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No. 13 |
Winter 2009 |
"At the Crossroads of Children's Studies
and American Studies:
Intersections, Possibilities, Challenges"
American Studies Association Roundtable
In October, 2008, the American Studies
Association Annual Meeting in Albuquerque, New Mexico featured a roundtable
entitled, "At the Crossroads of Children's Studies and American Studies:
Intersections, Possibilities, Challenges." Five of the panel's six
presented papers are reprinted in the Newsletter.
Roundtable Introduction……Carol Singley, Rutgers University-Camden
Adoption at the Crossroads……Carol Singley
Childhood Studies at the Crossroads: Childhood and Early American
Studies
Anna Mae Duane, University
of Connecticut
Social History and the History of Childhood……Paula S. Fass,
University of
California, Berkeley
Childhood Studies and Feminist Critical Race Studies……Lucia
Hodgson,
University of Southern
California
Scraps, Schoolbooks, and Homemade Books: Childhood Studies in the
Archives
Karen Sánchez-Eppler, Amherst College
Carol Singley
It is now clear that Childhood Studies is no
intellectual fashion trend, but rather a significant, burgeoning,
interdisciplinary field. Like American Studies, it invites diverse
methodologies and engages theoretical as well practical questions, with potential
to shape not only perception but policy, with far-reaching implications for the
child, the family, and the nation. In fall 2007, my institution, Rutgers
University-Camden, formed the nation's first Ph.D. program in Childhood
Studies. Students are eagerly enrolling, and faculty from diverse disciplines
are experiencing invigorated teaching and research, leading some to speculate
that Childhood Studies may well be to the twenty-first century what Women's
Studies was to the twentieth century—that is, a transformative and
central rather than supplementary line of inquiry.
That being the case, what is the relationship
between Childhood Studies and American Studies? Both fields are
interdisciplinary, offering diverse objects of study and various, sometimes controversial,
methodologies. Both fields are concerned with a particular kind of identity and
with the complexities associated with that identity. For example, some of us
are Americans, but all of us were once children. This issue of identity raises
central questions, including essentialist ones, about the definitions of
childhood and its uses, just as the question about what constitutes a man,
woman, or American generates a distinctive kind discourse. We may inquire of
the nation as we do of the child: How are both defined in terms of
chronological or developmental age; in terms of spatial location; in terms of
psychological makeup, mythic pattern, or social position; or in terms of
political rights and privileges that constitute citizenship? To address these
and other topics, panelists were guided by the following questions:
Carol Singley
In my recent work at the intersection of
American Studies and Childhood Studies, notions of "child" and
"childhood" have been focal points for my investigation of literature
and culture. Placing children and childhood at the center of inquiry has
allowed me to interrogate assumed or overlooked aspects of the field: in
particular, the role of genealogy and its counterpoint, adoption, in the
construction of national identities and literatures. Since 1637, when John
Winthrop wrote that "a family is a little commonwealth, and a commonwealth
is a great family," the child has been enlisted in service of concepts of
nation.1 The child, Caroline Levander argues in Cradle of Liberty, is "a benchmark of democratic process and
its racial contours."2 The child is, as Karen Sánchez-Eppler
explains in Dependent States, an
imaginative construct for the making of home and market.3 Recent
explorations of family and nation have similarly followed from the notion,
articulated by Jay Fliegelman, Jerry Griswold, and others, that the literature
of the nation develops as a child does, from a state of dependence, to
rebellion, to independence.4 However, at the same time that there
has been this attention to the link between literature and the American family
and nationhood, the notion of kinship itself generally goes unexamined.
Kinship is tacitly accepted as biological
kinship, while other ways of making a family, including those formed by
adoption, go unnoticed. This is the case in spite of the fact that the United
States is an adoptive nation, formed by separation from a birth parent country.
The book I am completing now entitled Building
a Nation, Building a Family: American Adoption, Literature and Culture,
interrogates this child-family-nation metaphor in two ways. It notes that this
trope is tacitly understood in terms of blood kinship and genealogical
continuity. In response, it examines adoptive kinship to demonstrate how
socially constructed models of family disseminate cultural values that differ
from, and complement, biologically constructed ones.
This study has implications for American
Studies and Childhood Studies. For example, in exploring the power of adoption
to illuminate American narratives of personal and national identity, we note
the extent to which theories of nationhood are themselves defined by genealogy.
To be sure, twentieth-century theories of nationhood have developed from the
traditional understanding of nation as something innate or inherited. As
Benedict Anderson has shown, a nation is "an imagined political
community" and a "style of continuity," discursively created and
subject to discontinuities as well as continuities.5 However, to
describe the rise of imagined communities, Anderson relies on the language of
birth and development: nations, he writes, are conceived of as limited,
sovereign, and involving community or "deep horizontal comradeship akin to those defined by blood."6 National loyalty, he goes on to say, invokes "the links between the dead
and the yet unborn, the mystery of regeneration . . . a combined connectedness,
fortuity, and fatality in a language of 'continuity.'"7
For Anderson and others,
"continuity" and genealogy appear to be synonymous. Yet broken
genealogies and adoptive bonds have functioned
throughout the history of American literature to establish ideologies of
national identity. Adoption is defined by severed lineage and the construction
of new family organizations. Analogously, American national identities are
equally defined in terms of severed ties to Great Britain and the construction
of new forms of social and governmental organization. This analogy is not
coincidental. Literary representations of adoption are tropes through which
authors think about and resolve issues pertaining to American society and
culture; their uses of adoption establish national ideologies. Since the
seventeenth century, adoption has articulated on-going tension in American
literature between notions of inherited and acquired identity. These
tensions--between Old World and New World, between a sense of self shaped by
the past and a sense of self open to the future--have driven national development
and have circulated in discourse about American society since Alexis de
Tocqueville first articulated them in his 1835 book, Democracy in America.8 The
dominant attitude associated with adoption is ambivalence, which expresses a
national celebration of fresh starts as well as a longing for lost origins. The
terms child (lifetime), childhood (history), and generation (genealogy)
converge to create a perception of nation that is born and develops with
distinct inclinations and traits.
Where does a specific focus on
adoption lead and why might it matter? Few people think of adoption as an
especially important aspect of the American family. The popular mind most
likely thinks of adoption as a marginal way that unfortunate people have to
construct a family. Why is it, then, that many of the major American literary
landmarks have adoption at their center: Moby
Dick closes with an image of stranded orphans being adopted by a father who
has lost his biological children. Huckleberry Finn's flight down the Mississippi
River is set in motion by the efforts of Widow Douglas to adopt him. Hester
Prynne must fight off the oppressive governmental structure that insists that
Pearl would be better raised by adoptive parents than by a single mother. The
close-knit family of Little Women dissolves into an adoptive family unit established in Little Men. Severed biological families and elective families are
defining features of American literature, in a way that is strikingly different
in other national literatures. In fact, adoption
has always been central to constructions of American literary and cultural
identity.
Telling the story of adoption expands our
notion of American literature and culture. Telling such a story also helps to
address reality for an estimated 5-10% of the United States population whose
lives are touched by adoption. Representations of broken and reformed
genealogies define the American child, family, and nation in ways only recently
noticed and partially understood. In 2000, Adam Pertman, director of the Evan
B. Donaldson Adoption Institute, declared the United States an "adoption
nation," describing a process by which adoption is accelerating the
transformation of the US into a more multicultural and multiethnic society.9 African Americans and Native Americans have long practiced kinship care and
other flexible forms of family structures, making adoption an entry point for
the examination of ethnic and racial diversity in American culture.
Transnational adoptions similarly point to issues of colonialism,
cosmopolitanism, and the global economy, and may help, as anthropologist Barbara
Yngvesson suggests, "to unsettle the narrative of exclusive belongings,
the notion of singular identity and a self that can be made whole."10
Adoption is one of many sites of inquiry
found at the crossroads of American Studies and Childhood Studies that can help
us address questions of identity, community, nation, and culture. Given its
centrality, why has the trope of adoption been ignored? The answer lies in its
undesirable meanings of not belonging, of being outside the norm, of lacking
authenticity. It is precisely these features that alert us to the importance of
bringing geneaology to the forefront, in the context of American Studies and
Childhood Studies, so that inquiries into biological and adoptive kinship can
help identify and challenge the dominant narratives that contribute to a sense
of family and nation.
Endnotes
1. John Winthrop, "A Defense of an Order
of Court," in The Puritans in America:
A Narrative Anthology, ed. Alan Heimert and Andrew Delbanco, eds.
(Cambridge: Harvard UP, 1985), 164-68.
2. Caroline F. Levander, Cradle of Liberty: Race, the Child, and National Belonging from Thomas
Jefferson to W.E.B. DuBois (Durham, NC: Duke UP, 2006), 2.
3. Karen Sánchez-Eppler, Dependent States: The Child's Part in
Nineteenth-Century American Culture (Chicago: U of Chicago P, 2005).
4. Jay Fliegelman, Prodigals and Pilgrims:
The American Revolution Against Patriarchal Authority, 1750-1800 (Cambridge: Cambridge UP, 1982); Jerome Griswold, Audacious Kids: Coming of Age in America's Classic Children's Books (New York: Oxford UP, 1992).
5. Benedict Anderson, Imagined Communities: Reflections on the Origin and Spread of
Nationalism, rev. ed. (London: Verso, 1991), 6.
8. Alexis De Tocqueville, Democracy in America (1835), trans. Arthur
Goldhammer (New York: Library of America, 2004).
9. Adam Pertman, Adoption Nation: How the Adoption Revolution is Transforming America (New
York: Basic, 2000).
10. Barbara Yngvesson, "Going 'Home':
Adoption, Loss of Bearings, and the Mythology of Roots," in Cultures of Transnational Adoption, ed.
Toby Alice Volkman (Durham, NC: Duke UP), 25-48.
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