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No. 13 |
Winter 2009 |
AAASS Conference Panel Series: Rocking the Bloc: Rock Music and
Youth Identities in the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe
Gleb Tsipursky, University of North Carolina-Chapel Hill
Youth led alternative lifestyles in the
Soviet Union and eastern Europe as well as western
Europe and America, a fact increasingly apparent in a cresting wave of ongoing
investigations on this topic. A three-part panel series at the 40th annual meeting of the American Association for the Advancement of Slavic
Studies, organized by Kate Transchel and William J. Risch,
illustrated some of the promising research on the intersection between youth
identities, rock music, and government policies in these regions.
The first panel united three papers
straddling the geographical space of eastern Europe
and the Soviet Union in the 1965-1985 period. Venelin I. Ganev explored
the borsa, a surprisingly public black market for hard rock in the
streets of Sofia, Bulgaria in the 1980s. He made the point that the
participants of the borsa deliberately rejected communist ideology and adopted
an alternative hierarchy of status and mores. Nonetheless, the police did not
repress the black market because they focused on other targets, as well as the
opportunity for bribes from rock music sellers. In his presentation on rock
music in the 1970s-80s Soviet Russia, Christoper J. Ward focused on the
young workers constructing the monumental Baikal-Amur Mainline railway. The
Soviet state strove to provide engaging youth leisure to these builders via
investing into state-sponsored, and controlled, musical groups and concert
venues. Still, plenty of youth preferred “western” rock songs to Soviet
home-grown varieties, which Ward posits highlights the Brezhnev years as an “Era
of Stagnation.” William J. Risch compared the hippie scene in Lviv and Wroclaw,
1965-1980, spanning the divide between the Soviet Union and eastern Europe. The paper carefully highlighted regional differences, showing that
hippies in Lviv had a harder time in practicing their lifestyle due to state-imposed
limitations. Still, Risch argues that the youth who turned to hippism to deal
with social alienation remained a product of late socialist society and
coexisted with it in both Ukraine and Poland.
In the second part of this series, panelists
shed a light on the post-Soviet transition by tracing breaks and continuities
of alternative youth lifestyles from the 1980s to the present. Presenting on
the general evolution of such lifestyles, Gregory R. Kveberg argued that
the image of the “West” served as a crucial reference point. After the Soviet
demise, groups like the goths who had clear models to follow in a “western” context, easily took advantage of the new openness to link
to the international goth scene. Some other alternative lifestyles, which
contained more native Russian elements, had to determine a new, more complex
relationship to the “West,” characterized by ambivalence and occasionally
outright rejection. Stephen Amico traced the career of Zhanna Aguzarova,
the first female star in the male-dominated rock scene of the early 1980s, who
eventually reached widespread fame after 1991. The presenter highlighted the
transgressive elements of the singer's style – her eclectic musical
styles, outrageous clothing, unbalanced psychological state, ambiguous sexual
identity – and suggested that it was exactly such transgression which
made Aguzarova beloved among the Russian gay community, a group on the margins
of Russian society.
The final panel turned back the clock to the
1945-65 period, and again reached across geographical boundaries. Looking at
Poland and East Germany, David G. Tompkins analyzed the government's
efforts to offer “socialist” music as a means of distracting youth away from
the escalating popularity of western European and American music in these
years. Though starting in the late 1940s, these initiatives really took off
after Stalin's death in 1953. In addition to opposing “western” music, “socialist”
music set the goal of improving the taste and level of culture of its audience,
with intermittent success. My own contribution illuminated the Soviet state's
campaign against “westernized” youth, stiliagi, launched in 1954/55.
This policy contained significant coercive elements, such as Komsomol patrols, groups
of ideology committed young volunteers who surveilled youth everyday life
behavior, denouncing and beating up stiliagi. Contemporaneously, the state
providing engaging youth leisure, including clubs, amateur artistic creativity,
sports, and tourism as a means of instilling communist morals and attracting
young people away from “western” popular youth culture. Finally, Dean
Vuletic considered the case of Yugoslavia, where by 1951, after the break
with the USSR, the government began to turn toward a more tolerant approach to “western”
music as a means of finding its own distinct, and popular, path toward
communism. The Yugoslav Party, despite a continuing disparagement of such music
as overly sexualized, decentralized decision-making on cultural issues from
1952 onwards, leaving itself an advisory position and placing more power in the
hands of local radio stations, which played a great deal of jazz and later
rock.
One of the strongest aspects of the panel
series is that it “provincializes” western Europe and
America by exploring rock music and hippies in eastern Europe. In parallel, the
papers illuminate the specifically local context of the rock music and hippie
movement, and correctly underline the fact that a fully homogeneous experience
did not unite all rock fans and hippies throughout the world. A series of
panelists engaged with Alexei Yurchak's thesis that one can both love Lenin and
Led Zeppelin. While some adamantly opposed this claim, others expressed
ambiguity towards it, and even found that their sources supported Yurchak's
argument: perhaps we should draw the conclusion that in at least certain
geographical and chronological contexts of the Eastern Bloc, one indeed could
both identify with communism and rock music. Finally, the papers re-evaluated
and deepened our understanding of the image of the “West” in Soviet and eastern
European eyes. This concept, significant as both the image of the opponent of
communist ideology and as the object of attraction for youth, turned out to be
surprisingly multi-layered and multi-dimensional; its experience and expression
relied heavily on the perspectives of the internal cultures of alternative
lifestyle groups.
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