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MGv45i44p2c2, January 2, 1845: Message, To the Senate and House of Representatives
Mr. Shannon's argument against the annexation of Texas.
MGv45i44p2c1, January 2, 1845: The Annexation of Texas
Arguments that the annexation of Texas would violate the Constitution by displacing national faith and honor of the American people.
MGv45i45p1c3, January 9, 1845: House of Representatives
States the names of U.S. representatives that made motions that passed in
the House. A joint resolution was given by Mr. Tibbaits for the annexation
of Texas.
MGv45i45p1c3, January 9, 1845: Friday January 3, 1845, House of Representatives
Mr. Phoenix, a member of the Society of Friends, started a debate by presenting
a speech to the House against the annexation of Texas.
MGv45i45p1c2, January 9, 1845: Twenty-Seventh Congress, Correspondence of the Baltimore Patriot, Washington
Features the motions from the House of Representatives and Senate from December
30, 1844 through January 2, 1845 against the annexation of Texas and motions
for a new resolution to annex Texas.
MGv45i47p2c3, January 30, 1845: Letter to the Editor - Alex. Gaz.
To New York Evening Post accuses General Jackson of trying to push the United
States into the annexation of Texas.
MGv45i47p3c2, January 30, 1845: Late and Important from Mexico - Santa Anna Defeated and Taken Prisoner
Santa Anna's army was defeated by General Bravo and Paredes on the Affan
plains, after which he was captured.
MGv45i47p3c1, January 30, 1845: Annexation of Texas
The joint resolutions to annex Texas were presented by Milton Brown, of
Tenn, passed in the House of Representatives.
MGv45i47p3c1, January 30, 1845: Legislative Correspondence, Richmond, January 27, 1845 To the Editor of the Gazette
The senate passed the joint resolutions to annex Texas on the 22nd,
later on there was a motion to send the resolutions to the Select Committee
on Texas.
February
MG45v45n49p2c1 February 6, 1845: Canada and Texas
MG45v45n49p2c1 February 6, 1845: Oregon
MG45v45n49p2c2 February 6, 1845: Summary of Legislative Intelligence, House of Delegates
MG45v45n49p2c2 February 6, 1845: Summary of Legislative Intelligence, Thursday, January 23, 1845, House of Delegates, Texas Annexation
MG45v45n49p2c5 February 6, 1845: More Annexation
MG45v45n50p1c6 February 13, 1845: No title
MG45v45n50p2c1 February 13, 1845: Texas
MG45v45n50p2c2-3 February 13, 1845: Summary of Legislative Intelligence, Wednesday, January 29, 1845, House of Delegates. Texas Annexation
MG45v45n50p2c3 February 13, 1845: Summary of Legislative Intelligence, Friday, January 31, 1845, House of Delegates. Texas Annexation
MG45v45n51p2c1 February 20, 1845: Congressional Proceedings.
MG45v45n51p2c2 February 20, 1845 Summary of Legislative Intelligence, Saturday, February 1, 1845, House of Delegates, Texas Annexation
MG45v45n51p3c1 February 20, 1845 Mexico. Confirmation of the Capture of Santa Anna
MG45v45n52p2c2 February 27, 1845: Congressional Proceedings. Texas debate
MG45v45n52p2c5 February 27, 1845: Response of the People
MarchMGv45i1p2c4,
March 6, 1845, THE ANNEXATION OF TEXAS TO THE UNITED STATES
Celebration commenced on Capitol Hill, Texas will not refuse annexation
MGv45i1p2c4,
March 6, 1845: JOINT RESOLUTION FOR ANNEXING TEXAS TO THE U. STATES
Resolution by Senate and House of Representatives
MGv45i2p2c4,
March 13, 1845: THE MEANING
Extract from editorial comments of Richmond Enquirer on Inaugural Address of Polk
MGv45i3p2c7,
March 20, 1845: FROM MEXICO
Santa Anna to be tried on 24th
MGv45i4p1c4,
March 27, 1845: A SKETCH OF SANTA ANA
Recent revolution in Mexico
MGv45i4p1c7,
March 27, 1845: WHIG ADDRESS TO THE PEOPLE OF VIRGINIA
V.W. Southall describing events at the Whig legislative meeting
MGv45i4p1c7,
March 27, 1845: THE TEXAS QUESTION
Past resolutions passed by congress concerning annexation
MGv45i4p2c7,
March 27, 1845: NEW HAMPSHIRE ELECTION
Texas party defeated in their efforts to get J.P. Hale defeated in elections
MGv45i4p4c1,
March 27, 1845: FROM TEXAS
New Orleans papers report some Texans not pleased with terms of annexation
April 1845
MGv46i5p2c4, April 3, 1845: Senator Archer
Comments by the Globe on the Senator-including a statement about
his stance on Texas annexation
MGv46i6p1c4, April 10, 1845: Drilling Mexican Soldiers
Report on the drilling of new Mexican recruits in Mexico-details of their
activities
MGv46i6p2c3, April 10, 1845: Will Texas Accept
Comments on the belief that Texas will not accept and why that is a good
thing
MGv46i7p2c4, April 17, 1845: War and Rumors of War
Formal declaration of war against the US has been declared by Mexico; comments
about the annexation of Texas
MGv46i7p2c6, April 17, 1845: Mexico and Texas
Statement from Mexico that taxes levied to pay for the war against Texas
have been repealed
MGv46i7p2c7, April 17, 1845: Santa Anna Run Away!
Report from Texas that Santa Anna has run away
MGv46i7p2c7, April 17, 1845: From Mexico
Gen. Canalizo, late ex-President will be shot because at the time of the
revolution he was president and gave orders to Santa Anna
MGv46i8p2c2, April 24, 1845: Important from Texas
Debate in Texas about on the powers of the President-can he or can't he
make decisions? Should there be a convention of the people?; President of
Texas opposed to annexation
MGv46i8p2c7, April 24, 1845: The Progress of Annexation
Comments that the annexation of Texas is intended to the be starting point
to annexation of Mexico; suggestions of revolution to those in California;
comments that the land of Oregon is barren; settlers going into Mexican
land and buying it up-better form of conquest
MGv46i8p2c4, April 24, 1845: Santa Anna
Reports of letters sent by Santa Anna to certain Mexican officials; Congress
has presented formal articles of accusation against him; refuse to let him
leave the Republic; information on other military officials and governors
who have been found guilty or trials are planned
MGv46i8p2c3, April 24, 1845: War with Mexico
Report on the rumors that Mexico has declared war on the US-article from
New Orleans that came from the British Minister at Mexico that if the resolution
to annex Texas passes in the US, then Mexico would accept the act as casus
belli; details on Mexican plans for if the US passes the resolution
MGv46i8p2c3, April 24, 1845: Our Relations with Mexico
Squadron ordered to the Gulf; hostile speeches made in the Mexican Congress;
both parties of the recent revolution seem in favor of war
MGv46i8p2c3, April 24, 1845: The United States and Mexico
News of the action of the Senate on Texas has reached Vera Cruz; comments
on the position that Mexico now finds herself; believed that the government
must declare war; extract from a letter sent by a man in Baltimore
MGv46i8p2c3, April 24, 1845: From Mexico
Letter from the Minister of Foreign Affairs to the US Minister in Mexico
stating that information about the US decision to annex Texas as reached
them and that diplomatic ties because of that decision will be cut; notes
sent to the Ministers of Spain, France and England protesting US action
MGv46i8p2c5, April 24, 1845: Arrival of the
Great Western - three weeks later from Europe
Report that the resoluton decided by Congress has caused great sensation
in England as did a paragraph of Polk's inaugural address dealing with England-extract
of a part of Polk's address; Polk said Texas was once apart of the US; Polk
said US entitlement to Oregon was clear; more comments on the Texas annexation
and also on slavery; conversation in the House of Commons dealing with Oregon.
MG46i9p1c3,
May 1, 1845: PROSPECTUS OF THE RICHMOND TIMES
Editors state their position on the annexation of Texas.
MG46i9p2c2,
May 1, 1845: THE UNITED STATES AND GREAT BRITAIN.
Editors opinion on possible war.
MG46i9p2c6,
May 1, 1845: ARRIVAL OF THE CALEDONIA - SEVEN DAYS LATER FROM EUROPE.
Reports of England's view of both the Texas and Oregon situations. From
Baltimore American, April 24.
MG46i10p2c2,
May 8, 1845: WAR WITH GREAT BRITAIN.
Editors defend last week's position that war is inevitable.
MG46i10p2c4,
May 8, 1845: LATEST FROM TEXAS. News from New Orleans proclaims
popular support for Annexation among the people of Texas.
MG46i10p2c4,
May 15, 1845: VERY IMPORTANT
Intelligence of Great Britain's desire for war from the New York Sun and
Bennett's Herald!
JUNE 1845
MG45v46n14p2c1 Thursday, June 5, 1845: A Long Stride
MG45v46n14p2c7 Thursday, June 5, 1845: Mexico and Texas
MGv46v46i14p3c1 "Latest and Direct
from Vera Cruz"
Letters about negotiations between Mexico and Texas
MG45v46n15 Thursday, June 15, 1845: No relevant articles
MG45v46n16p1c5-6 Thursday, June 19, 1845: From the Albany Argue, The Oregon Territory. Its Extent - Its Soil - Its Productions
MG45v46n16p2c3 Thursday, June 19, 1845: The Mission to England
MG45v46n17p2c7 Thursday, June 26, 1845: Foreign News. The Caledonia Steamer has arrived at Boston; arrival of Hibernia, Oregon Question
MG45v46n17p2c7 Thursday, June 26, 1845: Items from French press
January
Thursday, January 2, 1845 MG45i44p2c2 1,727 words
Message, To the Senate and House of Representatives
I transmit herewith copies of dispatches received from our Minister at Mexico, since the commencement of your present session, which claim, from their importance, and I doubt not will receive, your calm and deliberate consideration. The extraordinary and highly offensive language which the Mexican Government has thought proper to employ in reply to the remonstrance of the executive, through Mr. Shannon, against the renewal of the war with Texas, while the question of annexation was pending before Congress and the People, and also, the purposed manner of conducting that war, will not fail to arrest your attention.
Such remonstrance, urged in no unfriendly spirit to Mexico, was called for by considerations of an imperative character, having relation as well to the peace of this country and honor of this Government as to the cause of humanity and civilization. Texas had entered into the treaty of Annexation upon the invitations of the Executive; and when for that act she was threatened with a renewal of the was on the part of Mexico, she naturally looked to this Government to interpose its efforts toward off the threatened blow. But one course was left the Executive, acting within the limits of its constitutional competency, and that was to protest in respectful, but at the same time strong and decided terms against it. The war thus threatened to be renewed, was promulgated by edicts and decrees, which ordered, on the part of the Mexican military, the desolation of whole tracts of country and the destruction, without discrimination, of all ages, sexes, and conditions of existence. Over the manner of conducting war, Mexico possesses no exclusive control. She has no right to violate at pleasure the principles which an enlightened civilization has laid down for the conduct of nations at war and thereby retrograde to a period of barbarism which, happily for the world, has long since passed away. All nations are interested in enforcing an observance of those principles, and the United States the oldest of the American Republics, and the nearest of the civilized powers to the theatre on which these enormities were proposed to be enacted, could not quietly content themselves to witness such a state of things. They had, though the Executive, on another occasion, and as was believed with the approbation of the whole country, remonstrated against outrages similar, but even less inhuman, than those which by her new edicts and decrees she has threatened to perpetrate, and of which the late inhuman massacre at Tobasco was but the precursor.
The bloody and inhuman murder of Fennin and his companions, equaled only in savage barbarity by the usages of the untutored Indian Tribes, proved how little confidence could be placed on the most solem stipulations of her Generals, while the fate others who became her captives in war, many of whom, no longer able to sustain the fatigues and privations of long journeys, were shot down by the way side, while their companions who survived were subjected to sufferings even more painful than death--had left an indelible stain on the page of civilization. The Executive, with the evidence of an intention on the part of Mexico to renew scenes so revolting to humanity, could do no less than renew remonstrances formerly urged. For fulfilling duties so imperative, Mexico has thought proper, through her accredited organs, because she has had represented to her the inhumanity of such proceedings, to indulge in language unknown to the courtesy of diplomatic intercourse, and offensive in the highest degree to this Government and People. Nor has she offended in this only. She has not only violated existing conventions between the two countries, by arbitrary and unjust decrees against our trade and intercourse, but withholds installments of debt, due to our citizens, which she solemnly pledged herself to pay, under circumstances which are fully explained by the accompanying letter from Mr. Green, our Secretary of Lexington. And when our Minister has invited the attention of her Government to wrong committed by her local authorities not only on the property but on the persons of our fellow-citizens, engaged in prosecuting fair and honest pursuits, she has added insult to injury, by not even designing, for months together, to return an answer to his representations. Still further to manifest her unfriendly feelings towards the United States, she has issued decrees expelling from some of her provinces American citizens engaged in the peaceful pursuits of life, and now denies to those of our citizens prosecuting the Whale fishery on the Northwest coast of the Pacific, the privilege which has through all time, heretofore been accorded to them of exchanging goods of a small amount in value at her ports to their health and comfort.
Nor will it escape the observation of Congress, that in conducing a correspondence with the Minister of the united States, who cannot, and does not, know any distinction between the geographical sections of the Union, charges wholly unfounded are made against particular States, and an appeal to others for aid and protection against supposed wrongs. In this same connection, sectional prejudices are attempted to be excited, and the hazardous and unpardonable effort is made to foment divisions among the States of the Union, thereby to embitter their peace. Mexico has still to learn, that however freely we may indulge in discussion among ourselves, the American People will tolerate no interference in their domestic affairs by any foreign Government; and in all that concerns the constitutional guarantees and the national honor the People of the United States have one mind and one heart.
The subject of Annexation addresses itself mort fortunately to every portion of the Union. The Executive would have been unmindful of its highest obligations, if it could have adopted a course of policy dictated by sectional, but made its appeal to the interests of the whole Union, and of every State in the Union, that the negotiations and finally the Treaty of Annexation was entered into; and it has afforded me no ordinary pleasure to perceive that so far as demonstrations have been made upon it by the People, they have proceeded from all portions of the Union. Mexico may seek to excite division amongst us, by uttering unjust denunciations against particular States, but when she comes to know that the invitations addressed to our fellow citizens by Spain, and afterwards by herself, to settle Texas, were accepted by emigrants from all the States; and when in addition to this, she refreshed her recollection with the fact, that the first effort which was made to acquire Texas was during the administration of a distinguished citizen from an Eastern State, which was afterwards renewed under the suspires of a President from the Southwest, she will awake to a knowledge of the futility of her present purpose of sewing dissensions among, or producing distraction in our Councils by attacks either on particular States or on persons who are now in the retirement of private life. Considering the appeal which she now makes to eminent citizens by name, can she hope to escape censure for having ascribed to them as well as to others, in design, as she pretends now, for the first time revealed, of having originated negotiations to despoil her, by duplicity and falsehood, of a portion of her territory?--The opinion then, as now, prevailed with Executive, that the Annexation of Texas to the Union was a matter of vast importance.
In order to acquire that territory before it had assumed a position among the independent powers of the earth, propositions were made to Mexico for a cession of it to the United States. Mexico saw in these proceedings, at the time, no cause of complaint. She is now, when simply reminded of them, awakened to a knowledge of the fact, which she, through her Secretary of State, promulgates to the whole world as true, that those negotiations were founded in deception and falsehood, and superinduced [sic] by unjust and iniquitous motives. While Texas was a dependency of Mexico, the United States opened negotiations with the latter power for the cession of her then acknowledged territory: and now that Texas is independent of Mexico, and has maintained a separate existence for nine years, - during which time she has been received into the family of nations, and is represented by accredited embassadors [sic] at many of the principal Courts of Europe--when it has become obvious to the whole world that she is forever lost to Mexico, the United States is charged with deception and falsehood in all relating to the past, and condemnatory accusations are made against States which have had no special agency in the matter, because the Executive of the whole Union has negotiated with free and independent Texas upon a matter vitally important to the interests of both countries. And after nine years of unavailing war, Mexico now announces her intention, through her Secretary of Foreign Affairs, never to consent to the Independence of Texas, or to abandon the effort to re-conquer that Republic. --She thus announces a perpetual claim; which at the end of a century will furnish her as plausible a ground for discontent against any nation, which at the end of that time may enter into a treaty with Texas, as she possesses at this moment against the United States. The lapse of time can add nothing to her title to independence.
A course of conduct such as has been described on the part of Mexico, [ . . . ] violation of all friendly feeling; and of the courtesy, which should characterize the intercourse between the Nations of the Earth, might well justify the united States in a resort to any measure to vindicate their national honor; but, actuated by a sincere desire to preserve the general peace, and in view of the present condition of Mexico, the Executive, resting upon its integrity, and not fearing but that the judgment of the world will duly appreciate its motive, abstains from recommending to Congress a resort to measures of redress, and content itself with re-urging upon that body prompt and immediate action on the subject of Annexation. By adopting that measure, the United States will be in the exercise regarding that forbearance, shall aggravate the injustice of her conduct by a declaration of war against them, upon her head will rest all the responsibility.
JOHN TYLER.
[AMB]
Thursday, January 9, 1845 MG45i44p2c1 1,301 words
THE ANNEXATION OF TEXAS
The attention of the House of Representatives seems to be almost wholly engrossed with the subject of the annexation of Texas to this Union. - The "harmonious Democracy" are in considerable fix about the ways and means of annexing Texas to this Union, and at the same time of so democratizing the measure to make it palatable to the "blue, gray, and white spirits" who banded together throughout the country in the late Presidential contest for the purpose of electing Mr. Polk to the Presidency. There are no less than three Democratic propositions before the House for accomplishing the end of Annexation, and the possibility is from the signs of the times, that some measure or other may be adopted before the end of the present session of Congress for that purpose. This may be done, [. . . ] accompany the present Administration into retirement amidst the scoffs and jeers of the Whigs at their folly and dishonesty, and with the deep and bitter curses of the Bentonian wing of the Democracy on their heads. Amidst this din of curses, the new President, Mr. Polk, will rise to take the Oath of Allegiance to the Constitution - which sacred instrument will lie spread open before him with the ruthless and bloody foot-prints of the "Progressive Democracy" freshly imprinted upon it. He must take some stand or other upon this question for under his administration grave and important issues must arise in connection with the annexation of the Texan territory to ours, which must and will shake the discordant elements of the Democracy to its centre, and perhaps the happy union of these States to its dissolution. Party excitement has in measure cooled down - there is no inducement upon the part of the Whigs (even if they would resort to such means) to misrepresent any matter in relation to this Texas scheme. They are in a measure powerless for good or evil as far as the influence of Government goes, and therefore we think we are enabled to look upon the movements of the Annexationists as calm observers, and more readily see the dangers to which we are being hurried, than those whose minds are fevered and excited with the ambition of carrying forward a favorite scheme, and whose judgments are clouded by the prejudice of self-pride and self-interest.
We hesitate not to say, that if Texas be admitted into this Union by either or any of the schemes now before the House of Representatives, it will be done in direct, open, and palpable violation of the Constitution of the United States - in open disregard of National faith and honor, and in opposition to the will of a large majority of the States and People of the Union. The Democracy, in whose name, and under whose suspires this disreputable deed is to be done, have ever prided themselves upon being "strict constructionists of the Constitution" - it has been the chief feather in their cap - the polar star by which they have always professed to guide the ship of the State. But where is the loyal crew now? - have they lost their chart and compass - or have they matinied [sic] in the fog of noncommittalism, and determined to scuttle the good old vessel on the reefs of Progressiveness, or not? Certainly they cannot think it the same unpardonable sin now that they did in former times to depart from a strict construction of the Constitution, when they are clamoring for the "annexation of Texas" by a joint resolution of Congress. Our readers are all aware that at last session of Congress the present Administration attempted to have a Treaty formed between our Government and the Government of Texas for the annexation of the latter to this Government ratified by the other branch of the treaty-making power under our laws - the Senate of the United States - and that it was rejected. This rejection met the approbation of the People - sanctioned by every Whig State of this Union - and the Treaty was openly reprobated and disowned by several of the States which cast their votes for Mr. Polk; and b[. . . ] for such disavowal by such Polk leaders as Silas Wright, of New York, he would have been left in a very large minority of the States of the Union. The same Senate which guarded the purity of the Constitution and the honor of the Country at the last session of Congress, are still there to hold the arm of preservation over them, and consequently the disgraceful "Tyler Treaty" will not again be submitted to their dishonorable plot, they are now endeavoring to avoid and dodge them by a joint resolution. Now let us see how these strict constructionists are going to work, for the joint resolution seems to be the Democratic measure par excellence, and of their proceedings we choose to let the Hon. Albert Gallatin, one of the fathers of the Republic, speak - and who will dare question the democracy of this venerable friend and fellow-laborer of Jefferson and Madison. We commend the following extract from his letter to the serious consideration of every true friend of the Constitution and the honor of the Country. Here it is - read its sober truths, and ponder well the settings and doings of these open violators of the Constitution. Mr. Gallatin says:
That now at issue is simply this: In whom is the power of making treaties vested by the Constitution?
The United States have recognized the independence of Texas; and every compact between independent nations is a treaty.
The Constitution of the United States declares that "the President shall have power, by and with the advice and consent of the Senate, to make treaties, provided two-thirds of the Senate concur. " This power is not given to Congress by any clause of the Constitution.
The intended joint resolution proposes that the treaty of annexation between the United States of America and the Republic of Texas, signed on the 12th day of April, 1844, (which treaty is recited verbatim in the resolution,) shall, by the Senate and House of Representatives in Congress assembled, be declared the fundamental law of Union between the said United States and Texas, as soon as the supreme authority of the said Republic of Texas shall agree to the same.
The Senate had refused to give its consent to the said treaty, and the resolution declares, that it shall nevertheless be made by Congress a fundamental law binding the United States. It transfers to a majority of both House of Congress, with the approbation, the power of making treaties, which by the Constitution was expressly and exclusively vested in the President, with the consent of the two thirds of the Senate. It substitutes for a written Constitution, which distributes and defines powers, the supremacy, or, as it is called, the omnipotence of a British Parliament. The resolution is evidently a direct, and in its present shape an undisguised usurpation of power and violation of the Constitution.
It would not be difficult to show that it is not less at war with the spirt [sic] than with the letter of that sacred instrument; and that the provision which requires the consent of two thirds of the Senate was intended as a guaranty of the States' rights, and to protect the weaker against the abuse of the treaty-making power, if vested in a bare majority. But the case appears to me so clear, that I would fear to obscure that which is self evident, by adding any argument to the simple recital of the constitutional provision and of the proposed resolution.
I have the honor to be, with high consideration and personal regard, dear sir, your most obedient servant.
ALBERT GALLATIN
DAVID DUDLEY FIELD,
Esq. N.Y.
[AMB]
Thursday, January 9, 1845 MG45i45p1c3 121 words
House of Representatives
Mr. Tibbatts, of Kentucky, wished to introduce by general consent, a proposition for the annexation of Texas.
Mr. Barnard objected, and Mr. Tibbatts gave notice that he would introduce his proposition on a subsequent day. --The Reporter could not, in the confusion, learn whether it is a bill or a resolution.
Mr. Belser gave notice that at some subsequent period he would introduce a series of resolutions for annexing Texas to the United States.
Mr. Huston offered a resolution to terminate all debate in Committee of the Whole on the bill 10 graduate and reduce the price of Public Lands--Ayes 49, nays 74.
Mr. Pratt reported a joint resolution in favor of a national monument
to the memory of Washington.
[AMB]
Thursday, January 9, 1845 MG45i45p1c3 734 words
Friday January 3, 1845, House of Representatives
Mr. Phoenix, of New York, presented a memorial of the respectable society of Friends, in the State of New York, in opposition to the annexation of Texas, which, on his motion, the Clerk commenced reading. A part of the memorial was devoted to the subject of Slavery, and contained strong Abolition sentiments. --When the Clerk arrived at that part of it, Mr. Campbell, of South Carolina, rose and objected to the further reading of the paper.
He said that by the courtesy of the House, Mr. Phoenix had been permitted to offer the memorial when the rules would have forbid it. This was done under the supposition that there was nothing offensive in them, which now turned out to be a most violent Abolition petition.
Mr. McClernard then moved to lay the memorial on the table, and on that motion the ayes and nays were ordered.
The vote on laying on the table stood years 87, nays 87--a tie.
The speaker then voted in the affirmative, and the memorial was therefore laid on the table.
Mr. Bailey, of Virginia, moved to suspend the rule for the purpose of going into Committee of the Whole, on which motion ninety-seven gentlemen voted in the affirmative--the noes were not counted.
The House then went into Committee of the Whole and Mr. Hopkins of Virginia took the Chair.
The proposition to annex Texas was taken up, and Mr. Bailey being entitled to the floor, said he would yield it to any gentleman in the opposition who desire to address the Committee.
No one showing a disposition to speak, loud calls of “question, question, question,” were heard from the Whig side of the Hall.
The reading of the amendment to the main was then called for, and it was read.
Mr. Douglass then rose and stated that as no one appeared to be desirous of debating the question at the present time, he would move that the Committee rise.
Loud calls were again made for the question, when the reading of Mr. Douglass’ amendment to the amendment was called for, and it was read.
Mr. Rhett rose and requested Mr. Douglass to withdraw the preamble to his revolution and put his first resolution to the vote. That resolution embraced the simple preposition to annex Texas to the United States unconnected with any details. That course would bring the House to a test vote at once and would determine whether a majority were in favor of annexation in the abstract. He wished this point to be decided in the outset, and the details could easily be settled afterwards.
Mr. Douglass agreed to the suggestion of Mr. Rhettt and withdrew the preamble to his resolution. The vote was then about to be put on the adoption of the first resolution, when;
Mr. J. R. Ingersoll, rose and stated that he was unwilling that the House should come to a decision on this question without a word being said in opposition.
This movement of Mr. J. R. Ingersoll disappointed the Whig members very much, who were anxious that the question should be put. It was, on the other hand a relief to the dominant party, who were evidently much embarrassed by the position in which they were placed and would have come up to a vote unprepared and with the greatest reluctance.
Mr. J. R. Ingersoll then proceeded to address the Committee in opposition to the measure. He was at so remote a point from the reporter as to prevent his remarks as to prevent his remarks from being distinctly heard. It is impossible therefore to give a synopsis of his remarks.
Mr. Payne succeeded Mr. Ingersoll, and contended for the general policy of annexing Texas to the Union. The leading argument advanced by him was that Texas was necessary to us for the purpose of preserving the integrity of the Union, and for its safety of defense in time of war. He advanced other positions and strenuously urged the expediency by the opponents of this measure, that it was a slave question and was to be resisted on that account. He became boisterous on this point, and before he got through his hour expired.
Mr. Winthrop, of Mass. , then got the floor and as here seemed to be a disposition to adjourn he moved that the Committee rise.
The motion was carried, and at 3 o’clock the House adjourned. [AMB]
Thursday, January 9, 1845 MG45i45p1c2 222 words
Twenty-Seventh Congress, Correspondence of the Baltimore Patriot, Washington
Washington, Dec. 30, 1844
SENATE.
Among the memorials presented in the Senate this morning, were the following:
By Mr. Sturgeon, one from the western part of Pennsylvania, asking that the Pension laws may be extended so as to embrace the soldiers who fought under Harmer, St. Clair and Wayne.
By Mr. Buchanan, one from Pennsylvania, which embraces the subject of the Tariff, Texas, and the Naturalization Laws. The Tariff of ’42 is upheld, Texas to be annexed, and the Naturalization Laws to remain intact.
Thursday, Dec. 31, 1844
SENATE
Mr. Choate presented a memorial from the inhabitants of Northborough, Massachusetts, remonstrating against the Annexation of Texas.
Mr. Tappen presented a memorial from citizens of Cincinnati, Ohio, asking a reduction of Postage and to abolish the Franking privilege.
Mr. Buchanan presented a memorial from the Society of Friends in Pensylvania [sic], protecting against the Annexation of Texas.
Mr. Haywood gave notice that on Monday next he would ask leave to move to take up the bill to provide for the annexation of Texas the United States.
House of Representatives
[See above: Thursday, January 9, 1845 MG45i45p1c3, House of Representatives]
Thursday, Jan’y. 2, 1845. SENATE.
Mr. Bates presented a remonstrance from Mendon, Massachusetts, against the Annexation of Texas.
Mr. Archer presented a petition from citizens of Vicksburg, Mississippi,
asking a reform in the Naturalization Laws.
[AMB]
Thursday, January 30, 1845 MG45i47p2c3 345 words
Letter to the Editor--Alex. Gaz.
The New York Evening Post, the organ of Van Burenism at the North, and the ablest Loco Foco paper in that quarter, is not at all disposed, to knuckle under, on the Texas question, or to suffer Gen. Jackson to force Annexation down the throats of the faithful. “Phey keep pestering Gen. Jackson,” says the Post, “still on the Texas question, and, with the flame of life yet flickering in its socket, the brave and honest old man writes letters in favor of the annexation scheme. ” And the Post goes on to say, “We yield to no man in admiration of the character of General Jackson, but we used to tell him in the palmist days of his popularity that he had his infirmities and committed his mistakes; and one of the saddest of his infirmities is the hurry he is in to add Texas to our Confederacy. We can easily imagine how Gen. Jackson is besieged--intrusion and importunity are too much the habit of our dear countrymen--besieged in the chamber to which ill health and the debility of old age have confined him; and we suggest to their sense of humanity that he has been worried enough about this affair, and should be allowed to pass his last moments in peace. ” And in this strain this “Democratic” organ goes on to deprecate Gen. Jackson’s interference, and to adduce reasons for refusing to comply with his commands, as well as to ridicule the urgent call of “now or never” which is used to hasten the much desired measure. The Post discreetly advises the Members of Congress to take time to pass the appropriation bills and go quickly home on the 4th of March, and allow the whole interval between March and December to pass over without the least apprehension that Texas will run away. If it be so important, as many pretend, for the welfare and prosperity of the two countries, that they should be under the same Federal Government, a little delay will not alter their interests or their inclinations. - Alx. Gaz.
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Thursday, January 30, 1845 MG45i47p3c2 93 words
Late and Important from Mexico--Santa Anna Defeated and Taken Prisoner
The Baltimore American of yesterday brings an extract from the New Orleans Tropic in relation to the intestine war in Mexico. The substance of the news is, that Santa Anna, after losing more than two thousand of his army by desertion, was met on the plains of Affan by Generals Bravo and Parades, with three thousand men under their command, and after a desperate battle the army of Santa Anna was totally routed, and himself captured while trying to make his escape. Five hundred men were reported to be killed in the battle.
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Thursday, January 30, 1845 MG45i47p3c1 512 words
Annexation of Texas
The joint resolutions for the annexation of Texas, according to a population submitted by Milton Brown, of Tenn, have passed the House of Representatives by a vote of 120 to 98. Their fate in the Senate is doubtful, and if they should succeed there, it is yet doubtful whether Texas would accede to the proposed terms.
We subjoin a copy of the resolutions, that our readers may see their provisions:
Joint Resolution
[Note: the full text of House Resolution No. 46 is available online via the The Library of Congress, American Memory, Law Making Home, Bills and Resolutions at http://memory.loc.gov/ammem/amlaw/lwhbsb.html. To view the resolution click on "Browse House Bills and Resolutions" then 29th Congress, Page Turner, and enter 46 in the search box. ]
Declaring the terms on which Congress will admit Texas into the Union as a State:
Resolved, &c. That Congress doth consent that the territory properly included within and rightfully belonging to the republic of Texas, may be erected into a new State, to be called the State of Texas, with a republican form of government to be adopted by the people of said republic by deputies in convention assembled, with the consent of the existing government, in order that the same may be admitted as one of the States of this Union.
Sec. 2. and be it further resolved, that the foregoing consent of Congress is given upon the following conditions, and with the following guarantees to wit:
First. Said State to be formed, subject to the adjustment by this government of all questions of boundary that may arise with other Governments; and the constitution thereof, with the proper evidence of its adoption by the people of the said Republic of Texas, shall be transmitted to the President of the United States, to be laid before Congress for its final action, on or before the first day of January, 1840.
Second. Said State, when admitted into the Union, after ceding to the United States all mines, salt lakes and springs, and also all public edifiers, fortifications, barracks, ports and harbours, navy and navy-yards, docks, magazines, arms, armaments, and all other property and means pertaining to the public defense belonging to said republic of Texas, shall retain all the public funds, debts, taxes, and dues of every kind which may belong to, or be due and owing said republic; and shall also retain all the vacant and unappropriated lands lying within its limits, to be applied to the payment of the debts and liabilities, to be disposed of as said State may direct; but in no event are said debts and liabilities to become a charge upon the Government of the United States.
Third. New States, of convenient size, and having sufficient population, may hereafter, by the consent of said State, be formed out of the territory thereof, which shall be entitled to admission under the provisions of the federal constitution. --And such States as may be formed out of that portion of said territory lying south of thirty-six degrees thirty minutes north latitude, commonly known as the Missouri compromise line, shall be admitted into the union, with or without slavery, as the people of each state asking admission may desire.
And in such State or States, as shall be formed out of said territory, north of said Missouri Compromise Line, Slavery or involuntary servitude, except for crime, shall be prohibited.
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Thursday, January 30, 1845 MG45i47p3c1 847 words
Legislative Correspondence, Richmond, January 27, 1845, To the Editor of the Gazette:
The proceedings, in relation to the Senatorial Election you will find annexed. The brief narrative is this: On the 16th, a Resolution was adopted in the House designating Wednesday the 22nd for the Election. At that time there were absent or sick several members of the Whig Party, some of whom, it was expected, would be in their seats at the appointed time. Hence it was supposed that, on that day, the House would be as full as could reasonably be anticipated during the remainder of the Session. Some of the other Party were also absent, who, it was presumed, would return by the 22nd.
The Senate declined to act upon the Joint Resolution until the morning of Wednesday the 22nd, when, having met at the unusual hour of 10, it was adopted.
It is well understood, here, and the fact of the delay, on the part of the Senate, justifice the conclusion, that the Resolution was agreed to because the Loco-Foco Party found itself, on the 22nd, in an accidental majority, on joint ballot.
Two Whig Members were sick--Mr. Campbell of the Senate, who has since died, and Mr. Rob bins of the House--and another, Mr. Helm, was absent, in consequence of severe illness in his family. On the other hand, but one Member of the opposite Party, Mr. Street, was absent.
In this condition of things, the House refused to proceed to an election, which would not have resulted in the selection of a man, who was the choice of the majority of the Legislature.
An attempt will, doubtless, be made to turn the action of the House to some account in favor of our opponents, if the Senate shall, hereafter, refuse to proceed to the Election. Indeed, already, capital has been sought to be made of it.
The position of the Whigs of the Legislature is this--They desire as full a vote, as possible, of both Parties. When the Election shall take place, provided it be at this Session and the object of a fair vote be accomplished, is a subordinate question. If either Party, however, shall not be ready during the Session, whether Whig or Loco-Foco, and whether a Whig or a Loco-Foco Senator shall be elected, the Whig Party of the Legislature of Virginia will insist upon the discharge of the high Constitutional obligation, that binds them and their opponents to elect a Senator before the Body shall adjourn.
A Wilt of Election, I presume, will issue to supply the place of Senator Campbell, dec’d.
The terms of the arrangement for the purchase, by the B. & O.R.R. Company, of the Winchester Road, are as follows: the debts of the Company, assumed not to exceed &81,000, exclusive of that due to the State, to be provided for--an amount of 16,000 to be paid [ . . . ], Company secured ($11,140 of that amount) by mortgage upon the Road and the other property included in the mortgage at present held by the State--the amount of interest on the floating debt above of $81,000 (about $4,861) to be deducted from the said annuity leaving $11,140--a sum equal to an annual interest of 2½ per cent on the stock held by the State and individuals and on the principal and interest of the loan of the State to the Company--The Baltimore Company to have authority to change the location of the Road, o as to leave the present line at a point about half a mile west of Halltown and intersect the Baltimore Road, at or near Cabin Run, or in some other manner at their option, so as not to increase the distance between Harper’s Ferry and Winchester by the present line. The arrangement not to be binding, until sanctioned by Virginia and Maryland, and upon the State of Virginia granting the Baltimore Company the Right of Way to a point on the Ohio River not lower than the mouth of the Little Kanawha, according to the original charter in 1827.
The Committee of Finance recommend a reduction of Taxes--20 per cent on the lands, lots, slaves and horses--50 per cent on clocks--five dollars on the lowest grade of merchants, &c. The subject is undergoing discussion, now, in the House. They estimate the probable balance in the Treasury, on the first of October, 1846, if no reduction should be made in the taxes now, at $203,447 84. It is insisted by many, that the taxes should not be reduced, but that the taxes should be thrown into the sinking fund, under provisions of the Act of March 1835, for the purpose of gradually extinguishing the public debt. The following is a summary of the public debt--
Aggregate $7,360,932.24 Of which there is stock under the Control of the Legislature, (a nominal debt) $1,392,884.88 _____________ Actual outstanding debt, $5968,047.36 Liabilities, $1,400,000.00 _____________ Total debt and liabilities, $7,368,047.36 Funds and resources of every character, $11,288,953.65 Of which the funds, productive,
but not, at once, available to an
amount sufficient to pay the actual
outstanding debt, are not down at$6,301,415.03
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February
MG45v45n49p2c1 February 6, 1845: Canada and Texas
A light breeze sprung up in the Senate yesterday upon the presentation, by one of the Senators from Michigan, of a petition for the annexation of the Canadas to the United States. The debate was of sufficient interest to be fully reported; and, not having room for it to-day, we shall aim at its publication in our next. – Nat. Int. February 4. [LA]
MG45v45n49p2c1 February 6, 1845: Oregon
The bill, which occupied several days of the sittings of the House of Representatives last week, for the establishment of a Territorial Government in Oregon, yesterday pass the House of Representatives by a large majority; after being amended, however, so as to require due notice to be given to Great Britain of the termination of the joint occupation, and the bill should not take effect until the expiration of the year after that notice, in any way to conflict with our treaty engagements in reference to this subject. –Nat. Int. Feb. 4. [LA]
MG45v45n49p2c2 February 6, 1845: Summary of Legislative Intelligence, House of Delegates
Texas Resolutions have been amended in the House. While they assert the expediency of immediate annexation, our Senators are expressly, left at liberty to vote against the joint Resolutions now before the Senate, if they shall think that mode of annexation unconstitutional. This was all we could accomplish – there being a decided leaning to Texas in the House. The Whigs voted for the amendment and the Loco Focos against it. [LA]
MG45v45n49p2c2 February 6, 1845: Summary of Legislative Intelligence, Thursday, January 23, 1845, House of Delegates, Texas Annexation
Mr, Bowden moved to take up the resolution from the Senate, for the speedy annexation of Texas. [LA]
MG45v45n49p2c5 February 6, 1845: More Annexation
A petition was yesterday presented in the House of Representatives by Mr. Severance, from a number of respectable citizens of the State of Maine, praying for the “re-annexation” of the province of New Brunswick to the United States. –Nat. Int. February 4. [LA]
MG45v45n50p1c6 February 13, 1845: No title
It is stated that Dr. Anson Jones, the recently elected President of Texas, is a native of Berkshire, Mass. [LA]
MG45v45n50p2c1 February 13, 1845: Texas
A letter from a distinguished source in Washington says: “Texas, I think, is dead for this session. ” –Balt Pat. [LA]
MG45v45n50p2c2-3 February 13, 1845: Summary of Legislative Intelligence, Wednesday, January 29, 1845, House of Delegates. Texas Annexation
The resolution from the Senate for the speedy annexation of Texas came up as the order to the day.
Mr. Broadus, of Caroline, proposed to amend the resolution as follows:
That the annexation of Texas to the U. States ought to be effected at the earliest period that may be practicable consistent with the obligations of the Constitution, the internal peace and tranquility of the country and the faith and honor of the nation.
Mr. Daniel, of R.C. moved the following substitute:
Resolved, By the General Assembly that it is expedient to re-acquire by treaty the country west of the Sabine ceded by the United States to Spain by the treaty of 22d Feb’y 1819, when it can be done upon just and reasonable terms, and consistently with the good faith and honor of the nation.
Mr. Toler offered the following amendment:
Resolved, by the General Assembly of Virginia, That the annexation of Texas to the U. States be effected at the earliest period that may be possible consistent with the permanent welfare Virginia, the obligations of the Constitution, the preservation of the internal peace of the union, and the faith and honor of the country; and that the General Assembly, reposing active confidence in the abilities and patriotism of the Senators of Virginia rely upon them faithfully to discharge all of their obligations to the State and to the Union upon this question.
Mr. Wallace would decline voting on these resolutions, not believing that this Assembly has any business whatever with the subject. We had Federal agents – whose duty is was to act upon this subject; and to them he would leave it.
Mr. Daniel, with the consent of the House, withdrew his proposition, and again offered it as an independent proposition.
Mr. Edmunds of H. spoke at large in favor of annexation and was replied to by Mr. Taylor if N.B.
At the request of Mr. Yerby, Mr. Daniel withdrew his proposition to let the vote be taken on Mr. Toler’s amendment.
Mr. Bowden moved to amend Mr. Toler’s amendment, by adding at the close, the words “all of which, in the opinion of this General Assembly, may be accomplished by the Senate of the U.States passing the resolution which has passed the House of Representatives. ”
Mr. Bowden wished to speak, but he was unwell, and as the hour was late, the House adjourned. [LA]
MG45v45n50p2c3 February 13, 1845: Summary of Legislative Intelligence, Friday, January 31, 1845, House of Delegates. Texas Annexation
The resolution for the annexation of Texas came up as the unfinished business of Wednesday.
Mr. Witcher said that after consultation with various gentlemen, he moved that the resolutions and amendments be referred to a select committee. He believed that a compromise could be agreed upon – which would be satisfactory to all parties.
Mr. Edmunds of H. , hailed this motion with pleasure; and he hoped it would receive a unanimous vote.
Mr. Toler had intended to withdraw his amendment, as some gentlemen had objections to it. He acquiesced in the motion to refer to a Committee.
Further remaks (sic) were made by Messrs. Yerby, Hamilton of P. , Strother, Bowden, Lee, Anderson, Goodson and Witcher, when the motion to refer prevailed.
The Speaker appointed the following select committee: Messrs. Witcher, Edmunds of H. , Anderson, Strother, Harvie, Preston and Toler – and the Committee had leave to sit during the session of the House.
Mr. Goodson moved to add Mr. Bowden. Some farther remarks were made by Messrs. Davis of K. & Q. , and Goodson, when the motion to add Mr. Bowden’s name was agreed to.
MG45v45n51p2c1 February 20, 1845: Congressional Proceedings.
The Texas debate is going on in the Senate with considerable spirit, and some of the first intellects in the Senate of both parties are engaged in it. – Gov. Morehead of Kentucky lead off in opposition to the “Joint Resolution,” passed by the House of Representatives, in a speech of distinguished ability which elicited the encomiums of friends and foes. He opposed the annexation of Texas on constitutional grounds, but declared that he could not consent to annexation upon any terms unless the consent of Mexico was given. He also opposed the annexing of foreign territory to the Union by a bare majority. He thought this step was taken to perpetuate Slavery, which he denied the power in Congress to do. He also urged another objection to the Resolution of the House – that it robbed Texas of all her resources, and left her to hopeless repudiation. The Hon. James Buchanan, of Pennsylvania, followed Mr. Morehead in favor of the “Joint Resolution” of the House. He was in favor of annexing Texas first, and then settling all the difficulties connected with annexation. Texas, he said, had asked in 1837, and in 1844, and now in 1845, to come into the Union. The Bill before the Senate for her admission was, in his view, the very best that could be adopted. He thought the Bill would meet the objection urged against the Tyler Treaty, that it did not have the concurrence of Congress. Mr. B. relied solely upon the power to admit new States, and regarded that as entirely sufficient. He was opposed to Slavery, but supported it because the Constitution tolerated it. – He denounced the Abolitionists in unmeasured terms as the enemies of the Slave and mankind. Annexation was, in his view, beneficial to the Country, to its trade, to its commerce, to a proper watchfulness of England, &c. He complimented Mr. Morehead very highly for his able speech delivered the day before. Our distinguished Senator, the Hon. Wm. C. Rives, followed Mr. Buchanan – he regarded the “Joint Resolution” of the House as in substance a treaty. He could not therefore support the immediate Bill before the Senate – he denied the power in Congress to annex foreign territory to the United States. Mr. Rives was in favor of the annexation of Texas at the proper time, and in the proper way, but he could not consent to violate the Constitution, or to establish a new precedent of incalculable mischief to the country for the purpose of accomplishing the end. He corrected Mr. Walker’s statement, that the Supreme Court had expressed the opinion that Congress could acquire foreign territory. The opinion of the court was “that new States could be admitted into the Union” by Congress after the foreign territory had been acquired by treaty. He warmly protested against the power now assumed by the two Houses of Congress – as violative of the law and Constitution of the Union. We might get Texas (he said) but it would loosen some of the strongest cords of Union that now hold the States together. It was impious to ask Heaven to sanction and bless a Country that had been enlarged by a violation of the laws and Constitution of the land. Heaven might be invoked to bless what was right and just, but never what was wrong. If Congress could annex Texas to the Union, it could strike Texas from the Union, and already there were cries of a repeal of the Union if the act should be attempted. He warned the Slave-holding States to be careful how they admitted the right of Congress to legislate upon one of their institutions which the bill before the Senate did. The Hon. Mr. Woodbury followed Mr. Rives in an excited and able speech in favour of the bill, going over the grounds pretty much which had been traveled by Mr. Buchanan. So far, the debate has been very able on both sides, and promises to continue in interest. – Mr. Choate of Massachuset5ts has the floor next. [LA]
MG45v45n51p2c2 February 20, 1845 Summary of Legislative Intelligence, Saturday, February 1, 1845, House of Delegates, Texas Annexation
Mr. Witcher, on the part of the Select Committee to whom the resolutions in relation to the annexation of Texas were referred, reported that the Committee had been unable to come to any agreement, and asked that they be discharged from the further consideration of the subject, which was agreed to.
Mr. Edmunds of H. , moved to take up and consider the resolutions in relation to the annexation of Texas.
The Senate’s resolution reads:
Resolved, by the General Assembly of Virginia, That the annexation of Texas to the United States should be effected with no further delay than may be necessary for the accomplishment of that object, by the constituted authorities of the two countries.
Mr. Bowers understood that Mr. Witcher intended to move an amendment, and he wished to await it, before he offered his.
Mr. Witcher said that his offering an amendment would depend on circumstances. At present he should not.
Mr. Preston hoped the Whigs would make no amendments to the Senate’s resolutions. They could consistently support that resolution. It referred them to the “constituted authorities of the two countries. ”
Mr. Goodson manifested some oppugnation to the Senate’s resolution, without declaring his opposition.
Mr. Witcher re-urged the recommendations of Mr. Preston: - that the Whigs should offer no amendments to the Senate’s resolution. Let the Whigs stand still – if the other side make any charge, we would be prepared to meet it.
Mr. Stovall thought it must be manifest that the Senate’s resolution ought to be modified. Since its passage, the joint resolution had passed the House of Representatives, and it was proper to express our opinions on that.
Mr. Edmunds of H. , believed that he could acquiesce in the Senate’s resolution; and leave our Senators to put the proper construction upon it. (“Agreed,” by Mr. Witcher. )
Mr. Lanier gave his views against the constitutionality of annexation by joint resolution of the two Houses of Congress.
Mr. Cootes called for the ayes and noes.
Mr. Jackson said as he could not vote (being tied off) he hoped the vote would now be taken, and he called the previous question. He would have voted with great pleasure in the negative. The 1st resolution was adopted as follows: - Ayes 89, Noes 32.
The 2d resolution of the Senate, requiring the 1st resolution to be communicated to our Senators, &c. then came up.
Mr. Gordon moved a substitute for the 2d resolution of the Senate, as follows:
That the admission of Texas on the conditions and guarantee set forth in the joint resolution passed by the House of Representatives on the 25th Jan’y ’45, and sent to the Senate for its concurrence, in the opinion of the General Assembly are [is] just and proper, and will be approved by the people.
Mr. Taylor of N. B. called for the reading of the joint resolution passed by the House of Representatives.
Mr. Witcher knew that the gentlemen on the other side were not content with their own proposition, and this further amendment did not surprise him. M. W. said that the proposition, endorsing the resolution of the House of Representatives, raised a novel question in this State. Its object is to act upon our Senators – to require them to perjure themselves or surrender their seats. Mr. W. wished to know of his political friends, if they were prepared for this – if those who sent them here expected them to take any such ground. He believed that a majority of the people of Virginia were in favor of annexation; but they wished it to be effected without any violation of the Constitution – such as would be accomplished by this mode of action. Mr. Witcher declared that for himself he was opposed to the acquisition of Texas, on account of the mode by which it was proposed, and the motives through which it had been urged. Some of his objections have been modified recently in some degree by the compromise of the slavery question, in the joint resolution of the House of Representatives. But still he was not prepared for it; he apprehended great danger and disquiet to the confederacy form it. Mr. W. again adverted to the motive of this movement: It was a hit at our Senators, and he appealed to the Whigs to know, whether they would aid their adversaries in such an object. But even if this amendment were carried by a small majority here, would it receive and ought it to receive any respect at Washington? He thought it ought not. The proposition involved in the joint resolution was novel to the people – it had never been discussed before them, and they had made up no opinion on it – and a small vote here undertaking to give the popular voice would be entitled to no weight. Mr. W. concluded by offering a substitute for Mr. Gordon’s which left out of view the constitutional question – leaving that to our Senators.
Resolved, by the General Assembly of Virginia, That it is their deliberate opinion that a large majority of the people of Virginia desire the Immediate Annexation of Texas to the U. States by any lawful and constitutional mode. And that the conditions and guarantees set forth in the joint resolution passed by the House of Representatives, and sent to the Senate of the U.S. for its concurrence, in the opinion of this General Assembly, are just and proper and will be approved by the people. This General Assembly however forbearing to express any opinion as to the constitutionality of Annexation by the mode of a joint resolution of the two houses of Congress.
Messrs. Gordon and Bowden opposed, and Messrs. Cocke, Broadus, of Car. , and Taylor, of N. B. , supported Mr. Witcher’s substitute.
Mr. Marshall, of F. , moved the indefinite postponement of the whole. He was impelled by a high sense of duty to make this motion. This was a great National question, the decision of which properly belonged to our National representatives. For this reason, he would dismiss the subject. For another reason he was in favor of it. The session was very far advanced, and it was high time that the business of the State was attended to. – Mr. Marshall called the ayes and noes.
Mr. Gordon spoke farther in support of his amendment.
Mr. Lanier replied – and when he concluded the vote was taken upon the adoption of Mr. Witcher’s subsititute; wich resulted, ayes 59, noes 58. [LA]
MG45v45n51p3c1 February 20, 1845 Mexico. Confirmation of the Capture of Santa Anna
The schr. Water Witch, which sailed from Tampico on the 26th ult. , arrived last evening with papers up to the 22d ult. , from Vera Cruz. The Minister of Exterior Relations announced to Congress on the 17th January, the capture of Santa Anna.
(Official Note. )
Head Quarters of Constitutional Militia.
At Jico, half past 9 o’clock
His Excellency Don Antonio Lopez de Santa Anna has just been brought in by four of our men, and is now in our power. I am in too much haste to write the particulars before tomorrow.
Pedro Llera
To His Excellency the Minister of Exterior Relations.
Jalapa, 16th January
The Minister further informs the Government that Santa Anna would be conducted to the fortress of Perote to await the decision of the Government.
It appears that Santa Anna committed the most outrageous barbarities on the inhabitants of Puebla, killing, pillaging and burning until he was met by the Constitutional army, which had defeated him. His army, before he committed depredations amounting to 12,000 men, being disgusted at his conduct, abandoned their ranks and joined the Constitutional troops.
The conflict, however, was not without blookshed, and several hundred were reported as killed on both sides.
When Santa Anna was taken he had scarcely a friend to accompany him.
Gen. Ampudia, governor of Tobasco, was superseded by Martinez and ordered to Vera Cruz. He exhonerates himself of having done any thing illegal or of resisting the popular will, and throws all the blame on Santa Anna’s orders.
Government had ordered all the properties of Santa to be seized and confiscated.
The general belief was that Santa Anna would be condemned by the Government and executed.
Public tranquility was re-established throughout Mexico, and public festivals had been ordered throughout the Republic to celebrate the glorious event of the downfall of the tyrant Santa Anna.
Government has issued orders for the disbandonment of the army, and invites the absent to return and resume their occupations.
A passenger who came in the Water Witch reports that Santa Anna left Perote, under a strong escort for the City of Mexico, on the 20th ult. – Balt. Amer. [LA]
MG45v45n52p2c2 February 27, 1845: Congressional Proceedings. Texas debate
The Texas debate at our last dates was still progressing with great spirit. The most able Senators on both sides have participated in the debate and the Senate Chamber has been daily crowded to overflowing by attentive and excited listeners. We understand the vote was to have been taken yesterday (Wednesday) on the “Joint Resolution” of the House of Representatives, and the result considered exceedingly doubtful. The friends of Annexation seem to be sanguine of success as they are now certain of the vote of three Whig Senators – Henderson of Mississippi, Merrick of Maryland, and Johnson of Louisiana. The Richmond Enquirer, and other leading Texas Journals, are bespattering Mr. Merrick with as much praise for his “able and eloquent speech”(!) as they are belaboring Mr. Rives for his “weak and wishawashy argument” against annexation. It is a great crime in the eyes of the friends of annexation, for Mr. Rives to speak and vote against the measure, because Virginia has declared in favor of it – but a virtue in Mr. Merrick to speak and vote in favor of it, when Maryland has declared against it in equally as emphatic a manner. We yet hope the law and Constitution of our blessed Union will find safety in that august body of wisdom and statesmanship, and that the “Joint Resolution” of the House will be defeated. [LA]
MG45v45n52p2c5 February 27, 1845: Response of the People
In the Texas debate in the Assembly a few days ago, Gen. Fonda, of Montgomery county, avowed himself in favor of “immediate annexation,” and expressed an entire confidence that his constituents agreed with him in this opinion. On Monday last the town elections in Montgomery county were held, and for the first time, in we know not how many years, the Whigs have obtained a majority in the Board of Supervisors, carrying seven towns out of ten! The People will speak out on this question, even thought the Legislature should continue to be dumb. –Albany Evening Journal. [LA]
MarchThursday, March 6, 1845 MG45i1p2c4 462 words
THE ANNEXATION OF TEXAS TO THE UNITED STATES
The long agony is over, and the Texas Party in Congress have triumphed over the Law and Constitution of the Union. This triumph was announced and, welcomed by the firing of one hundred guns from Capitol Hill. The spirit of Progressive Democracy now aims at universal empire, and the Anglo Saxon is proclaimed by them Emperor of the world. Where is this lust after territory now to cease?--the “area of freedom” will soon begin to ask for more elbow-room, and then Canada, Mexico, Cuba and California must be ours. The same power which annexed Texas has the right to take possession of all the others. That cursed spirit of idleness which is so prevalent now-a-days, and which refuses to sustain its lazy body by honest industry, is constantly in hot pursuit of office, and the legions are annually increasing, and hence the patriotic desire (!) to “extend the area of freedom,” that a wider range may be made for the establishment of new offices, and more incumbents.
That mighty and fearful arm which threatens to destroy the liberties of the people of this republic is daily becoming more strong--the Executive power of the Government now adays with almost unlimited power--the independence of the Legislature is surrendered into its hands, and the powers of our National Judiciary prostrated at its feet. Where is that spirit of State’s Rights Republicanism which resisted the attempted encroachments of Jackson? Ah! what a shaking there ought to be among the “marrowless shin bones” of the chivalry of the South,--those peculiar baters of consolidation and advocates of a strict construction of the Constitution. The principles of ’98--we wonder who is to preach the funeral sermon over them--the Virginia Democracy certainly ought to be the chief mourners, and the land jobbers and Texas scrip holders the grave diggers and pall bearers.
We think Texas will not refuse to accept the proffered Annexation, and after the arrangements are all concluded the President of the United States will order and command Congress to confirm the negotiations by a “Joint Resolution. ” Will the people submit quietly to this open violation of their Constitution?--we doubt it. Will the Texans accept annexation upon such terms, when the same power which annexed her to the Union by a bare majority of two votes, may strike her again from the Union at their pleasure?--she ought not. But that our readers may see the “joint Resolution” of Congress and the addition of Mr. Benton’s Bill as an amendment, we annex them below. We shall take occasion to refer again to this subject. The vote in the Senate stood Ayes 27 Noes 25: in the House of Representatives, Ayes 132, Noes 76. [MLD]
Thursday, March 6, 1845 MG45i1p2c4 662 words
JOINT RESOLUTION FOR ANNEXING TEXAS TO THE U. STATES
“Resolved by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States in Congress assembled, That Congress doth consent the territory properly included within, and rightfully belonging to the Republic of Texas, may be erected into a new State, to be called the State of Texas, with a republican form of government, to be adopted by the people of said republic, by deputies in convention assembled, with the consent of the existing government, in order that the same may be admitted as one of the States of this Union.
Sec. 2. And be it further resolved, That the foregoing consent of Congress is given upon the following conditions, and with the following guarantees, to wit:
First, Said State to be formed, subject to the adjustment by this government of all questions of boundary that may arise with other governments; and the constitution thereof, with the proper evidence of its adoption by the people of said Republic of Texas, shall be transmitted to the President of the United States, to be laid before Congress for its final action, on or before the first day of January, one thousand eight hundred and forty-six.
Second, Said State, when admitted into the Union, after ceding to the United States, all public edifices, fortifications, barracks, ports and harbors, navy and navy-yards, docks, magazines, arms, armaments, and all other property and means pertaining to the public defense belonging to the said Republic of Texas, shall retain all the public funds, debts, taxes, and dues of every kind, which may belong to or be due and owning to said Republic of Texas; and shall also retain all the vacant and unappropriated lands lying within its limits, to be applied to the payment of the debts and liabilities of said Republic of Texas, and the residue of said lands, after discharging said debts and liabilities, to be disposed of as State may direct; but in no event are said debts and liabilities to become a charge upon the Government of the United States.
Third, New States, of convenient size, not exceeding four in number, in addition to said State of Texas, and having sufficient population, may hereafter, by the consent of the said State, be formed out of the territory thereof, which shall be entitled to admission under the provisions of the federal constitution. And as such States as may be formed out of that portion of said territory lying south of thirty-six degrees thirty minutes north latitude, commonly known as the Missouri compromise line, shall be admitted to the Union with or without slavery, as the people of each State asking permission may desire. ”
In the Senate, on Thursday night, Mr. Walker moved to amend the joint resolution by adding thereto the following:
And be it further resolved, That if the President of the United States shall in his judgment and discretion deem it most advisable, instead of proceeding to submit the foregoing resolution of the Republic of Texas, as an overture on the part of the United States for admission, to negotiate with the Republic; then,
“Be it Resolved, That a State, to be formed out of the present Republic of Texas, with suitable extant and boundaries, and with two representatives in Congress, until the next appointment of representation, shall be admitted into the Union, by virtue of this act, on an equal footing with the existing States as soon as the terms and conditions of such admission, and the cession of the remaining Texan territory to the United States be agreed upon by the Governments of Texas and the United States.
“Sec. 2. And be it further enacted, That the sum of one hundred thousand dollars be, and the same is hereby, appropriated to defray the expenses of missions and negotiations, to agree upon the terms of said admission and cession, either by treaty to be submitted to the Senate, or by articles to be submitted to the two houses of Congress, as the President may direct. ” [MLD]
Thursday, March 13, 1845 MG45i2p2c4 319 words
THE MEANING
We clip the following extract from the editorial comments of the last Richmond Enquirer on the Inaugural Address of President Polk. The Richmond Junto,” that is the “Old Hunker” division of them, are surely graveled at the defeat of Mr. Ritchie’s pet, Mr. Andrew Stephenson, for the Premiership, and if possible they will pick a quarrel with Mr. Polk about it, is some shape or other. --Mr. Ritchie says:--
“There is one other subject of peculiar importance, which the president touches in his excellent Address. He is right in supposing, that one great difficulty in the practical Administration of the Government would arise in the adjustment of the Tariff. It will indeed constitute the great battle ground between the two parties of the country.
The Address lays down very clearly the general principles which may be expected to regulate his course on this important question. But there is one part of it, upon which we are altogether prepared to express at this moment a decided opinion. It is that in which he speaks of the discrimination which he may desire to be made within the range of the Revenue principle.
If the president means that, to the whole amount of the revenue to be raised, a discrimination may be made with an eye to the protection of home industry, then we might be compelled to dissent from the proposition. If on the contrary, he only means that the interests of the country and its industry indiscriminately are to derive all the incidental protection, which the required amount of duties would afford upon the principles of the Compromise Act, discriminating with an eye to revenue, then we concur with the Inaugural Address, and think that it will be backed by the great body of the President’s warm Southern friends. Our opinions on this subject have been too often and too strongly disclosed, to render it necessary to repeat them here. ” [MLD]
Thursday, March 20, 1845 MG45i3p2c7 72 words
FROM MEXICO
Mexican papers to the 12th February state that SANTA ANNA was to be tried on the 24th of that month by the Congress, sitting as a jury; and if he did not prefer to be present before the jury, but sent a written defense, the trial was to take place sooner. He was still in prison at Perote, and appeared to have full liberty to communicate by letter with whomsoever he pleased. [MLD]
Thursday, March 27, 1845 MG45i4p1c4 1082 words
A SKETCH OF SANTA ANA
HIS FORTUNES WITHIN A FEW YEARS
The recent revolution in Mexico, together with the overwhelming changes in the fortunes of Santa Ana, have imparted fresh interest to the life of a man, whose career has been so extraordinary; and who but the other day--“the observed of all observers”--with the destinies of a nation in his hands, is now, it may be presumed, little better than a fugitive and an outlaw. The more immediate events in his history, have been full of stirring excitement. His capture by the Texians, his release, his return to Mexico in an American National vessel, his overthrow by Gen. Almonte, his re-election as President, his loss of a leg, in defense of Vera Cruz, his new movements for the re-conquest of Texas, the death of his wife, his speedy marriage to another, the late popular outbreak, his tyrannical conduct towards the Mexican Congress, the fidelity to him of a large body of followers, the pertinacity, of his resistance, his repeated attacks on Puebla, and finally, if the last accounts be true, his negotiation for surrender.
The conduct of his countrymen in relation to his amputated leg, must be pronounced brutal and disgraceful, and will long be remembered as a cowardly manifestation of popular fury. Brantz Mayer, in his interesting work on Mexico, gives an account of the burial of this leg. He arrived at the city gates just after sunrise, as they commenced firing in honor of the day, which was to be celebrated by an entombment of the remains of the shattered limb. The principal streets were covered with an awning; the military were out in their finery; the officers of government mingled in the procession; and the limb of the President, cut off in 1838, afterwards burned at Very Cruz, was disinterred and bought to the capital in 1842, laid in a crystal vase, borne to the cemetery of Santa Paula, where it was deposited in the monument erected to receive it, by the command of the General of the Mexican Army. A solemn eulogium on the President was then pronounced by a distinguished Mexican, and the ceremonies in honor of the precious relic were concluded.
What a contrast have recent events presented! The leg has been torn from its place of repose, and kicked about the streets! A statue of Santa Ana, which had been placed on a beautiful column, has been thrown down and trampled upon.
A writer in the New Orleans Tropic, who was a witness to the Revolution in the city of Mexico, speaks of the Assembly of people in front of the Piazza. --“Shouts of vivas” (he says) from twice ten thousand voices rent the air, clenched and uplifted hands and gesticulations of the most determined character indicated the deep seated enthusiasm of the vast multitude. It was indeed a tremendous spectacle. I witnessed many men so impressed and affected at the sight that the tears were streaming down their faces. --It was a motley scene. The Mexican gentleman, the merchant, the lepero, in his many colored clothing, the officer in his gorgeous regimentals, soldiers, crowds of young men, women, and boys all combined to furnish a spectacle which those who witnessed it and the intense enthusiasm which appeared to burn in every one, I will never forget.
But a few months before, Santa Ana visited the theatre in his splendid state carriage, encompassed by other carriages, and followed by about seventy lancers. --Two rows of grenadiers were stationed the whole length of the entrance to the theatre, making a lane for the General-in-chief to pass. There were hardly any under six feet--fine looking men.
The theatre outside was brilliantly illuminated; splendid transparencies with the inscriptions “patron of this edifice,” “Hero of Tampico,” “Hero of Vera Cruz,” “Siempre Vencedor”--always a Conqueror--these and similar brilliancies formed a dazzling spectacle. But the transparency that towered above the rest, was a full length portrait of Santa Ana crowned with laurel by the genius of Victory, who was seen hovering over his head.
This was recently torn down by the mob, and converted into a kind of broom with which the streets are swept.
Mr. Mayer, in his work already quoted from, describes Santa Ana as about six feet high, well made and of graceful bearing, and stumping along on an old fashioned wooden peg, having rejected as uncomfortable, all the mock legs with patent springs, that had been presented to him. His dress on all public occasions was that of a high officer of the army, and his breast was covered with richly gemmed decorations. “His brow,” (we here quote form Mr. Mayer’s description, written in 1842) “shaded with black hair somewhat sprinkled with gray, is by no means lofty, but narrow and smooth. His head, although rather small, and too long for its breadth has a marked and boldly defined outline, indicating talent and resolution. His nose is straight and well shaped, and brows knit in a line over close and brilliant eyes, which are said to lash with life, when reused to passion. His complexion is dark and sallow and his temperament evidently bilious. His mouth is the most remarkable feature. Its prominent expression, when at rest, is that of mingled pain and anxiety. In perfect repose, you would think him looking on a dying friend, with whose sufferings he was deeply but helplessly sympathizing. There is no vindictiveness, ferocity or ill temper in his expression. ”
In another part of his work Mr. Mayer says:--“As we passed the front of the National Palace, from out of its main portal dashed fifty gaily caparisoned hussars, followed by a coach richly decked with crimsoned velvet and gold, drawn by four white horses, and driven by a Yankee coachman. Behind these dashed fifty more hussars; while at the side of the coach, six aids reined in their spirited charges. There is but one person in the vehicle. His dress is that of a General of Division, with red facings and gold embroideries. He wears a number of decorations around his neck, while a medal blazing with diamonds, voted to him by the nation, rests on his bosom. His sword handle is studded with diamonds, and his hand rests on a diamond headed cane. --He is uncovered, and as he passes bows gracefully to your salutation, you recognize the President of the Republic. ”--Such was Santa Ana only a year or two ago. --Phil. Inq. [MLD]
Thursday, March 27, 1845 MG45i4p1c7
WHIG ADDRESS TO THE PEOPLE OF VIRGINIA
WHIG LEGISLATIVE MEETING
At a meeting of the Whig members of the General Assembly, held on Monday evening, Feb. 17th, 1845, the following resolution was unanimously adopted:
“Resolved, That the resolution adopted by the Democratic Legislative convention, a few days since, in which it is asserted without qualification, that the conduct of the Whig party in the House of Delegates of Virginia, in reference to the annexation of Texas to the Union, was dictated by a COVERT DESTEN TO DEFEAT THE MEASURE,’ considering the relation of its authors to those whom they have thus assailed, is highly indelicate, and the imputation is indignantly repelled as a wanton Calumny. ”
A committee, consisting of Messrs. Robert C. Standard, Wm. Ballard Preston, Richard H. Toler, Allen T. Caperton, E. P. Bitts, and John S. Gallaher, was appointed to prepare a brief statement setting forth the position and action of the Whig party, during the session, on the Texas question, on the Senatorial election, on the election of Councillor, and in relation to the reception of the Land Money--to report to an adjourned meeting to be held on Wednesday evening the 19th instant.
V.W. SOUTHALL, Chm.
R.H.Toler, J.S. Gallaher, Sec.
At an adjourned meeting of the Whig members, held on Wednesday evening, the 19th instant, the Committee appointed to report statement in reference to the action of the Whig party, on the several matters referred to it, made a report, which, being adopted, was ordered to be published, in connection with the foregoing resolution.
STATEMENT OF FACTS
Connected with the action of the General Assembly, during its late Session, on several Questions, addressed to the People of Virginia.
The Whig members of the Legislature of Virginia, on the eve of separating, and of returning to their constituents, deem it due alike to themselves and to those whom they have had the honor to represent to lay before them a brief but circumstantial statement of facts, connected with the action of that body, during its recent session, upon the several topics hereafter adverted to. [MLD]
Thursday, March 27, 1845 MG45i4p1c7 2762 words
THE TEXAS QUESTION
About the middle of January, the following resolution, adopted by a majority of the Senate, was communicated to the House of Delegates.
“Resolved by the General Assembly of Virginia, That the annexation of Texas to the United States should be affected with no further delay than may be necessary for the accomplishment of that object by the constituted authorities of the two countries. ”
This resolution was made the order of the day in the House of Delegates on the 29th of January, when Mr. Toler offered the following as a substituted therefore:
“Resolved by the General Assembly of Virginia, That the annexation of Texas to the United States ought to be affected at the earliest period that may be practicable consistently with the permanent welfare of Virginia, the obligations of the constitution, the preservation of the internal peace of the Union and the faith and honour of the country; and that this General Assembly, reposing entire confidence in the ability and patriotism of the Senators of Virginia, rely upon them faithfully to discharge all their obligations to the State and to the Union upon this question. ”
And M. Bowden submitted the following amendment:
“All of which in the opinion of this General Assembly can be properly accomplished by the Senate of the United States passing the joint resolution which has passed the House of Representatives. ”
The Senate’s resolutions with the pending amendments, were again taken up on the 31st of January, in the House of Delegates; whereupon, a motion was made by Mr. Witcher to refer them to a Select Committee, which was agreed to; and committee was accordingly constituted, consisting of an equal number of both political parties.
In asking for this committee, the avowed object of the moyer and of those who supported the proposition was a compromise, if possible, between the conflicting views of the two parties, and the suggestion, of a resolution which might receive a vote approaching as nearly as possible to unanimity, and which, it was argued, would for that reason carry with it greater moral weight, and exert a more powerful influence upon public sentiment, as well as upon our Senators, upon whom it was designed more directly to operate, than could possibly attach to a resolution adopted, if adopted at all, by a strictly party vote, and by a bare majority--Does a proposition of thin conciliatory character, proceeding from such a motive, wear the semblance of a design, either open or ‘covert,’ to defeat the annexation of Texas to the Union, by a mode deemed to be constitutional, and upon terms regarded as just and proper? But our purpose is to narrate facts rather than to comment upon them, satisfied as we are, that that narration will carry a lucid and irresistible commentary on its face.
The committee assembled forthwith, and discussed the proposition submitted to its consideration, in several successive committee proposed as the basis of action, a resolution, in substance the same as that which was ultimately adopted by the House. To that proposition the only objection urged was that, while approving of the terms and conditions of the joint resolution providing for the admission of Texas into the Union, which had received the sanction of the House of Representatives, pretermitted, us it was intended to do, the constitutionality of that resolution--it being obvious that unless the constitutional question should be thus pretermitted, this avowed purpose for which the committee had been appointed to wit: the procurement of something like unanimity in the action of the Legislature, would be frustrated. But out opponents would be content with nothing less than the adoption of a resolution which would cover this debatable ground, either in express terms or by inevitable inference. The committee, therefore, dissolved, without concurring in say proposition, and reported that act to the House.
The consideration of the Senate’s resolution with the amendments thereto proposed by Messrs. Toler and Bowden, was thereupon resumed; but, before any vote was taken, these gentlemen asked and obtained slave each to withdraw his amendment; and the question then recurred upon the Senate’s resolution as above quoted, which was adopted by the decisive vote of 89 to 31. Of the 89 affirmative votes 34 were Whigs who thus indicated their willingness to place the subject on the precise footing which their political opponents in the Senate had originally desired. In the interval however, between the adoption of the resolution by the Senate and action upon it by the House of Delegates, information had been received from Washington city, which induced the authors of the resolution to take a n advances step. The Joint resolution of Milton Brown, which had been some time pending in the House of Representatives, and which it is well known was NOT the favorite scheme of the “Democratic” party, had passed that House. Hence, Mr. Gordon offered the following resolution, to be appended to that which had received the sanction of both branches of the Legislature.
“Resolved, That the admission of Texas on the condition and guarantees set forth in the joint resolution passed by the House of Representatives on the 25th day of January 1845, and sent to the senate for its concurrence, in the opinion of General Assembly, is just and proper and will be approved by the people. ”
And Mr. Witcher proposed the following:
“Resolved by the General Assembly of Virginia. That it is their deliberate opinion that a large majority of the people of Virginia desire the immediate annexation of Texas to the United States by any lawful and constitutional mode. And that the conditions and guarantees set forth in the joint resolution passed by the House of Representatives and sent to the Senate of the United States for its concurrence, in the opinion of this General Assembly are just and proper, and will be approved by the people. This General Assembly, however, forbearing to express any opinion as to the constitutionality of annexation by the mode of a joint resolution of the two houses of Congress.
The substitute was adopted by the House, by a vote of 66 to 61--the Whigs with two exceptions, voting for it--their opponents voting unanimously against it. Why was this resolution unpalatable to our opponents? It is manifest that their hostility to it grew exclusively out of the fact that the question of constitutional power was expressly waived by it. This was the point of difference, as will be seen, from the first to the last; and an unyielding adherence by our opponents to their own peculiar views on this point, closed effectually the door to compromise and unanimity of action.
At this stage of the proceeding, Mr. Edmunds, of Halifax, proposed the following additional resolution:
“Resolved, That our senators be instructed to vote for the joint resolution which passed the House of Representatives on the 25th day of January, 1845, and was sent to the Senate for its concurrence, providing for the admission of Texas as a State into this Union. ”
The resolution involving the same principle with that just rejected, though more objectionable in its terms, was rejected by nearly a party vote--ayes 60, noes 66. --And the resolutions, as amended by the House, were then returned to the Senate for the section of that body.
On the 3rd of February, the Senate amended the second resolution of the House in two important features--first by striking there from the latter clause, in the following words, to wit. “The General Assembly, however, forbearing to express any opinion as to the constitutionality of annexation by the mode of a joint resolution of the two Houses of Congress”--and secondly by striking out the words, “And that the ‘conditions’ and ‘guarantees’ set forth in the joint resolution passed by the House of Representatives, and sent to the Senate of the United States for its concurrence, in the opinion of the General Assembly, are just and proper, and will be approved by the people,”--and inserting, in lieu thereof, the following:
“And hat the joint Resolution passed by the House of Representatives, on the 25th day of January, 1845, and seat to the Senate of the United States for its concurrence, providing for the admission of Texas as one of the States of this Union, is a lawful and constitutional mode of annexation;--and that the conditions and guarantees set forth therein, in the opinion of this General Assembly are just and proper, and will be approved by the people. ”
Thus amended the resolutions were returned to the House of Delegates. --That body, however, refused to concur in the Senate’s amendments. The Senate “insisted,” and then the House “adhered. ” In this stage of proceedings, a Committee of free conference was asked by the Senate, and the request was promptly responded to by the House, with a sincere desire on the part of the majority of the latter body, but with only a faint hope, in view of what had already transpired, that it might resolute in the harmonies cooperation of the two bodies in a proposition, which might command nearly. If not quite an unanimous vote in both. --The Committee met in conference; but it was very soon apparent that no agreement could be effected. The Senate Committee met in conference; but it was very soon apparent that no agreement could be effected. The Senate Committee mad the following proposition as the ground of compromise:
“The committee of conference on the part of the Senate propose to the committee of conference on the part of the House of Delegates, that the Senate will recede from the amendment to the amendment of the House, which is the following words and figures, namely:--Strike out form the word ‘mode’ in the sixth lieu, to the word ‘people’ inclusive, in the 13th line of the amendment of the House of Delegates; and insert--and that the Joint Resolution passed by the House of Representatives on the 25th day of January, 1845, and sent to the Senate of the United States for its concurrence, providing for the admission of Texas as one of the States of this Union, is a lawful and constitutional mode of annexation, and that the conditions and guarantees set forth therein, in the opinion of this General Assembly, are just and proper and will be approved by the people. ’--and that the House of Delegates shall recede from its adherence to its disagreement to the second amendment of the Senate to the amendment of the House of Delegates, the following words--‘This General Assembly, however, forbearing to express any opinion as to the constitutionality of annexation by the mode of a Joint Resolution of the two Houses of Congress. ”--And that the amendment of the House of Delegates, by striking out the last member of said amendment as last above recited, shall then be adopted by the senate and House of Delegates.
Had this proposition been assented to, the second resolution would have been left in the shape in which it originally passed the House of Delegates, except that the latter clause of that resolution would have been omitted. And, as that clause was inserted in the resolution, only “out of abundant caution,” and for the express purpose of “excluding the conclusion,” which the Whig members of the Legislature would not even by remote inference that so expression of opinion as to the CONSTITUTIONALITY of the Joint Resolution was thereby intended, the House committee had no objection to he proposition of the Senate committee, provided that that essential fact should be expressly stated in the report of the proceedings of the committees to their respective Houses. They therefore responded to the Senate’s committee as follows:
“The Committee of conference on the part of the House of Delegates, agree to the proposition of the committee on the part of the Senate, with this distinct understanding; that although the words ‘This General Assembly, however, forbearing to express any opinion as to the constitutionality of annexation by the mode of a Joint Resolution of the two Houses of Congress,’ be stricken out, the General Assembly do, nevertheless, forbear either to affirm or to disaffirm the constitutionality of the admission of Texas into the Union in the mode proposed in the Joint Resolution which passed the House of Representatives on the 25th of January last, and that the amendment of the House of Delegates to the Senate’s Resolution, which, by the proposition of the Senate’s committee of conference, is proposed to be adopted, does not in terms, and is not intended to affirm or disaffirm the constitutionality of annexation by the mode of Joint Resolution which assed the House of Representatives on the 25th day of January last. And that this paper shall be communicated to the Senate and House of Delegates as the basis of the report and recommendation which they propose for the adoption of the two Houses. ”
The committee of the senate declined acceding to the terms of this explanatory report; and each House adhering to its own resolutions, they fell by that disagreement.
Upon this plain and unvarnished statement of facts, showing the origin, progress, and termination of this subject before the two Houses, the Whig members of the Legislature are satisfied to go before the People of Virginia. It demonstrates, in the first place, their willingness to express the opinion that a majority of the People of Virginia are in favor of the annexation of Texas in a legal and constitutional manner, and their probation of the “conditions” and “guarantees” of the Joint Resolution which passed the House of Representatives; while, on the other hand, they insisted that the question of constitutionality, involved in that resolution, should, be pretermitted--because in that shape alone could any resolution command the vote of a large majority of both branches of the Legislature. This concession our opponents refused to make, even to secure that unanimity, which they professed so much to desire--preferring, rather, the defeat of all the resolutions, INCLUDING EVEN THAT WHICH THEY AHD THEMSELVE ADOPTED< AND WITH WHICH THEY OUGHT, OF COURSE, TO HAVE BEEN WELL SATIFIED, and which by the co-operation of more than half of the Whigs of the House of Delegate, had received the sanction of a large majority in both branches of the Legislature. It is for the People to decide, upon this statement of facts, whether the annexation of Texas, or the desire to make PARTY CAPITAL out of that measure was the leading motive by which our opponents were influenced.
The point of difference between the majorities in the two Houses, we repeat was this: SHALL THE QUESITON OF CONSITUTIONALITY BE PRETERMITTED IN THE RESOLUTIONS ADOPTED? IF the Senate’s committee, by proposing to receive form a portion of their proposed amendment to the resolution of the House, intended so to waive an expression of opinion upon the constitutional question,--neither affirming nor denying the power of Congress to annex a foreign territory to the Union by a joint resolution, which as understood by the Whigs, did pretermit the constitutional question, while, according to their constitution, that resolution affirmed, by fair and legitimate construction, the constitutionality of the joint resolution of the House of Representatives, it would have been, in our estimation, a piece of solemn trifling--nay, worse, of deliberate deception--to accept, under THE PRETEXT OF A COMPROMISE, a proposition which according to their own showing, was of equivocal import, and which, upon their understanding of this meaning, CONCEDED NOTHING. The Whig members of the Legislature would have well merited the rebuke of their constituents, had they yielded their assent to a resolution which was confessedly of doubtful construction, and which would have subjected them to the reproach of consenting to do by indirection, what they refused to do openly and in the light of day. They insisted that the action of the Legislature, on this important question, whatever that action might be, should be clear and explicit, and not left open to different and opposite interpretations. The public judgment, they do not doubt, will sustain them in this course; for they cannot so far discredit the intelligence of the people of Virginia, or question their love of frank and fair dealing,