Edward Reilly | do | do | K | |
| Benj Brant | corporal | 4th inf. | E | |
| Thos Salsbury | private | do | A | |
| Henry Conline | do | do | D | |
| Edward Carey | do | do | D | |
| A J Vanceal | do | do | D | |
| M McGouth | do | do | E | |
| John Weeks | do | do | E | |
| J S Doble | do | do | E | |
| P Andrews | do | do | E | |
| Peter Judge | do | do | E | |
| J B Pennington | do | Texas Vol | ||
| Martin Enwul | do | 1st inf | E | |
| T W Gibson | do | do | G | |
| T Perkins | do | do | G | |
| Lawson Stuart | do | do | G | |
| Joseph Wolf | do | do | G | |
| George Beck | do | do | G | |
| R Buchnan | do | do | C | |
| H K Brown | do | do | C | |
| J Caroll | do | do | C | |
| Marcus French | do | do | K | |
| John Savage | do | do | K | |
| Mica Hatch | do | do | E | |
| Wm Raymond | do | do | E | |
| F Sheridan | corporal | do | E | |
| John Truscott | 1st serg’t | Balt bat | B | |
| G A Herring | sergeant | do | E | |
| A Ramsey | private | do | E | |
| Jos Worry | do | do | E | |
| P O’Brien | do | do | B | |
| Wounded | ||||
| W W Lear | major | 3d inf. | Severly | |
| H Bambridge | captain | do | B | slightly |
| J J Ambercombie | brev maj | 1st inf | B | do |
| J H Lemott | captain | do | B | severely |
| R H Graham | 1st lieut | 4th inf | B | since dead |
| R Dilworth | 2d lieut | 1st inf | B | do |
| P Startwout | sergeant | 3d art | C | slightly |
| John Edwards | private | 2d drag | ||
| Wm P Holschea | do | 3d art | C | do |
| John Lee | do | do | C | do |
| M McCarthy | do | do | C | do |
| T Fricken | do | do | C | do |
| Bendt Nelson | do | do | C | do |
| B Stokes | do | 2d drag | B | do |
| George Wolf | corporal | 3d art | E | do |
| S D Coal | private | do | E | severely |
| T Hueson | do | do | E | do |
| Wm Gilmore | do | do | E | do |
| John McCarthy | do | do | E | do |
| M Reilly | do | do | E | do |
| W R Good | corporal | do | E | slightly |
| Austin Clark | private | do | E | mortally |
| P E Holcomb | do | do | E | slightly |
| Thos Wajan | musician | 3d inf | - | severely |
| G Brownly | sergeant | do | A | do |
| Emit Hadduck | private | do | C | slightly |
| D Maloney | do | do | C | do |
| J Hogan | do | do | C | do |
| P White | do | do | C | do |
| C Ichle | do | do | C | severely |
| N Farley | do | do | C | do |
| C Leslie | do | do | D | do |
| D Preslie | do | do | D | do |
| J D Ritters | do | do | D | do |
| W H McDonnell | private | 3d inf | D | slightly |
| I B Tucker | do | do | D | severely |
| M Tyler | private | 3d inf | F | severely |
| J Morris | do | do | F | do |
| W Mullen | do | do | H | do |
| W Rooke | do | do | H | do |
| J Treel | do | do | H | do |
| D Boyle | do | do | H | slightly |
| T Clair | do | do | H | do |
| Wm H Bowden | do | do | I | severely |
| J Mansfield | do | do | I | do |
| C Adams | do | do | I | do |
| Edward Astin | do | do | I | do |
| James Calhoun | do | do | I | do |
| J Kerns | do | do | I | do |
| M Regan | do | do | I | do |
| L Sours | do | do | K | do |
| D Pottsdaner | do | do | K | do |
| G E Radwell | do | do | K | do |
| Thos O’Brien | do | do | K | do |
| G W Andrews | sergeant | 4th inf | A | slightly |
| R Sanders | do | do | B | dange’ly |
| T Mannigan | do | do | E | do |
| James Ryan | do | do | E | severely |
| Thos Hyam | corporal | do | A | do |
| James Wyley | do | do | B | dange’ly |
| D McDonnell | do | do | C | slightly |
| Wm Albison | do | do | D | severely |
| M McCormick | do | do | E | do |
| Wm Taylor | private | do | A | do |
| E Henderson | do | do | A | slightly |
| Wm Holborn | do | do | A | severely |
| Wm Petty | do | do | A | dange’ly |
| Wm Johnson | do | do | A | slightly |
| John Hill | do | do | A | severely |
| E Barnum | do | do | D | do |
| Robt Halden | do | do | D | do |
| Wm A Jones | do | do | D | do |
| James Myers | do | do | D | slightly |
| Aaron Wriggle | do | do | D | severely |
| Andrew Smith | do | do | D | since d’d |
| Wm C Jones | do | do | E | dange’ly |
| John Maguire | do | do | E | severely |
| John McDuffy | do | do | E | dange’ly |
| John Banks | 1st serg’t | 1st inf | K | slightly |
| Patrick Myles | do | do | K | severely |
| E Ressie | do | do | E | slightly |
| T H Haller | do | do | E | do |
| John Tigart | do | do | E | do |
| E Garver | do | do | C | severely |
| Denton Conner | corporal | do | G | do |
| Robert Aikens | do | do | C | do |
| A Lapple | do | do | C | do |
| C Smith | musician | do | K | slightly |
| Wm McCarty | private | do | K | severely |
| Patrick Neely | do | do | K | slightly |
| John Saunders | do | do | K | do |
| Wm Norlin | do | do | E | do |
| R E Wooley | do | do | E | severely |
| James Crawley | do | do | G | slightly |
| H Duchart | do | do | G | do |
| F Faulkner | do | do | G | severely |
| A Ryan | do | do | G | slightly |
| John Wilson | do | do | G | do |
| Jacob Smidt | do | do | G | severely |
| Chas. Radcliffe | do | do | G | slightly |
| James Delany | do | do | K | severely |
| H. Schrieder | do | do | G | do |
| John Gallagher | do | do | C | do |
| Levi Smith | do | do | G | do |
| P M Cabe | do | do | E | do |
| W P Paulson | 1st serg’t | Balt bat | B | slightly |
| Robt Caples | private | do | A | dange’ly |
| James Piles | do | do | A | severely |
| Albert Hart | do | do | A | do |
| Wm Lee | do | do | A | do |
| Jacob Hemming | do | do | B | slightly |
| Geo Aunuld | do | do | B | severely |
| Chas Peck | do | do | D | slightly |
| Andrew J Norris | do | do | D | do |
| Geo Allen | do | do | E | do |
| James Henry | do | do | E | do |
| Harry Elting | do | do | E | do |
| Wm Kelly | do | do | F | severely |
| H Gifford | do | do | F | slightly |
| Melvin J Stone | do | do | F | do |
| E W Stevenso | do | do | F | do |
| Wm P Alexander | do | do | A | severely |
| Missing | ||||
| E Gromley | private | 3d inf | I | presumed dead |
| Geo O’Brien | do | do | I | presumed dead |
GEN. BUTLER’S DIVISION.
| Ohio Regiment. | |||
| Names. | Rank | Company | Remarks |
| Killed | |||
| Matthew Hett | 1st lieut | - | |
| W G Davis | 1st serg’t | B | |
| D F Smith | private | B | |
| O B Coxe | do | B | |
| Elijah Reese | do | B | |
| Thos McMurray | do | B | |
| W H Harris | corporal | 1 R | |
| Rich’d Welch | private | A | |
| James McGonkey | do | C | |
| George Phale | do | C | |
| Wm Weber | do | C | |
| John Havolet | do | D | |
| T D Egan | do | E | |
| Stephen Freeman | do | 2R | |
| Oscar Behnee | do | 2R | |
| Wounded | |||
| W O Butler | maj gen | ||
| A M Mitchell | Col. | - | severely |
| A W Armstrong | lt & adj | - | do |
| Lewis Mortar | 1st lieut | - | slightly |
| N H Niles | do | - | severely |
| H McCarty | 2d lieut | - | slightly |
| James George | captain | - | do |
| Samuel Myers | private | 1R | |
| J A Kellam | do | 1R | |
| Edward Wade | do | 1R | |
| Wm Maloney | 1st serg’t | A | |
| John Ferrell | private | A | |
| John Clarken | do | A | |
| Wm Work | do | A | |
| T Vande Venter | do | A | |
| Jon Flannigan | do | A | |
| Jeremiah Ryan | do | A | |
| Michael Gilligan | do | A | |
| Tobia Went | do | C | |
| Charles Segar | do | C | |
| Griffin Lowerd | do | D | |
| Alfred Donohue | do | D | |
| Joseph Lombeck | do | D | |
| Silas Burrill | do | D | |
| Wm Miler | sergeant | E | |
| G W Fitzhugh | corporal | E | |
| Robert Doney | Private | E | |
| Adam F Shane | do | G | |
| John Fletcher | do | G | |
| A B McKee | do | G | |
| George Myer | do | H | |
| George Webster | sergeant | 2R | |
| Geo Longfellow | do | 2R | |
| J F Longley | corporal | 2R | |
| John Pearson | private | 2R | since dead |
| R H Alcott | do | 2R | |
| H Humphries | do | 2R | |
| TENNESSEE REGIMENT | |||
| Killed. | |||
| W B Allen | captain | ||
| S M Putnam | 2d lieut | ||
| J B Porter | private | C | |
| Wm H Robinson | do | C | |
| John A Hill | sergeant | D | |
| B F Coffee | private | D | |
| E W Thomas | do | E | |
| B H Dolton | do | F | |
| I Gurman Elliot | do | G | |
| P H Martin | do | G | |
| Edward Prior | do | G | |
| Benj Soaper | do | G | |
| Henry Collins | do | H | |
| Jas H Allison | do | I | |
| Jas H Johnson | do | I | |
| Jas B Turner | do | I | |
| R D Willis | do | I | |
| J B Burkitt | do | K | |
| J M L Campbell | do | K | |
| A J Eaton | do | K | |
| A J Gibson | do | K | |
| Finlay Glover do | K | ||
| A J Pratt | do | K | |
| Wm Rhodes | do | K | |
| John W Sanders | do | K | |
| G W Wilson | do | K | |
| Wounded. | |||
| R B Alexander | major | severely | |
| J L Scudder | 1st lieut | do | |
| G H Nixon | do | slightly | |
| J C Allen | 2d lieut | B | severely |
| F F Winston | corporal | B | slightly |
| J L Bryant | private | B | severely |
| Alexander Bigam | do | B | do |
| D C Fleming | do | B | do |
| Mackey Roney | do | B | do |
| Samuel Davis | do | B | do |
| James Thompson | do | B | do |
| David Collins | do | B | do |
| A S Duvall | do | B | slightly |
| T B Powell | do | B | do |
| Wm B Davis | do | C | do |
| Joseph Law | do | C | do |
| James York | do | C | mortally |
| William Young | do | C | |
| Richard Gifford | do | C | slightly |
| A V Stanfield | do | C | do |
| Asa Lamb | do | C | do |
| J J Argo | corporal | C | do |
| James Todd | private | D | severely |
| Thomas Vickers | do | D | do |
| W D Cabler | do | E | since dead |
| James M Vance | 1st serg’t | F | severely |
| George W Gilbert | sergeant | F | slightly |
| Charles M Tally | private | F | do |
| Michael Crantz | do | F | severely |
| R C Locke | do | F | do |
| J F Raphile | do | F | since dead |
| Thomas Kelly | do | F | severely |
| Albert Tomlinson | do | F | do |
| Julius C Elliot | corporal | C | do |
| R A Cole | private | G | slightly |
| James H Jenkins | do | G | severely |
| A G Stewart | do | G | do |
| Gulinger Holt | sergeant | H | do |
| James Patterson | corporal | H | slightly |
| Charley Arnold | private | H | do |
| J J Blackwell | do | H | do |
| Joseph Crutchfield | do | H | do |
| J Freeman | do | H | severely |
| J D Gilmer | do | H | do |
| P O Hale | do | H | do |
| Daniel C King | do | H | severely |
| C B Maguire | do | H | do |
| S S Reaves | do | H | do |
| A W Reaves | do | H | slightly |
| Augustin Stevens | do | H | do |
| Thomas N Smith | do | H | do |
| C B Ward | do | H | do |
| Charles Davis | 1st serg’t | I | severely |
| Robert W Green | corporal | I | do |
| Eli Brown | private | I | do |
| W F Bowen | do | I | do |
| Peter Engels | do | I | do |
| Robert Flannigan | do | I | do |
| William Lowery | do | I | slightly |
| S N Macey | do | I | do |
| E G Zachary | do | I | severely |
| W M Alfred | corporal | K | do |
| John H Kay | do | K | do |
| A S Alexander | private | K | do |
| M C Abinethy | do | K | slightly |
| Jesse Brashars | do | K | severely |
| J M Bailey | do | K | do |
| Campbell B Boyd | do | K | do |
| B L Commons | do | K | slightly |
| J W Curtis | do | K | severely |
| H H Dawson | do | K | do |
| John Gavin | do | K | slightly |
| Aaron Parks | do | K | slightly |
| F Richardson | do | K | severely |
| Thomas C Ramsey | do | K | do |
| John Vining | do | K | do |
| M D Watson | do | K | do |
| Thomas Thompson | do | F | |
| Missing. | |||
| Felix Wordzincki | private | F | |
| R R Morehead | do | I | |
| MISSISSIPPI REGIMENT. | |||
| Killed. | |||
| L M Trocur | Private | C | |
| Silas Mitchum | do | E | |
| Samuel Potts | do | G | |
| Joseph H Tenelle | do | H | |
| William H Grisam | corporal | ||
| Joseph Heaton | private | I | |
| Joseph Downing | do | I | |
| Daniel D Dubois | do | H | |
| John M Tyree | do | K | |
| Wounded. | |||
| Alex R McClung | lt col. | - | dang’rously |
| R N Downing | captain | - | severely |
| Henry T Cook | 1st lieut | - | slightly |
| Rufus K Arthur | 2d lieut | - | do |
| L T Howard | do | - | severely |
| Henry H Miller | private | B | dang’rously |
| J H Jackson | do | B | do |
| A Lainhart | do | B | severely |
| J L Anderson | do | B | slightly |
| G H Jones | do | B | do |
| John D Markham | corporal | C | severely |
| H B Thompson | private | C | slightly |
| F W Hollingworth | sergeant | D | do |
| Dr G W Ramsey | private | D | mortally |
| Alpheus Cobb | do | D | dang’rously |
| George Willis | do | D | do |
| W Huffman | do | D | do |
| O W Jones | do | D | do |
| William Orr | do | D | slightly |
| D Love | do | D | do |
| Joseph H Langford | sergeant | E | do |
| A P Barnham | private | E | mortally |
| H W Pierce | do | E | dang’rously |
| William Shadt | do | E | do |
| W H Fleming | do | E | Severely |
| Jacob Frederick | do | E | slightly |
| [?] | do | E | do |
| [?] | do | E | do |
| M M Smith | do | E | do |
| James Kilvey | do | E | do |
| J Williamson | do | G | dang’rously |
| A W Taig | do | C | do |
| Warren White | do | G | severely |
| Robert Bowen | do | G | do |
| Frederick Mathews | do | G | mortally |
| v Benj F Roberts | do | G | slightly |
| Avery Noland | do | G | do |
| Francis A Wolf | sergeant | I | dang’rously |
| C F Cotton | private | I | severely |
| George Williams | do | I | do |
| Nat Massie | do | I | slightly |
| William H Bell | sergeant | K | dang’rously |
| E B Lewis | private | K | do |
| D B Lewis | do | K | do |
| Charles Martin | do | K | do |
| James L Thompson | do | K | slightly |
| John Stewart | do | K | do |
| John McNoris | do | K | do |
| R W Chance | do | B | mortally |
| P W Johnson | do | C | severely |
| Robert Grigg | do | H | slightly |
| Platt Snedicor | do | K | mortally |
| KENTUCKY REGIMENT. | |||
| Wounded. | |||
| Valentine Duetche | private | ||
| Lewis Young | do | ||
| Joseph Bartlett | do | I | |
| Philip Smith | do | I | |
| Thomas Alender | do | K |
GENERAL WORTH'S DIVISION.
| Names. | Rank | Co. | Regiment | Remarks. |
| Killed | ||||
| H McKavet | captain | E | 8th inf | |
| W Rihl | private | A | do | |
| Charles Hamm | do | G | 4th art | |
| J F Wagner | do | I | do | |
| Irwing | do | I | do | |
| Miller | do | I | do | |
| P Frickicson | do | Cv | 7th inf | |
| S G Alleng | do | ph | La Vol | |
| John Francis | do | Ph | do | |
| Wounded. | ||||
| N L Rossell | 1st lt | 5th inf | ||
| Brand | ser maj | NCS | do | |
| McManus | private | E | do | |
| Grubb | do | G | do | |
| Schriveigman | do | G | do | |
| Bell | do | H | do | |
| Ingalls | do | I | do | |
| Grelan | do | K | do | |
| McGuirk | do | K | do | |
| Hendricks | do | K | do | |
| R C Catlin | captain | F | 7th inf | |
| J H Potter | 2d lt | I | do | |
| R S Cross | serg’nt | C | do | |
| S P Oakley | corp’al | K | do | |
| M Fleming | private | D | do | |
| C Gernsberger | do | E | do | |
| James Myers | do | E | do | |
| A Renebeck | do | E | do | died Sep 27 |
| N White | do | K | do | |
| Morron | corp’al | K | 1st art | died oct 7 |
| James Harvey | private | H | 4th art | died Sep 28 |
| Louis Kirk | do | Ph | La Vol | |
| J W Miller | do | Ph | do | |
| W Burton | do | Ph | do | |
| M Morton | do | Ph | do | |
| Basse | do | A | 2d art | badly wou’d |
| Michael Nooman | do | H | 4th art | |
| Joseph Grey | do | H | do | |
| Stephen Edwards | do | G | do | |
| Theopholis Bowis | do | G | do | |
| James Lynch | do | I | 4th inf | died Sep 30 |
| Mark Collins | do | A | do | |
| Dennis Kelly | do | A | do | |
| Amos Collins | do | A | do | |
| John Reineck | do | A | do | |
| Isaac Dyer | do | A | do | |
| Boyd | do | I | 4th Inf | died Oct 9 |
| Ragan | arificer | I | do | |
| Pual Bunzey | private | K | 2d art. | died Oct 9 |
| Geo Wainwright | 2d lit | A | 8th inf | |
| Rock | serg’nt | B | do | |
| Wilis | do | D | do | |
| Marshall | do | D | do | |
| R Riley | private | E | do | |
| Lauce Tacey | do | H | do | |
| Jas McKnight | do | H | do | |
| COLONEL HAYS’ REGIMENT. | ||||
| Names. | Rank | Co. | Remarks | |
| Herman S Thomas | private | A | killed sep 22 | |
| ------- Armstrong | do | A | badly wounded | |
| Fielding Alston | do | A | do | |
| John P Waters | do | A | do | |
| C E De Witt | do | A | do | |
| Oliver Jenks | do | A | slightly woun’d | |
| J F Minter | do | A | do | |
| Thomas Law | do | A | do | |
| John Rabb | do | C | do | |
| Wm E Reese | lieut | D | do | |
| Daniel McCarty | private | D | killed | |
| J W D Austin | do | E | killed 21st | |
| Jesse Perkins | do | E | slightly wounded | |
| N F Browning | do | F | do | |
| ------ Roundtree | sergeant | G | do | |
| J B Walker | corporal | H | do | |
| Wm Carey | private | H | badly wounded | |
| R A Gillespie | captain | I | killed | |
| Gilbert Brush | private | I | slightly wounded | |
| John F Fullerton | corporal | K | killed | |
| J B Barry | sergeant | K | slightly wounded | |
| F F Keys | private | K | do |
- Col. Wood’s regiment of TEXAS RANGERS.
Operating in the eastern part of the city on the 23d,
Killed- George Short and Thomas Gregory.
Wounded- Baker Barton, Charles G Davenport, Ira Grisbey, and Calvin Reese.
J Buchanan, H P Lyon, and C W Tufts were left behind on special duty, and are supposed to be killed. [MJK]
NNR 71.182-71.184 November 21, 1846 second attack on Alvarado
From the New Orleans Picayune Extra, Nov. 7.
SECOND ATTACK ON ALVARADO.
Of Antonia Lizardo, October 13, 1846.
GENTLEMEN: We are on the eve of another attack on Alvarado. At 5 o’clock this afternoon com. Conner issued orders for the sailing of the squadron (frigates and reritan excepted) for the mouth of the Alvarado river. The Commodore takes command of the expedition un person, making use of the steamer Vixen as his flag ship for the occasion. One o’clock tomorrow morning ids the hour fixed for getting under weigh, and already the steamers Mississippi, Vixen, and McLane are firing up. Besides these vessels the force consists of the revenue cutter Forward, schooners Reefer, Petrel, and Bonito, and prize schooner Nonata. This latter vessel was recently captured from the Mexicans and and was formerly the American schooner Belle, out of your port. She now mounts four 42 pound cannonades. For the past month we have bee drilling our men as infantry upon a small island here, and Jack is so anxious for a fight that he marks time with a good grace, and everyone appears pleased, that at last we are to have a chance at the enemy.
At the mouth of the river the Mexicans have a ten gun battery, and we know of a brig of war and two guns boats being anchored inside. A number of their small merchantmen have taken refuge in the harbor, and there must be a smart sprinkling of prize money in store for us.
October 16. Our sailing orders for the morning of the 14th were commanded in consequence of its blowing to fresh for operations-occasioning a delay of the expedition for twenty-four hours. We sailed, however, at 1 o’clock A.M. yesterday, but I regret to say that we are all at anchor again to-day and Alvarado is yet in possession of the Mexicans.
You were pleased to call the former attack on Alvarado an abortion, and I suppose you will not be sparing of hard names for the greatest failure; but I trust that when you examine the facts of the case, you will understand that it was owing to the effieciency of the means at the disposal of Com. Conner, and to the natural defences of the place itself, that we have not been successful, rather than to any want of skill or courage on his part, or lack of spirit and support by the officers and men under his command.
We were within ten miles of the mouth of the river at daylight and stood slowly into shore, it being dead calm-the Vixen and McLane towing the schooners-the Mississippi anchored at long shot distance and commenced her fire. Up to this time everything seemed favorable for the success of the expedition. There being a heavy swell on the bar the pilots declined taking there vessels over. The commodore leading in the Vixen, with the rest of the force following, passed by the fort, each vessel firing her broadside as she ranged ahead, with but little effect, however, owing to the distance. A long eighteen in the forward sent a shot directly into the fort-this movement was completed with better success, the distance being lessened and again the Forward made a most beautiful shot. In the meanwhile the Mississippi had closed up and was exploding her Paixhans about the heads of the Mexicans in a way that must have made some of them see more stars than the Lord had ever made. One shot from her dismounted a heavy gun of theirs from a stockade, this they soon remedied, but thus far all their shot had fallen short. During the morning several of our boats surrounded within a half mile of the fort, receiving the fire of the enemy with as much impunity as indifference. The swell on the bar having somewhat subsided at 1 P.M., the time was formed as follows. Steamer Vixen, flagship, towing gunboats Reefer, and Bonita; steamer McLane, toeing the Nonata; cutter Forward and gunboat Petrel; then two launchers, three cutters and a barge, but the McLane stuck fast, and the commodore finding himself deprived of two thirds of his force, and being unable to sustain the fire of a twelve gun battery with but four light pieces of his own, was obliged to retreat. The force in the boats was now exposed to heavy fire, the shot flying thick and fast around us, and had the Mexicans fired grape it would have knocked some of us into fits. We escaped however, with a good ducking from the spray of the balls.
It being now too late in the day for any further operations, signal was made for return for anchorage, and thus ended this bloodless combat, bloodless not because each and every man of us would not have shed our hearts best to gain the day, not because our plan of attack was not good, or that we were not properly led, but because Providence has provided the enemy with such natural defences as cannot be overcome by a naval attack with such means as Commander Conner has at his disposal. The McLane is an abominable abortion, (to make use of your own word,) drawing too much water to be serviceable, and with not sufficient power to drive her over three and a half knots an hour-but it is due to Capt. Howard to say that as soon as he got this vessel afloat again he proffered to make another attempt to pass the bar, but the commodore declined, as it was now too late in the afternoon.
There remains one way to take this Alvarado, and mark my words, it will be done before many weeks; meanwhile we must expect to be severely handled by the newspapers at home, and by the people who expect us to accomplish impossibilities and gain glory on a field where none is to be won-although no man, with two ideas in his head, who witnessed our recent defeat can attribute blame to any one. [MJK]
NRR 71.185 November 21, 1846 movement against Tobasco
October 25. On the night of 16th inst., the three steamers, cutter Forward, schrs. Bonito, Reefer, and Nonata, under command of Com. Perry, left Anton Lizardo for an attack on Tobasco. On the morning of the 17th, the Mississippi made a prize of the American bark Coosa. Capt. Hickling, off Alvarado river, and sent her to this place upon suspicion of her being about to land her cargo on the Mexican coast. This vessel was cleared from New Orleans on the 3d inst. for Havana, by Messrs. Wythe & Egana, with 1,600 bales of cotton, put up in 200 pound bales, and there appears good reason to suppose that it was intended for Mexico. She will sail for your port on the 27th, in charge of passed mid-shipman Barrett, son of one of your former collectors.
To day, another prize, the Yucatan schooner “El Telegrafo,” arrived from the Tobasco expedition on the 22nd, and reports the fleet standing off the land waiting for weather to go into the river.
Yours,
R.A.
[KMK]
NNR 71.185 November 21, 1846 movements on the Pacific coast, expedition against San Diego, Com. Robert Field Stockton takes San Pedro, California ports occupied
PACIFIC SQUADRON. Accounts from the Pacific of August 22, afford us some interesting particulars:On the 22d of July, Commodore Stockton assumed command of the United States Naval Forces on the west coast of Mexico. On the 25th, the “Cyane” with the “California company of mounted riflemen,” under Col. Fremont, sailed from Monterey for San Diego, that they might be landed southward of the Mexican forces, amounting to 500 men, under Gen. Castro and Gov. Pico, who were all well fortified at the camp of the Mesa, three miles from the “city of the Angels.” A few days after, Commodore Stockton, in the “Congress” sailed for San Pedro, where he landed with his gallant sailor army, and marched directly for the redoubtable “camp of the Mesa.” When he had come within 12 miles of the camp, General Castro broke ground and ran for the city of Mexico. The governor of the territory, and the other principal officers, separated in different parties; and on the 13th August, having been joined by Col. Fremont and 80 riflemen, and by Mr. Larkin, late American consul, the commodore entered the famous “Ciudad de los Angelos,” the capital of the Californias, and took quiet possession of the government house. Most of the principal officers were subsequently taken.
The American force thus chased the Mexican army more than 300 miles along the coast; pursued them 30 miles in the interior of their country; routed and dispersed them, and secured quiet possession of their territory.
The “Congress” was to sail in a few days on a cruise for the protection of our commerce, and the remaining vessels of the squadron were to be disposed with a view to the same object, so far as they could be spared from the blockade of the southern coast.
The President’s proclamation, and the congressional proceedings in reference to the war , were first received by Commodore Stockton (in a Mexican account) on the 19th of August, by the United States ship Warren, from Mazatian. The flag of the United States is now flying from every commanding position in the territory of California.
The patriotism and courage of the men who accompanied the commodore on this expedition after Castro, are spoken of in the highest terms. Their march was trying and hazardous , perhaps longer than has ever been made in the interior of a country by sailors after an enemy.—
Wash. Union. The John Adams U.S. ship, Commander McCluney, sailed on the 4th inst. from Pensacola for Vera Cruz. [KMK]
NRR 71.185-186 November
21, 1846 arrival of the prize bark Coosa at New Orleans
NNR 71.186 the captured Mexican schooner Telegraph brought up
to the fleet
PRIZES.- Bark Coosa, recently seized off Alvarado by the U. States Squadron, arrived at New Orleans on the 10th instant, in charge of Passed Midshipman Barrett.
The Mexican prize schooner Telegraph, taken by the U.S. steamship Mississippi of Tabasco, was brought up to the fleet on the 16th ult. [KMK]
NRR 71.186-71.187, 71.194 November 21, 1846 Daniel Webster's speech at Faneuil Hall
On Friday evening, November 6, 1846: Mr. President and Fellow Citizens: I had not anticipated the pleasure of being present on this occasion. It is my wish rather to avoid, than to seek opportunities of addressing large public bodies. While it is my purpose to discharge, as well as I am able, the duties which devolve on me, as a citizen of the commonwealth of Massachusetts, I must, as a general rule, leave the discussion of particular subjects before you to younger, as well as abler hands. (Great cheering, and cries of “Go on.”)
Gentlemen, since some little while- I think about six or seven weeks ago—great changes have taken place, not only with regard to political parties, but with respect to the great political prospects of the country.
There are many of my fellow citizens who heard me on a former occasion, and many gentlemen here present, this evening, who have heard me declare that it was difficult, and always would be difficult, to maintain such principles unless we could make an impression for the good upon the great central portion of our Union. We had done excellently in the east—excellently in the south, and in the southeast—and excellently in the steady west. But nevertheless, while New York, Pennsylvania, and Ohio were against us our difficulty was great. We required them to come forward in the great work of maintaining sound whig principles. Here was our hope. And now or later, to-morrow if not to-day, we trusted that they would array themselves on the right side.
That day has come. (Great cheering.) The brightening of that morning has dawned upon us- and they are here, to- day, not against us, but with us.
(Renewed applause.)Gentlemen, let me remind you that every election, since the policy of the administration has been developed, has been, more or less, adverse to that administration. The results in Maryland, in New Jersey, in Florida, in Georgia, in Ohio, in Pennsylvania, in New York, (loud cheers,) all prove this. And will any man say, can any one suggest, that one single state has sanctioned the policy of the present administration?The most recent denomination has been in New York. (Enthusiastic applause.) The state of this election is very well known to all of you, and I do not know of anything new to communicate, except the following telegraphic dispatch, dated at five o’clock this afternoon—which I will read—
“The good news of yesterday is more than confirmed by telegraph from Buffalo and through this P.M. John Young’s majority will not be less than 11,000; 23 whigs are elected to congress out of 34, and at least 70 whig members of assembly out of the 128. Under the term “whigs” we do not include any ‘anti-renters’ or ‘hunkers.’ Massachusetts will respond to this next Monday, will she not?Gentlemen, will not Massachusetts respond? (Immense cheering.)Now gentlemen, there remains an important question to be answered. It is this. What has produced this great change in the political policy of the people? And upon this question I confine my remarks to the state of New York, the change in which is the most recent and important of all.
And what is it?It has been said by some that the anti-rent vote, the universal suffrage vote, &c., would greatly affect the result. We have also heard it said that the personal enemies of Gov. Wright would turn the scale of the election. But let me assure you that the case lies deeper than all this.
There are counties on the river which have given positive whig majorities- such as Long Island, and the river counties—wherein the question did not turn upon the local questions affecting the personal choice of members. But, throwing aside these returns for the assembly, and all the local questions connected with them, it is now certain that the whigs have elected the governor of New York by 11,000 or 12,000 majority. Not only is this a very handsome majority for the governor, but when we look at the congressional delegation, we find that more than two thirds (cheers) are ours. (Cheering.) Throughout the whole state we ran for members of congress, and throughout the whole state we are far ahead. But instead of choosing 23, the whigs ought to have chosen 26 members. Unhappily, in the city, and in Kings’ county, the whigs and the native republicans were divided.
Now, the native republicans and the whigs are divided. Amongst the former I must say there are men of intelligence, and I am glad to say men of the best character. They have all great personal and political respectability, and I should be glad if all could be chosen. I should be happy, too, could, at the same time, some others of our candidates for congress have been elected. James Munroe, inheriting not only the name, but the virtues of his ancestor, Van Wagenen, Phoenix. Unhappily this division amongst our party, and amongst the agents we employed, defeated all, and let in the enemy.
This let in the enemy. This was unhappy. But it does not become me to impute blame to any body, on this account. It was one of the infirmities of human nature.
Gentlemen, I shall go, on Monday, to the meeting in the town in which I live, and there deposit my vote. (Loud applause.) I shall find many well meaning men who differ from me, though they do not write “conscience” upon their flag. Some of my worthy neighbors will give their votes for the candidates of the 3d party, with the certainty that their votes can only avail to keep the district unrepresented, or let in the opposition candidate. I wish, that upon this subject, I could address myself—feeble as my voice may be—to every voter in the district in which I live.
The evil which threatens us is not to be overcome by railing or reproach, but by reasoning with our neighbors—by representing to them the true consequences of their conduct—and by showing them its inevitable result It is as clear as anything can be, that those persons who voted the third party ticket in 1844, suffered Mr. Polk to be elected and Texas to be annexed. And therefore, so far as their permission extended, they suffered what we call the Mexican war to be suffered upon us. The Mexican war! It was proclaimed on the house- tops by the opposition, that the annexation of Texas would involve a war with Mexico, and denied by the other side. And yet those who professed to be the most zealous of peaceful annexation, did just what they could to bring about a war.
But to return to the causes which have brought about these changes in the middle states. What has caused this change? It is all to be referred to the recent measures of congress, not owing to the change of fifty or a hundred here and there in the state of New York, but because the reflecting men of all parties—the masses, the troops, have come over from the opposite side and voted the whig ticket. In the most effectual manner they have signified their utter disapprobation of the war, the new tariff, the sub-treasury, and the various other projects of the administration. Tried on this standard, New York has gone whig, and especially as to members of congress has she gone whig out and out. Theresult here opens quite a new view- it opens quite new prospects; and if, as I trust, the whigs will act becomingly and moderately, and discreetly, we shall hold the majority we have gained.
Gentlemen, I do not suppose that the sub-treasury did much for the administration in New York. That is not yet in operation, and its benefits are not yet perceived. (Laughter.) Much as is the influence of the Union, it cannot refer all these results to the sub-treasury, either on one side of the other. The tariff and the war have had their share of these.
The Mexican war is universally odious throughout the United States, and we have yet to find any Sempronius who raises his voice for it.
(Here some one in the gallery asked Mr. Webster who voted for the war. He replied, “nobody at all. The president made it without any vote whatever.” Tremendous applause.)
And that leads me to say that the war, in its origin, was a presidential war. But the constitution declares that congress alone shall have the power of declaring war; and I beg to know where, when how they so declared it. Every one does know that our army was ordered, by the president, to advance from the Nueces to the Rio Grande, thereby invading a foreign territory. And because the Mexicans resisted this encroachment on their soil, we have next the proclamation of the president that war exists between Mexico and the United States. The proclamation of the president stated that explicitly.
But, gentlemen, there is another question here- Texas had become a part of this Union. We had received her as a state, and had assumed her boundary—the Nueces. Why should we not treat with Mexico for that? Why, when all new territory of the United States was bounded by the Nueces, and everything beyond that was claimed by Mexico; and in the actual possession of Mexico—why, then, I say, should the president of the United States have ordered the army south of the Nueces, to take possession of Mexican land? That was the origin of the war, and that was against the spirit of the constitution of the United States. (Vehement applause.) Congress alone has the power to declare war, and yet it is obvious, under the present construction, that if the president is resolved to involve the country in a war, he may do it. This, I say, is a great misjudgement on the part of the president; it is a clear violation of his duty; in my judgment it is an impeachable offence. (Great cheering.)
The great objection to this war is, that it is illegal in its character. There has been a great violation of duty on the part of the president. He has plunged the country into war, whereas, unless in case of invasion of our actual limits, he has no right to do so. In that case of such invasion, the power does exist in the president to take measures to repel aggression. But to go out of our limits, and declare war for a foreign occupation of what does not belong to us, is no part of the power invested in our president by our constitution.
So much for the origin of the war.
Mr. Chairman, I wish to speak with all soberness in this respect, and I would say nothing, here, tonight, which I would not say in my place in congress, or before the whole world. The question now is, for what purpose, and to what ends is this present war to be prosecuted.
And in speaking of this, let me, in the first place, put myself right before the people. Individually, I have no respect for the government of Mexico. The people of that country are the worst governed on the face of the earth. They are subject wholly to military despotism, and it matters not whether Faredes, Almonte, Santa Anna, Ampudia, or any one else wields the supreme power.
And I say, also, that Mexico should have come to terms with us before. The United States have well- founded claims against Mexico. There is no doubt of that. And I have as little doubt, and as little hesitation, in saying that Mexico has behaved most wrongfully towards us. She has acted ruinously for her own interests, and injuriously for her own character, in all respects.
Mexico is a republic professedly formed on our own model. I could wish—we all wish—that she could find amongst her sons another Washington. But the truth must be told. And the truth is, that all republics made out of Spanish dominions in America, have been miserable failures. Mexico, especially, has no principles of free government about her at all.
But to indulge these considerations is not to discharge our own duty of inquiry into the objects and ends of this war. Who knows anything about the war, except that our armies have reached to Monterey, and will reach to Mexico if they can. (Applause.) And what then? Is the whole country to be fortified—taken possession of as American territory—a territory equal to the formation of forty new states? These are questions which it is time for us to put with sobriety and seriousness. It is time for us to know what are the objects and designs of our government.
The people of these United States are not in the habit of calculating, when a right is to be asserted, what will be the expense, but on an occasion of this kind they will be very apt to ask what the speculation will cost. I have been at some pains to ascertain the facts of this respect, and I submit to your consideration the results to which I have arrived.
It appears from the monthly statements of the treasury of the U. States, that the balance in the treasury on the
| 27th April was | $12,036,000 | ||
| 1st June " | 11,478000 | dim. in May | $558 ,000 |
| 29th June " | 9,310,000 | " June | $2,168,000 |
| 27th July " | 7,725,000 | " July | $1,585,000 |
| 24th Aug. " | 5,593,000 | " Aug. | $2,132,000 |
| 21st Sept. " | 4,815,000 | " Sept. | $778,000 |
| Total dimunition in 5 months | $7,221,000 |
And it appears from the monthly statements of the register of the treasury, that the amount of outstanding treasury notes was as follows:
| 1st Aug. last, | $447,000 (being remains of old issues) |
| 1st Sept. " | $1,090,000 |
| Increases in August | $643,000 |
| 1st Oct. | $2,240,000 |
| Increases in Sept. | $4,150.000 |
Making the excess of expenditures (beyond receipts) for 5 months $9,014,000.
The excess being at the rate per annum of $21,633,600.
According to the President’s message to congress last December, the receipts for the year ending 30th June, 1845 were $29,769,000. If they are the same the present year, it would appear that the government is expending money at the rate of $51,000,000 per annum. But as payments are, probably, not made so fast as debts in incurred, it may, I think, be fairly estimated that our present annual expenses are at least double the revenue, that is to say- at least $60,000,000.
So that the result is that the government, for the last five months, has been paying at the rate of sixty million per annum, or twice the amount of the revenue. And this does not include the outstanding claims.
All this has to be met. And how is it to be met?Congress has given authority to the secretary of the treasury to issue treasury notes, and to effect a loan. The notes have been issued, and the loan has been applied for- at a high rate of interest, 6 per cent. But as the existing debt is not above par, it is doubtful whether the new issue can be obtained on favorable terms.
And here it appears the absurdity of the sub-treasury scheme. And I must say, that if the government were to set itself at work most effectually to thwart its own financial measures, it could not contrive a better means than the sub-treasury for that purpose. Government, for instance, asks for a loan now, and obtains a loan from the capitalists. In January next, it requires another loan to say ten millions, all to be paid in specie. Where will it be found? It would require all the specie in New York and Boston to make the sum. As the matter now stands, the scheme is impracticable; by its operation, if carried into effect, the wheels of government would be clogged; the administration would be obstructed upon its own course, and government would be deprived of all means of action.
It is agreed by all that the administration is not, at present, remarkably strong in financial affairs, taking into consideration the present war- and it seems to be pretty certain that it will be hard work, rather an up-hill business, to carry that war on. And provided that every dollar which government gets locked up, is required by the sub-treasury act, the machine will soon come to a standstill.
Gentlemen, let me refer you to the tariff. That question was one of the causes which operated largely in the recent New York election. In counties where, for many years before, we had not been able to secure a majority any where, the whigs have now majorities in every town in district. The tariff law of 1846 is found to strike directly at the labor of the country and the interests of labor. (Prolonged cheering.) I have asked a friend of mine what caused the remarkable change in his district, in New York, and he replied that this was not an agricultural, but a manufacturing district, and the new law was a death blow to nearly all its interests. So of nearly all places where manufacturers are established.
Mr. Chairman, it is the Mexican war, the tariff of 1846, and the presidential vetoes, which have produced the great changes we see around us.
Sir, there are two surprises which have been sprung upon the people of the United States,The first was the nomination of Mr. Polk at the Baltimore convention – for surely no people was less prepared for any great event than this people for the nomination. (Applause) When the event was first made known, as you are all aware, the great question was, “Who, under heaven is James K. Polk?” But party allegiance was so strong that it overcame the surprise, and convinced the people that Mr. Polk was an especial fit man to maintain and support the interests of the country, and the interests of Pennsylvania in particular. (Laughter.)The second surprise was the Mexican war. Who expected that? But upon the 11th of May the war did exist, according to the president’s declaration. Our army was then in a critical condition. I had then, gentlemen, occasion to be absent from congress and at home, never anticipating such a state of things. The war bill which you have so often heard referred to, passed on the 11th, fourteen members voting against it in the house and two in the senate. And upon what ground was it passed? Surely on the part of the whigs, that the country was unexpectedly in a state of war—that our army was in an exposed situation—and that it was absolutely necessary to sustain them. I arrived in Washington a few days afterwards, and never did I hear the suggestion from anybody, that a vote for that bill involved an approval of the course of the administration. Never did I hear such a thing then.
Your excellent representative—than whom very few men, indeed, enjoy more the esteem, respect and confidence of the great whig party of the U. States—(tremendous cheering.) was one who voted for the bill. The opposition to it, and to him, springs up here and no where else. The members from the liberty loving state of Vermont, those from Connecticut—are they accused? And Amos Abbot, from your third district—is there a voice raised against him? Mr. Vinton, of Ohio, one of the most able, intelligent and influential members of congress, and for whom every whig member would this day, with all his heart, cast his vote for speaker—was any thing said against him? Not one word.
Fellow citizens, I am grieved, sorry, that at this late time a clamor should be raised against your member for his vote on that occasion. I do not think it quite fair—it is not reasonable or just—it is not at all like Boston. (Great approbation.)Sir, we live in a day of uncommon prosperity. Heaven has been gracious to us, beyond our hopes. We have been blessed with health. Education has flourished. Commerce and agriculture are prosperous. We have an enterprising and thriving population. But, Mr. Chairman, excesses sometimes lead to discontent, and I am afraid that something of that nature is the case with us. While I admit that the genial influences of our climate, the character of our soil, the energy of our people, much of this prosperity is owing, I cannot shut my eyes to the fact that the protective power over all these—carrying us onward to honor and renown—is the Constitution of the United States. (A tremendous burst of cheers.) And it is, therefore, with the greatest regret, that I hear any suggestions of doing away with that instrument. (Renewed shouts.) I entertain no such counsel. (Cheers.) I am for taking the constitution as out fathers left it to us, and standing by it, and dying by it. (Vehement cheers.) I agree that it has been violated. The admission of Texas—another slave holding state—was a violation of the constitution. But, how was that accomplished? I would indulge in no bitter expressions against our southern brethren. They had education, and hate, and prejudice, all to sustain them in their course. But what shall we say of those members of congress from the north—from New Hampshire, and Connecticut, and Maine—who voted for it? How they so acted, and why they so acted, is almost utterly incomprehensible. How they have since been rejected by the people, is comprehensible enough. (Laughter.)I agree that the annexation of Texas struck a blow at the influence of free institutions. New England might have prevented it if she would, but her people would not be roused. Thank God I did not slumber over that danger. (Cheering.)But if the constitution be violated—what is our duty? To destroy it? To cast it aside? Surely not. But to renovate and restore it. To be more alive to our own duties under it, and more earnest in performing them. If we are true to ourselves, let me say to you, there can never be another annexation of slave territory to this union under heaven. Never- never! (Vociferous plaudits.) But if the people, under the influence of party feelings, and for the sake of the dry and stale loaves and fishes in the gift of party, shall neglect their duty—then there is no limit to such annexation, from the Rio Grande to Patagonia.
Gentlemen, has not the constitution given this people great prosperity? Has not our commerce flourished under it? Has it not made our flag honored and respected in every sea on earth? Has it not festered our manufacturers? Where would the country have been without it? Where would our Massachusetts have been without it? Not the Massachusetts she is now.
I will not, I cannot contemplate—I cannot endure to turn my eyes to the state of things consequent on an abandonment of the constitution.
Some have spoken of it as violated, and therefore at an end. But it is not plain that to abrogate it involves the abandonment of oaths—the perpetration of violence—the shedding of blood—the existence of civil war? To speak disunion, therefore, without violence and bloodshed is nonsense. We may, it is true, make a revolution more or less bloody—but it will be a revolution still.
Sir, no true whig can, for a moment contemplate disunion. The project has been charged upon the whig party, but it is a false charge. (Immense and long continuous cheers.) From the Orient to the extremity of the west, an American is known—not as a citizen of Massachusetts or any other state—but as a citizen of the United States. It is the union which gives us our character abroad—and may we all and ever—in the language of the Father of his Country—“frown indignantly” on all attempts to dissever it. (Applause.) It was formed amidst the agitation of the whole European world. The subsequent storms which convulsed that quarter of the gl be reached us likewise, and what carried us safely through them? What but this constitution of the United States? With Him at the helm, the constitution was the ark which bore us over the political ocean of the world, agitated by a thousand whirlpools, as if Eolus had let loose all his winds—and while in Europe there was but one Palinurus who is generally spoken of as the pilot who “weathered the storm” we had in America a yet greater pilot, who not only “weathered” the storm, but controlled it. (Loud applause.) This constitution therefore, is the rallying point of all true Whigs, and should be so, forever. (Vehement cheers.) If we were now to say, because we suffer some temporary grievance from its provisions, that therefore we would destroy it, get rid of it, we should act as wisely as if we struck down the sun from heaven, because the moon sometimes eclipses his light, or a cloud passes over his dise. [KMK]
NNR 71.187-191 November 21, 1846 Capt. John Charles Fremont's operations in Upper California, correspondence among Fremont, Jose Castro, Manuel Castro, and Thomas O. Larkin
Official dispatch from General Castro to the Mexican Secretary of War and Marine. Dated April 1, 1846. translated from El Monitor Republicano of the 10th of May, 1846, published in the city of Mexico.
WAR AND NAVY DEPARTMENTS
[No.180]
General Prefecture of Upper California.
Your Excellency:
In my note on the 5th of last March, I informed the supreme government of the arrival of several families coming from the United States, who came from the Sacramento River, and of the measures taken to make them leave the department in the coming month of May, for not having brought the legal passports; and of the news communicated by an officer who also entered by the same road a few days afterwards, with an armed party, announcing that during the past winter a considerable number of individuals who were persecuted for their religious opinions were to leave the states for this country; and here I should inform your excellency of the result of the line of conduct observed by the said officer, to whose affairs I referred in my note of the 6th instant, making reference to my sally from this point in consequence of the intimation given to Don J.C. Fremont, that he should retire from the within limits of this department, as was expressly instructed in the order of 12th July, 1844.
This officer, failing in the respect due to the laws of the republic and the authorities of the country introduced himself into the midst of the population of the department with a respectable force, under pretext of coming with a scientific commission from his government; and treating with contempt the notice referred to, he took possession of the heights of the Sierra nearest to this point, distant about nine leagues, having only made a verbal answer as to what would be in the conduct of the military command under him in his camp, which was, that they did not intend to obey the order to retire, but would remain on that spot prepared to resist any force that should attack on them.
It not being possible to endure such a haughty answer, in obedience to the authorities of this place, all the neighborhood collected at this command with the most lively enthusiasm, and having organized a force of 150 men, I went to the vicinity of the Sierra where the said Fremont had entrenched [parapetado] himself under the American flag which he had had the audacity to raise there. I was prepared to attack him in the night of the 10th of the same month, when the said officer taking advantage of the darkness, abandoned the fortification, without doubt precipitately, as we found there the next day some iron instruments and other things belonging to his equipment, and, in trying to find the trail, to know which direction they took, it was impossible for me to know on account of their having withdrawn in complete dispersion: this obliged me to stay for some days in that neighborhood until, by some individuals who came from the valley of the Tulares to my camp, I was informed that the adventurers were taking the road by the river to the north into the desert country.
The wish to give the supreme government immediate knowledge of this event has rendered it necessary for me to hire a vessel which will sail at once for Acapulco, carrying Captain Andres Castillero, commissioner for the supreme government in this department, which individual, not withstanding his delicate health, undertakes this step alone in a wish to do a service to this country in particular and the nation in general.
The accompanying letter, translated into Spanish, written to the American consul at this port by Capt. Fremont from the camp he occupied during the days referred to, will be proof of the decision made by this individual to maintain his position, without doubt in the hope of uniting to his forces the American adventurers who are disseminated among the pueblos of the department; but this did not happen, on account of the rapid movements made by the population of the north in consequence of my foresight alarming them in a manner which should suffocate in its cradle and such extravagant design, as it effectually did in the province of Sonora, in which there are indications of having intended to second the views of Captain Fremont, on which affair I occupy myself with some caution to investigate the truth of such event with all suitable precaution, operating with the military commandant of that frontier Lieutenant Colonel Mariano Guadaloupe Vallejo.
This will enable your excellency to lay all the matter before his excellency the Senior President of the republic, accepting at the same time my assurances of obedience and respect.
God and liberty, Monterey, in Upper California, April 1st, 1846.
JOSE CASTRO
TO THE DEPARTMENT OF WAR AND NAVY.
Official letters from Mr. Larkin, United States consul at Monterey, of Upper California, to Mr. Buchanan, Secretary of State.
Prefecture of the Second District.
The undersigned, prefect of this district, has the honor of applying to the consul of the United States of the north, by this note, asking if he will favor the prefectory under his charge with an information of the object or commission with which an officer (now residing in your house) has arrived at this district with troops from the atoresaid republic, and has advanced as far as the river Sacramento, that he may be able to do the same to his excellency the governor of the department.
The undersigned embraces this opportunity of renewing to the senior consul of the United States his highest respect and consideration.
MANUEL CASTRO
TO THOMAS O. LARKIN
CONSUL UNITED STATES, MONTEREY.
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Consulate of the United States of America,
Monterey, California, January 29th, 1846.
The undersigned, consul of the United States of America, has the honor to acknowledge the receipt of your letter of this morning; requesting information respecting the motives Capt. J.C. Fremont, of the United States army, has in visiting this country. The undersigned is informed by Capt. Fremont that he has been ordered to survey the most practicable route from the United States to the Pacific ocean—that he has left his company consisting of fifty hired men (not of the United States army) on the frontiers of this department for the purpose of resting themselves and animals. He has come himself to Monterey to obtain clothing, and funds to purchase animals and provisions; and when his men are recruited, intends to continue his journey to the Oregon territory.
The undersigned has the honor to offer to the senior prefect the highest esteem and consideration.
THOMAS O. LARKIN
TO THE SENIOR PREFECT OF THE SECOND DISTRICT, D. MANUAL CASTRO
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Prefecture of the Second District.
The undersigned, prefect of this district, has received the note of the consul of the United States, Mr. Thomas O. Larkin, dated 6th inst.; and in answer thereto, has the honor to say that far from replying in it that he will order that captain of the United States army, J.C. Fremont, to leave immediately with his force of armed troops (according to the acceptation of the word camp which he uses in his communication) the limits of this department, transgressing the principles established amongst civilized nations, he defends his unjust introduction. The undersigned, when he ordered Capt. Fremont to march back, founded himself on repeated orders and decrees of the supreme government of the Mexican republic which prohibits the introduction not only of troops belonging to any power, but even that of foreigners who do not come provided with legal passports, and not on false reports and false appearances, as the consul of the United States says in his said note. The undersigned promises the consul of the United States that as far as lays in his power, those persons who are subject to the laws of the country and may harass the subjects of his nation, who are under the protection of said laws, shall be punished according to the same, after the necessary proof shall be given and the necessary formalities gone through. The undersigned makes known to the consul of the United States; that if he desires to avoid that the force of Capt. Fremont may come to an unfortunate end in meeting with the force of this department, he ought to inform said Capt. Fremont that since he entered this department with an armed force, whether through malice or error, he must now either blindly obey the authorities, or, on the contrary, experience the misfortunes which he has sought by his crimes.
God and Liberty! Monterey, March 8th, 1846.
The undersigned reiterates, &c. &c.
MANUEL CASTRO
THOMAS O. LARKIN.
CONSUL TO THE UNITED STATES, MONTEREY
[No.79]
Consulate of the U.S. Monterey
California, March 6th. 1846
Sir: The undersigned, consul of the United States, has the honor to acknowledge the receipt of your official note yesterday containing a copy of your letter and orders to Capt. J.C. Fremont, United States army, now camped near the Salines river with his men, to leave this country immediately.
The undersigned understood that your letter was yesterday carried to Captain Fremont by and officer having some eight or ten men under his charge, and that at this moment there is a large number of armed men collecting in this town for the purpose of going to the camp of that American officer; he would therefore take the liberty of saying, that although he is well aware that you, as a Mexican officer and patriot, are bound to take every step that may redound to the integrity and interest of your country, he would further observe that his countrymen must not be unnecessarily harassed from causes that may arise from false reports and false appearances, and would recommend that if any party is going to the camp of Capt. Fremont that it may be commanded by a trustworthy and experienced officer, which may prevent affairs, on the meeting of the two parties, from being brought to some unhappy conclusion.
The undersigned has the honor to subscribe himself as your most obedient servant,
THOMAS O. LARKIN
To Senor Jose Castro, commandant general, and D. Manuel Castro, Perfecto of the second district, California
[Copy No.80]
Consulate of the U.S.,
Monterey, California, March 8, 1846.
Sir: With this you have my consolar answer to the general and prefecto’s letter to you of last week, of which I had the honor to receive copies from them; I also add the honor and prefecto’s second letter to me of this day. By your messenger of last week, I forwarded some United States newspapers, a Spanish grammar, some magazines, and English copies of the general and prefecto’s letters to you on the 5th instant. I then informed you that there was an American brig (brig Hannah, of Salem) at anchor in this port, bound to Mazatlan, whose supercargo I had requested to remain here until the third day, to enable you to send letters to the United States, if you were so inclined. I cannot tell whether my letter reached you, but heard of your man being almost at your camp the day before yesterday. I have now to inform you (and my information is derived from the current reports of the day) that General Castro was on the plain last night, with about sixty people; many more from the rancho joined him to day; at this moment some forty men are preparing to leave Monterey to join the party. I should think tomorrow, he might have two hundred men, perhaps more; many of the common people will join through choice, others by being so ordered by the general. Among the other class, there are some looking on the affair with indifference, some perhaps with favor to either side, as their friendship to the present authorities, or their own interests may govern them. Respecting the result there are various opinions. It is not for me to point to you your line of conduct; you have your government instructions; my knowledge of your character obliges me to believe you will follow them; you are, of course, taking every care and safeguard to protect your men, but not knowing your actual situation, and the people who surround you, your care may prove to be insufficient. You are officially ordered to leave the country; I am sure you will use your own discretion on the subject; your danger may remain in supposing that no uncommon means will be taken for your expulsion, although the expression of the common people under the passions of the moment, breathe vengeance in every form against you. I cannot conclude that so much will be put in force, should they succeed in overpowering you. Therefore only wish you to suppose yourself in a situation where you must take every measure to prevent a surprise from those you may consider partly friends. Should my ideas be correct, the act perhaps will originate, not from their heads, or the respectability of the country, but from those of a more headstrong class, who have fought so many (called) battles, may consider themselves invincible.
Your encamping so near town has caused much excitement – the natives are firm in the belief that they will break you up, and that you can be entirely destroyed by their power. In all probability they will attack you; the result either way may cause trouble hereafter to resident Americans. I, myself, have no fear on the subject, yet believe the present state of affairs may cause an interruption to business. Should it be impossible or inconvenient for you to leave California at present, I think, in a proper representation to the general and prefecto, an arrangement could be made for your camp to be continued, but at some greater distance; which arrangement I should advise, if you can offer it. I never make to this government an unreasonable request, therefore never expect a denial, and have for many years found them well disposed to me. You cannot well leave your people. Should you wish to see me, I will immediately visit your camp. Please answer directly by the bearer.
I am yours, very Truly in heart,
THOMAS O. LARKIN.
Captain J.C. Fremont,
United States army, Alisal
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Note in pencil from Captain Fremont to the consul Larkin, from his entrenched camp at Alisal, on the Sierra, thirty miles from Monterey, March 10, 1846.
My dear sir: I this moment received your letters, and without waiting to read them, acknowledge the receipt which the courier requires immediately. I am making myself as strong as possible in the intention that if we are unjustly attacked we will fight to extremity and refuse quarter, trusting to our country to avenge our death. No one has reached our camp, and from the heights we are able to see troops (with the glass) mustering at St. John’s and preparing cannon. I thank you for your kindness and good wishes, and would write more at length as to my intentions did I not fear that my letter would be intercepted. We have in no wise done wrong to the people or the authorities of the country, and if we are hemmed in an assaulted here, we will die, every man of us, under the flag of our country.
Very truly yours,
J.C. FREMONT
P.S. I am encamped on the top of the Sierra, at the headwaters of a stream which strikes the road to Monterey, at the house of Don Joaquin Gomez.
J.C.F.
THOMAS O. LARKIN, ESQ.
CONSUL OF THE UNITED STATES, MONTEREY.
[No.35]
Consulate of the United States,
Monterey, California, March 4, 1846.
Captain Fremont passed three degrees south of Fort Hall, having taken a route supposed to be a desert, which made his distance to California eight or nine hundred less. He considers the distance from Independence to Monterey about one thousand nine hundred miles. He describes the new route he followed far preferable, not only on account of the less distance, but it is less mountainous, with good, pasturage and well watered. The second day of his arrival in Monterey, he visited the commandant general, prefecto, and alcalde; and by verbal request of the general, informed him officially of his object in visiting California. The undersigned forwards, with this, the two annexed letters respecting Captain Fremont’s arrival.
I am, sir, with the highest respect and consideration, your most obedient servant,
THOMAS O. LARKIN.
To the Hon. Secretary of State, &c.
[No.36]
Consulate of the United States of America,
Monterey. March 5, 1846
Sir: The undersigned has the honor to forward to the Department of State the accompanying translations of letters this day received in this consulate. Captain J.C. Fremont has, for near one month, been slowly traveling; and encamping within this district, (say within eighty miles of this town.) Last week information was received by the prefect from some alcalde, respecting a horse or mule of Captain Fremont, claimed by a Californian. (I understand that the animal came from the States.) Last night notice was received that some of Captain Fremont’s party had offered an insult to some person or persons on a farm. The general, has this day sent out ten or fifteen men, with letters to Captain Fremont, ordering him away. I am not aware that any of the party have committed any excesses, and do not suppose such to be the case.
I am, respectfully, &c.,
THOMAS O. LARKIN.
To the Hon. Secretary of State, &c.
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Commandant General of Upper California:
With this date, I say to Captain J.C. Fremont the following: “At seven o’clock this morning the commandant general was given to understand that you, and the party under your command have entered the towns of this department; and such being prohibited by our laws, I find myself obliged to advertise you that on the receipt of this you will immediately retire beyond the limits of this same department, such being the orders of the supreme government; and the subscriber is obliged to see them complied with. And the undersigned has the honor of transcribing the same to the consul of the United States of America for his knowledge of the same.
God and Liberty!
Monterey, March 5, 1846.
JOSE CASTRO.
Mr. Thomas O. Larkin, Consul U. States of America in this port.
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Prefecture of the Second District,
Monterey, March 6, 1846.
Captain J.C. Fremont:
Sir: I have learned with surprise that you, against the laws of the authorities of Mexico, have introduced yourself into the town of this departmental district, under my charge, with an armed force, under a commission which must have been given you by your government only to survey its own proper lands.
In consequence, this prefecture now orders that you will immediately, on receipt of this, without any pretext, return with your people out of the limits of this territory. If not, this office will take the necessary measures to cause respect to this determination. I have the honor to transcribe this to you for your intelligence that you may act in the case as belongs to your office, and that he may comply with the expressed orders.
God and Liberty.
Monterey, March 5, 1846
MANUEL CASTRO
Mr. Thomas O. Larkin.
Consul of the United States of America.
[No. 37]
Consulate of the United States,
Monterey, March 9, 1846
Sir: Enclosed, you have a copy of my answer to the general and prefecto of this place, one to Capt. Fremont, and the second letter from the prefect. Captain Fremont is eight or nine leagues from this place, encamped, intending to move as soon as the state of his horses will permit. There will be two or three hundred people collected together to-morrow, with the intention of attacking the camp. Capt. Fremont has about fifty men- all men in confidence, and remarkably well armed. Neither himself or men have any fears respecting the result of the present state of affairs; yet, be the result for or against him, it may prove a disadvantage to the resident Americans in California. I have at some [risk] despatched out two couriers to the camp with duplicate letters, and this letter I send to Santa Barbara, in expectation of finding a vessel bound to Mazatlan. Having over one-half of my hospital expenses of 1844 cut off, and know not why, and even my bill for a flag, I do not feel disposed to hazard much for government, though the life of Captain Fremont and party may need it. I hardly know how to act. I have only received on letter (of June) from the department for the year 1845. In the month of February, Captain Fremont, in my company, visited the general, prefecto, and alcalde of this place, and informed them of his business; and there was no objection made. Within twenty days, the general says he has received direct and specific orders from Mexico not to allow Captain Fremont to enter California; which, perhaps, accounts for the change of feelings with the people I am, sir, with the highest respect and consideration, your obedient servant,
THOMAS O. LARKIN.
To the Hon. Secretary of State, &c.
[No.38.]
Consulate of the U.S. of America,
Monterey, March 27,1846.
Sir: Captain J.C. Fremont, of the United States army, has arrived at this United States consular house in Monterey, on the 27th of January, 1846. Being very anxious to join his party of fifty men at the second place of rendezvous, without the settlement, they having missed the first place by mistake, he remained but two days, in wich time, with myself, he visited the commanding general, prefecto, alcalde, and Col. Alvarado, informing them that he was surveying the nearest route from the United States to the Pacific ocean. This information, and that his men were not United States soldiers, was also, by myself officially given to the prefecto. Having obtained funds and supplies from myself, he returned to his camp; it being well known in Monterey that he was to return when he collected hi men. Some fifteen of twenty days after this, captain Fremont, with his party, encamped at a vacant rancho belonging to Captain Fisher, (about ninety miles from here,) to recruit his men and animals. From there, he proceeded towards Santa Cruz, making short journeys. ON the 3d of March, he encamped on the rancho of Mr. E.P. Hartwell, where he received letters from the general and prefecto, ordering him out of the country, and to obey the order without any pretext whatever, or immediate measures would be taken to compel him to do so. This, not corresponding with assurances received at Monterey, it was not answered, and he gave orders to hoist the United States flag the next morning as the only protection his men were to look to. From the 7th to the 10th of March, they fortified their camp with a breastwork of logs. Encamped on a high hill which commanded a view of the surrounding country, they could see (with the use of spy-glasses) the general and his troops, numbering about two hundred men, at their camp, in the mission of St. John’s, preparing their cannon. On the 9th instant, I sent duplicate letters; one by an American, who lost his papers, and the other by a Californian, to Captain Fremont informing him of the movements of the Californians. The California courier returned to the consulate in about nine or ten hours, bringing a letter from Captain Fremont, having traveled in that time sixty miles. He reported being well treated by Capt. Fremont and his men; and that two thousand of his countrymen would not be sufficient to compel him to leave the country, although his party was so small. At the earnest request of the alcalde for a translation of Captain Fremont’s letter, it was given, and immediately dispatched to the general at St. John’s; and one also to the governor of the Puebla of los Angelos The general informed the alcalde on the night of the 10th instant, the Captain Fremont had left his encampment, and that he (the general) should pursue and attack him the first opportunity, and chastise him for hoisting a foreign flag in California. In the post script of the same letter, the general stated that Captain Fremont had crossed a small river, and was then about three miles distant from them; but the general made no preparation to follow him. On the morning of the 11th, Gen. Castro sent John Gilroy, an Englishman long resident in this country, to make offers of arrangement to Captain Fremont. ON his arrival with his party that morning, the camp fires were still burning. He found in the camp the staff used for the flag, tent poles, (cut on the spot,) some old clothes, and two old and useless pack saddles, which the Californians have magnified into munitions of war. Gen. Castro informed his party that he had received various messages from the camp of Captain Fremont, threatening to exterminate the Californians, &c., ( but will hardly name his messenger, nor did they put any confidence in it themselves.) From the 11th to the 13th, the natives had returned to their respective homes, to resume their customary occupations. A few people that were ordered to march from San Francisco to join the general at his camp, returned to their homes. On the 12th, a proclamation was put up by the general, in the billiard room, (not the usual place,) informing the inhabitants that a band of highwaymen, (“bandoleros”) under Captain Fremont, of the United States army, had come with in the town of this department; and that he, with two hundred patriots, had driven them out, and sent them into the back country. Some of the officers of the two hundred patriots (and more were expected to join them) arrived in Monterey, and reported that the cowards had run, and that they had driven them to the Sacramento river; some added that they drove them into the bulrushes, on the plains of the Sacramento; and that, in their haste, they had left some of their best horses behind. The horses proved to be those belonging to the Californians themselves, and had strayed into Captain Fremont’s band. (being an everyday occurrence in California and, on raising camp, they were turned out and left behind. Instead of the Americans being driven out of the country, they traveled less distance, for three or four days, than the natives did in returning to Monterey- moving from four to six miles per day, in order to recruit. One of the complaints made by the general was that three men, when drinking, went to the house of Angel Castro (an uncle of the general) to purchase some beef for the camp, and insulted his family. On the 7th, I personally called upon Don Angel, for the truth of the story, and was informed by him (the father himself) that he was frightened by one of the Americans insisting on his daughter drinking with him. On ordering him to leave the house, he resisted, but was put out by his own companions, he drawing a pistol while they were putting him out. Don Angel mounted a horse and rode off to Captain Fremont’s, about one mile distant, who on hearing the case, came to the house immediately, and called up the family to inquire into the affair. On the examination, he asked the father what he should do with the men. He requested them to be punished, which was promised; and was told, if he would send a boy, a fine of five dollars should be sent to him, (he being alcalde.) The boy returned with ten dollars from the camp, which settled the business, although there had been nothing of consequence transacted; yet Captain Fremont was anxious not to let the people of the country have any cause of complaint against him.
The undersigned has the honor to subscribe himself, your most obedient servant,
THOMAS O. LARKIN
To the Hon. Secretary of state, &c.[No. 39]
Consulate of the U.S. of America,
Monterey, April 2, 1846
Sir: In giving my first information to the department respecting Captain Fremont’s arrival in California, I did not anticipate such an extensive correspondence as it has now reached. Captain Fremont was well received in this place, and to the last day we heard of him, by the natives individually, who sold him provisions, and liked his presence. During his encampment, thirty or forty miles from here, dispatches were received by the commandant, General Jose Castro, (a native of Monterey) from Mexico, ordering him to drive Captain Fremont out of this department; which order, with one hundred and seventy or two hundred men present, and over one hundred more daily expected, he pretended to execute. Capt. Fremont left his camp a few hours after he received the undersigned’s letter of the 9th of March, (not from right of General Castro,) as he had been preparing the week before to travel. It is supposed he has gone to St. Barbara, where an American was sent by the undersigned, in February, with funds and provisions for his use. From there he proceeds on his journey, according to his instructions from his department in Washington. Although from the correspondence it may appear that in the centre of a strange country, among a whole people with real or apparent hostile intentions towards him, the: Captain Fremont was in much danger, it can be believed that he was only annoyed. Whether he will visit Monterey after this unexpected affair, or not, is uncertain.
The undersigned has not supposed, during the whole affair, that General Castro, wished to go after Captain Fremont; and was very confident that, with all California, he would not have attacked him even had he been sure of destroying the whole party, as five times their number could have taken their place before the unexpected battle. Captain Fremont received verbal applications from English and Americans to join his party; and could have mustered as many men as the natives. He was careful not to do so. Although he discharged five or six of his men, he took no others in their place. On the return of General Castro, he published a flaming proclamation to the citizens, informing them that a band of bandeleros, (highwaymen or freebooters, under Captain Fremont of the United States army, had come into this districte; but with the company of two hundred patriots he had driven them away., and exhorted his companions and countrymen to be always ready to repel others of the same class. This proclamation was missing from the place where it was put up on the third day.
The undersigned has written to the general for a copy. To this day there has been no answer received. Duplicate copies of consular letters to Captain Fremont, and in the hands of General Castro, he having taken them from one of the consular’s couriers, promising to forward them as directed. These copies he promised to return, but has not done so. This government is about sending a commissioner to-Mexico (as the undersigned believes) to report the country in danger of revolution from the Americans. By this we understand in California, (foreigners,) that some Americans (who left Capt. Fremont)are joining the Indians to attack the farms, and others were about to take possession of a town in the upper part of the bay of San Francisco; and that Sn. W. Hastings (author of the history of California) is laying off a town in New Helvetia for the Mormons. None of this information (in the opinion of the undersigned can be relied upon) is to be given to the President to urge upon him the necessity of giving General Castro two hundred men, (he prefers not many men, nor any Mexican general,) with sufficient funds to protect the country. As a general thing, Hastings’s book is very untrue and absurd. He brought a number to this country, which do his countrymen no good, and perhaps injures them. No general English reader will read one quarter of the book. The arrival of Capt. Fremont has revived the excitement in California respecting the emigration, and the fears of the Californians losing their country. The undersigned believes that if a new flag was respectfully planted, it would receive the good will of much of the wealth and respectability of the country. Those who live by office, and the absence of law, would faintly struggle against a change. Many natives and foreigners of wealth and pursuits, are already calculation on the hopes, fears and expectations from the apparent coming change now before them, from the great influx of strangers.
In the mean time, the undersigned has the pleasure of saying that, with every department of office in this country he is on the best terms of friendship, as far as appearances are before him.
With the highest respect and esteem, I am your obedient servant,
THOMAS O. LARKIN.
To the Hon. Secretary of State, &c.
[No. 81]
Monterey, March 5th, 1846.
Sir: I have just received two letters from the commandant general of California, and prefecto of this district, who inform me they have sent you official letters, enclosing me the copies. The following is a translation.
I remain, dear sir, yours sincerely,
THOMAS O. LARKIN.
To Capt. J.C. Fremont,
United State Army.
[No. 82]
Consulate of the Untied States,
Monterey, California, March 9th, 1846.
Sir: Captain J.C. Fremont, with a party of fifty men, has been within the limits of California about two months; within a few days encamped about eight leagues from this town, resting his mena dn animals; he has received two letters from the general and prefecto, wherein he his ordered to leave this country, or they will take measures to compel him. They sent me copies of the same, which [. . . ] have sent in English to Captain Fremont. I have not heard from the camp since. This morning I wrote to Capt. Fremont in duplicate, one by a native, the other by a foreigner. By to-morrow, there will be collected together nearly three hundred men, with the intention to drive out the strangers; and, if required, there will be by the next week a much larger body collected. Should this force be used against Captain Fremont, much blood will be spilt. His party, though of only fifty in number, have from three to six guns, rifles, and pistols each, and are very determined, both commander and men, having every confidence in each other. It was the intention of Capt. Fremont to leave this week, if his animals were in good condition; perhaps he may not be willing, as the people wish to force him; he was at my house alone, in February, and, in company with me, visited the general, prefecto, and alcalde, informed them of his orders to survey the nearest route to the Pacific, and had come into California to purchase provisions, clothes, and horses; no objection was made at the time. Since then the general states that he has received by the Hannah, positive orders from Mexico to drive Captain Fremont from the country.
I shall send his letter open to Consul Parrott, of Mazatlan, with copies of this week’s correspondence. If there is a fight between these people and Captain Fremont, be the result for or against him, the American residents are under some apprehensions of their safety hereafter. I would therefore request you, if in your power, to dispatch a sloop-of-war to this port from Mazatlan, on the receipt of this. I understand there were, in December, five of our ships of war then in that port. Should this be the case, I hope it will not be inconvenient to comply with this request. I have looked for the Portsmouth over two months. Capt. Montgomery informed me he was to return.
I remain, sirs, your respectful servant,
THOMAS O. LARKIN.
To the commander of any American ship-of-war, in San Blas or Mazatlan.
[No. 83]
Consulate of the United States
Monterey, California, March 9th, 1846.
Sir: Enclosed with this you will receive several copies of correspondence in this town, for the present week, also an official letter for the captain of any of our ships of war, you may have in your port on your receiving this letter. It is impossible to say whether Senor Castro, the prefecto, and the general will attack Capt. Fremong; we expect such will be the case. I am just informed by Senor Arce, the general’s secretary, who has just come from the general’s cap, (St. John’s.) that the whole country will be raised to force Capt. Fremont, if they require so many. Senor Arce further says , the camp of the Americans is near Mr. Hartnell’s rancho, on a high hill, with his flag flying; of the latter I am not certain. AS you are acquainted wit this country and its people, you will advise with our naval captains on the subject of sailing immediately for this port. If the vessel is not actually obliged to go elsewhere, it is my earnest desire she sails for Monterey on the receipt of this, although every thing may end peaceably among us.
Believe me to be, yours sincerely,
THOMAS O. LARKIN.
To John Parrott, Esq., United States Consul, Mazatlan.
[No. 84]
Consulate of the United States.
Monterey, California, March 10, 1846.
Sir: Your letter of yesterday I received last night at 8 o’clock: I thank you for the same; it took from me a weight of uneasiness respecting your situation. The alcalde of Monterey has requested of me a copy in Spanish of your letter. Not knowing what you might approve of in the case, I had some objection; on second thoughts I considered that the alcalde having given the courier a passport for (withoug which he would no go) carrying of the letters both ways, were made public, and people might put a wrong construction on our correspondence, I gave it to him with the following additions. I also considered the letter contained nothing of importance to keep secret, and now annex my letter of this morning to the alcalde. AS you may not have a copy of your letter I send you one. My native courier said he was well treated by you-that two thousand men could not drive you. In all cases of couriers orders your men have no hints or words with them, as it is magnified: this one said a man pointed to a tree, and said there’s your life; he expected to be led to you [ . . . ] says you have sixty-two men, well armed, &c., &c., &c.
You will, without thought of expense or trouble, call on me, or send to me, in every case of need, not only as your consul, but your friend and countryman.
I am yours, truly,
THOMAS O. LARKIN
Capt. J.C. Fremont, U.S. army.
[No.86]
Consulate of the United States
Monterey, California. March 10, 1846
Sir: I am not confident that Captain Fremont may approve of my giving you a copy of his hasty wrote letter, [but] as you allowed the courier to travel to the camp and return, and hoping the letter may, on being known bring affairs to some better understanding, I send you the translation you request. It may be that the authorities of this department expect something from me as United States consul under the present state of affairs, yet I know nothing that I can do. I have verbally offered my services whenever required, and now do the same in writing. Captain Fremont has his own instructions, and is not to be ordered by this consulate; yet I would with pleasure allay the present sensation if in my power.
I can only add, that I would respectfully advise that you would in your letter to the general today, say that I would take the liberty to propose that he should send a letter to Captain Fremont, requesting one hour’s conversation before any extreme measure’s are taken; as I am in the firm opinion, should that officer be attacked, much bloodshed will ensue, that may cause not only loss of life to many of the present parties, but cause hereafter much expense, trouble, and perhaps further loss of life to many of out respective nations, and I am satisfied that no present or future advantage will be obtained by the country from the circumstances as they now appear. I have reason to believe that Captain Fremont only waits a few days to rest his horses, (having purchased his provision) and intends to remove immediately from California; yet it may be impossible for him to do so while surrounded by people with hostile intentions towards him. Will you please send a copy of this letter to the commandant general , D. Jose Castro.? I have the honor to remain yours, respectfully,
THOMAS O. LARKIN
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Private letter from Captain Fremont to Mrs. Fremont,
April 1, 1846 Sacramento River, (Latitude 40) April 1, 1846.
It is hard to say when I shall see you, but about the middle of the next month, at latest, I will start for home. The Spaniards were somewhat rude and inhospitable below, and ordered us out of the country, after having given me permission to winter there. My sense of duty did not permit me to fight them, but we retired slowly and growingly before a force of three of four hundred men, and three pieces of artillery. Without a shadow of a cause, the governor suddenly raised the whole country against us, issuing a false and scandalous proclamation. OF course, I did not dare to compromise the United States, against which appearances would have been strong, but, though it was in my power to increase my party by many Americans, I retrained from committing a solitary act of hostility or impropriety. For my own part, I have become disgusted with everything belonging to the Mexicans. Our government will not require me to return by the southern route against the will of this government; I shall therefore return by the heads of the Missouri, going through a pass of which your father knows, and be at Westport about 1st September. I go in about two weeks through from the Tlamath lake to the Walamath valley, to make a reconnaissance of the pass which I mentioned to you before. Say many kind things for me to all the family. Glad will I be when finally we turn our faces homeward.
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Private letter from Capt. Fremont to Senator Benton,
May 24, 1846 Sacramento River, (lat.40) May 24, 1846.
My Dear Sir: Most unexpectedly, and in a remote region of the northern mountains, I had the great pleasure to receive your letters. An express from Mr. Gillespie overtook me, the man being Neal, whom you will remember as having been left by me here in the last expedition. No other man there would have had the courage and resolution to follow us. I had the good fortune to save the lives of Mr. Gillespie and party from the Indians. In a charge at night by the Tlamath Indians I lost threemen killed and had one dangerously wounded, being then with a detached party of fourteen men. You will regret to hear that among the killed was my old companion, Basil Lajeunesse. We afterwards fought the nation from one extremity to the other, and have ever since been fighting, until our entrance into the lower Sacramento valley. I have but a faint hope that this note will reach you before I do; but the object for which I write is a pressing one and therefore I make the experiment. The Tlamath lake on our last map I find to be only an expansion of the river above, which passes by an outlet through a small range of mountains into a large body of water to the southward. This is the true Tlamath lake, and the heart of the Tlamath nation. It is on the east side of a range of mountains, (the Cascade.) Directly west, and comparatively near at hand, is the Umpqua river. Here the British have a post. Why do they keep it there? The trade in fur will not justify it. If there is to be any war with England, it is of great importance that they should instantly be driven from this and similar posts before they furnish the Indians with fire arms, and engage them in their service. These Indians are considered by the Willamette missionaries (who have been able to have only knowledge of those in the north) as the most savage and warlike Indians on the continent. So said Mr. Lee. This post maintains an intercourse with the Tlamaths and other mountain Indians, and furnishes them with the tomahawks and iron arrow-heads, with which they fought us. They are the bravest Indians we have ever seen; our people (my camp, Carson, &c.) consider them far beyond the Blackfeet, who are by no means so daring. You know that the Indians along the line of the Columbia are well supplied with fire arms, ammunition, and horses- hardly a man having less than forty or fifty of the latter; that they are brave, friendly to the British, and unfriendly to us. These things may be worthy of Mr. Buchanan’s attention. Your letter led me to expect some communication from him. I received nothing. I shall now proceed directly homewards, by the Colorado, but cannot arrive at the frontier until late in September. I saw a notice of your illness in the papers, and your letter relieved me of much anxiety. I trust that I will be able to force my way through this rough voyage, and find all well on the frontier. We certainly commenced our voyage when some malicious and inauspicious star was in the ascendant, for we find enemies and difficulty everywhere. I detain Mr. Gillespie’s to write only to yourself; believing, too, that when this reaches you I shall be near at hand. The letters from home have taken off half the length of the journey, and I have courage now for the rest.
Very truly and respectfully,
J.C. FREMONT.
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My dear sir: when Mr. Gillespie overtook me in the middle of May, we were encamped on the northern shore of the Greater Tlamath Lake. Snow was falling steadily and heavily in the mountains, which entirely surrounded and dominate the elevated valley region into which we had penetrated; in the east, and north, and west, barriers absolutely impassable barred our road; we had no provisions; our animals were already feeble, and while any other way was open, I could not bring myself to attempt such a doubtful enterprise as a passage of these unknown mountains in the dead of winter. Every day snow was falling; and in the face of the depressing influence exercised on the people by the loss of our men, and the unpromising appearance of things, I judged it inexpedient to pursue our journey farther in this direction, and determined to retrace my steps, and carry out the views of the government by reaching the frontier on the line of the Colorado river. I had scarcely reached the lower Sacramento, when General Castro, then in the north (at Sonoma, in the department of Sonoma, north of the bay of San Francisco, commanded by General Vallejo,) declared his determination immediately to proceed against the foreigners settled in the country, for whose expulsion an order had just been issued by the governor of the Californias. For these purposes Castro immediately assembled a force at the Mission of Santa Clara, a strong place, on the northern shore of the Francisco bay. You will remember how grossly outraged and insulted we had already been by this officer; many in my own camp, and throughout the country thought that I should not have retreated March last. I’m humiliated and humbled; one of the main objects proposed by this expedition had been entirely defeated, and it was the opinion of the officers of the squadron ( so I was informed by Mr. Gillespie) that I could not again retreat consistently with any military reputation. Unable to procure supplies elsewhere, I had sent by Mr. Gillespie Captain Montgomery, commanding the United States ship of war Portsmouth, then lying at Monterey, a small requisition for such supplies as were indispensably necessary to leave the valley; and my animals were now in such a state that I could not get out of the valley, without reaching the country which lies on the west side of them in an entirely destitute condition. Having carefully examined my position, and foreseeing, I think, clearly, ALL the consequences which may eventuate to me from such a step, I determined to take such active and anticipatory measures as should seem to me most expedient to protect my party and justify my own character. I was well aware of the grave responsibility which I assumed but I was also determined that having once decided to do so, I would assume it and its consequences fully and entirely, and go through with the business completely to the end. I regret that, by a sudden emergency, I have only an hour for writing to all friends and that therefore from the absence of detail, what I say to you will not be clearly understood. Castro’s first measure was an attempt to unite the Indian population of the Joaquin and Sacramento valleys, and the neighboring mountains, to burn the crops of the foreigners and otherwise proceed immediately against them. These Indians are extremely numerous, and the success of his measure would have been very destructive; but he failed entirely. On the 6th of June I decided on the courses which I would pursue, and immediately concerted my operations my operations with the foreigners inhabiting the Sacramento valley. A few days afterwards, one of Castro’s officers, with a party of 14 men, attempted to pass a drove of 200 horses from Sonoma to Santa Clara, via New Helvetia, with the avowed purpose of bringing troops into the country. On the 11th they were surprised at daylight on the Cosumne river by a party of twelve from my camp. The horses were taken, but they were [the men] dismissed without injury. At daybreak on the 15th, the military fort of Sonoma was taken by surprise, with 9 brass pieces of artillery; 250 stand of muskets, some other arms, and a quantity of ammunition. General Vallejo, his brother, (Captain Vallejo,) Col. Grenxdon, and some others were taken prisoners, and placed at New Helvetia, a fortified post at my command. In the meantime a launch had reached New Helvetia with stores from the ship Portsmouth, now lying at Yerba Buena, on Francisco bay. News of General Castro’s proceedings against me in March had reached Commodore Sloat at Mazatlan at the end of that month, and he had immediately dispatched the ship Portsmouth to Monterey, with general instructions to protect American interests in California.
These enterprises accomplished, I proceeded to the American settlements on the Sacramento, and the Rio de los Americanos, to obtain reinforcements of men and rifles.
The information brought by Mr. Gillespie to Captain Montgomery, in relation to my position, induced that officer immediately to proceed to Yerba Buena, whence he had dispatched his launch to me. I immediately wrote to him, by return of the boat, describing to him fully my position and intensions, in order that he might not, by supposing me to be acting under orders from our government, unwittingly commit himself in affording me other than such assistance as his instructions would authorize him naturally to offer an officer charged with an important public duty; or, in fine, to any citizen of the United States.
Information having reached me from the commanding officer at Sonoma, that his post was threatened with an attack by a force under Gen. Castro, I raised camp on the American fork in the afternoon of the 23d, and, accompanied by Mr. Gillespie, at two in the morning of the 25th, reached Sonoma, with 90 mounted riflemen, having marched 80 miles. Our people still held the place, only one division of Castro’s force, a squadron of cavalry, numbering 70 men, and commanded by Joaquin de la Torre, (one of his best officers,) having succeeded in crossing the straits, (Francisco bay.) This force had attacked an advanced party of twenty Americans, and (was) defeated with the loss of two killed and two or three wounded. The Americans lost none. This was an unexpected check to the Californians, who had announced their intentions to defeat our people without firing a gun; to beat out their brains with their “tapaderos,” and destroy them “con cuchillos puros.” They were led to use this expression from the circumstance that a few days previous they had captured two of our men (an express,) and after wounding, had bound them to trees and cut them to pieces while alive, with an exaggeration of cruelty, which no Indian would be capable of. In a few days de la torre was driven from the country, having barely succeeded in effecting his escape across the straits, the guns (six large and handsome pieces) spiked at the fort on the south side of the entrance to Francisco bay, and the communication with the opposite side entirely broke off, the boats and the launches being either destroyed or in our possession. Three of Castro’s party having landed on the Sonoma side in advance, were killed near the beach; and beyond this there was no loss on either side. In all these proceedings, Mr. Gillespie has acted with me. We reached Sonoma again on the evening of July 4, and in the morning I called the people together, and spoke to them in relation to the position of the of the country, advising a course of operations which was unanimously adopted. California was declared independent, the country put under martial law, the force organized and officer elected. A pledge, binding themselves to support these measures, and to obey their officers was signed by those present. The whole was placed under my direction. Several officers from the Portsmouth present at this meeting. Leaving Captain [ . . . ] with fifty men in command of Sonoma, I left that place on the 6th, and reached my encampment on the American Fork in three days. Before we arrived at that place, Gen. Castro had evacuated Santa Clara, which he had been engaged in fortifying, and with a force of about 400 men, and two pieces of artillery, commenced his retreat upon St. John’s, a fortified post, having 8 pieces of artillery, principally brass. On the evening of [ . . . ] we were electrified by the arrival of an express from Captain Montgomery, with information that Commodore Sloat had hoisted the flag of the United States at Monterey, and taken possession of the country. Capt. Montgomery had hoisted the flag at Yerba Buena, and sent one to Sonoma, to be hoisted at that place. One also was sent to the officer commanding at New Helvetia, requesting that it might be hoisted at his post.
Independence and the flag of the United States are synonymous terms to the foreigners here, (the northern, which is the stronger part, particularly,) and accordingly I directed the flag to be hoisted with a salute the next morning. The even produced great rejoicing among our people. The next day I received an express from Commodore Sloat, transmitting to me proclamation, and directing me to proceed with the force under my orders to Monterey. The registered force, actually in arms, under my orders, numbered two hundred and twenty riflemen, with one piece of field artillery, and ten men, in addition to the artillery of the garrison. We were on the eve of marching in pursuit of Castro when this intelligence arrived; accordingly, I directed my march upon Monterey, where I arrived on the evening of the 19th, with one command of 160 mounted riflemen, and one piece of artillery. I found also there Commodore Stockton in command of the Congress, and Admiral Seymour, in command of her Britannic majesty’s ship, Collingwood, of eighty guns. I have been badly interrupted, and shall scarcely be able to put you in full possession of occurrences.
To come briefly to a conclusion, Commodore Sloat has transferred the squadron with California and its appurtenances into the hands of Commodore Stockton, who has resolved to make good the possession of California. This officer approves entirely of the course pursued by myself and Mr. Gillespie, who, I repeat, has been hand and hand with me in this business. I received this morning from Commodore Stockton a commission of major in the United States army, retaining command of my battalion, to which a force of 80 marines will be attached. We are under orders to embark to-morrow morning on board the Cyane sloop of war, and disembark at San Diego, immediately in the read of Castro. He is now at the Puebla de los Angeles, an interior city, with a force of about 500 men, supposed to be increasing. The design is to attack him with my force at that place. He has there seven or eight pieces of artillery.
Commodore Sloat, who goes home by way of Panama, promises to hand or send this to you immediately on his arrival at Washington, to which he goes direct. It is my intention to leave this country, if it is within the bounds of possibility, at the end of August. I could then succeeded in crossing the aacount of the snow; and by that time a territorial government will be in operation here.
Yours, very truly,
J.C. FREMONT.
Hon. Thomas H. Benton, United States Senate,
Washington, D.C.
[KMK]
NNR 71.192-11/21/1846 The California Command
The California Command- Col. Mason, of the U. S. Army, who left Washington a few days since for New York,-whince he will sail for Chagres, cross the isthmus of Panama, and proceed to Monterey, on the Pacific Coast,-as to supercede Col. Stevenson, in the command of the California expedition, Colonel Mason outranks Col. S. , and is expected to arrive in California before him, and also before Gen. Kearney, who, on his arrival, will relieve Colonel Mason. [SCM]
NRR 71.192, 196 November 21, 1846 rumor that Gen. Pedro Ampudia has not evacuated Saltillo but had marched toward Monclova, rumor contradicted
POSTSCRIPT.
N.O. papers of the 13th brings us the intelligence that Capt. Randolph Ridgely, the gallant successor of Ringgold in command of the U.S. Light Artillery, at Monterey, on the 28th ult., whilst riding swiftly down a hill, was thrown with great violence, by the fall of his horse, which stumbled pitched him off, and fell upon him. The concussion fractured. When the express left Monterey, he was speechless, insensible, and no hopes were entertained of his recovery.
Capt. G.K. Lewis, was the bearer of his melancholy intelligence. He left Monterey on the 13th ult., and came by the route through San Antonia.
When Capt. L. quit Monterey it was the general opinion of the army that Ampudia had not evacuated Saltilla, but had marched with a formidable force towards Montelova, to intercept Gen. Whool’s division in their march from Presidio, an operation which the armestice did not forbid his undertaking. No direct information, but strong presumptive evidence fortified this impression. [KMK]
NNR 71.193- 11/28/1846 Americanizing Santa Fe
Americanizing Santa Fe. - Colonel Doniphan, who was left by General Kearney in command as temporary Governor, military and civil, writes thus:“In addition to other duties, Willard P. Hall and myself are arranging the Government, &c., trying to get thee machine in operation. It is a very arduous matter- the laws are all in Spanish, and every thing is done through and interpreter, and there is much in the laws conflicting with our constitution to be altered. The officers and citizens of the department, for all the counties above and around here, have come in and taken the oath of allegiance. - The Indians are citizens in the full acceptation of the term, and are by far the bravest and some of them the wealthiest portion of the north of the territory.” [SCM]
NRR 71.193 November 21, 1846 Com. Robert Field Stockton's proclamation to the people of California
On my approach to this place with the forces under my command, Jose Castro, the commandant-general of California, buried his artillery, and abandoned his fortified camp of the “Mesa,” and fled, it is believed, towards Mexico.
With the sailors, the marines, and the California battalion of mounted riflemen, we entered the “City of Angels,” the capital of California, on the 13th of August, and hoisted the North American flag.
The flag of the United States is now flying from every commanding position in the Territory, and California is entirely free from Mexican dominion.
The Territory of California now belongs to the United States, and will be governed, as son as circumstances may permit, by officers and laws similar to those by which the other territories of the United States are regulated and protected.
But until the Governor, the Secretary of Council are appointed, and the various civil departments of the Government are arranged, military law will prevail, and the Commander-in-chief will be the Governor and protector of the territory.
In the mean time the people will be permitted, and are now requested, to meet in their several towns and departments, at such time and place as they may see fit, to elect civil officers to fill the places of those who decline to continue in office, and to administer the laws according to the former usages of the territory.
In all cases where the people fail to elect, the commander-in-chief and Governor will make the appointments himself.
All persons, of whatever religion or nation, who faithfully adhere to the new government, will be zealously and thoroughly protected in the liberty of conscience, their persons and property.
No persons will be permitted to remain in the territory who do not agree to support the existing government, and all military men who desire to remain are required to take an oath that they will not take up arms against it, or do or say anything to disturb its peace.
Nor will any persons, come from where they may, be permitted to settle in the territory, who do not pledge themselves to be, in all respects, obedient to the laws which may be from time to time enacted by the proper authorities of the territory.
All persons who, withough special permission, are found with arms outside of their own houses, will be considered as enemies, and will be shipped out of the country.
All thieves will be put to hard labor on the public works, and there kept until compensation is made for the property stolen.
The California battalion of mounted riflemen will be kept in the service of the territory, and constantly on duty, to prevent and punish any aggressions by the Indians, or any other persons, upon the property of individuals, or the peace of the territory; and California shall hereafter be so governed and defended as to give security to the inhabitants, and to defy the power of Mexico.
It is required that all persons shall remain in their houses from ten at night until sunrise in the morning during the time this territory is under military law.
F.F. STOCKTON,
Commander-in-Chief and Governor of the Territory of California.
City of the Angels, Caliifornia, August 17, 1846. [KMK]
NRR 71.194 November 28, 1846 general orders regarding preparation of returns and transfer of officers
TO THE PEOPLE OF CALIFORNIA:
On the 15th of September, 1846, an election will be held in the several towns and districts of California, at the places and hours at which such elections have usually been holden, for the purpose of electing the alcaldes and other municipal officers.
In those places where alcaldes have been appointed by the present Government, they will hold the election. In places where no alcaldes have been appointed by the present Government, the former alcaldes are authorized and required to hold the election.
Given under my hand, this 22d day of August, anno Domini one thousand eight hundred and forty –six, at the Government House, “Ciudad de los Angelos.”
R.F. STOCKTON, Commander-in Chief, and Governor of the Territory of California.
ARMY JOURNAL
HEADQUARTERS OF THE ARMY,
ADJ’T GENERAL’S OFFICE,
November 16, 1846.GENERAL ORDER, No. 50.
Whenever five or more companies of a regiment are serving with the Army against Mexico, the senior officer on duty therewith will be considered the commander of the regiment, and will make the returns, &c., accordingly. The monthly returns of the companies in the field will be consolidated at Regimental Head-Quarters; those of companies not serving with the army against Mexico, will be sent direct to the Adjutant General.
In consolidating the regimental retnrns, the field officers absent on duty, will be reported on detached service; and spaces will be left for the insertion, in the Adjutant General’s office, of the returns of the absent companies.
The adjutant, non-commissioned staff, colors, and band, will, in all cases, be with the Head-Quarters in the field
BY COMMAND OF THE MAJOR GENERAL SCOTT:
W.G. FREEMAN,Assistant Adjutant General.
----------------------------------------
HEAD-QUARTERS OF THE ARMY,
ADJUTANT GENERAL’S OFFICE,
Washington, Nov. 20, 1846.
GENERAL ORDERS No. 51.
The following paragraph of “General Orders,” No. 29, of May 20, 1841, is republished, and made applicable to the theatre of war in Mexico:
III. “The President directs, that hereafter all officers of every branch of the service, assigned to duty with the Florida Army, shall only be relieved, or be transferred, through the orders of the General or other officer commanding the troops; and when it may be transferred, through the orders of the General or other officer commanding the troops; and when it may be necessary to withdraw any officer of the staff from duty there, the requisite instructions will be communicated through the Adjutant General’s Office.”
BY COMMAND OF MAJOR GENERAL SCOTT:
W.G. FREEMAN,
Assistant Adjutant General.
[KMK]
NRR 71.195 Nov. 28, 1846
the war assuming a very grave aspect, and promises to continue, review
and reflections
NNR 71.195 an agent of Mexico and Secretary of State James Buchanan
WAR WITH MEXICO.
The war is becoming every day and every way more eventful, and begins seriously to compromise national existence. It is probably that the whole of the Californias are, or very soon will be in the undisputed possession of the United States forces. At least they are irretrievably lost to Mexico. The operations of the American squadron in the Pacific and the diversion of Captain Fremont’s detachment in the interior, have in a great measure anticipated the intended operations of the “Army of the North” under General Kearney, and the principal part of that army will now no doubt be directed to proceed to join the “Army of the Centre” under General Wool. Interesting details from each of the divisions of the army, as well as of the operations of the navy, are inserted in this number under their appropriate heads.
The movement of a considerable portion of General Wool’s forces will very probably be in like manner diverted to a considerable extent, from its intended direction, in order to aid the ulterior movements of General Taylor’s division. General Taylor has communicated with General Wool on the subject, and will no doubt avail of so much of the forces of the latter, as can now be spared from the divisions destined against Chihuahua. General Wool has detached one thousand men to take possession of Moncloya.
We have no later dates from Monterey, than those of the 29th ult. Given under the head of Army of Occupation, nor had they any later at Matamoras on the 7th instant. Robert M. McLane, Esq. who left Washington on the 23d October, reached Matamoras on the 4th instant, and left ath evening for Camargo, on his way for headquarters, which he would probably reach by the 11th. The Matamoras Flag expresses the opinion, from certain “unmistakable indications,” that the dispatches of which Mr. McLane is bearer, will modify to some extent, the orders previously sent to General Taylor by Major Graham, and adds—“We believe, that in view of the answer of the Mexican government or rulers, to our pacific proposition, the President has concluded to establish and garrison posts along our Southern boundary, from Tampico, to a point on the Pacific, several degrees south of latitude 42; that he will appoint territorial Governors, Judges, and other ministerial officers; that the U.S. revenue laws will be extended over the new country; that people of all classes will be taught to read, and furnished with cheap goods; and that large supplies of human happiness and virtue will be speedily introduced.”
The regular troops had all been removed from Matamoros; the last company proceeded up the river on the 4th inst. The 3d Regiment Ohio, and 3d Indiana volunteers, are now the sole guardians of the city. Fort Brown is likewise garrisoned by the Ohio troops. The remainder of the two regiments, with the exception of two companies of Indianians, stationed at Reynosa, are encamped on the bank of the river, just below the town.
Colonel M’Kee’s 2nd regiment of Kentucky infantry were under marching orders for Monterey, three companies have already left Camargo. The Georgia regiment had probably reached Gen. Taylor’s camp. General Marshall’s regiment of Kentucky mounted men were encamped four or five miles below Camargo. Some companies of Col. Ormsby’s regiment of Kentucky infantry were at Camargo. The Tennessee regiment of mounted men were encamped a short distance below Matamoros.
The recruits for the regular army are sent forward to Monterey as they arrive.
The Executive at Washington, in consequence of the new features of the contest, and the probability from indications evinced not only by Santa Anna, but by the Mexican people, that the war may be protracted, have deemed it expedient to order more formidable operations than have heretofore been resorted to. Not only is the Gulf squadron to be placed upon a far more effective footing, with a view to the occupation of the Mexican ports upon the Gulf, but there the probability is, that the final demonstrations upon the city of Mexico will be made from that direction. A Cabinet council it is said, was held at Washington on Saturday evening last, at which several distinguished officers of the Navy attended. The Commander-in-chief of the U.S. Army, General SCOTT, has received orders, to repair, with his Staff, to the seat of war. He will probably repair to the coast, and take the immediate command of the operations, with General PATTERSON as commander of the division. General SCOTT left Washington on the 24th for New York. It is intimated also, that Commodore STEWART will proceed to the Gulf in a ship of the line, as speedily as one can be fitted out for the purpose, to take command of the squadron. We judge from these movements that it has been found advisable to delegate a larger discretion to the commander entrusted with the active operations. Than has hitherto been extended. The inconvenience of managing a campaign in a foreign country, when orders for every considerable movement have to be obtained from Washington, is obvious, and has already occasioned serious delay and heavy expenses. At every stop beyond our own borders, these inconveniences would be increased.
The intelligence from Mexico, (under out Mexican head,) evidences any thing rather than a disposition to accept President Polk’s overtures for a negotiation of peace. Yet if we credit the New York Journal of Commerce, which certainly has access to official authority, a correspondence is actually going on between Mr. Buchanan, secretary of state, and an agent of the Mexican government now in this country, who insists that the disposition and decision of the Mexican government in deferring the propositions of President Polk to their ensuing congress, has been misconstrued. The agent himself, in August and September last, urged in strong language to the Mexican government the entertainment of the propositions to negotiate. Their constitution denied them the power. He says to Mr. Buchanan, “I think you have failed to view in a true light, the reply sent.” * * “It is not improbable indeed, that you may receive a proposition.” * * . The agent expresses the opinion “that it is the interest of both republics to give each other on mutual concession.” * * * “An honorable peace to Mexico, you are pledged to assent to, by the tenor of your late dispatches to Mexican minister of foreign relations.” * * “I send you reasons to believe pacific sentiments of an honorable nature, exists in the minds of the rulers of Mexico.
The President will hardly allow any overtures to divert him from active operations. It is rumored that his message will ask of congress an additional forty million dollars and 50,000 troops, to prosecute with was with. [KMK]
NNR 71.195-196 November 28,
1846 Mexican operations, Antonio Lopez de Santa Anna's finances
NNR 71.196 English offer of mediation to Mexico
NNR 71.196 agent sent to Europe to negotiate a loan for Mexico
NNR 71.196 November 28, 1846 Gen. Antonio Lopez de Santa Anna concentrating
his forces at San Luis Potosi
NNR 71.196 Gen. Gabriel Valencia selected as second in command to Gen.
Antonio Lopez de Santa Anna
NNR 71.196 Mexican reinforcement of Veracruz
NNR 71.196 disputes in Yucatan over re-incorporation into Mexico
NNR 71.196 Alvarado made a city
NNR 71.196 Yucatan ships warned off Mexican ports
MEXICO.
The account inserted in our last, that Santa Anna had laid his hands upon a conducta, with $2,000,000, on its way from the mines to the coast, for the purpose of being shipped on board the British steamer, and of his forwarding his own obligations instead of the cash, was probably unfounded. Santa Anna would hardly venture to incur the responsibility, in his present difficulties, of touching John Bull in so sensible a nerve. A write